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OCR Page 1 of 2Map Room Files.
95
BOX 164
4. A-16 AXIS WAR POTENTIAL (Reports re):
a. German's War Potential: January, 1944.
b. Summary of European Documents: August 20, 1943.
C. Summary of Far Eastern Documents with Table of Contents of Far
Eastern Documents; Vols. 1-15: 1936 - 1941.
d. Correspondence re above.
Regraded Unclassified
AIG/AWP.
SECRET
File
M
WAR DEPARTMENT
HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY AIR FORCES
WASHINGTON
in
January 27, 1944
The President
The White House
Dear Mr. President:
The group of outstanding historians, of which I spoke to you on our
recent trip to Cairo, has completed its analysis of German war potential
and I think the results are of interest.
This committee of distinguished scholars was headed by Major Frank
Monaghan, formerly professor of history at Yale, and included Dr. Carl L.
Beoker of Cornell, Dr. Arthur C. Cole of Western Reserve, Dr. Henry S. Commager
of Columbia, Dr. Edward Mead Earle and Dr. Elias A. Lowe of the Institute for
Advanced Study at Princeton, Dr. Louis R. Gottschalk and Dr. Bernadotte Schmitt
of the University of Chicago, Dr. Dumas Malone of Harvard and Dr. James Duane
Squires of Colby Junior College.
The project which this group was asked to undertake was the examination,
under appropriate security conditions, of all secret and confidential intelli-
gence material in our possession, its appraisal with respect to present German
war potential and the influence thereon of allied air operations and an analysis
of the German position in 1943 as compared with 1918.
The committee's report, just submitted, will, I think, be as interesting
to you as to me and I am accordingly sending you B. copy. You will observe the
conclusion, in which I conour, that there is no substantial evidence that
Germany can be bombed out of the war within the next three months; and the view
of the committee that, in relation to operations presently scheduled, surrender
will come when, through laok of adequate air defense, Germany finds herself un-
able to maintain resistance to ground operations or prevent destruction by aerial
bombardment of her industries, cities and communications. The contribution of
past and contemplated air operations to the development of this fundamental
German weakness is taken up in considerable detail. I believe the report tends
to confirm our essential theses of the use and effect of air power and our own
findings as to the results of operations to date.
Respectfully yours,
VICTORY
Incl:
#Auble H.H. ARNOLD,
BUY
Rpt. "Germany's War
UNITED
STATES
WAR
Potential", Jan. 1944.
General, U. S. Army,
BONDS
Commanding General, Army Air Forces.
AND
STAMPS
SECRET
Regraded Unclassified
January 7, 1944.
CONTENTS OF BOX NO. "NAP-1" FORWARDED TO THE FRANKLIN
D. ROOSEVELT LIBRARY. HYDE PARK. N.Y.
This box contains twenty-four (24) bound volumes, as
follows:
A Brief of the reports submitted by various
Naval Attaches on "Estimates of Potential
Military Strength" and thirteen (13) bound
volumes of supporting documents.
A Brief of the reports submitted by various
Naval Attaches on "Probability of an Outbreak
of War and nine (9) bound volumes of supporting
documents.
At the President's direction, the following instructions
have been printed on the outside of this boxs
"NOT TO BE OPENED UNTIL AFTER THE WAR,
OR UNTIL 1953."
THESE FILES CONTAIN SECRET MATTER AND SPECIAL CARE
AS REGARDS THEIR HANDLING AND STONAGE MUST BE TAKEN
TO ENSURE THEIR SAFETY AT ALL TIMES AND THAT THEIR
SECURITY IS NOT VIOLATED.
Wilson Brown,
Rear Admiral, U.S.N.,
Naval Aide to the President.
Regraded Unclassified
Miss Margaret V. Buckley,
The Franklin D. Roosevelt Library,
Hyde Park, New York
December 30, 1943.
Dear Miss Suckley,
Acting on the President's instructions,
I have had & number of his personal war files boxed, which
I shall have forwarded to you via the next regular means
of transportation, for safekeeping ai the Library. For
matter of record I have had this box numbered "NAP-1" and
a manifest of the contents thereof will be furnished you
under separate cover. At the President's direction, the
outside of the box has been further marked, "Not to be
opened until after the war, or until 1953."
I should like to invite your personal
attention to the fact that these files contain secret
matter and that special care as regards their handling
and stowage must be taken to ensure their safety and that
their security is not violated.
Will you please advise ae when this box
has been received by you at the Library?
With all good wishes for the New Year,
Sincerely yours,
Wilson Brown,
Rear Admirel, U.S.N.,
Naval Aide to the President.
Miss Margaret L. Suckley,
The Franklin D. Roosevelt Library,
Hyde Park, New York
Regraded Unclassified
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 23, 1943
MEMORANDUM FOR
ADMIRAL BROWN:
If you want to get ride of
some of these files, they could be
specially boxed, not to be opened
until after the war or until 1953
and sent to the Library.
F.D.R.
WB.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 17, 1943.
MEMORANDUM FOR:
The President.
These documents are now in my office and,
unless otherwise directed, will be made part of
the President's Confidential War Files.
Very respectfully,
WILSON W.Jam BROWN.
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
WASHINGTON
Serial 02367616
8 NOV 1943
SECRET
SECRET
My dear Mr. President:
On August 14, in accordance with your letter
dated July 14, there were forwarded compilations covering
"Probability of an Outbreak of War" and "Estimate of
Potential Military Strength", based on reports received
from various Naval Attaches. Subsequently, instructions
were received indicating that the material submitted should
have included photostatic copies of the original reports
from the Naval Attaches, and that the brief digests of such
reports should be annotated to afford easy reference to the
reports themselves.
Accordingly, I am sending you herewith, by messenger,
the revised compilations. This material consists of twenty-
four volumes: (a) a brief of the reports submitted on
"Estimates of Potential Military Strength" and thirteen bound
volumes of supporting documents; (b) a brief of the reports
submitted on "Probability of an Outhreak of War" and nine
bound volumes of supporting documents.
Yours sincerely,
Frank Stnon
The President
The White House
SECRET
Regraded Unclassified
A8,
December 17, 1943.
MEMORANDUM FOR:
The President.
These documents are now in my office and,
unless otherwise directed will be made part of
the President's Confidential War Files.
Very respectfully,
WILSON BROWN.
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
WAR DEPARTMENT
THE CHIEF OF STAFF
WASHINGTON,D.C.
September 2, 1943
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT:
Subject: Axis War Potential.
In accordance with your memorandum of July 14, 1943, there
are enclosed copies of Military Attache dispatches dealing with the
preparations for war by Germany, Italy and Japan, and their aggres-
sive intentions on the continents of Europe and Asia from January 1,
1937. Similar documents bearing on Bulgaria, Austria, Occupied France,
Belgium, England and Russia are also included.
For easy reference the documents, which comprise 56 volumes,
have been summarized in two folders attached as Tab A and Tab B. Also
attached is a portion of a report submitted by Colonel Truman Smith on
November 1, 1937, which is believed to be particularly significant.
Colonel Smith's full report is included in the bound volumes.
In addition, there are thousands of miscellaneous dispatches
and other documents which touch incidentally on German, Italian and
Japanese war preparations, but since they are not particularly perti-
nent to an historical analysis, I have not forwarded them. During the
summer and fall of 1941, G-2 secured from highly secret sources consid-
erable information indicating Japan's determination to resort to armed
force in the event that the negotiations between Secretary Hull and Am-
bassador Nomura, then being conducted, did not result in an agreement
satisfactory to Japan. In the interests of security they will not be
forwarded unless especially desired. In the case of the document col-
lection pertaining to Germany, e few very important dispatches have been
included dealing with the period 1935 to 1936, inasmuch as these were
the years of the largest and most rapid military expansion.
M Chief of Staff.
Encs.
SECRET
Regraded Unclassified
C
o
SECRET
P
Y
M.I.D. Report
Report of Major Truman Smith
General Estimate as of
Nov. 1, 1937.
Germany is once more a world power in the air. Her air force
and her air industry have emerged from the kindergarten stage. Full man-
hood will still not be reached for three years.
The astounding growth of German air power from a zero level to
its present status in a brief four years must be accounted one of the most
important world events of our time. What it portends for Europe is some-
thing no-one today can foretell and must be left as a problem for future
historians.
The reasons which have permitted this miraculous outburst of
national energy in the air field are many. Among them are certain which
demand special emphasis.
These are:
1. The military aptitude of the German people.
2. The technical and scientific skill of the race.
3. The vision of General Goering who from the start planned a
fantastically large Air Force and Air Industry and who at
the same time possessed the energy to convert his plans
into reality.
4. The unified direction and execution made possible by the
dictatorial nature of the German Government.
5. The wise realization of the German air authorities at the
start of their rearmament that other nations, especially
the United States, were far in advance of them, both in
scientific knowledge and technical skill. This humbleness
of spirit has been one of the chief strengths of Germany.
The old adage that self-dissatisfaction is true strength
has never been better exemplified than in the German air
development from 1933 to 1937.
It is difficult to express in a few words the literally amazing
size of the German air industry. The twenty-three known airplane concerns,
with their forty-six identified plants, have a potential annual plane pro-
duction of probably 6,000 planes. There is every reason to believe that
the plants identified only give a part of the picture and that the truth,
could it be known, would show a still higher potential production. The
scale of the German airplane motor industry is no less impressive. It is
SECRET
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
ever and again the size of this industry, which forces the foreigner, -
and even the American who is accustomed to think in big terms - to pause,
ponder and wonder as to the future.
Behind this industry stands a formidable group of air scientists,
with large and well equipped laboratories and test fields, constantly push-
ing forward the German scientific advance. This advance is remarkable.
The fact that the United States still leads in its air science and manufac-
turing skill must not be allowed to overshadow the German achievements be-
tween 1933 and 1937 and above all, not to lead to an underestimate of what
Germany will achieve in the future.
In four brief years, Germany could not accomplish everything.
The extraordinary technical excellence of American aviation has been built
up as a result of 19 years' uninterrupted progress since the Armistice.
To equal this accomplishment in 48 months would be miraculous. In truth,
it has not been achieved. Yet, because on November 1, 1937 the American
technical level, which is but one phase of air power, has not been reached,
is no ground for the United States to adopt the British policy of smugness.
If so, we shall be as doomed to the same position of air inferiority with
respect to Germany as France now finds herself in and which Great Britain
just as certainly will find herself in tomorrow - unless she realizes
promptly her own shortcomings.
The German air power of today has attained the following level
of achievements:
Science:
Large and well equipped laboratories and test fields, manned by
the best men in their fields the nation possesses, who scrutinize every
development in foreign countries, for possible utilization by their own
air force and air industry.
Industry:
Twenty-three airplane concerns with at least forty-six factories,
all operating under state directions and required to manufacture whatever
plane is adopted by the Air Ministry. These factories are modernly con-
structed and operated with modern manufacturing methods.
Thirteen airplane motor concerns with at least eighteen factor-
ies operating like the airplane factories under state direction. These
factories are as modern as those for aircraft.
A large number of firms engaged in the production of instruments.
These firms, hitherto backward, may from now on be counted on to rapidly
cut down the lead, which similar American firms still possess today.
The German Air industry has been strategically located and each
factory has been designed on tactical principles. Factories are located
- 2 -
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as far back from the frontier as possible and the new factories, while
many, are relatively small. The principle of factory design is that
there may be many separate and small buildings, each with separate power
plant and bomb and gas-proof chambers. Each is designed to operate as a
complete airplane factory in time of emergency. This layout of industry,
which gives it great defensive strength against hostile air attacks, must
be reckoned an important element of German air industry and air power.
Airplanes and Airplane Motors.
The major first line planes of the German air force which are
now being produced in series are:
Heavy Bombers: The two-motored Heinkel 111 with & speed of 250 miles per
hour and a disposable load of 5,000 lbs.
Light Bombers: The two-motored Dornier 17 with a speed of 270 miles per
hour and a disposable load of 2000 lbs.
Pursuit: The single engined BF 109 Messerschmidt with a speed of 325 miles
per hour at critical altitude.
Outmoded planes are declared obsolete with astounding promptness.
Thus, the two year old JU 86, a heavy bomber, has been declared obsolescent
and military manufacture has ceased.
The two motors now reaching a production stage include the:
Daimler Benz 601, & liquid-cooled gasoline motor of 1100 HP.
Junkers 211, a liquid-cooled gasoline motor of 1100 HP.
Three of the four 1937 scientific prizes of the Lilienthal Society
were awarded to the engineers of these two motors.
All air-cooled motors of similar power appear to be still in vari-
ous stages of test. Germany has many motors of lesser horse-power, which
appear to be of average quality.
Strength of Air Force.
The actual November 1st strength of the German Air Force is prob-
ably from 175 to 225 squadrons. If we take a mean between these figures
of 200 squadrons, we find Germany to at present possess
1800 first line planes in units,
600 first line planes in reserve units
or a total of 2400 planes.
No estimate can be made on the number of first line planes in
depots.
SECRET
SECRET
The personnel of the German Air Force, including its integral
antiaircraft and ground signal units, may be estimated at between 80,000
and 100,000. The strength of the flying corps proper is probably between
35,000 and 50,000.
The German Air Force of November 1, 1937, possesses at least 174
nine-plane squadrons, each with 3 additional planes in reserve within the
squadrons. These squadrons have actually been identified.
From 30 to 50% of these squadrons are now equipped with modern
airplanes of the type listed above.
The level of flying ability reached by the German air power still
leaves much to be desired, both by our standards and theirs also. While
good potential pilots, the Germans must still be rated as unrefined. How-
ever, they have made great progress since 1933. The present flying of
units would be still better were it not for the air force expansion. Units
have given up about half of their trained men every six months to form new
units. There is also & marked shortage of efficient squadron and group
commanders, which has adversely affected training standards. These momen-
tary German difficulties must not be allowed to obscure the certainty that
these deficiencies will gradually cease to exist. If any foreign country
feels self-satisfied in the matter of the superiority of its training, it
will receive a rude awakening in the not too distant future.
In general, the German air power has now reached a stage where
it must be given serious consideration as a powerful opponent by any single
nation. Qualified officers who have had the opportunity to inspect recent-
ly the British, German and French air forces believe that:
1. Technically Germany has outdistanced France in practically
all fields.
2. Germany is, on the whole, superior to Great Britain in the
quality of her planes, but is still slightly inferior to
Great Britain in motors, but rapidly closing the gap.
3. Both Great Britain and France are still superior to Germany
in the training levels of their respective Air Forces, but
Germany has cut down greatly the gap separating her from
these rivals, during the past 12 months.
A highly competent observer, well acquainted with both American
and German air developments, estimates that if the present progress curves
of these two nations should continue as they have in the past two years,
Germany should obtain technical parity with the USA by 1941 or 1942. If,
however, America makes a single blunder, or if some important incident,
whether political or a conflict of views within the armed forces, should
slow down her present development, German air superiority will be realized
still sooner.
- 4 -
SECRET
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
In November 1937 it appears that the development of German air
power is a European phenomenon of the first diplomatic importance. The
upward movement is still gaining momentum.
/s/ Truman Smith
Truman Smith,
Major, G.S.,
Military Attache.
