- Part of President's Secretary's File (Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration), Departmental Correspondence
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State Dept.: Welles
June- Dec.1941
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8-15-41
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NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
NA FORM 1429 (6-85)
PSF: wills Folder
file
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 4, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
While I am reluctant as you know to take up your
time with memorandums of conversations, I believe the
attached memorandum of a conversation I had with the
Argentine Chief of Naval Operations will be of interest
to you, and I think you will wish to read it.
In any event, I think it constitutes signal proof
of the value of having our Navy Department invite the
chiefs of naval operations of the other American repub-
lics to visit the United States at this time.
Believe me
Enclosure.
D New
The President,
The White House.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Memorandum of Conversation
DATE: May 30, 1941
SUBJECT: Admiral Guisasola's visit to the United States.
PARTICIPANTS: Argentine Ambassador, Señor Don Felipe A. Espil;
Vice Admiral José Guisasola, Chief of Naval
Operations, Argentine Navy;
Captain Alberto D. Brunet, Naval and Air Attaché;
The Under Secretary, Mr. Welles.
COPIES TO:
S, The President, Admiral Stark, Ambassador Armour.
... 1-1493
Admiral Guisasola, Chief of Naval Operations of the
Argentine Navy, dined with me informally at my house last
night. There were present only the Argentine Ambassador
and Captain Brunet, the Argentine Naval Attaché.
Admiral Guisasola was exceedingly cordial with regard
to his recent visit through the United States upon the in-
vitation of the Navy Department and exceedingly frank and
outspoken.
The Admiral expressed his amazement with the progress
which had been made by the United States Navy during recent
years. He reminded me that he had been in this country
some twenty years ago and that he had always had the great-
est sympathy for the American Navy but that he had had no
conception of the efficiency and present expansion of the
-2-
American Navy until he came here in person this past
month. He had been particularly impressed with the
battleship Indianapolis, with the volume and quality of
aviation production which he had seen in the plants he
had visited in California; in the volume, efficiency and
morale in the naval training base at Pensacola; and with
the quality and thoroughness of the planning work being
undertaken here in the Navy Department in Washington.
He expressed in unmeasured terms his admiration and regard
for Admiral Stark and for many of the other naval officers
with whom he had talked during his trip to the United States.
He expressed likewise his amazement that this Govern-
ment did not make better known in Argentina and in the
other American republics the speed with which rearmament
was being carried out in the United States. He said that
no one, not even the military services in Argentina, had
any conception of the volume of the military production
in this country.
The Admiral then launched into a very vigorous state-
ment as to the need for a closer cooperation between
Argentina and the United States. He said it seemed to him
that at a time like this, in its own interest if for no
other reason, the United States should make available to
Argentina the material which was required for the defense
-3-
of Argentina and for the defense of the countries adjacent
to Argentina.
I said to the Admiral that as he well knew, in Septem-
ber 1940 and again in January 1941 this Government had, as
it had with all of the other American republics, desired
to have the most far-reaching conversations with the Argen-
tine Navy in order to reach agreements in principle as to
what the two countries might do by way of cooperation in
the event that an attack upon the Western Hemisphere took
place. I said that unfortunately the Argentine Navy had
made it clear in September 1940 that it did not care to
discuss these issues in any detail with us and consequently
there had been no opportunity for the United States to
learn what assistance the Argentine Government might desire.
I said that, as I had made known to the Argentine Ambassador
only a few weeks ago, this Government, however, stood pre-
pared under the terms of the Lend-Lease Act to make avail-
able to Argentina a very large amount of naval equipment
as well as military equipment, although, as the Admiral
probably knew, discussions in this latter regard had not
been broached to the Argentine Army.
The Admiral then said that while, of course, he could
only speak as Chief of Naval Operations of the Argentine
Navy, he felt that that position entitled him to consider-
able weight in councils with his own Government and that
-4-
he wished me to know specifically that the opinion which
he was about to express to me was shared by more than 95
per cent of at least the higher ranking officers of the
Argentine Navy. He said that the reply given to the United
States initiative in September 1940 had been due solely to
one officer of the Argentine Navy who had unfortunately at
that time occupied the position of Minister of Marine. He
said the negative response given to the United States, as
the Admiral in question well knew, was contrary to the
expressed desires of the overwhelming majority of the
Argentine naval officers themselves. He said that through-
out its history, the Argentine Navy had looked to the
American Navy for leadership and for guidance. He said
that only five years ago, when the British had attempted
to have British naval officers selected as instructors in
the Naval War College in Buenos Aires, he himself and
some of his associates had been responsible for the deci-
sion of the Argentine Government to select American naval
officers. He said that today American naval tactics were
the only tactics studied by the Argentine Navy and that he
could assure me, speaking with the responsibilities now
encumbered upon him fully in mind, that if the United States
went into war for the defense of the Western Hemisphere,
the Argentine Navy would desire to be at the side of the
American Navy. He stated further and with much emphasis
-5-
that his constant efforts from now on were going to be
directed to the end that, if the United States went to
war, the Argentine Government would see to it that at
least one Argentine unit was placed in each division of
the American fleet operating in the Atlantic Ocean to be-
come a part of the fighting force of the American Navy
and run all of the risks which would be incurred thereby.
The Admiral further said that without any delay what-
ever there should be a close understanding between the two
fleets so that the Argentine Navy would know exactly what
patrol work and what defense work it should undertake in
full cooperation with the American Navy.
The Admiral stated that as soon as he returned to
Buenos Aires he would insist that conversations in this
sense be immediately undertaken between the American and
the Argentine Navies and that the offer of the American
to
Government/make available to the Argentine Navy naval
material be promptly accepted and worked out through
common agreement.
The Admiral spoke with considerable emphasis like-
wise as to the impossibility of undertaking any real
inter-American naval cooperation. He said that he had
been more and more impressed by this fact during the
course of his recent trip through the United States. He
said that with the exception of the Chilean and Brazilian
-6-
Admirals, none of the other chiefs of naval operations
from the other American Republics had the faintest knowl-
edge of what a fleet was nor of what tactics were. He
spoke with utter contempt of most of the other naval
officers and as an illustration of their lack of experi-
ence and knowledge, said that when he and the Uruguayan
Admiral were in an airplane flying over Pensacola recently
and he himself had been inconveniencedby the noise of the
motors, he had said as a joke to the Uruguayan Admiral
when they landed that the next time they took a trip of
that kind he thought he would get out on one of the wings
of the plane in order to have less noise, and that there-
upon the Uruguayan had replied that he had not realized
that it would be safe for a passenger in a plane to sit
on one of the wings. The Admiral very firmly expressed
the opinion that while the Brazilians and Chileans at
least knew what a navy was, the only two navies in the
Hemisphere were the United States and the Argentine Navies
and it was imperative that an agreement between them be
made as a basis for any inter-American collaboration
that might be undertaken.
The Admiral said that there was nothing that would
stimulate a better feeling in the Argentine Navy at this
time than for the United States Navy to go back to its
old practice exercised until a year or so after the last
-7-
World War of permitting Argentine officers actually to
serve on some of our fighting ships.
I remarked that I was sure that the Admiral would
understand tha t while our Navy people would undoubtedly
have full confidence in the ability and discretion and
loyalty to our interests of our friends in the Argentine
Navy, it might be difficult for them to have the same com-
plete confidence in naval officers from some of the other
republics and that, of course, this Government would have
to follow a policy of non-discrimination as between the
other American republics. The Admiral said he understood
the difficulty involved, but wondered if it might not be
obviated by having it undertaken on a reciprocal basis,
and since it was obvious that the United States would not
wish to send American officers to train, for example, on
a Paraguayan gunboat on the River Paraguay, the oppor-
tunity he had in mind might be limited by this Government
to officers from the fleets of the other American navies
to which American officers were sent, ostensibly for
training purposes. I replied that the importance of his
suggestion was, of course, evident and that he might be
sure I would take the matter up with Admiral Stark and
other officers of our own Navy.
Before he left, the Admiral said that he wanted me
to know that this country in these times of danger could
-8-
count upon the sympathy and friendship of an overwhelming
majority of the Argentine people and that he could fur-
ther assure me of the complete support of the Argentine
Navy. He said he would like to be able to communicate
with me personally after his return to Buenos Aires in
the same way in which he had undertaken to communicate
with Admiral Stark. I said that nothing VO uld give me
greater pleasure and I knew it would be of the utmost
service to Admiral Stark and myself.