- 5 -
SECRET
$4
August 16, 1945
Serial 025800A
SECRET
Ky dear Mr. President:
On July 14 you expressed a desire for copies of
the dispatches of our Naval Attaches which estimate or
express any opinion regarding the outbreak of war, or reference
in any w/ to astimates of military strength of the countries
involved. These dispatches are to cover A period from January 1,
1987 until the time the Naval Attaches left Cermany, Japan,
Italy, Dulgaria, Austria, Occupied France and Belgium. The
similar dispatches from England are also requested.
I as vending you, herewith, by measenger all the
reports requested.
Yours sincerely,
Frank Enor
The
The President <<<< White oni oued House returned 9/6/13 get suire carmy report army maryth 2828) v in for are (28) sarae
col. and form inkke that
Regraded Unclassified
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY
WASHINGTON
August 16, 1943
(SC)A8-2/EF
Serial 025800A
SECRET
SECRET
My dear Mr. President:
On July 14 you expressed a desire for copies of
the dispatches of our Naval Attaches which estimate or
express any opinion regarding the outbreak of war, or reference
in any way to estimates of military strength of the countries
involved. These dispatches are to cover a period from January 1,
1937 until the time the Naval Attaches left Germany, Japan,
Italy, Bulgaria, Austria, Occupied France and Belgium. The
similar dispatches from England are also requested.
I am sending you, herewith, by messenger all the
reports requested.
Yours sincerely,
Frank Knox
The President
The White House
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
SECRET
By Authority of
The Commanding General
Army Air Forces
Date
Initials
GERMANY'S
WAR POTENTIAL
CONTRITO
DECEMBER 1943
OF
788
AN APPRAISAL
PART I
BY
2481
THE COMMITTEE OF HISTORIANS
Political
for the
PART
COMMANDING GENERAL OF THE ARMY AIR FORCES
by
return
Revision of 18 January 1944
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
SECRET
CONTENTS
NOTE OF TRANSMITTAL.
Page 1
MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE
Page 4
CONCLUSIONS.
Page 5
PART I
Economic Situation.
Page 8
PART II
Political Situation
Page 21
PART III
Morale
Page 29
PART IV
The Military Situation
Page 36
APPENDIX I
Is there a Valid Analogy
Between 1918 and 1944?
Page 43
Regraded Unclassified
SECRET
SECRET
NOTE OF TRANSMITTAL
The following pages contain the report of the Committee
of Historians which was assembled at the direction of the Com-
manding General of the Army Air Forces for the purpose of pre-
paring, on the basis of "all available information from opera-
tion reports, State Department reports and Intelligence reports
.... as objective an analysis as possible of the effect of
Allied bombings, military reverses, war casualties, reduced
standards of living, etc., on Germany and German morale, and of
attempting to appraise future developments under continuation
of Allied military and economic pressure."
When the Committee was assembled and before it had begun
its work the purpose and the details of the regulations concern-
ing security were carefully explained and during all the activi-
ties of the Committee scrupulous safeguards were taken to guaran-
tee this security problem.
During their investigations the members of the Committee
examined thousands of pages of secret and confidential material.
More than thirty experts gave them, in personal conferences,
the benefit of their valuable specialized knowledge. Various
agencies and services graciously and generously cooperated with
the Committee so that its members had ready access to all the
information to the object of its inquiry.
One important fact is nowhere specifically stated or em-
phasized in the body of the report and it would be unfair to the
Regraded Unclassified
1
SECRET
SECRET
Committee if it did not become a part of the record. The Com-
mittee wished to state that their conclusions were based pri-
marily upon the information and opinions to which they had ac-
cess. The Committee was acutely aware of various inadequacies
and gaps in the information the members would greatly like to
have had. The members recognize that there are intangibles and
imponderables in war which cannot be assessed but which may be
more nearly decisive than any of the purely military, economic
or psychological factors now apparent. Not all the truth can
be discerned in even the best intelligence reports, since we al-
ways operate through the "fog of war." In March and again in
June 1918, for example, the best judgment of Allied political
and military leaders was that Germany was perilously close to
winning the war and that, according to the most optimistic es-
timate of the situation, the war would continue well into 1919.
We know now, however, that Germany was putting forth her last
effort and was, in fact, close to & state of collapse after the
Allied offensive at Soissons in July 1918. By any logical analy-
sis, the situations of 1918 and 1944 are not analogous, but we
can by no means be certain.
The possible effects of the new and devastating weapon
of air power cannot be evaluated on the basis of historical ex-
perience. The German blitz over England was terminated too early
and was too limited in its intensity to provide an effective
historical analogy that might now apply to Germany. The present
Allied bombing of Germany will either force us to relocate the
Regraded Unclassified
2
SECRET
SECRET
last ragged edge of human fortitude or prepare us for the sud-
den and startling collapse of the most powerful of the aggres-
sor nations.
FRANK MONAGHAN,
Major, AUS
Officer-In-Charge
Regraded Unclassified
3
SECRET
SECRE
Committee of Historians who prepared this
report was composed ot the following:
Carl L. Becker
Elias A. Lowe
Cornell University
Institute for Advanced
Study, Princeton
Arthur C. Cole
Dumas Malone
Western Reserve
Harvard University
University
Henry S. Commager
Bernadotte Schmitt
Columbia University
University of Chicago
Edward Mead Earle
James Duane Squires
Institute for Advanced
Colby Junior College
Study, Princeton
Louis R. Gottschalk
Frank Monaghan
University of Chicago
Major, AUS
Chairman
Regraded Unclassified
4
SEGRET
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CONCLUSIONS
1. There is no conclusive evidence that the defeat of
Germany is imminent or that the German will or ability to resist
present Allied military pressures has been fatally impaired.
2. Although the blockade and bombing have deranged
Germany's economic structure, German military economy has not
yet been crippled at any vital point.
3. Germany was mobilized for total war for several
years prior to 1939. This is a source of strength in the sense
that all German effort has been directed with a single-minded
purpose and with ruthless efficiency. It is a source of weak-
ness in the sense that all fat has long since disappeared from
German economy and that the German people and the German in-
dustrial and communications system have suffered longer than
any other from the wear and tear of war.
4. Although German economy is declining or, at best,
barely holding its own, the Allied war potential, especially that
of the United States, is increasing and can outstrip any conceiv-
able effort which the Axis can put forth.
5. The German military machine has been shaken by
defeats, but it is still a formidable fighting force. It cannot
hope, however, to keep pace with the growth of Allied military
power.
Regraded Unclassified
5
SEGRET
SECRET
6. Germany's most serious actual military weakness is
her relative declining air strength. This weakness makes it im-
possible for Germany to resume the offensive with any likelihood
of success and it will, unless speedily remedied, make her pe-
culiarly vulnerable to land attacks and to the further destruction
of her vital war economy.
7. Germany's most serious potential weakness lies in
her manpower deficiencies. By the large-scale use of conscript
and foreign labor Germany has so far been able to solve temporar-
ily her most pressing manpower problems, particularly in the fields
of agriculture and industry, but it is probable that she has now
exhausted her reserves. Intensified aerial bombardment and in-
creased military casualties are compelling her to exploit infer-
ior manpower for both military and production purposes.
8. There is no evidence that the German will to resist
was seriously weakened by the bombing prior to the summer of 1943.
The aerial offensive of the autumn of 1943 and the threat of still
more intensified bombing in 1944, have caused & deterioration in
general civilian morale, while the Russian offensive and the sig-
nal success of the Army Air Force and the Royal Air Force in aerial
combat have had a demoralizing effect upon the German Army and Air
Force.
9. The complete and highly organized control of the Nazi
Party gives no encouragement to the hope that any political up-
heaval can be anticipated in Germany in the near future.
10. Although bombing has made a vital contribution to
Regraded Unclassified
6
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the ultimate defeat of Germany and although complete defeat can-
not be achieved without an acceleration and intensification of
bombing, it is improbable that bombing alone can bring about a
German collapse by spring of 1944.
11. British and American aerial warfare has prepared
the way for and will be an essential and integral part of the in-
vasion 'of Western Europe to which the Allies are committed and
which is essential for the defeat of Germany at an early date.
12. Superficially, the situation in the closing days of
1943 seems to resemble that of 1918, but basically, the analogy
is unsound.
Regraded Unclassified
7
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PART I
ECONOMIC SITUATION
The inevitable wear and tear of four years of war,
military reverses in Russia and the Mediterranean and Allied
aerial bombing have shaken Nazi economy, but they have not yet
shattered it to the point where its collapse can be considered
imminent.
CIVILIAN ECONOMY
Regarding FOOD, Germans are still far from being on
starvation rations and are certainly not in a condition com-
parable with 1918. In 1943 Axis Europe had good harvests of
which a significant portion went to the Reich. German sugar
rations are about equal to those currently prevailing in the
United States. Special allocations of high caloric value are
made for night workers and workers in heavy industries. Drastic
controls over agriculture requiring delivery of foodstuffs to
the Nazi authorities have insured a generally satisfactory flow
of supplies to the consumer. German rations are monotonous, but
only in meats and fats is there any serious reduction from pre-
war levels. Vitamin deficiencies which would ordinarily result
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8
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from such shortages have been largely compensated for by syn-
thetic preparations.
Although HEALTH conditions in Germany have undoubtedly
deteriorated as a result of four years of war, they do not yet
present a threat to the Nazi war effort. With the exception
of the influenza currently sweeping Germany, no serious epi-
demics have developed in the Reich proper; the incidence of
ordinary diseases is not significantly high.
The German HOUSING SITUATION, under the impact of Allied
aerial bombardment, has become acute. The living quarters of
over 10,000,000 people in more than forty cities have been dam-
aged; 2,500,000 of these persons have actually been rendered
homeless. In those German cities attacked by the Royal Air
Forde one-quarter of the total built-up area has been devastated.
On the other hand, mass production of simple prefabricated houses,
extensive "evacuation camps," general "doubling-up" in living
accomodations, and the absence in the armed forces of several
million Germans are factors which have made available & consid-
erable quantity of housing space with which to meet the emer-
gency. Attempts to overcome the housing shortage put a severe
strain on German manpower and require materials badly needed
elsewhere in the war effort. It is estimated that 68% of the
entire German labor force is now engaged in rehabilitation work
necessitated by bombing. Notwithstanding this substantial
Regraded Unclassified
9
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subtraction from the war effort, however, there is no convinc-
ing proof that the housing shortage to date has seriously our-
tailed German war production.
CONSUMER GOODS, chiefly because of aerial attack, are
inadequate in quantity and quality. Throughout Germany, as
elsewhere in Axis Europe, strict rationing is the rule. Recent
Royal Air Force attacks have caused widespread destruction of
stores and shops so that the normal distribution of clothing
for adult civilians has been curtailed for an indefinite period.
Likewise, window-glass, building materials, shoes, soap and many
other common items have become almost impossible to obtain. These
shortages will increase as the bombing campaign progresses.
Briefly: German civilian life at the end of 1943 has,
under enemy pressures, become drab, monotonous and increasingly
unpleasant. Civilian shortages, however, are critical only if
they really interfere with prosecution of the war. This con-
dition is not yet present in Germany.
MILITARY ECONOMY
Notwithstanding severe losses in Russia, reverses in
the Mediterranean area and the heavy pounding from the air, the
overall position in RAW MATERIALS has not yet become stringent.
Copper and ferro-alloy metals are certainly short. But, otherwise
many of the effects of Allied blockade, unlike those of 1914-18,
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have been countered by synthetic industries, expecially rubber and
oil, which the Germans have developed despite the high cost in
manpower. Losses sustained by the Reich proper as B. consequence
of strategic bombing are partly compensated for by continental
reserves available to the Cermans as a result of previous con-
quests. Germany can today count upon the resources of France,
the Balkan area, & part of the U.S.S.R., much of Italy, the
Baltic States, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, the
Low Countries, and half of Scandinavia, in addition to
significant material aid from the neutrals Spain, Portugal,
Turkey, Sweden, and Switzerland. Despite the heavy attack of
3 August 1943 on the Ploesti oil refineries, which destroyed a
portion of surplus Axis refining capacity, Germany is at present
obtaining 8.8 great a quantity of oil products from Rumania as she
ever did. A half of the German nickel supply, three-fourths of
its iron ore, seven-tenths of its molybdenum, and more than 80%
of its bauxite, chrome, mercury, and tungsten are imported from
outside Germany proper.
Germany's TRANSPORTATION system may well prove to be EL
serious threat to the Nazi war effort. Some considerable re-
duction in the supply of trucks and tires has been effected
by Allied air attacks upon German synthetic rubber factories
and tire plants. The completion of the canalization of a
considerable stretch of the upper Elbe has augmented the in-
land waterways system which carries an important part of
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Germany's internal traffic. But it is also an indication of
the inadequacy of railroad transportation. The German railway
system may again become one of the chief elements of disaster.
The Hazis seized large quantities of rolling stock and loco-
motives from the conquered countries and have virtually inte-
grated the railways of Western Europe into a single system. In
1943 Germany still had an apparently adequate number of locomo-
tives and surplus quantities of rolling stock. Seemingly the
railroads have, in general, been able to meet the essential de-
mands of the Nazi military and economic requirements. But, in
spite of the fact that all civilian traffic has been drastically
curtailed, there are many indications that, as in 1917-1918, lack
of transportation has prevented materials from reaching war plants
and has interrupted production schedules.
Here, as in 1918, the apparent situation may be far from
the real situation. In 1918, on paper, the railway system seemed
to be in better condition than it had been in 1914; the Germans
had, in numbers, more locomotives and rolling stock than they
had in 1914. Yet Ludendorff himself admitted that the serious
breakdown of transportation was a major cause of the collapse of
the Imperial military machine. Today the German railway system
has fewer advantages than during World War I. When the Nazis
plunged into war in 1939, the railroads, which had for several
years been operating under the strees of what was equivalent to
a war schedule, were not, as they had been in 1914, in first-
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class condition. Her present far-flung fronts, actual and po-
tential, deprive her of much of the advantage that confiscated
equipment from occupied countries might otherwise have given
her. And, unlike the situation of 1914-1918, sabotage in occupied
countries has damaged and destroyed much basicequipment. Aerial
bombing during world War I did no essential damage to the Ger-
man railway system, but during the present war German locomo-
tives and railway centers have provided choice and easy targets
for destruction from the air. A new factor never present during
WorldWar I has been the additional load placed upon German rail-
ways by the general disruption of the German economic system -
especially the mass migration of industrial population and the
relocation of some industry - - resulting from aerial attack.
The intense aerial bombardment of Germany during 1943
and the prospects for its increase during the coming months has
speeded German efforts for a strategic relocation of their in-
dustry which began in 1941 and was rapidly accelerated in 1943.
while an important industrial area in the East, comprising parts
of Silesia, Slovakia, Galicia and Hungary has not yet been
reached by Royal Air Force and American Air Force attack, Al-
lied exploitation of air bases in Italy will bring this region
within reach of effective bombing.