The Argentine Ambassador subsequently told me that
the Admiral had spoken to him privately in exactly the
same sense as that in which he had spoken to me and that
he had never seen anything more useful, from the stand-
point of cooperation between the American and Argentine
Navies, than the visit to the United States of Admiral
Guisasola.
U:SW:IJ
This document
was originally
declassified
1 March 9, 1972 been
and has
stamped incorrectly
EKD
4-13-73
PSF: wells tolder
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 9, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
I have received from the British Embassy a
confidential communic ation regarding the steps
which will be taken by the British Government in
order to make it possible for the Jews in Pales-
tine to participate more actively in defense
measures. Since I know this matter has been
brought to your attention, I am enclosing a
copy of this communication for your information.
Believe me
Faithfully I yours,
All
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
Ann
COPY
BRITISH EMBASSY,
WASHINGTON.
REF. 555/31/41
May 4th, 1941
My dear Mr. Under-Secretary,
You may recollect that on May 8th you passed to the
Ambassador a message from Rabb1 Stephen S. Wise containing
a request that the Jews in Palestine be permitted to form
regiments and a Home Guard. We have now received from
London a statement of His Majesty's Government's attitude
in this connexion. They realise of course that the Jewish
desire for the means of self-protection in Palestine is
natural, and have been considering how best to meet it.
2.
We have now been authorised to inform you in con-
fidence that they ha ve approved the following proposals
submitted by the High Commissioner:
(1) Expansion of the Jewish settlement police to its
former strength during the disturbances, with
the possibility of future expansion if this is
successful.
(2) More intensive training of the special rural
constabulary.
(3) Expansion on a more restricted scale of the
urban special constabulary.
The Honourable
Sumner Welles,
Under-Secretary of State of the United States,
Washington, D. C.
REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED by British
Govt., State Dept. tel.,
72
By R. H. Parks Date APR 10 1973
-2-
(4) Continued equal opportunity for enlistment into
the Palestine Infantry battalions for both Jews
and Arabs, and completion of the accepted re-
cruiting programme on the Jewish side irrespec-
tive of the rate of enlistment of Arabs.
3.
In addition, the possibility is not excluded, pro-
vided equipment and assistance are available, of expanding
the above on the following lines:
(1) Conversion of Jewish settlements into strong points.
(2) Training Jewish settlement police (a) to deal with
parachute troops and minor air borne landings
(b) to engage in tank hunting (c) to adopt
guerilla tactics against enemy detachments and
lines of communication (d) to protect without
assistance from British troops or police the
Jewish settlements against rebellious Arab bands.
4.
The above have been communicated in strict confidence
to Dr. Namier of the Jewish Agency, who has expressed much
satisfaction. It is not however intended to make any public
announcement, since apart from giving valuable information
to the enemy this might have the worst possible effect upon
Arab opinion in the Middle East. It will be appreciated
that with the present situation in Iraq and Syria any
precipitate arming of the Jews might lead to deterioration
-3-
in the internal security in Palestine, which could only
be restored by the diversion of the British troops from
more vital operations.
5.
Even if arms were available for general distribu-
tion, such action would not in the judgment of His Majesty's
Government contribute to local security and would have
little military value agains. trained troops. They feel
that the military authorities must be left full discretion
to use the equipment available to them to the best advan-
tage.
6.
We are arranging to inf orm Rabbi Wise orally and
in confidence that the question of the Jews forming regi-
ments and a Home Guard has been under active considera-
tion by His Ma jesty's Government who have approved certain
proposals for action submitted by the High Commissioner,
and that the gist of these steps has been communicated
in strict confidence to Dr. Namier in London and Mr. Sher-
tok in Jerusalem, both of whom have expressed their satis-
faction. The details of the proposals are not being dis-
closed to Rabbi Wise.
Yours very sincerely,
NEVILE BUTLER
Confider
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 10, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
I am enclosing a copy of a letter I received
from our Embassy in Berlin which will be of interest
to you. You will remember that the "our friend" is
Dr. Schacht.
Believe me
A A
Malls
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
EMBASSY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Berlin, May 27, 1941
Dear Mr. Welles:
"Our friend" has been back in Germany, at his country
place, for some weeks now after a two months honeymoon
with his young bride in Switzerland. Since he had writ-
ten me from Switzerland wanting to know if I had any news
for him, I asked his confidential secretary whether I
could make a personal call on him but to date I have
heard nothing from him nor do I expect to at this time.
Our friend has been most anxious to maintain contact
with the States through the Embassy. His sudden inacces-
sibility is undoubtedly due to his desire to avoid con-
tacts with officials of non-friendly nations during the
present increased flurry of suspicion and Gestapo spying
which was brought about by Mr. Hess' flight to England.
Hess' flight has caused, I believe, an irreparable
crack in the Party's reputation and has stimulated the --
latent--opposition. If only the German armies were def-
initely checked--an occurrence which seems impossible in
the immediate future--I believe a gradual movement towards
revolt might start, particularly if America and Britain
made clear that there is an acceptable alternative to con-
tinued support of the regime. As long as Hitler can win
victories, however, he personally will maintain control
and prestige but even with a definite victory I do not
think that with the defection of Hess, the prestige of the
Party in its present formation can ever be restored. On
the other hand the reputation and influence of the army
is increasing.
Sincerely yours,
DONALD R. HEATH
First Secretary of Embassy
The Honorable
Sumner Welles,
Under Secretary of State,
Washington.
PSFilablestolder Folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 13, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
TO DO THE NEEDFUL
F. D. R.
Message to the President from
Emile Detruit, President Comite de
Gaulle, saying that the Free French
people can no longer recognize the
Vichy Government.
\
PSF Stat Welles Folder
about THE
UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 14, 1941.
My dear Mr. President:
I am not certain that this telegram has been
brought to your attention and I am therefore send-
ing it to you for your information.
Believe me
A Faithfully yours, Nills
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
WT
This telegram must bE
closely parephrased bE-
SOFIA
fore being communicated
to anyone. (br)
Dated June 13, 1941
Rec'd 4:02 p.m.
Secretary of State,
Washington.
276, June 13, noon.
An airmail letter from my wife today states that
she has heard from certain members of the State Department
rumors that I am drinking hard end that Colonel Donovan
end myself were drunk together when he lost his passport.
Permit me to say that I drink EVEN less than any
member of this Legation (*) E. political opponent of
mine was the soberest, best behaved and hardest working
American that has come to Sofia during my tenure of
office. You have the report of one thorough, fair
inspector who was here. I shell welcome another at
the Earliest possible moment.
Since the subject of criticism has been brought
up may I make 8 constructive suggestion regarding the
personnel of the Department though certainly not resort-
ing to the personalities to which epparently I have
been subjected.
I have read many telegrams from many of our posts.
Ignorance
-2- #276, June 13, noon, from Sofia.
Ignorance of the English language displayed therein
with the resultant redundancy of 75% of them is ap-
palling. This means an annual cost to the American tax-
payer of literally hundreds of thousands of dollars a
year in telegraph charges and work in coding and decoding.
I therefore respectfully suggest that far more
importance bE given to the knowledge of our language
in the Exeminations for the career and that 8 copy of
Professor A. S. Hill's Principles of Rhstoric bE sent
to those members of our service whose telegroms show E
lamentable lack of conciseness and clarity.
I sholl appreciate it if C peraphrese of this
telegram will bE forwarded to my wife.
EARLE
WWC
PSF: Willes Fother
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 14, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
I think this story from
Morris about the closing of the
Christian Science churches in Germany
should be leaked to the newspapers
here.
F.D.R.
/
PSF,
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 14, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
In the belief that it may be of interest
to you, I am transmitting herewith a copy of a
telegram which Lord Halifax gave me this morn-
ing and which he had received from his Govern-
ment relative to recent movements of German
troops and German ships in Norway and in Nor-
wegian waters.
Believe me
Faithfully yours
Alls
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
COPY
Telegram from London dated June 14th.
Reports continue to be received showing that
(1) A considerable movement of troops to North
Norway is taking place.