Because of this vulnerability from Italy, another
German effort at strategic relocation of war industries along
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the lower Danube and in the Balkans is already 8. failure. Some
of the important industrial developments rushed to completion in
this region during 1942-43 have been attacked or shortly will
be. Among such targets are the largest aircraft engine plants
in Europe at Wiener Neudorff and the second largest assembly
plant for single-engine fighters at Wiener Neustadt. Similarly
important industrial developments include many small aircraft
plants and assembly systems scattered through Hungary, Yugoslav-
ia, Rumania and Bulgaria; the oil fields of Poland, Austria and
Hungary; and chemical works and synthetic industries of I.G.
Farben in the lower Danube valley.
Germany's war potential after four years of war has
been strained to the uttermost, and it is certain that most of
the elasticity in her military economy has now disappeared.
Overall industrial production in 1943, primarily 8.8 a result of
Allied bombings, declined from 10 to 15 percent. Yet in some
lines of military essentials, such as fighter aircraft, tanks,
and anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns, production either equalled
or actually surpassed that of 1942. Outstanding is the example
of single-engine fighter aircraft production. In 1942, the Ger-
man High Command decided on a heavy single-engine and twin-
engine fighter expansion for 1943 and 1944 and gave such output
the highest priority rating. The result was that in 1943 Ger-
man fighter aircraft production rose noticeably. This accom-
plishment, however, should be weighed against at least three
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other facts: (1) it was achieved only by B. sacrifice of produc-
tion in other types of aircraft and in essential consumer goods;
(2) it was still insufficient to meet the needs of the German Air
Force especially as contrasted with the greater rate of aircraft
production in the United Nations; (3) because of the American Air
Force attacks on assembly plants and other targets in the air-
craft industry, during the latter part of 1943, it was progres-
sively lower than the schedule planned by the German High Command.
The drastic efforts required to build up fighter pro-
duction for the German Air Force are an excellent illustration of
the problem of estimating the German war potential for 1944.
Germany at the end of 1943 is still able to produce adequate sup-
plies of high-grade war material for as large an army as German
manpower can furnish. But an increase in one line must hence-
forth be paid for by a corresponding loss in another. By robbing
Peter the Nazis can still, for a limited time, appear to pay Paul.
The overall limits of German war production have already been
reached and passed, and under the impact of accelerated Allied
bombing even limited increases in certain fields may be expected
to become increasingly difficult. Whether strategic bombing
can totally destroy Germany's economic system is not the point
at issue. Certainly increased aerial bombing will multiply
the difficulties facing German labor and cause B. decline in pro-
duction. Both of these accomplishments will make markedly easier
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the military tasks involved in defeating the Mazis.
MANPOWER
The most serious effect of the war upon the German
economic system to date has been the destruction of an impor-
tant part of Germany's manpower. This has occurred in two ways -
direct and indirect. By "direct manpower loss" is meant that
reduction of labor which comes from the death, disability or
military conscription of workers. By "indirect manpower loss"
is meant that reduction which comes from temporary unemploy-
ment or inefficient use of labor.
The indirect loss has been estimated at 11,500,000
man-months for the period January - November 1943. It results
chiefly from Royal Air Force and American Air Force raids, which
have destroyed factories, machinery, tools, draft animals and
houses; disrupted administration and management; scattered rec-
ords; thrown transportation and communications into confusion; cre-
ated general alarm and caused the evacuation of whole populations.
Thus, well-organized systems have become disorganized. In addi-
tion, individuals have become the victims of sleeplessness, worry,
and fatigue. Wholesale absenteeism and low-grade performance have
followed. This subtraction of labor from Germany's war effort
is reflected not merely in a proportionate diminution of produc-
tion, but also in accumulating inefficiency.
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Indirect manpower loss is, however, small compared to
the reduction of manpower by the actual death of laborers. Air
raids are known to have killed many, though estimates vary
greatly. The German press last summer admitted 4,000 deaths in
the Cologne raids of June and July, and 28,000 deaths in Hamburg
a few weeks later. Those admissions have been estimated by some
observers to be only 50) of the true total. Now that the casual-
ties of the autumn and winter raids must be added to those fig-
ures, it is likely that the number of deaths directly attribut-
able to Allied air raids runs into the hundreds of thousands.
Not all these were able-bodied workers; but even if allowance is
made for casualties among the young, the old and the decrepit,
another significant loss of manpower has occurred.
The manpower shortage in Germany, however serious it
may be in industry, is still more acute as it affects military
requirements. It has been estimated, at the present level of
war casualties, that considerably more men are permanently lost
to the German Army each month than are replaced from the incom-
ing military class. This inescapable gap between German military
losses and recruitments has compelled the Nazi High Command to
"comb out" industry for extra recruits and to retain older and
less efficient men in the armed forces. Further proof of the
seriousness of the military manpower shortage is Germany's draft
of soldiers from certain of the satellite nations and the use of
"volunteers" from some of the occupied countries and from Spain.
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In the fifth year of the war this growing inadequacy of German
manpower to meet the essential demands of the military is the
crux of a. most serious problem for the Reich. When the tempo of
military operations is stepped up, as it will be in 1944, the
shortage of military manpower will threaten the capacity of the
German Army to continue effective resistance.
Every man who enters the army means one less German
worker for Nazi industry. The adult male labor supply among
German citizens has proved inadequate. In an effort to compen-
sate for this shortage, laborers have been and are being requi-
sitioned from the conquered countries. For example, about
250,000 French workers are conscripted each year; and Italy, Po-
land and other conquered areas provide additional labor. The
most reliable estimate of alien workers currently employed by
German industry lies somewhere between six million and seven mil-
lion including one and one-half million prisoners of war. Some
Reich industries now employ more foreigners than Germans.
Despite regimentation and strict supervision, however,
these drafted workers are not so productive as an equal number
of Germans would be. The very process of regimenting the im-
ported laborers requires supervisors, guards and jailers who
might otherwise be used elsewhere. Underground sources indicate
that the foreigners systematically resort to slow-down, evasion
and even sabotage. In fact, German fellow-workers are reported
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sometimes to join with them in slowing up production because
they fear that a rapid filling of orders will result in their
own conscription. Moreover, the dread of this huge alien ele-
ment as a potential "Trojan Horse" has had a distrubing effect
upon many Germans.
The use of old and handicapped men and of women and
children in German industry also offsets some of the loss of
able-bodied manpower. So likewise, at least for short periods,
do drastic "speed-ups" in the factories. How many man-hours
are thus gained cannot be guessed. That it is less than Germany
needs is illustrated by a recent propaganda campaign urging Ger-
man women to imitate enemy women by working in the factories.
The advantages to be derived from the employment of the old, the
feeble, and women and children, however, are counter-balanced by
the fact that these categories of laborers are not only the least
hardy but are also the first to be evacuated after air raids.
In such cases, they remain temporarily unemployed for long per-
iods at a time. Expansion of the German labor potential would
therefore appear to be possible only through the development of
new labor-saving devices and more efficient industrial organiza-
tion.
CONCLUSIONS
1. German civilian economy is suffering from critical
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shortages and qualitative deterioration of consumer goods -- the
result both of a rigid war economy and of devastating air attacks.
2. Such shortages and deterioration do not, however,
extend to essential war materials; at no point has direct war
production suffered a. crippling blow.
3. German manpower losses in industry and agriculture
have been largely offset by foreign labor which is however less
efficient and less loyal.
4. German military manpower presents the German Gen-
eral Staff with an insoluble problem.
5. German military and civilian economy has reached
and passed its peak. Expanded production of high-priority ma-
terials can be effected only at the loss of production of other
essential types.
6. German economy is barely holding its own while the
Allied war potential, especially that of the United States, is
increasing. Inasmuch as military power is a relative thing, Ger-
man strength may be said to have undergone a serious decline,
which is being rapidly accelerated.
7. Nevertheless, the German people are totally mobil-
ized for total war and therefore possess an element of strength
which has not yet been achieved in the United States. Had it not
been for the all-out Russian and British efforts, the discrep-
ancy between the intensity of the German and of the American ef-
forts would be more strikingly apparent.
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PART II
POLITICAL SITUATION
Whatever the resources at the command of the Nazis the
effectiveness with which they can be used depends upon the ability
of the German Government to maintain firm political control of
Germany and of the satellite and conquered countries. To all in-
tents and purposes the German Government consists of the National
Socialist Party of which Hitler is the supreme and undisputed
leader. On what solid or fragile foundations does the power of
Hitler and the National Socialist Party rest? Are these founda-
tions being, or are they likely in the immediate future to be,
seriously undermined?
Generally speaking, the power of the German Government
in the satellite and conquered countries rests upon sheer
military force. In Germany, it rests partly on sheer force and
partly on active or passive popular support.
1. GERMAN CONTROL OF SATELLITE AND CONQUERED COUNTRIES:
In the satellite countries the governments are nominally inde-
pendent, and are supported by some sections of the people; but
their support of Germany is the result either of German military
occupation and pressure or of the original conviction that Ger-
many would win the war. Now that Germany seems certain to lose
the war, the satellite governments are less disposed to cooperate.
The satellite states are, politically speaking, potential liabili-
ties rather than assets; they are all ready, at the first
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opportunity to withdraw their military and political support from
Germany.
In the conquered countries there are "shadow" governments,
manned by "Quislings" and "collaborators;" but the overwhelming
majority of the people are bitterly opposed to German occupation
and control and a considerable majority are engaged in active or
passive resistance. Such resistance has always made it difficult
for Germany to command fully the economic and military resources
of these countries and the difficulty becomes greater week by week.
In all conquered countries, even in tiny Luxembourg, sabotage is
constant and is increasing, and the underground is becoming more
active and better organized. German control of conquered coun-
tries is still effective, but a greater effort is being required
to maintain it. As soon as any concerted action is possible, these
countries will be transformed into embittered and dangerous enemies.
2. STRENGTH OF THE NAZI PARTY GOVERNMENT IN GERMANY: In
Germany proper, the situation is much less simple. The power of
the government (that is, Hitler and the National Socialist Party)
rests to a much greater extent on active or passive popular sup-
port. In 1933-39, the Hitler regime W&B accepted by a majority
of the German people, less because of its ideology than because
of its achievements. A German, "an ordinery businessman," recent-
ly said that in 1933 he "went along" with Hitler and the National
Socialist Party for two reasons chiefly - - because the new regime
abolished unemployment and improved business prosperity and be-
cause it restored Germany to a position of prestige end power in
Europe. He had not, however, approved of the persecution of the
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Jews, the drastic interference in private business enterprise
or the policy of aggression in Europe. He said that things had
not turned out as he expected and that he was no longer in sym-
pathy with Hitler or his policies; but he and his business had be-
come so integrated with the economic and political system that no
opposition was possible for him. It is safe to say that this rep-
resents the attitude of a great many Germans, perhaps the majority,
during the pre-war period.
In September 1939 there was no marked popular enthusiasm
for the war. Enthusiasm for the war and for Hitler and the Na-
tional Socialist Party, naturally mounted during the rapid and
spectacular victories of 1939-42; but it declined in a rather not-
able way after the loss of Stalingrad and North Africa. These
reverses, together with the disastrous bombing of German cities
and the growing conviction that Germany would not win the easy or
complete victory promised by Hitler, Goering and Goebbles, have
clearly given rise to a widespread feeling of discouragement, "war-
weariness" and longing for peace. The enthusiasm for Hitler and
the Party which prevailed during the years of easy victory is now
turning to apathy and indifference.
Hitler and the Nazi Party are well aware of this growing
discontent and discouragement. They have attempted to counteract
it by propaganda; and Himmler, since his appointment as Minister
of the Interior, has adopted more systematic and ruthless methods
of suppressing all manifestations of opposition. But it would be
a mistake to suppose that the growing indifference to politics or
the criticism of Hitler and the Party have 88 yet seriously impaired
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the power of the government or notably slowed up the war effort.
The question which now arises is whether under continued and ac-
celerated Allied pressure, the desire of the German people to end
the war will be sufficient to undermine or destroy the political
power of Hitler and the National Socialist Party.
3. IS THE NAZI GOVERNMENT LIKELY TO COLLAPSE FROM
INTERNAL WEAKNESS? Two general facts are relevant: (1) there is
at present no widespread desire in Germany to get rid of the
Nazi Government; (2) supposing such a desire to exist, there is
no organized power except the Army that could get rid of it.
As the war becomes purely defensive the great majority
of the German people feel that they are working and fighting to
preserve the national unity and the political independence of Ger-
many; and that, however much they may dislike the Nazi regime, the
only way they can defend Germany and themselves at the present time
is by supporting the existing government. They are persuaded that
the defeat of Germany and the acceptance of "unconditional surrend-
er" would mean the destruction of Germany as 8. political power.
But they have an additional fear of the Russians. A Russian vic-
tory would not only destroy the power of Germany as a state but
would personally destroy vast numbers of Germans. Threatened Rus-
sian reprisals and degrading political subjection would clearly
be far worse than any continued submission to Hitler and the Nazi
Party.
There is no conclusive evidence that British and American
bombings of German cities have effectively weakened the general
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hold of the Nazi Government on the German people. The effect of
the bombing has been to intensify the hatred of the bombed-out
people for the British and the Americans rather than to weaken
their support of Hitler and the National Socialist Party.
But even if 8. great number of Germans desired to over-
throw the Hitler Government and the Nazi Party, it would be al-
most impossible for them to do 80 unless supported by the Army.
The National Socialist Party (the only political party in Ger-
many) is as systematic, ingenious and efficient an organization
for regimenting the speech and conduct of a nation as has ever
been devised. This organization is effectively controlled by mem-
bers of the Party and persons loyal to it; and is supported not
only by the regular police, but by the Elite guards, and especially
by the Gestapo, a thoroughly armed and equipped army of nearly a
million men, whose business it is to ferret out and ruthlessly
suppress those who by speech or conduct exhibit any opposition to
Hitler or the Nazi Party. The result is that, however much any
considerable groups of Germans might wish to get rid of the Nazi
regime, there is at present no possibility of creating an organ-
ized political opposition to that end.
The only organized power in Germany that could possibly
overthrow the Nazi Government is the Army. But the attitude of
the bulk of the Army to the Nazi Party is difficult to determine.
The majority of the soldiers are probably neither strongly pro-
Nazi nor strongly anti-Nazi, but more or less neutral or indiffer-
ent. It is safe to say, however, that there are throughout the
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Army enough fanatical Nazi soldiers and Gestapo agents to detect
and crush any serious disaffection. In any case, the rank and
file of the Army can accomplish nothing unless the officers and
the High Command take the initiative. There have been many stor-
ies of disputes and rifts between the High Command and the Nazi
leaders. These have been hopefully seized upon and exaggerated
by sections of the Allied public who wish to believe that the High
Command, to save its own neck, might sell Hitler out and take over
political control of Germany. Undoubtedly many officers of the
High Command have regarded Hitler as an uncouth interloper whose
"intuitive" military strategy has provoked them to disdain and
dismay. But to suppose that these minor differences constitute 5L
deep rift is to indulge in an idle dream which ignores the facts
of the past and of the present. Many of the high German officers
are persons who either assisted Hitler in his rise to power or
who were elevated to their ranks by Hitler himself. Following
World War I the German High Command abandoned its traditional
aloofness from politics and, in deviously effective ways, became
an active political power. While its political influence has
been superseded by that of the Nazi Party, the German generals
and the Nazi leaders share 8. community of views and an identity
of basic interests. Both groups face the serious threat of war
guilt and atrocity trials at the hands of the Allies. Nazi of-
ficers, however much they may regard Nazi leaders 8.5 adventurers
and upstarts, must realize that they are all foundering in the
same boat. The Allies are equally determined to exterminate the
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Nazi Party and to destroy the German Army. So, by their own acts
and by factors beyond their control, both groups find their fates
linked together.
Only in the most improbable circumstances would the High
Command be likely to attempt to overthrow the Nazi Government.
Any such attempt would involve the destruction of the Gestapo,
which is not merely a police force with revolvers in their hol-
sters, but an Army fully equipped with the implements of war. To
overthrow the Nazi Government at the present time would mean civil
war and demoralization of the war effort on the military front.
It is extremely unlikely that the German Army would consider so
desperate an undertaking under any circumstances - much less when
the only thing it could look forward to would be unconditional sur-
render to the Allied armies.
Hitler has also tightened the bonds between the Party and
the Junkers and the big industrialists. Himmler, as Minister of
the Interior, and Speer, as Director of War Economy, have been pur-
suing a policy of sharing the spoils by turning over to influen-
tial Junkers large estates in Poland, occupied Russia, and the Bal-
kans, and by favoring in armament and munitions contracts only
those industrialists who are members of the Herman Goering combine.
This policy is designed to integrate the Junkers and the big in-
dustrialists with the Government and to implicate them in the gen-
eral responsibility.
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CONCLUSIONS
1. Hitler and the National Socialist Party have lost a
good deal of the popularity and prestige which they enjoyed un-
til late 1942, but there is no widespread disaffection or desire
to overthrow the Nazi Government.
2. There 1s, furthermore, no organized opposition cap-
able of overthrowing the government and there is no good reason
to suppose that the Army will attempt to overthrow it.
3. It is, therefore, extremely unlikely that the politi-
cal control of Germany by Hitler and the National Socialist Party
will collapse, or be seriously impaired, until the German Army is
decisively defeated or until any further attempt to defend Fortress
Europe becomes hopeless.
5.5
Wide
of 1x Africa,
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PART III
MORALE
In discussing German morale, it is necessary to di-
stinguish between the general sense in which the word is used
and the specific sense in which it is applicable to German milk
tary power. Morale, in the specific sense, is the will to fight
and resist. In the more general sense -- as when a man's morale
is low or high, meaning thereby that the state of his feelings
is depressed or elated - morale is of little significance in
present-day Germany, where this is disdainfully described as a
"luxury of the democracies." Yet, the two types are not un-
related. If fear and a sense of frustration continue to mount;
if hopelessness gives way to apathy and lethargy; and if a pas-
sive attitude toward total prosecution of the war assumes nation-
wide proportions, production of war materials will lag and the
fighting spirit of the armed forces will be adversely affected
and eventually undermined.
MILITARY MORALE
In the German armed forces during the last six months
there has been a marked decline in confidence of victory. The
major specific cause of this is the campaign in Russia. A spirit
of defeatism was manifested by officers captured in Africa, but
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setbacks in the Mediterranean theatre have not been en irre-
parable blow to German morale. Diminished confidence in victory
has been observed elsewhere, notably among captured submarine
crews who were conscious of the failure of the U-boat campaign,
and among captured aviators who were aware of the relative weak-
ness of the German Air Force. Fears of a second front have in-
creased doubts of victory. Ultimately factors such as these are
certain to have corroding effects on the German army, especially
in view of continued retreat and defeat on the Russian front.
The surrender of whole armies at Stalingrad and Tunisia
must be interpreted in the light of the historic fact that be-
tween Jena, in 1806, and Stalingrad no German unit 8.8 large as a
corps ever surrendered in the course of battle. Whatever has been
the decline in self-confidence and fighting spirit of the German
soldiers, however, there is no evidence that the basic discipline
of the German army has been impaired. In view of the shortage of
military manpower and increasing Allied military pressure, more-
over, there will inevitably be a deterioration in the quality of
the German armed forces.
Reports of air attacks on German cities have unquestion-
ably disturbed soldiers at the front and will do so increasingly.
During the summer of 1943, however, the fighting men retained
confidence in the soundness of the home front.
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In the German Air Force there has been a noticeable
deterioration in personnel, especially on the eastern and
Mediterranean fronts, and a decline in self-confidence and
aggressiveness. This is confirmed by reports of orders demanding
an improvement in fighting spirit and threatening reductions in
rank and the sending of pilots to the Russian front. The German
Air Force 1s likely to crack whenever it 1s forced into major
battle against great odds, as it would be by invasion from the
West.
CIVILIAN MORALE
Among civilians, also, a significant decline in faith
in victory was perceptible during the summer of 1943; and, as
with the armed forces, the most important single cause was the
war in Russia. The German people have not been aware of the
unsatisfactory results of the U-boat campaign; and propagandists
have successfully discounted the seriousness of the Italian debacle.
However, the German press and radio have been unable to deny or
disguise the fact that Germany is being increasingly isolated
and besieged. Indeed, despite sporadic promises of secret
wapons and reprisals, the Nazi leaders, including Hitler, have
frankly admitted that the offensive era is at an end and that
withdrawals from territories under German control are to be
expected.
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SECRE 15
Meanwhile, intensified air attack, especially area
bombing by the Royal Air Force, have served as a repeated and
terrifying reminder that the German homeland itself no longer
is safe. Of the disorganizing results of mass attacks from the
air and their effect in accentuating civilian ills, there is
abundant testimony. Until the latter part of the summer of
1943, the psychological response in bombed areas appears to
have been much the same as that observed earlier in England -
namely, a stiffening of the will and an increase in hatred of
the enemy. The psychological effects of the unparalleled attacks
on Hamburg, Berlin, Hanover, and other cities during the late
summer and early fall cannot yet be fully measured, but bombing
of this scope and intensity is already producing a situation in
which fear of the consequences of continuing the war is becoming
greater than fear of the consequences of defeat. And the question
remains as to the ability of the German people to carry on the
war regardless of their will to do so.
The dangers inherent in the bombing of German cities and
German industry have been perceived by the Nazi rulers. They have
sought, by propaganda, by the effective organization of relief and
by the institution of increasingly rigid controls to maintain the
Nazi organization regardless of the state of the public mind.
They, themselves, have said, "The system of National Socialism
has been devised for the very purpose of making a repetition of
1918 impossible - - that is, to make morale dispensable."
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On the other hand, there are limits to human endurance.
These have not yet been reached, but the German will to resist,
already subjected to the cumulative effect of years of strain,
is almost certain to be broken as the result of intensified mass
bombing, and further defeats on land, at sea, and in the air. Air
attacks in particular will have more demoralizing effects upon
civilians than any other form of military pressure except land
fighting within the German homeland itself. Therefore, the
continued and accelerated aerial bombardment of Germany is es-
sential to an earlier victory.
From the tone of Nazi propaganda and of Hitler's
latest speeches, there can be no doubt that the confidence of
the Nazi leaders in victory has sharply declined. The expression
"when we win" has been replaced by "if we lose;" and there are
frequent references to the burning of bridges and "strength
through fear." High Allied policy, however, leaves them no
loophole of escape. There is to be no repetition of the war
criminal "trials" travesty of the few that followed World War I.
Hence their obvious policy is to identify others with themselves
and to make their own fate seem inseparable from that of the
German people. The chief Nazis will fight to the end like
cornered rats; they will compel the support of the leaders of
the army and industry until the end; and they will by propaganda
and terror maintain control of the masses of the people.
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ALLIED PROPAGANDA
By broadcasts, leaflets, end the pronouncements of Allied
leaders we have attempted to undermine the German will to resist.
Testimony of prisoners of war shows that Allied broadcasts are
heard by many in Germany and in the occupied territories, despite
severe penalties for "black-listening." Seventy million leaflets
dropped by our planes appear to have had some effect in the de-
clining faith in victory.
On the other hand, the term "unconditional surrender"
has been shrewdly manipulated by Propaganda Minister Goebbels.
He has sought, with apperent success, to frighten the German
people into believing that the allies are planning to break up
their nation and exterminate them 8.8 a people. But any Allied
statement of a policy of lesser severity would lend itself to
a similar distortion. And as is demonstrated in the Appendix,
the Germans have 80 profitably distorted the record of 1918 as
to make themselves less vulnerable now than then to psychological
warfare.
CONCLUSIONS
(1) Confidence in victory has definitely declined in
the German armed forces, but fundamental discipline has been main-
tained. Serious deterioration in the Army's will to fight is
contingent on further military defeat and the weakening effects
of inferior replacements.
34
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(2) Among civilians, confidence in victory has de-
clined even more than in the armed forces and general morale has
deteriorated, but not enough as yet to cripple the war effort.
(3) Bombing has already weakened the will to resist,
but it is improbable that the German home front will collapse
prior to the spring of 1944, assuming that Allied pressure remains
only at its present level.
(4) However, intensified mass bombing, combined with
successful land invasion during the course of which a major por-
tion of the German Air Force will be destroyed and further suc-
C05808 of the Russians on the eastern front, will result in the
disruption of the Nazi regime and the collapse of the German Reich.
35
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PART IV
THE MILITARY SITUATION
During the past fifteen months Germany has lost the
initiative on land, at sea and in the air. Her serious reverses
at Stalingred and in North Africa have weakened her war potential
and deprived her of strategic positions of primary importance.
An air-sea team has removed the threat that the submarine might
decide the war by disrupting Allied communications; as in 1917,
the U-boat has failed to starve Britain or prevent the shipment
overseas of American expeditionary forces and American supplies.
The Mediterranean has been re-opened to Allied shipping and,
despite admitted difficulties, the Murmansk route to Russia is
still in use and is becoming less and less hazardous. The
pressure of Anglo-American air power has compelled the diversion
from Russia to the West of substantial numbers of planes which
were desperately needed to support ground operations against the
Red Army and against Allied forces in the Mediterranean.
The threat of rising Allied air power has further in-
hibited German strategy: Germany cannot shorten her lines in
any theatre lest by 80 doing she yield to us air bases from which
we can intensify the attack against her industry and her cities.
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She is therefore compelled to defend the whole of "Fortress
Europe," with the inherent military liabilities of overextended
fronts and of policing hostile peoples.
On the other hand, Germany has thus far prevented the
establishment of a major front in Western Europe. By control of
the entire Atlantic seaboard from the North Cape to the Pyrenees,
Germany denies to the Allies a secure base of operations such as
the United States and Britain had in France in 1917-18. Despite
her efforts at national revival, France is not at present a factor
of primary military importance to the spring campaigns of 1944.
And the Netherlands, Denmark and Norway which in 1918, as
neutrals, served to protect our sea flanks are now in the hands
of the enemy.
In spite of disastrous reverses on the Russian and
Mediterranean fronts, there has as yet been no breach in the
German defense line in Europe. The nightmare of the German
General Staff - the possibility that Germany may have to fight
simultaneously on several major fronts - -- will become a reality
only by large-scale invasion of Western Europe. Such an in-
vasion will involve complicated and costly "triphibious"
operations against strong natural positions, heavily fortified
in depth. There is therefore reason to believe that Anglo-
American casualties in 1944 will assume the proportions of the
last war, when, to cite a single example, the British lost
37
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sixty thousand men on the first day of the Battle of the Somme
(1 July 1916).
In one sense, however, an invasion of Western Europe
already has taken place -- in the air. Indeed, for the first
time in B. century and a quarter (if we exclude unimportant ex-
ceptions) the war has been carried to the German homeland itself.
German soil has been devastated and German civilians killed and
maimed, so that the German people now understand, 8.8 they have
not understood since the days of Napoleon, that war is not B.
one-way street. Although the sea blockade has been less of-
fective than it was in 1914-18 (because Germany has access to
the resources of all Europe) the air blockade seeks to achieve
much the same end: to deprive Germany of the power to continue
resistance at the fronts. American strategical bombing has
wrought very severe -- although by no means critical or decisive --
damage to key German industrial installations. The Royal Air
Force, by night area bombing, has devastated or destroyed the
great industrial cities of Hamburg, Dusseldorf, Cologne, Han-
over, Berlin, and others. Royal Air Force attacks have killed
or wounded hundreds of thousands of German civilians (including
workers essential to the war effort); disrupted communications,
public services, and administration; rendered millions of persons
homeless and compelled other millions to live in congested quarters;
reduced the production and productive capacity of vital industrial
areas like the Ruhr; spread fear, grief and despair throughout
Germany.
38
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American bombing has been on a smaller scale than the
British but in operations such as the two attacks on ball and
roller bearing plants at Schweinfurt my have wrought even more
significant damage to the German war potential. Although the
German Air Force has had a net increase in fighter strength
during 1943, operations of the Eighth and Fifteenth Bomber Com-
mands have prevented German industry from meeting accelerated
production schedules of the single-engine and twin-engine
fighters which are essential to the defense of German cities
and to the support of German armies. Without adequate fighter
strength Germany cannot successfully resist invasion. She is
therefore conserving her fighter strength, principally by of-
fering maximum resistance only when bombing attacks are directed
at targets deep within German territory.
Combined operations against the Ploesti oil installa-
tions, the Schweinfurt and other ball bearing plants, and the
German single-engine fighter plants have constituted the nearest
approach yet made to a test of the American plan of strategic
bombing. Together they achieved by early November a serious
threat to the vitals of the German airplane industry. After
November 2, however, for reasons not altogether within Al-
lied control, daylight bombing operations have included among
their targets only one (Augsburg) of the important installations
that require deep penetration attacks. As a result, there has
39
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been continued recovery of German aircraft and other production,
with some additional output by new plants in eastern and southern
Axis Europe. Furthermore, as a result of lessons learned from
earlier attacks, and by the first effective use of rockets, the
Germans have improved the effectiveness of their fighter defense.
Hence no conclusive test of the ultimate effects of strategic
bombing has yet been made.
The American bomber offensive against Germany should
gain momentum during 1944 because of certain new operational
factors:
1. Technological developments have reduced the hazards
of flying and the inaccuracies of bombing under bad weather con-
ditions.
2. Increased long-range fighter protection promises
to reduce the effectiveness of German fighter interception.
3. A substantial increment of four-motor bombers,
already allotted to the Eighth and Fifteenth Air Forces, will
permit not only a much greater weight of attack but greater
flexibility in operations.
4. A greatly increased number of sorties from
Italian bases will compel the German Air Force to spread its
fighter defenses and should lead to the destruction of vital
targets (especially in the German aircraft industry) which are
not within satisfactory operational range of the British Isles.
40
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-
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There is no conclusive evidence that Germany can be
bombed out of the war within the next three months. If the
German armed forces are to be crushed in the near future, a
successful invasion of the continent is necessary. In any
case, the Allies are committed to such an offensive for po-
litical, as well as military, reasons. Tactical bombing and
aerial ground support, preliminary and incidental to invasion,
should provide the ultimate test of the ability of the German
Air Force to resist the combined air forces of the United
States and Great Britain. It is almost certain that in such B.
test the German Air Force will be driven from the skies. In
that event German industry and German cities will be exposed
to complete destruction by Allied bombing.
CONCLUSIONS
1. Germany has lost the strategic initiative. Because
of the threat of air action she cannot make strategic with-
drawals to shorter lines of defense. She must stand or fall on
her ability successfully to resist an invasion of Western Europe.