(2) Heavy tonnages of shipping from German-Baltic
ports have been proceeding in the same direction.
(3) Reinforcements of long-range bombers in Norway
have recently been effected.
(4) A large quantity of shipping is now concentrated
in Norwegian ports. Air reconnaissance on June 5th re-
ported 30 ships at Bergen, 30 ships at Trondheim, 4 at
Narvik and 12 at Airkenes.
The natural assumption would be that these concen-
trations are directed against the U.S.S.R. but in view
of United States interests in Iceland we think it only
right to point out that if for one reason or another
they were no longer needed for use against Russia, it
would be possible for them to be employed at short
notice for an expedition to Iceland instead.
PSF: wells Folder
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
file
June 14, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
With reference to our telephone conversation, I
am sending you herewith a copy of the suggested note
to be handed to the German Chargé d'Affaires this
coming Monday, June 16.
Believe me
Enclosure.
A Faithfully yours, Allo
The President,
The White House.
COPY
June 16, 1941.
Sir:
It has come to the knowledge of this Government
that certain agencies of the German Reich in this
country, including German consular establishments, have
been engaged in activities wholly outside the scope of
their legitimate duties. These activities have been of
an improper and unwarranted character. They render the
continued presence in the United States of those agencies
and consular establiahments inimical to the welfare of
this country.
I am directed by the President to request tha t the
German Government remove from United States territory
all German nationals in anywise connected with the German
Library of Information in New York, the German Railway
Herr Hans Thomsen,
Chargé d'Affaires ad interim of
Germany.
-2-
and Tourists Agencies, and the Trans-Ocean News Service,
and that each of these organizations and their affiliates
shall be promptly closed.
I am also directed to request that all German con-
sular officers, agents, clerks, and employees thereof
of German nationality shall be removed from American
territory and that the consular establishments likewise
be promptly closed.
It is contemplated that all such withdrawals and
closures shall be effected before July 10.
Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my high
consideration.
PSF: hells Folder
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 18, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
Last week John Cudahy called me from New York to say
that he would like to come down to Washington to have 8.
confidential talk with me in order to relate to me an in-
terview which he had had with Ribbentrop before he left
Berlin.
I replied saying that I felt it was better for him
not to come to Washington, but if he had any confidential
information which he thought it desirable to transmit to
me, I would be glad if he would transmit such information
to me in any way he saw fit.
He has now transmitted to Secretary Hull the informa-
tion in question in the form of a memorandum of which I am
enclosing a copy herewith for your information.
Believe me
Enc.
A Faithfully yours,
The President,
The White House.
COPY
June 14, 1941
The Honorable the Secretary of State,
Cordell Hull,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I am sorry to learn of your illness, and sincerely
hope you will be back at your desk as fresh as ever
within 8. day or two.
In your absence I spoke to the Office of the Under
Secretary and told him that I had had a long discussion
with von Ribbentrop which I thought might be of interest.
But he sent me a message stating that he did not think
it advisable for him to see me at this time.
Accordingly, I am leaving with your secretary a con-
fidential memorandum of my conversation with von Ribben-
trop. I gave my word to von Ribbentrop that what he told
me during my meeting with him would not be published.
It is impossible, as you can readily understand to
give you my views of von Ribbentrop's attitude; to tell
you of his position in Germany, and to evaluate the dis-
cussion with him. All these I can set forth only at
the personal meeting with you or the Under Secretary.
But in the belief that the enclosed report, inadequate
as it is, may be of some service I am leaving it in
your hands.
Respectfully yours,
JOHN CUDAHY
COPY
HOTEL ST. REGIS
New York
CONFIDENTIAL MEMORANDUM
for
The Honorable Cordell Hull
On May 3rd, 1941 I had & long talk with von Ribbentrop
at his office on Wilhelm Strasse, Berlin, and set forth
herewith the salient features of the discussion.
von Ribbentrop spoke with & great deal of confidence,
which I believe he sincerely felt, when he said that
England was already defeated, and that Germany could
not be dislodged from "our hemisphere". He said that
the African campaign might be slowed up during the ap-
proaching hot weather months, but there could be no ques-
tion of German military domination over that Continent.