2. Germany has not yet, however, met any irreparable
defeat on the land or in the air by the end of 1943.
SECRET
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3. There is no substantial evidence that Germany can
be bombed out of the war during the early months of 1944.
4. The final collapse of Germany requires large-scale
invasion operations against the continent of Europe.
5. One of the first consequences of such operations
will be to precipitate a decisive battle for control of the air
over Western Europe, with the resulting destruction of all or
the greater part of the German Air Force. the
6. Without adequate air defenses, Germany will then
be unable to maintain a prolonged resistance to Anglo-American
ground operations or to prevent the complete destruction of her
industries, her cities and her communications by aerial bombard-
ment. She will be compelled to surrender. course
of events wideh culticated is - Gurman revolution 95
and the name of De Cames urnies - D.
Fee never of Use unapected General Le NO
So the state of 3018 the German AND the Allien Gat,
funing the prospect of - shorter pre-
eine that - the question Le constantly taing WE
1918 their in 19467 Tide constite smiled be english
some Dia best afforts of officers of the news
forene as the United National Come public been
AS particular - this miter that Geruss official programande has
speat a goods party M the offers Is proving that form in Did
possible enelogy befores 1968 sud No cheeses Nov
sound, then, to the withhed esology?
42
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IF
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APPENDIX I
IS THERE A VALID ANALOGY
BETWEEN 1918 AND 19447
In mid-July 1918 the German offensive operations in
France were stopped and the Allied armies took the initiative.
When the "Hindenburg Line" was breached late in September it
was evident to the Allied leaders that the war had turned de-
cisively in their favor. Nevertheless, the request made by
the German Government on October 4 for an armistice came
8.8 a surprise. Equally surprising was the subsequent course
of events which culminated in a German revolution (November 9)
and the surrender of the German armies on November 11.
The memory of this unexpected German collapse is so
sharp in the minds of both the Germans and the Allies that,
with Germany facing the prospect of even greater military pres-
sure than in 1918, the question is constantly being asked: will
1918 repeat itself in 1944? This possible analogy has engaged
some of the best efforts of intelligence officers of the armed
forces of the United Nations. German public opinion has been
so perturbed on this matter that German official propaganda has
spent a good part of its effort in proving that there is no
possible analogy between 1918 and the present situation. How
sound, then, is this alleged analogy?
43
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VISUME
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ECONOMICALLY
Economically, Germany in the autumn of 1918 was in seri-
ous, even desperate, plight. The blockade maintained by Allied
sea power for four years had deprived Germany of all imports
from overseas. As long as German armies occupied the areas de-
tached from Russia by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 1918),
that is, the Baltic States, Poland, and the Ukraine, some food
supplies could be obtained; but the amounts received fell far
short of expectations, and by the autumn of 1918, the German
people were getting along on very slim rations of food, clothing
and fuel. The ration in Berlin was only two-thirds of normal
requirements, and the average weight of the German population
had declined 20%.
Germany had used up her reserves of textiles, was short
of rubber and even shorter of oil. In the production of steel
and the manufacture of munitions of all kinds she was far be-
hind the total effort of Britain, France and the United States.
In late 1943 the economic position of Germany is, by an
absolute standard, better than in 1918. The effects of the Al-
lied blockade have been to a considerable extent neutralized
by Germany's conquest of the larger part of the European con-
tinent whose industrial and agricultural output are now in the
service of Hitler's war machine. The food situation is not
serious - the general ration being about half as large again as
twenty-six years ago. The German diet is monotonous, but it
44
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appears to be adequate and about as effective in calories as the
British. It may also be noted that the average health of the
German people is better than in 1918, so that the physical pow-
ers of resistance are greater. Both fuel and textiles, while
not abundant, present less of a problem than in 1918. In rubber
and oil, thanks to synthetic processes, the German resources ap-
pear to be relatively adequate. There is no critical shortage
in raw materials as a whole. Only in copper and certain steel
alloys is the position really "tight." The general production
of Germany has been somewhat reduced in 1943 as the result of
bombings, and still greater reduction can be expected as the
result of our stepped-up bombing program. In spite, however,
of the apparently adequate position of the transportation system
this may well be, as it really was in 1918, the most vulnerable
factor in the German economic-military structure. But, as of
late December 1943, there has not been a sufficient impairment
of Germany's war production to make the German Government and
the High Command seriously consider the necessity of peace.
On the other hand, the total production of the United
Nations today is from two and one-half to three times greater than
that of the Allies in 1918. At the moment the economic analogy
between 1944 and 1918 is not sound; but the longer hostilities
continue, the more closely must the comparison between the United
Nations and Germany be made in terms of 1918.
POLITICALLY
Politcally, the situation in 1918 was relatively simple
45
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Germany was a. constitutional monarchy: the executive government
was carried on by the imperial chancellor, who was appointed by
the Emperor and responsible to him. The Reichstag, though elected
by universal manhood suffrage and possessing control of the pub-
lie purse, made little effective use of its power. Though not a
dictatorship in the current sense of the word, the German Govern-
ment was fundamentally autocratic. But there also existed well-
organized political parties which competed for seats in the Reich-
stag, and in 1917 several of the parties combined to pass a Reich-
stag resolution dealing with peace terms which was at variance
with the views of the imperial government. In addition, the Ger-
man press was comparatively free and did, in (act, often criticize
the government. The ordinary civil rights of personal freedom,
security of property, and religious liberty were usually respected.
Although the appointment of Hindenburg and Ludendorff to the
High Command of the German army in 1916 had led to the es-
tablishment of a quasi- military dictatorship, this made little
impression on the German people and did not lead to a suspension
of the Reichstag.
Furthermore, the pronouncements of Woodrow Wilson in
favor of the democratic way of life had made a certain impression
in Germany, where some people were able to understand why the rest
of the world feared and denounced German militarism. In the au-
tumn of 1918 German political life possessed sufficient vitality
to be able to obtain from the Emperor William II a decree in-
stituting a parlismentary form of government and the actual es-
46
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P
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tablishment of a ministry (under Prince Max of Baden) responsible
to the Reichstag. This government held office until overthrown by
the revolution of 9 November 1918. The importance of this short-
lived regime lay in the fact that # prepared the way for the
almost bloodless revolution which overthrow the German monarchy.
In December 1943 the political situation in Germany is
completely different. For ten years the country has lived under
a dictatorship of ever-increasing severity which maintains a tight
grip on German life. All parties (except the Nazi) have been
dissolved and the Reichstag itself meets only to rubber-stamp a
Hitler directive. In general, opposition to the regime has been
driven underground and possesses neither large numbers nor ef-
fective organization. Freedom of assembly and freedom of speech
have long since disappeared. By means of a strictly controlled
press and radio Dr. Goebbels tells the Germans what they should
think, and listening to foreign broadcasts is a criminal offense.
The youth of Germany has been completely Nazified and remains es-
sentially loyal to Hitler. Political changes comparable to those
of 1918 are not easy to imagine in 1944.
Moreover, the Nazi regime is obviously determined to de-
fend itself. Elaborate preparations have been made to deal with
disaffection and possible uprisings. Hitler, unlike William II,
does not intend to allow his power to collapse by default. The
German population may some day revolt, but, at the moment, such
a revolt seems unlikely.
47
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Nor is it likely - as is shown in Part II - that the
German General Staff will seek an armistice until military dis-
integration is even further advanced than in 1918. The Allied
Governments have announced their determination to destroy the
Prussian military caste as completely as they propose to destroy
the Nazi system. High ranking German officers are among those
listed for punishment as war criminals, 80 that the Army cannot
hope to divorce itself from the regime, as it did in 1918, when
it urged the Kaiser to abdicate.
A second factor in the political situation is that, in
1943, there is nothing comparable to the Fourteen Points of
Woodrow Wilson and his program for a democratic world which held
out to the Germans the prospects of an acceptable peace. The Ger-
man people, and what was more important, the German High Com-
mand, were undoubtedly affected by the pronouncements of the
American president, and the decision of the Army to appeal for
an armistice with a view to making peace on the basis of the
Fourteen Points was almost universally approved.
The prospect of a similar situation developing in this
war seems remote. In the first place, the Allies so far from
showing any disposition to offer a "soft" peace, insist upon
"unconditional surrender." Presumably, in the minds of the Al-
lied leaders, this military phraseology, repeating General Grant's
demand at Fort Donelson, implies that Germany must surrender with-
out receiving any kind of political promises comparable to those
given in 1918; that she must lay down her arms and rely on the
48
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USURS
"
Regraded Unclassified
SECRE
if
justice of her conquerors. The Germans interpret "unconditional
surrender," however, to signify the intention of the Allies to
destroy Germany utterly and completely. Dr. Goebbels loses no
opportunity to drive this idea home. Furthermore, the Germans
have contended over since 1919 that they were betrayed by the Al-
lies who, according to the Germans, disregarded the Fourteen
Points in dictating the Treaty of Versailles, and therefore, any
promises by the United Nations to grant easy terms of peace to
Germany in return for an overthrow of the Nazi regime would be
received with derision in Germany. Thus, even if the German
people were now free to oppose the Nazi regime (which they are
not) they would fear that an Allied peace might be even worse
than continuance of the war.
MORALE
If victory is being won or appears in sight, a people
will endure all kinds of hardships and deprivations. The real
test of morale comes with actual defeat or the prospect of de-
feat. So long as the German armies were winning victories in
France in 1918, the morale of the civilian population stood up
very well in spite of all kinds of hardships. "The Kaiser's
Battle" was, in fact, immensely popular. Only after July 1918,
when the German armies began to be driven back, did German opinion
become restive and only after the Hindenburg line had been pierced
did the Kaiser see the necessity of changing the constitution of
the empire in the direction of greater popular control of govern-
ment. It was not until the High Command demanded an armistice,
49
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OSOMS
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thus admitting the loss of the war, that general morale, as dis-
tinct from the discontent of individuals, began to crack.
MILITARILY
In December 1943 the military position of Germany is less
favorable to the Mazis than the economic and the internal political
situation. The German armies in 1943 have certainly not won
victories comparable to the successes achieved by Ludendorff in
March - July, 1918, and are, in fact, on the defensive. The
situation on the Russian front is perilous and, unlike 1918, the
Germans are faced with the opening of other major fronts and
accelerated aerial bombardment.
By 1918 Germany's allies - Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and
Bulgaria - had become liabilities to Germany, who had to send them
men and materials that she could have used with great effective-
ness on the western front. The majority of the Bulgarian people
had never been enthusiastic for the war and after the United States
entered the conflict, they concluded that the program of Woodrow
Wilson would in any event secure for them what they desired in
the way of territory. Army morale was 80 affected that when in
September 1918 the Allies struck from Salonika, the Bulgarians
soon ceased to resist and an armistice with the Allies was signed
on September twenty-ninth. This had the effect of separating
Germany from Turkey which surrendered a month later. When the
Austro-Hungarian army also surrendered early in November, Germany
was left alone. She had lost control of the Near East, which to
her had become a primary object of the war. She faced the prospect
50
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-
thus admitting the loss of the war, that general morale, 88 dis-
tinct from the discontent of individuals, began to crack.
MILITARILY
In December 1943 the military position of Germany is less
favorable to the Nazis than the economic and the internal political
situation. The German armies in 1943 have certainly not won
victories comparable to the successes achieved by Ludendorff in
March - July, 1918, and are, in fact, on the defensive. The
situation on the Russian front is perilous and, unlike 1918, the
Germans are faced with the opening of other major fronts and
accelerated aerial bombardment.
By 1918 Germany's allies - Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and
Bulgaria - had become liabilities to Germany, who had to send them
men and materials that she could have used with great effective-
ness on the western front. The majority of the Bulgarian people
had never been enthusiastic for the war and after the United States
entered the conflict, they concluded that the program of Woodrow
Wilson would in any event secure for them what they desired in
the way of territory. Army morale was 80 affected that when in
September 1918 the Allies struck from Salonika, the Bulgarians
soon ceased to resist and an armistice with the Allies was signed
on September twenty-ninth. This had the effect of separating
Germany from Turkey which surrendered a month later. When the
Austro-Hungarian army also surrendered early in November, Germany
was left alone. She had lost control of the Near East, which to
her had become a primary object of the war. She faced the prospect
50
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of invasion from the southeast as the Allied armies began to 00-
cupy Austrian and Hungarian territory. The realization of this
situation contributed to the decision of the German High Command
to ask for an armistice and end the war.
In the present war, Italy, Hungary, Rumania and Bulgaria
joined Germany because the prospect of German victory seemed to
make possible the realization of their respective territorial am-
bitions. Except in the case of Hungary, there was little popu-
lar enthusiasm behind the decisions of the governments. in July
1943 Mussolini fell and the Italian Government surrendered. Some
ardent fascists may continue to fight with the German army in
Italy, but in face of the general hostility of the Italian people
their assistance to Germany cannot be of much value. Since the
Allies can now bomb German territory from Foggia, the situation
is not unlike that of 1918, when the collapse of Austria opened
the road for an invasion of Germany from the south.
In the Balkans the situation is more complicated now than
in 1918. Many rumblings of discontent are being heard in Hungary,
Rumania and Bulgaria, where fear is growing that Germany will lose
the war, and there is reason to believe that the several govern-
ments would like to withdraw from the war. In Hungary the outward
forms of constitutional government are still preserved, but the
presence of German agents restrains the action of the government.
In Rumania the government is a dictatorship under absolute Ger-
man domination. In Bulgaria there are few German ground troops
or agents and the Bulgarian army, unlike that of Hungary and Ru-
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mania, is still intact, BO that in a sense the government has some-
what more freedom of action.
A further complication is provided by the fact that in
both Hungary and Rumanie there is intense fear of Russia. If the
German control is broken, both Hungary and Rumania will be eager
to have Anglo-American troops take over before the Russians ar-
rive - difficult as this may be to arrange. The Bulgarians, on
the other hand, are distinctly sympathetic to Russia and have
carefully refrained from declaring war on the Soviet Government;
therefore Bulgaria will probably be the first of the Balkan coun-
tries to try to break away from the Axis.
If the Balkan states abandon Germany, the way would be
opened for an invasion of Germany from the southeast. But, where-
as the collapse of the Near East in 1918 was by voluntary action
of Germany's allies, they are not now free agents and will not be
permitted to withdraw from the war BO long as Germany possesses
the military means to coerce them. Therefore the analogy of 1918
does not hold.
Two factors make the situation of 1944 entirely differ-
ent from that of 1918. The first is the effect of air bombard-
ment, which is becoming steadily more intense and more devastat-
ing. There is no doubt that bombing has made the German people
desire an early end of the war. The available evidence leaves no
doubt that German morale has been impaired by the terrific bom-
bardments. Some Germans are resolved to show that, like the English,
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they "can take it," but there are others whose reaction to bomb-
ing is hopelessness and despair.
The second factor which distinguishes the present situa-
tion from that of twenty-six years ago is that shortly Germany
will have to face a formidable second front and perhaps & third
and fourth front. In 1918 Germany was fighting on a large
scale only on the western front. In 1941-3 she fought chiefly on
the Russian front. Now, in 1944, for the first time, she will
have to face two or three fronts on a large scale. To be sure,
in 1914-16, the German armies stood up against two fronts, but
they faced nothing comparable to what lies ahead of them when
both the British-American armies in the west and south and the
Russian armies in the east strike simultaneously against the Ger-
man position. Thus, 1918 affords no real analogy with the pres-
ent military situation.