He said that England would be subjected to a terrific
aerial bombardment during the summer months and would be
surrounded by submarines "like sharks" which would lay
down an increasingly effective blockade of the British
Isles.
He went on to say that his information was that the
Dominions and Colonies were giving negligible support to
the British and that there was a great feeling of dis-
satisfaction and adverse criticism against the British
you
JSTOH
-2-
high command on the part of the Dominion and Colonial
forces. He insisted that Germany did not intend to
destroy the British Empire which it considered a neces-
sary power for stability and order during these times,
but, he said, the longer the war continued, the more
severe would be peace terms imposed on the British.
Concerning German aggression against the western Hemi-
sphere, von Ribbentrop spoke of this as a matter for
expert military opinion and said that he was satisfied
that American experts would confirm the view of the
German high command that an attack upon the western
hemisphere was impossible of successful accomplishment.
He was very frank in his comments upon the subject of
American active belligerency and I got the same impres-
sion that I got from Hitler that the Germans expect us
to enter the war before many weeks. But he assured me
that our participation in the conflict would be ineffectual.
We came too late. Again he referred to the experts and
said he was sure they would advise that a military cam-
paign against Germany by an expeditionary force either
by landing in Africa or Europe was a military impossi-
bility. He said that even supported by our Naval forces,
that the greater part of our airplanes and war materials
-3-
would never reach the British Isles, and that even if
our airplanes did arrive in England they would be smashed
on the ground there before they could take off for combat.
He predicted that the American people would become very
impatient, disillusioned and wrathful against statesman-
ship which drew them into a strictly European war. It
would be, he said, a war without heroics as far as the
United States was concerned; a series of minor naval en-
gagements with no great flag waving or stirring exploits
to fire the American imagination. Our participation,
he said, would mean a prolongation of the war probably
for many years but we could not possibly defeat Germany.
The military phase of the war, he said, was practically
ended. Germany had discontinued the manufacture of
ammunitions and was concentrating its industrial mili-
tary output on submarines and airplanes.
JC
JUne 14, 1941
PSF: bills Folder
1-41
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 18, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
In the absence of Lord Halifax, Mr. Butler called
to see me this morning with the following message from
the British Government:
Mr. Churchill apparently feels optimistic with
regard to the probability that Dr. Salazar will be will-
ing in the event of imminent German aggression to request
Great Britain and the United States to assist in the
defense of the Azores. Mr. Churchill feels, however,
that plans should now be formulated as to the action to
be taken in the event that such 8. request were not forth-
coming at the crucial moment. He therefore suggests
that joint staff conversations be undertaken immediately
between the United States and British staff representa-
tives in order to determine the details of the action
to be taken respectively by the two Governments in such
a contingency.
I told Mr. Butler that I would lay this request
before you immediately.
The President,
The White House.
-2-
Will you let me know what reply you wish me to
make to the British Government?
Believe me
Faithfully yours,
Nells
PSF: welles Folde
S. W.
O. K.
F. D. R.
June 23, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
The Greek Minister has inquired whether this Gov-
ernment would have any objection to the visit to the
United States in about two months' time of the Greek
Prime Minister. It 1s the Minister's feeling that Greek
national feeling should be kept alive and that the visit
of the Prime Minister would be helpful in that regard,
as was the recent visit of General Bikorski in keeping
alive & spirit of national resistance to Germany on the
part of Polish nationals in the United States.
If you have no objection, I shall inform the Minis-
ter that while this Government has not extended and is
not extending any invitations to officials of foreign
governments to visit the United States at this time,
should the Prime Minister of Greece visit the United
States, his visit would be most welcome to this Govern-
ment.
I shall appreciate it if you will let me know
what your decision may be.
Believe me
Faithfully yours,
welles
The President,
The White House.
PSF, wells Folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 23, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
This is an additional reason
for us to afford some kind of pro-
tection to Liberia. They ought to
welcome it.
F. D. R.
State Department dispatch from
Wasson at Dakar, dated June 22, 1941,
saying German agents in Liberia obtain
information from Syrian merchants
established at Freetown regarding
arrivals and departures of convoys.
hills Folder
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
file mal
June 26, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
I am enclosing for your immediate attention a
telegram received from Monrovia this morning.
I propose sending a reply at once clarifying
points 1, 2 and 3 and making it clear with regard to
point 4 that an agreement will, of course, be reached
in advance as to the location of the air base or bases.
With regard to the question raised by President
Barclay concerning Liberian neutrality in the event that
the United States enters the war, it is my purpose to
reply, if you agree, that the status of Liberia in such
event is, of course, a matter for the Liberian Govern-
ment to determine; that the steps contemplated by this
Government will, of course, make it possible for Libe-
rian independence and integrity to be preserved, but
that this Government feels confident that a satisfactory
arrangement can be worked out which would give the United
States full power to protect the bases selected and yet
The President,
The White House.
-2-
leave Liberia free to determine her own status in the
light of what she construes to be her best interests.
If you see no objection to the nature of the reply
I contemplate sending, I shall send & telegram in that
sense immediately.
Believe me
Faithfully A yours Delhs
Encs.
Telegram 62 from
Monrovia;
Telegram 37 to
Monrovia.
JT
This telegram must bE
Monrovia
closely paraphrased be-
fore being communicated
Dated June 25, 1941
to anyone. (sc)
Rec'd 6 a.m., 26th
Secretary of State,
Washington.
62, June 25, 5 p.m.
Department's no. 37, June 21, 3 p.m.
President Barclay has favorably received suggestion.
BEfore committing himself hE requests clarification:
One. Regarding withdrawal of troops upon termination
of Emergency. HE feels there should bE a full definition
of the term "Emergency".
Two. President Barclay's only information with respect
to arrangements made in British territories in
Western HEMISPHERE has been from radio broadcasts and
desires to bE more fully apprised.
Three. Is the sending of Marines essential for
the preparation of air base as might likely bE established.
Four. Question as to location of air base or bases
should bE fixed in advance.
President Barclay posed the question: If America
eventually became a belligerent would it involve a
departure from Liberian neutrality or would arrangements
bE
-2- 62, June 25, 5 p.m., from Monrovia
be similar to those regarding British naval bases in
Egypt? President Barclay's attitude toward Marines can
bE attributed to reports of alleged reprehensible conduct
in Central America.
My conviction is that all points can bE settled to the
mutual satisfaction of the two governments.
WALTON
ALC
NO DISTRIBUTION
June 21, 1941
AMERICAN LEGATION,
MONROVIA.
FOR THE MINISTER ONLY AND TO BE DECODED BY HIM.
Your mail despatch 544, November 14, 1940 and
your telegram no. 14, March 15, 1939.
Please seek an immediate interview with President
Barclay and, referring to earlier discussions concerning
the defense of Liberia, inform him that this Government
is now prepared to give immediate and favorable considera-
tion to any request he may make for the establishment of
an American air base in Liberia. Explain that this
suggestion 1s put forward in the light of the traditional
relations of close friendship between the United States
and Liberia which have existed for more than one hundred
years. Add that such a base, 1f established, would of
course be with full recognition on the part of the
United States of the sovereign and independent status
of Liberia and that American military personnel would
of course be withdrawn from Liberia as soon as the
-2-
emergency had passed. We would envisage implementing
the plan by sending to Liberia at an early date a small
force of say five hundred United States Marines, who
would prepare the way for the construction of the air
base. Necessary details, including assurances with res-
pect to full recognition of Liberian sovereignty and
regarding the withdrawal of troops upon the termination
of the emergency, could be worked out subsequently.
These arrangements might well be along the lines of
those which have been made in regard to the establishment
of American bases in British territories in the Western
Hemisphere.
STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL. The President attaches the
utmost importance to the establishment of the proposed
base and you will therefore spare no effort in endeavor-
ing to induce President Barclay to make a request in the
sense desired. In view of the need for absolute secrecy
you will refrain from discussing the matter with anyone
except President Barclay.
NE:WSM
nurs
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 24, 1941
File
My dear Mr. President:
I have received today your memorandum of June 23
enclosing a proposed questionnaire to be answered by
our consuls who are returning from Italy, Germany and
territories occupied by the Axis powers.