CONCLUSIONS
1. Economic shortages were not primarily responsible
for Germany's surrender in 1918 and are of even less importance in
1944 because by and large, her economic position is at the moment
stronger than it was twenty-six years ago.
2. It was not political discontent which undid the Hohen-
zollerns in 1918, although there was much dissatisfaction with
their regime, and the Hohenzollerns made no effort to defend them-
selves; the Nazis are determined to defend themselves and have the
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means to do 50.
3. The fundamental cause of the German collapse in 1918
was military defeat and what appeared to be impending disaster.
In 1944, Germany's military fortunes are lower than at any time
since this war began, but not yet hopeless.
4. The basic interests of the German High Command are
so interwoven with those of the Nazi Party that, even if they so
wish, they cannot, as in 1918, divorce themselves from the regime
to move alone in the direction of an armistice or 8. surrender.
5. If 1918 has any meaning for the present conflict, it
is that it implies that Germany will continue to hold out until
her armies are overtaken by military defeat or until her industry
is immobilized by aerial bombardment.
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By authority A. C. of s., G-2
Date.20.Aug.43 (R.S.B
SUMMARY
of
EUROPEAN DOCUMENTS
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WAR POTENTIAL AND INTENTIONS OF
EUROPEAN AXIS NATIONS
Explanatory Notes.
The yearly summaries which follow are based on information contained
in Intelligence reports, memoranda, estimates, and other documents. The
abbreviations and numbers in the left margin of the summaries refer to
the individual documents in the various files of the branches of the
Eur-African Unit, Military Intelligence Service, which accompany these
summaries.
The abbreviations used are as follows:
CE
Central European Branch.
EE
Eastern European Branch.
BI
British Isles Branch.
SE
Southern European Branch.
WE
Western European Branch.
G-2
The Assistant Chief of Staff, G-2.
MA
Military Attache or Assistant Military Attache.
For example, CE 20 refers to the 20th document in the file of the
Central European documents, while WE 5 refers to the 5th document in
the WE file. Thus, complete details on a subject discussed in a report
may be obtained by referring to the original document with the aid of
the number in the left margin.
The G-2 documents consist of memoranda, studies, estimates and
similar material prepared for the information of appropriate War Depart-
ment and other governmental agencies.
Introduction.
The rise of Hitler to power in Germany in 1933 marked
the definite break between the post- and pre-war eras. It is
necessary, therefore, because of the importance of the German
role in Europe, to include earlier reports from the Military
Attache in Germany than was originally contemplated in the
CE 1
directive on this study. As early as May 1935, the M/A in
Berlin reported that Germany was placing all her economic
CE 2
life on a war footing. A week later, he further clarified
this picture by stating that almost 50 percent of German in-
dustrial production was devoted to rearmament. In August, the M/A
CE 3
added that the military position of Germany was being further
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improved by the construction of a vast network of military
CE 4
roads. Hitler's speech of September 16 was estimated by
the M/A to be a direct threat against the continuance of the
status of Memel in Lithuania, although he added that it was
CE 5
impossible to predict when Germany would make a move against
its small Baltic neighbor. By October the M/A estimated that
only 3 groups still had substantial political influence in
the Nazi government; the Nazi Party; the Army; Finance and
Industry. In 8. clash between the party and the army, he added,
the army would be forced to give in.
CE 6
On November 25 the M/A reported that Germany, although
she sought a temporary peace with France, expected to fight
the French nation when the time finally came for B. clash with
the Soviet Union. France, however, would be placed in the
role of the aggressor. In the East, Finland was regarded as
a sure German ally in any Soviet-Nazi clash. A further demon-
stration of how German life was dominated by military consid-
CE 7
erations was noted by the M/A in reporting the relocation of
German industry and the establishment of new war industries
in Central Germany in preparation for possible military under-
takings.
CE 8
The M/A estimated that the reocoupation of the Rhineland
by Hitler meant far more than a more re-entry of Nazi garrisons
into B. few German cities. By a single daring move Hitler had
out the bases from under the whole structure of French post-
CE 9
war alliances, he stated. The European crisis which resulted
from the reocoupation of the Rhineland was such that the M/A
felt that all strategic factors incident to an outbreak of war
between France and Germany must be considered. He added, how-
ever, that he did not believe such a clash would come. A
CE 10
month later the M/A summed up the German position as being
strictly a defensive one. Germany will play for time, he
said, support Hungarian rearmament, and attempt to place in
power in Austria a government more friendly to Germany than
the one then in control. During the summer of 1936, the M/A
CE 11
reported that Germany was completely dissatisfied with the
status quo and that she sought territory in Eastern Europe.
He added that Germany would refrain from war only if her de-
CE 12
mands could be attained without war. In a further report in
the fall of 1936, the N/A warned that the German-Italian
cooperation was becoming steadily more complete and that the
reocoupation of the Rhineland had caused a sharp decline in
French prestige in Eastern Europe.
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1937
The year 1937 marked the opening of the final desperate
race of all governments in Europe to place these countries
CE 13
on a war basis. Germany's rising military might was reported
by the M/A in Berlin who stated that the size of the Nazi
army had approximately doubled since 1936. This army had a
strength of 36 divisions and totaled at least 600,000 men,
although the shortage of officers continued to be a limiting
factor in its expansion. In a further report dated the same
CE 14
day, the Military Attache said that in addition to the 36 first
line divisions, the complete reorganization of German reserves
would provide 12 or more Landwehr divisions. Germany's air
force strength was estimated by the M/A to consist of between
CE 15
720 and 960 first line combat planes with a total personnel
in excess of 100,000. In a letter dated May 25, 1937, the
CE 21
M/A pointed out that while Germany's military and economic
potential was rising steadily, he did not expect war in the
immediate future. He reported in September that the motori-
CE 24
sation of 4 German divisions would begin within 8. month.
CE 25
Germany was making rapid progress in the development of 4-
motored planes. By the end of October, the M/A estimated
that the German Air Force had already reached a point where
it must be given serious consideration as a powerful opponent
and that its strength was increasing rapidly. He added that
the Germans were producing approximately 6,000 planes a year.
Germany's fortifications system along the Rhine was imprison-
CE 32
ing the French Army within France. The M/A reported that
as each month passed, France would be less able to aid its
European Ally, Czechoslovakia. By the spring of 1939, he
estimated that Germany would be in a position to stand off
the French Army using only one half of its field forces.
In November, the M/A advised that the German General
Staff regarded the British position as weak, and that
Germany's price for an understanding with England would be
the renunciation by the British of their policy of support-
ing France's far flung system of alliance. Meanwhile, the
growing German strength reflected in the reports of the
M/A from Berlin was having a considerable effect on Germany's
SE la
neighbors. To the South, the M/A in Rome reported that Italy
was seeking to insure its position in the Mediterranean and
also, if possible, bring Turkey into an anti-Bolshevik block.
Italy was also undertaking a series of moves to prepare itself
for either an immediate or an eventual armed conflict. The
SE 2
M/A in Rome pointed out that the Ital ians were constructing
a new coastal road in Libya which was of prine military im-
portanoe and that Italian munitions factories were being operated
at maximum capacity. Considerable quantities of food were
SE 4
also being stored away, he added. On March 5, the M/A in
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Rome advised the War Department that the Grand Facist Council
had met on March 1 and decided that "all possibility of
limitation of armaments was now out of the question."
Italian plane production was estimated by the M/A in Rome
SE 7
at 1500 to 2000 per year, while total Italian air trength
SE 14, 15, was said to be from 3000 to 4000 planes. In a series of
16, 17, reports, he discussed the production of various aircraft
18, 19, plants and the steps which Italy had taken to prepare for
20
air war. In a comment on the mobilization of reserves in
SE 21
November 1937, he stated that the order affected about
100,000 reservists and that Italy now had a total of approx-
imately 500,000 men under arms.
The uneasiness with which the nations of Europe regarded
the armament and the mounting international tension was re-
SE 176
flected in a letter from the M/A in Bulgaria. The M/A
quoted King Boris as telling the new American Minister to
Sofia that Bulgaria wished peace and that they were trying
to avoid all entanglements.
The Western powers, France and England, also were be-
coming gradually aware of the growing threat to their security
from Nazi Germany. However, both the British and French
were far frombeing prepared militarily. In a report on
BI 13
March 10, the M/A in London discussed at length the expansion
of the British army to a war footing and made clear the
immense task that lay ahead of England before she could
BI 16
create a modern army. A further report a week later dis-
cussed new British weapons and outlined a five-year plan
to be completed in the spring of 1942. These plans called
for a small but efficient striking force dependent in the
case of continental fighting on an Alliance with a strong
military power. In a report accompanying this program the
Military Attache stated that he was sceptical because the
program envisaged offensive action which was alien to the
traditional British defensive spirit. In a report of
BI 34
October 1937, he estimated that the German army was superb
and the French army improving, while the British army was
inferior due to a shortage of equipment and old-fashioned
ideas. In à further discussion of the unfavorable factors,
BI 38
he stated that his impressions of the British army were
almost uniformly pessimistic.
The French also were sware of the Rising German peril
WE 4
on their eastern frontier. The M/A in Paris reported that
the French industrial situation was extremely difficult and
that there was considerable confusion and lack of real progress.
He cited specifically the opposition of the munitions manu-
facturers to the attempts to nationalize French war industry.
France's feeling of helplessness in view of the progressive
WE 14
German rearmament was reflected in a report dated May 7, 1937
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in which the M/A stated that the French felt Austria was
almost ready to fall into German hands, and that Great
Britain would do very little about it. France possessed
only 1000 first line aircraft in 1937. The M/A stated s in
WE 13
this report that the Air Minister Pierre Cot was carrying
out nationalization of French aviation industry.
In Eastern Europe, the role which the Soviet Union was
to play in the coming clash was not yet clear. The M/A
EE 5
in Moscow reported that the purge of Tuchachevsky and other
leading Soviet officers had begun to tighten its grip on the
political reliability of Soviet commanders and to raise the
efficiency of the Soviet Army. Although our M/A to the
Soviet Union made clear that it was very difficult to obtain
reliable and official information concerning the Soviet
Union's air strength, he reported in August 1937 that the
Soviet Union had a total of approximately 4000 airoraft.
Discussing Soviet Union's industrial mobilization in later
EE 14,15
reports, he pointed out that the centralization of executive
authority was complete and unlimited. The difficulties with
which the Stalin regime had to cope included laok of technical
skill among workers, low standards of living, sabotage and
EE 7
wreckers. The budget for the year 1937 showed the increasing
amount appropriated by the Soviet Union for national defense
EE 3
while funds for other activities closely allied to the
military were also increasing.
1938
The year 1938 opened with Germany in an increasingly
strong military position. The M/A in Berlin advised that
CE 36
Germany had undertaken 8. complete shift to war economy,
and, while this in itself did not presume a future war, it
meant that Germany intended to be the strongest military
power in Europe. Germany's fortification policy gave a clear
indication of her intentions in case of war, the M/A stated,
CE 37
and such frontiers as were unarmed indicated points at which
Germany might be expected to attack. Such frontiers, he
pointed out, included the Csech border.
Hitler's announcement of February 20 that the German
CE 41
army would be increased was clarified by the M/A who explained
that the increase would bring Germany's strength from 36
to 48 infantry divisions and from 3 to 5 Panser divisions.
On March 9, two days before the German troops crossed the
Austrian frontier, the M/A warned that the Nazis might seek
an immediate solution in Austria 80 that they might not lose
CE 42
the gains which had been made at the Berchtesgaden Conference.
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Following the proolamation of the Austro-German union,
the M/A in Berlin advised that Italian defense of Austria
CE 43
was impossible. In the same report, he pointed out that
Great Britain and France had been greatly weakened and that
the small states of Central Europe would now probably come
to terms with Germany. Czechoslovakia, he added, either
would come within the German orbit, see its national entities
liquidated, or be divided into the various nationalities which
CE 45
constituted the state. Two weeks later the M/A, in reporting
the growing tension in Czeck-German relations, stated that
the only question in the dispute was when, not whether,
Hitler would move. Germany intends to liquidate the hodge-
podge state of Czechoslovakia and incorporate German inhabited
areas into the Third Reich, he warned.
CE 47
The Caech orisis of May 21-22, 1938 marked the opening
of the Czech drama, the M/A reported. He added that it might
last for a considerable time. He did not, however, telieve
there would be any immediate action because Germany would be
20 percent more self-sufficient economically for war in 1939
than at the present time. Meanwhile, from Prague came word
of Czech measures to meet any possible German threat. On
CE 49
May 24 the M/A in Prague reported that the Czechs were taking
military measures which they termed "exercises" rather than
mobilization.
Although the Czech orisis did not come to an immediate
head, Germany continued to press the construction of the
CE 52
West Wall. The M/A in Berlin reported that the unfinished
state of the fortifications on Germany's frontier would
deter Hitler from measures against the Caechs which might
result in a clash with France. During the summer the Caech
crisis continued to loom large in international politics.
By August 1 the M/A stated that while the Germans might still
want a. federated Czechoslovakia, they would undoubtedly, in
the end, annex the Sudeten area outright. A week later he
CE 57
stated that more than 150,000 persons were engaged in the
construction of the West Wall and that the Germans planned
to reach at least partial completion of these fortifications
by September 15. On August 8 the M/A advised the War Depart-
ment that Hitler was determined to bring the Czech question
CE SB
to a head between September 15 and November 1. Ten days
later, while the British Runciamen Mission was in Czecho-
slovakia seeking a solution of the Sudeten dispute, the M/A
in Berlin advised that no action would be expected until
the Mission had completed its work. At the same time, he
added, Germany was strengthening its military position. By
September, 1 he felt that armed German intervention in
CE 61
Czechoslovakia did not lie within the scope of Hitler's plans.
At the same time he said that German military measures would
not be relaxed until a solution of the Czech orisis had been
CE 63
reached. Two weeks later the M/A reported that Hitler's
intentions were uncertain, but that he believed no decision
as to military intervention had been reached.
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CE 64
By September 28, the M/A reported that the Germans
were calling reservists to the colors and were taking
such military measures as placing the Air Forde in a state
of full readiness. The next day he telegraphed that further
CE 65
German military preparations were taking place. On the 27th,
CE 66
he advised the War Department that five or six divisions were
being massed along the Crech frontier. No general mobilization
had yet been ordered by the 28th.
CE 67
On September 29, the Muni oh Pact was signed and the fate
CE 68
of Czechoslovakia was sealed. On October 5, the M/A re-
ported from Berlin that Germany was seeking to keep Slovakia
from falling into the hands of the Hungarians despite
Hungarian claims and the support which Hungary was receiving
CE 70
from Poland and Italy. On October 28 the M/A stated that
Germany would shortly demand the Memel District of Lithuania
and that the Lithuanian government in Kovno had a limited
time in which to accede to German demands of this step. In
CE 77
December he reported that British-German relations appeared
to have reached a psychological stalemate.
While Germany utiliged the year 1938 to cement its hold
on Central Europe, Italy was further strengthening its military
SE 27
position. In February 1938, the M/A in Rome reported that
the Italian air strength showed a considerable increase in
the past year. Commenting on the visit of Hitler to Italy
SE 34
in May, the M/A reported a considerable lack of enthusiasm
on the part of the Italian people, showing anti-German
feeling in Italy. The results of the discussion between
Mussolini and the Führer were not known, he added, but it
seemed unlikely that they would result in a military alliance
between the two nations.
SE 42
In July the M/A stated that Italy did not at present
have a reserve of military airoraft and depots and, there-
fore, was not in a position to supply technical units for
replacements for less should war start in the immediate
SE 45
future. During the Czech crisis, the M/A in Rome reported
that Italy did not expect a general European war to develop
from the existing situation. In reference to the increasing
German-Czech tension, he stated that although Italy could
effect a rapid mobilization, there appeared to be considerable
sentiment in Italy against a war as an ally of Germany. On
SE 49
October 12, he reported that Italy had a plane production of
SE 50
from 180 to 200 combat airoraft per month. The strength of
the Italian Army, according to the Combat Estimate, November 2,
1938, was around 738,000.
The events of 1938 and the war scare which resulted from
the Czech crisis served partially to shake the two western
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powers, England and France, from their feeling of complacent
BI 45
security. In March 1938, the British began to realize the
weakness of their position and the Military Attache to London
reported that the War Minister Hore-Beleisha undertook a
drive for reorganization of the British Army. On March 14,
BI 51
the Military Attache stated that the British intended to reduce
their overseas garrisons and strengthen their position at home
BI 56
for action against the Germans. However, he reported that the
reorganization of the army planned by Hore-Beleisha was actually
ineffectual and there were no air-raid precautions to speak of.
BI 60
Actual aircraft production in England in 1938 was about
200 per month. The success of the British air program must
depend upon a major change in the attitude of the whole British
nation, Despite the warnings which they had during the summer,
the Czech crisis caught the British completely unprepared.
BI 87
The Military Attache stated that everything had to be improvised
and therefore all military preparations were tragically botched.
Despite this lack of reality, he added, the British apparently
sank back into apathy immediately after the crisis had been
settled at Munich. A further report on the inefficiency of
antiaircraft during the crisis was revealed by the Military
BI 88
Attache in a report on October 24.
The year 1938, and the Czech crisis also, caught the
French nation entirely unprepared and shaken by internal
WE 19
political strife. In March 1938 the Military Attache to Paris
reported that the confidence of the French public had been
shaken as to the use of the 1937 National Defense Loan. When
the friction between the Germans and Csechs began to take its
WE 23
acute form in May, he reported that while the French were much
interested in the fate of their central European ally, there
was little evidence of a constructive thought by the French
General Staff on how to meet the situation. A further report
WE 34
on French weakness was given by the Military Attache who quoted
Colonel Lindberg on the weakness of the French air arm, which
the Military Attache said was substantiated by a statement of
the French Air Minister. Following the Munich agreement and
the dismemberment of the Csechoslovak Republic, the Military
WE 42
Attache reported that the French were completely disillusioned.
WE 43
The French General Staff believed that another crisis would
WE 44
come by April 1939. The steadily increasing seriousness of
WE 48
the implications of the German international situation and the
threat of a European war were noted in 8. report in December.
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The reporting from Moscow for 1938, and in fact for the
whole period of the European Crisis until the outbreak
of war in September, 1939, is marked by an almost complete
lack of information from the M/A in the Soviet Union.
This may in some measure be explained by the difficulties
of obtaining information concerning military and political
events in the face of the Soviet censorship and the existing
lack of trust of foreigners. However, the picture of
what was taking place in the Soviet Union remains the
weakest point in the overall reporting by American
military attaches during the pre-war period.
In the Soviet Union the events of 1938 marked the end
XE 87
of their intention to create a united front against the Germans
KE 88
by means of the League of Nations and by alignment with the
EE 89
Western powers. The Soviet Union during the year continued
to push its industrial mobilization in preparation for any
EE 93
conflict. The strength of the Soviet Air Force was estimated
at 49 land and 5 naval brigades. During the Czech crisis
EE 104
the Military Attache to Moscow reported, on September 15, that
the Soviet army would assist the Czechs if they were attacked
by the Germans provided the French also came to their assistance.
The Soviet Military leaders, however, were openly critical of
the British policy and believed that the Runciman Mission would
result in dismemberment of the Czechoslovak state. Following
EE 105
the Munich agreement, the Military Attache reported that the
Soviet leaders appear to be undetermined whether to continue
their participation in the League of Nations, to develop
additional bi-lateral treaties with neighboring states
or to withdraw from efforts at collective action and
EE 108
concentrate on strengthening the internal structure of the
Soviet Union, In December the Military Attache estimated
production of aircraft for the calendar year of 1938
to be 2150 planes, The maximum aircraft engine production
of all types would be 6600,
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1939
The year 1939 opened with an almost complete lull in
political activity. The lull was so complete that on
February 20, the Military Attache in Berlin reported
that there appeared to be almost no chance of German
aggression for the balance of the year unless some
unpredictable development should occur. Germany's atten-
CE 79
tion for the moment, the Military Attache added in a
report a week later, was focused on the Hungarian situa-
tion and the struggle for power between the various groups
within that country. On March 13, he reported that the
CE 82
German Press had been building up the Czech orisis for
several days and it appeared that Germany would inter-
vene with force in the present orisis. In a telegram
CE 83
the next day, he advised the War Department that within
CE 84
the next two days German troops were expected to occupy
Czechoslovakia and the following day he telegraphed that
the occupation had been accomplished the previous night.
In estimating the implications of the occupation of
Czechoslovakia, the Military Attache in Berlin stated
that it had definitely revealed the German program for
expansion to the east during 1939. While this program
might be confined to the Polish Corridor, Danzig, Memel
and former German territory in Poland, he added that
it might include Rumania and parts of the Soviet Union.
On March 27, he reported that the issue of Danzig and
the Polish Corridor was foremost in the minds of Berlin
CE 86
observers. He added that he did not believe that the
full pressure of joint Italian-German action against
the Western democracies would come in 1939.
During the spring of 1939 German and Polish relations
followed somewhat the same pattern as had Czech-German
relations during the previous year. On April 3, the
Military Attache reported that relations had become
CE 87
more or less oritical with incidents along the border,
although he did not believe that military action by the
Germans against Poland would take place immediately.
CE 88
A week later he further clarified the situation by
stating that, rumors to the contrary, he did not believe
unusual troop movements of any magnitude had occurred
within the Third Reich. Although immediate military
CE 89
preparations were not going on, he advised that airplanes
were being delivered to flying fields with a view to
possible future military operations. Germany's total
aircraft strength was set at 4490 first line airoraft
CE 90
with reserves bringing this up to nearly 14,000. He
stated that Germany was able to put into the field 150
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CE 91
divisions, making her even more formidable than she was in
1914. He added that preparations for a move against Poland
had been going on since September 1938, and he believed
that the guarantee of the Western Powers to Poland had
momentarily checked German preparations but that the Ger-
man Eastern program had not been abandoned. Commenting on
Hitler's Reichstag speech of April 28, the M/A termed it
CE 94
"most ominous." He said it left the impression of a des-
perate determination to continue Germany's Eastern expan-
sion. He also warned of a gradual concentration of troops
CE 96
in Eastern Germany. On May 8, the M/A in Berlin reported
that all German units were at full war strength and that
500,000 reserves were undergoing additional training. A
CE 98
week later he reported a further indication of the deepening
orisis which was the effort to train reserve and commercial
fliers in combat aircraft during the present summer. The
M/A stated that while Germany was doing all in its power to
break Polish nerves by minor troop movements, he did not
believe she would risk a general war at the present time.
However, the minor moves would serve to screen any serious
movement, he added. The first warning of the possibility
of an impending German-Soviet agreement was given by the
M/A on May 26. He warned that if Britain did not reach
agreement with Russia, Germany might reach such an under-
CE 99
standing and that the failure of British-Russian negotiations
might well be the signal for a German attack on Poland. He
CE 100
estimated that Germany could place in the field 2,000,000
men and he advised of the disposition of German forces in
any possible Polish campaign. & temporary lull in the
CE 101
crisis occurred in July and the M/A noted that a number of
leaves had been granted to high-ranking officers indicating
that no immediate action would take place. At the same
time, however, he estimated that the Germans had available
3,690,000 men who could be called to the colors in case of
CE 103
war. During the course of the month the M/A again reported
that the Polish situation had been comparatively quiet since
June 30, but he warned that any idea that Hitler's Eastern
program had been stopped was not borne out by the military
situation as known to him. On August 7, the M/A stated that
German troop movements toward the East and concentrations
of troops along the Polish Frontier which began July 30,
coupled with other emergency measures, belied the apparent
CE 104
political calm. Two weeks later, he reported that many
officers were being called baok suddenly to duty. The Ger-
mans have now thrown off the mask, he said, and are demand-
ing not only Dansig but the whole Polish Corridor and Teschen.
On the day following the outbreak of the Polish-German con-
CE 108
fliot, the M/A in Berlin advised the War Department that the
most that could be expected from Russia was a strengthening
of the Soviet garrison or. the Polish Frontier. This would
compel Poland to send troops to the East. At the same time,
he characterized the Soviet-German Pact of August 23 as a
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German technical blunder.
On September 1, the Nazi armies attacked Poland, and
three days later England and France declared war on the
Third Reich. While the German war machine was beginning to
roll in high gear and the final phases of the Polish campaign
CE 110
were being concluded, the M/A in London reported that the
British had told him that Germany had gasoline for only two
or three months of military operations. Following the ool-
lapse of Poland, the M/A in Berlin stated that Germany's
first move would probably be an aerial or underseas campaign
against England and British shipping. If such a campaign
failed to bring England to her knees, then Germany must
attack the French and British armies. Such an attack would
only be accomplished through Belgium and Holland or through
Italy, and the Belgium-Dutch route offered the greatest
chance of success. In Italy as in Germany the opening of
the year 1939 was marked by a lull. At the end of February
SE 62
the M/A to Rome in a peport on aircraft production pointed
out that while there was considerable war talk there had
been no speed up in production which might indicate immediate
SE 63
hostilities. A report from the M/A in Paris quoted French
military sources as substantiating this theory. However,
the M/A himself did not believe that the Italian war prepara-
tion was a bluff. He took a more pessimistic view of the
situation. The M/A in Rome reported that as of March the
probable maximum peace strength of the army would be 600,000
men, half of whom would not be ready for combat until they
finished their recruit training in July or August. The
belief in Italy that 1939 would go by without war in the
same manner as 1938 was further substantiated in a report
SE 76
by the M/A in June. At that time, he quoted an Italian
officer who said there would be no war. At the end of the
SE 80
month the M/A reported that Italian production of airoraft
had reached 150-180 units per month.
When war finally came on the First of September, Italy
did not take part in it. However, Italy continued its
military preparations and by October its army was estimated
by the M/A to have reached a. total of 1,300,000. At the end
SE 65
of November, he estimated that Italian war industry would
be unable to equip the Italian army for a major war and
that this would prevent Italy from engaging in any conflict
of long duration. In southeastern Europe the last bar to
the rearmament of Bulgaria was removed by the Salonika Paot
SE 179
of July 31, 1939 and the Bulgarian combat estimate of April 25
placed the total armed strength of Bulgaria at 60,000 men.
SE 180
Just before the outbreak of war, the M/A in Bucharest reported
that while the official policy of Bulgaria was neutrality,
it was probable that Bulgaria would be drawn into any general
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conflict. In November the M/A in Sofia asked a member of
the French Legation whether he believed Bulgaria would
permit Germany to have air bases on her territory. The
SE 181
French diplomat replied that he thought it unlikely because
the Bulgarians did not wish to fight on the side of the
Axis powers,
While Germany was utilizing the early part of 1939 to
make the finishing touches on her preparations for possible
war, the British were finally beginning to realize the fun-
BI 103
demental dangers of their position. On January 4, 1939,
the M/A in London stated that the preparedness effort had
started too late and that the initial conceptions and pro-
BI 126
grams were not on a sufficiently large scale. He reported
that the British believed that while they would undergo a
severe ordeal at the outbreak of a war, at the end of from
2 to 6 months their individual, military, and air initiative
BI 111
would pass to the Western Powers. The M/A advised the War
Department that there appeared to be considerable confusion
and rumors as to Germany's next move during the first months
BI 133
of 1939, On April 19, he stated that England was in a very
serious situation indeed and that a general war was imminent.
He said that in any such struggle, the Royal Air Force
would be quantitatively out-classed by the Luftwaffe. He termed
BI 144
the British army amateurish. In May and again in July, the
BI 153
M/A reported that units of the British army which he inspected
BI 150
had made a very favorable impression and in view of the change
BI 154
from earlier inspections, this was a marked improvement. This
BI
155
was substantiated by other more optimistic reports on the
general situation.
The other major western power, France, also attempted
to utilize 1939 to catch up with the German war machine but
the M/A to Paris took a pessimistic view of these attempts.
WE 70
In April 1939, he discussed the attempts being made to
remedy the weaknesses of the French position. However,
he made it clear that French mobilization of industry for
war was not efficient and that French production had not
reached the organization necessary for the successful
WE 64
prosecution of a war, He reported that while the French
were shaken by Hitler's march into Prague, they over
estimated the resistance which the Polish army would be
able to offer to any further German movement to the east.
WE 65,72
In a series of reports, he discussed French views on the
general situation. The French, he said, believed that the
German army was 100 percent behind Hitler but that German
fuel reserves were limited to 6 months and that the strength
of the German army was 1,000,000 to 1,200,000. The Polish
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army consisted of about 500,000 men with good officers and
soldiers but an inadequate number of non-commissioned officers
and insufficient materiel.
French weakness in the air became steadily apparent and
WE 89
the M/A in Paris reported that this weakness was fully dis-
cussed in the press and the Chamber of Deputies. Plans and
appropriations were made in 1937 for an increase to 1,500
modern combat aircraft by April 1940. The French air strength,
however, was steadily diminishing and, although the French Air
Ministry declared early in 1939 that the aircraft industry
WE 60
would soon produce 250 aircraft monthly, the French army re-
ceived only 15 military aircraft in January 1940.
In Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, thoroughly aware
of the dangers of its isolated possessions after the Munich
Agreement, pushed its rearmament program. In 1939 the
Soviet government carried through & reorganization of the
People's Commissariat of Munitions and also the Commissariat
EE 110
of Food Industry. The mounting military expenses were also
EE 139
shown in the steady increase in the budget for national defense.
During the spring and early summer the Soviet government car-
ried on its negotiations with both the western powers and
EE 116
Germany but no troop movements were apparent other than those
shown by local maneuvers. However, during the month of
August just before the conclusion of the Soviet-German agree-
ment, considerable movements of troops to the Far East were
EE 119
reported by the M/A in Moscow. A later report by the M/A
EE 122
emphasized the seriousness with which the Soviets considered
the Russo-Japanese situation and the military steps which
they were taking to meet any eventuality on that frontier.
Following the outbreak of hostilities between Poland and
Germany, the Russians, on September 16, invaded Poland and
joined with Germany in a 4th partition of that nation.
Despite their treaty with Germany, the M/A reported appre-
hension in Moscow concerning possible movement of military
EE 144
events in the West. He also reported the movement of
Soviet divisions to the Finnish frontier in the north as
well as to the Turkish border in the south. The order of
battle of the Soviet air force submitted by the M/A
EE 153
emphasized the growing concern which the Soviet leaders
felt for their western frontier. On November 30, the
Red Army invaded Finland,
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1940
During the winter and early spring of 1940, military
action was at a complete standstill. The campaign for Poland
had been completed and the only fighting taking place was the
Soviet attack on Finland. In February, the Military Attache
CE 119
in Berlin estimated German plane production at approximately
1800 to 2000 per month, though he warned that this figure
might be slightly high. The French were also aware of the
CE 118
growing German strength. The Military Attache in Paris re-
ported that the French War Department estimated Germany had
mobilized between 150 and 170 divisions and that this number
might be eventually increased to 300 divisions. On February 21,
CE 120
the Military Attache in Paris reported further that Germany
had 101 to 106 divisions concentrated on the Western Front.
This compared with 8. report from Berlin by the Military Attache
CE 121
which placed the figure of divisions in the West at 111. The
Military Attache in Berlin estimated, however, that the figure
of 214 divisions which he stated would be mobilized by June 1
might, in fact, be called to colors by May 1.
In the surprise attack, the Germans moved north on
April 9 overrunning Denmark and Norway, but two days later,
approximately B. month before the attack in the West, the
Military Attache in Berlin advised the War Department that
CE 127
the Germans believed that the Maginot Line could be
CE 131
broken. Following the successful Norwegian campaign,
the Military Attache in Berlin reported that the military
situation was suspiciously quiet and he felt that further
action would follow soon. In considering what form this
action would take, he added, one must always be aware of
the potentialities of the great German concentrations
CE 133
in the West. A week later, on April 29, he stated
categorically that in view of the preparations of the German
military forces, a general offensive on the Northern part
of the Western Front would be undertaken in an attempt to
break through and defeat the Allied armies. At the start of
the offensive in the West, the Military Attache in Berlin
CE 135
estimated that the German Army possessed 240 divisions of all
CE 136
types. On May 13, he added that the German offensive launched
on the northern part of the French front wes designed to
destroy all the Allied military forces.
On June 20, the first hint of German dissatisfaction with
the Russiens was given by the Military Attache in Berlin who
CE 137
reported that economic cooperation with the Soviet government
was proving unsatisfactory. At that time, however, he be-
lieved that Germany would undertake an attack on England. If
this proved successful, he added, it would be followed by
operations against the Soviet Union and in Africa. On July 24,
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CE 139a
he again mentioned unsatisfactory Soviet-German relations,
stating that 60 divisions had been concentrated in Poland
and Eastern Germany as a precautionary measure. Despite
his surmise of possible action against the Soviet Union,
CE 140
the Military Attache believed that the chief German objective
was in England, and that the movement of troops to the East
CE 142
was defensive in nature. On August 16, he advised that
Germany would bomb England heavily and perhaps send invasion
CE 143
armies if she gained air supremacy. A week later, he cabled
that Germany had 8000 first line planes for use against the
British in addition to 3000 for internal defense.
On September 25, the Military Attache in Berlin reported
for the first time that German units were being sent to North
Africa to bolster the Italians in their fight against the
British. By October 11, he advised that the probability of
a land attack on the British Isles during the present year was
decreasing rapidly although it could not be entirely discounted.
Troop movements in the East and Southeast were continuing, he
CE 147
added,
On November 22, the Military Attache in Berlin reported
that concentrations of troops in northern Norway served notice
on the Soviet Union of great interest in Finland's mineral
deposits. Following the victorious campaign in France and the
low countries, the Military Attache advised that men had been
called to colors in small numbers but steadily and Germany
would have approximately 223 divisions available by the end
of the year. In a report of December 6, the Military Attache
CE 150
and his assistants agreed that the United States must not under-
estimate Germany and that as a nation, the Third Reich was
tremendously powerful.
CE 151
A few days later, he noted that new divisions were being
formed in Germany and by the spring of 1941 the German army
would have at least 250 divisions. Despite the lack of anti-
Soviet comment, the Military Attache suspected that the ground-
work was being prepared for a strategic surprise attack against
Russia and warned that the possibility of such an attack should
CE 154
be carefully weighed. On December 11, he reported that the
mobilization of Germany was continuing at an accelerated rate
and that 65 per cent of the German army was stationed in Germany,
Poland and Southeast Europe. Meanwhile, units possibly destined
for the invasion of England had been withdrawn from Belgium and
CE 155
Holland, he added in a report a week later. This report also
stated that the German strength of Panzer divisions was being
increased to 20.
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During the winter of 1939-40 and the early spring,
Germany's southern Axis partner continued to remain outside
the conflict. Howover, the Italian government spent an in-
creasing amount for military preparations. The M/A in Rome
SE 92
advised the War Department that Italy had available a total
of nearly 4,500,000 men, but that it was not in a position
SE 93
to arm and equip this number. In March he estimated that the
metropolitan army of Italy consisted of 1,300,000. At the
SE 94
end of the same month he stated that while Italian military
leaders knew they would not be able to maintain a total war
effort for long they were doing all in their power to prepare
for possible involvement in the conflict. In August 1940,
SE 99
following the fall of France, the M/A in Belgrade reported
that the Italian propaganda was being directed at Yugoslavia
and that it was reported Albania had been promised parts of
SE 106
the southern Slav kingdom. The M/A in Rome reported on
December 13, that leaders of the Facist Party were making
attacks on high ranking officers and on the General Staff
and that in view of the Italian debacle in North Africa,
German aid to Italy's African army was increasingly probable.
SE 120
Three days later however, the M/A reported that the presence
of German troops might mean merely Germans on their way to
Libya to study colonial peace policies and that it was not
expected that Germany would give Italy any direct military aid.
Meanwhile, the Bulgarians continued to remain aloof from
SE 182
the conflict throughout 1940. The Military Attache reported
from Belgrade on March 27 that a Moscow-Sofia commercial air-
line had been inaugerated but this was believed to be a Soviet
propaganda measure and not an indication that the Soviets had
obtained any material concessions in Bulgaria. Three months
SE 183
later, the Military Attache in Athens estimated that the
Bulgarian Air Force consisted of 541 good planes but that
heavy shipments of war materials continued to arrive in
Bulgaria.
In addition to its regular Military Attaches in the major
capitals in Europe, the United States government also decided
to place Military Attaches in Belgium and the Netherlands. An
attache was assigned to Belgium during the summer of 1938 and
one was assigned to the Netherlands after the fall of Poland
in the fall of 1939. These attaches continued their work until
WE 157-
the German invasion in the spring of 1940. Their reports
182
particularly during the spring of 1940, gave an accurate picture
and
of the strength of the Low Countries and their possible contri-
WE 182-
bution to any defense of Western Europe against a German in-
228
vasion. While German preparations for a possible attack on
the Soviet Union gradually became clear to our military observers
in Berlin during the latter half of 1940, the Military Attache in
Moscow reported that the Soviet Union was steadily strengthening
its position during the year. The war with Finland caused 8.
food shortage in the Moscow area, but the Military Attache reported
SECRET
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that the situation had not become critical. In April, he
EE 137
reported that Molitov's speech stressed friendship with
Germany and vigilance against French activities in the Near
EE 140
East. The Military Attache stated that Stalin did not want
a complete Soviet-Cerman military alliance which might force
him into a war with major powers. However, the Soviet Union
continued to profit by German preoccupation in the West and
XE 151
the Military Attache reported the annexation of sections of
Bessarabia in the Moldarian Soviet Socialist Republic in
August 1940.
EE 172
In the fall of 1940, it became apparent in Moscow that
the Soviet-German relations had become strained.
1941
The year 1941 opened with Germany preparing for a tre-
mendous military effort. The M/As in Berlin were aware of
the vast increase planned in the German army and reported
them continually during the spring of 1941. On January 17,
the M/A advised that the most probable German effort would
be either an attack on England or on the Soviet Union. He
added that there might be a minor campaign in the Balkan area
to relieve pressure on the Italians and to consolidate Germany's
CE 161
position in southeastern Europe. In this report he paid parti-
cular attention to the factors indicating possible action
against the Soviet Union, such as troop concentrations, in-
creased movements of motorized units, continued German mobili-
zation, and reports of coolness in Soviet-German relations.
On January 27, he advised the War Department that a German
panzer brigade was already in Tripoli but there was no indi-
cation that Germany planned a major operation in the Balkans.
However, German concentrations in Southeastern Europe continued
G-2 24
to grow. An estimate of German strength in Rumania on February
13 prepared for the Chief of Staff, placed the number of Nazi
troops at from 500,000 to 600,000. These troops, it was stated,
were intended for a possible thrust southward to the Aegean.
Such a. move would place all Southeastern Europe under complete
CE 165
German Control. A month later the M/A in Berlin reported
that Germany had 32,300 planes in action service or in reserve.
Several days later another communication from the M/A in
Berlin stated that it was difficult to judge whether the Germans
really meant to attack the British Isles or not, although he
thought they probably did not. The publicity which they gave
to such an attack he felt was intended as a part of a war of
CE 166
nerves. On March 17, the M/A advised Washington that further
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preparations were going on for a war against Russia. German
forces in the East had been steadily increased in the last
two weeks, he said. Three new army groups had been reported
and Germany had completed a survey of the Russian border.
CE 171
These and other factors, the M/A stated, led him to believe
that an attack on Russia was being prepared.
A further indication of Soviet-German tension was given
CE 173
by the M/A on March 28: he reported that the Soviet Union
was using her influence in the Balkans to encourage anti-
German elements. By April 15, the M/A in Berlin had become
CE 176
convinced that indications pointed toward an attack against
CE 177
the Soviet Union while a further report on the same day stated
that Germany had only 48 combat divisions on the Channel coast
and could not launch an attack on the British Isles until these
CE 181
had been reinforced. On May 13, he reported that the Russian
situation had now reached a critical stage and German troop
concentrations on the Soviet frontier had been increased to
approximately 100 divisions. The first indication that the
Germans might continue South into the Aegean after overrunning
Yugoslavia and Greece in their Balkan campaign came in April.
CE 182
On May 15, he warned that the Germans intended to attack Crete
0-2 59
by aid of paratroops. In a memorandum for the Chief of Staff on
May 20 just after the beginning of the Crete operation, it was
stated that a German success would close the Mediterranean to the
British.
On the eve of the Soviet-German conflict, June 16, the
CE 184
M/A reported from Berlin that he had the impression that a
great crisis was at hand. In an estimate for the Chief of
G-2 84
Staff on the situation on the Russian front on June 25, three
days after the German attack on the Soviet Union the main
object of the Germans was considered to be the destruction of
the northern group of Soviet armies. During the summer
campaign the M/A reported that Germany had made considerable
progress but that there was not evidence that the Soviet Union
CE 187
was breaking up internally. By the end of August he stated
that the Germans would be forced to accept a limited objective
in Russia in 1941 because of Russian resistance and that they
were making plans for a winter campaign in North Africa. On
October 3, he reported that Germany would have 300 divisions
by the end of the year and that the M/A's office knew of the
existance of 24 panzer divisions. In October he estimated that the
Germans were planning a grand scale offensive in the Soviet
Union to break the Soviet Union before the winter set in. If
CE 191
this campaign should fail, he added, Germany would face defeat.
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During 1941, the importance of the role played by
Germany's southern partner Appreased somewhat, although the
brunt of the fighting in we diterranean, the Soviet
Union and also in the Bell 96. borne by the German
SE 131
Army. On January 23, the Attache in Rome stated
that there were persistent Tunors that the German Air Force
in Sicily would attempt an airborne invasion of Malta but
that no actual preparations for such an attack could be con-
SE 137
firmed. Early in March, he estimated that the Italians had
only some 6 or 800 combat planes of all types in continental
Italy, Sicily and Sardinia. By April 3, the Italians had
concentrated some 450,000 troops in Albania. On May 13, the
SE 158
Military Attache in Rome advised the War Department of the
rumor of future German and Italian plans to take the Suez
Canal and attack the British fleet in the East Mediterranean
and a month later, he predicted that the Italian Air Force
would become more active in the Mediterranean. In a letter
SE 168
in August, the Military Attache in Rome stated that it was
doubtful whether the Germans would continue to furnish
sufficient equipment and raw material for the potential
120 divisions in Italy since the Germans wished the Italian
Army to be strong enough to be helpful, but not strong enough
SE 172
to have delusions of independence. In December, he advised
that Italy had an Air Force with a total personnel of approxi-
mately 200,000.
Meanwhile during 1941, the spread of the European War
to Southeastern Europe finally brought the Bulgarians into
the conflict. By April 4, the Military Attache in Sofia
SE 187
reported that the Bulgarians were three-quarters mobilized
and that only lack of equipment prevented the calling of
more men to the colors. The Military Attache added that an
agreement had been reached between Bulgaria and Germany and
that Bulgarian troops would be concentrated along the Turkish
front, relieving German divisions against Yugoslavia and
SE 188
Greece. On April 9, the Military Attache warned the War
Department that an attack on Yugoslavia seemed likely at any
time in view of German troop dispositions. On April 14, the
Military Attache reported the movement of Bulgarian troops
through Sofia and apparent preparations for reoccupation of
Thrace and Macedonia. Confirmation of the Bulgarian intentions
SE 191
to occupy territories of Three and Macedonia was seen in a
communique issued by the Bulgarians on April 19.
Although the Soviet Union maintained apparent outward
friendship with Germany during the early part of 1941, the
government took steps to block German expansion in South-
eastern Europe. The Military Attache in Moscow on January 6
quoted a Soviet officer as saying that when the Germans crossed
the Soviet frontier, they would be met and defeated. The use
of the word when rather than if indicated the current feeling
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among Soviet officers that a clash between the two nations
was inevitable. Further indication that the Soviets were
taking extensive military preparations to meet any possible
EE 187
German threat was given in a report by the Military Attache
in Moscow of January 27 in which he reported that a great
many classes were being called to the colors. The Soviet
Union continued to increase its military appropriations
during the early part of 1941, the Military Attache reported.
EE 203
On April 8, the Military Attache advised the War De-
partment that there were indications of a break between the
Soviet Union and Germany. Three weeks later, the Military
EE 211
Attache in Moscow advised that the danger of a German in-
vasion appeared to be growing. He added that troops and
materiel had been transferred westward. In May, he again
informed the War Department that he had been advised by a
Slovak diplomat that German units had been passing through
Bratislava, day and night, moving in the direction of the
Soviet Union. On June 19, the Military Attache stated that
the Germans have advised the State Department to evacuate
American women and children from the Soviet Union indicat-
ing the possibility of an invasion by German Army. Follow-
EE 226 -
ing the German attack on June 22, he sent a series of tele-
235
grams to the War Department advising them of the develop-
EE 242
ments in the war. The Military Attache also advised the
War Department that the Soviet Union had approximately 22
divisions in the Far East.
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Relations
belongs_to
belongs_to