I am heartily in accord with the idea and the
questionnaire you have enclosed will be submitted to
our consular officers as soon as possible. You will,
of course, be informed of the results obtained.
Believe me
Alls
The President,
The White House.
wills Folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 23, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
I am enclosing a proposed
questionnaire for us to give to all
Consuls who have been thrown out of
Axis or Axis-occupied territories.
What do you think of doing
this?
F. D. R.
(Enclosure)
Model
MARK
>
2 Wall Street
JUN RECEIVED 23 11, writte 4> AM HOUSE 41
June 21, 1941
Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt
The White House
Washington, D.C.
My dear Mr. President:
Based upon our talk of the other day
relative to information that Consuls abroad
might have, I em enclosing a questionnaire which
you might think advisable to have sent to all
those Consuls who are about to return home.
Very sincerely yours,
Bue
Proposed Questionnaire for United States
Consuls Returning from Posts in Axis or
Axis-Occupied Territories
Returning Consuls should submit all information
in their possession with respect to the following subjects:
1. Morale. Present state of military, naval,
official and citizen morale. Factors causing most
impairment. Current common complaints. Means for
lowering morale.
2. Bomb damage, including locality, time of
damage, percentage of unexploded bombs, value of new
bombs, and types of bombs causing most damage.
3. Vital bombing targets, with reasons therefor,
such as impairment of communications, transportation,
morale, etc. Times when bombing would be most effec-
tive.
4. Health of population and of the Axis armed
and naval forces, including nutrition hygiene, epidemics,
deficiencies in particular medicines, shortages of food,
clothing, fuel, lack of housing facilities, etc.
5. Current rumors.
6. British propaganda. Efficiency thereof, number
of listeners, quality of reception. Means for improve-
ment in dissemination thereof. Extent to which means
other than radio might be used.
7. Economic and industrial intelligence of a
specific nature with respect to all military, naval
and air activities, including current and contemplated
military movements, new developments in weapons and
technique, new types of equipment, means of transporta-
tion, etc.
8. Civilian defense. Efficiency thereof, including
fire fighting, shelters, number of gas masks. Means for
impairing same.
9. Prestige of Party and popularity of individual
party members. Vulnerabilities of Party and leaders
and means for taking advantage thereof.
10. Prestige of Services and popularity of
individual officers. Vulnerability thereof.
11. Main sentiments or emotions of people, e.g.
war weariness, fear of America, hatred of Russia, etc.
12. Migrations of population, including size and
locality, and whether due to bombing or Axis orders.
13. Channels for obtaining future information.
Identity of contacts through whom information obtain-
able and means of getting same in and out.
14. Identity of Axis espionage agents acting in
allied territories, United States or elsewhere.
15. British Blockade. Effect thereof and means
being used to evade same.
16. Any further remarks, including observations
of apparently trivial matters, including general day-
to-day picture as seen by informant.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
7-24-41
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT:
1. This is the copy of Colonel
Donovan's letter, which he just sent
direct to me.
2. Also a report that General
Burns has made in response X your
recent directive.
I thought you would probably
want to see both of these tonight before
you leave.
EWW.
E.M.W.
OFFICE OF
THE LIBRARIAN
TO
General Watson,
*his comes to you
from Colonel Donovan.
Thursa M. Bakey
7-24
June 21, 1941
Hon. Franklin D. Roosevelt
The White House
Washington, D.C.
My dear Mr. President:
Based upon our talk of the other day
relative to information that Consuls abroad
might have, I am enclosing a questionnaire which
you might think advisable to have sent to all
those Consuls who are about to return home.
Very sincerely yours,
Proposed Questionnaire for United States
Consuls Returning from Posts in Axis or
Axis-Occupied Territories
Returning Consule should submit all information
in their possession with respect to the following subjects:
1. Morale. Present state of military, naval,
official and citizen morale. Factors causing most
impairment. Current common complaints. Means for
lowering morale.
2. Bomb damage, including locality, time of
damage, percentage of unexploded bombs, value of new
bombs, and types of bombs oeusing most demage.
3. Vital bombing targets, with reasons therefor,
such as impairment of communications, transportation,
morale, etc. Times when bombing would be most effec-
tive.
4. Health of population and of the Axis armed
and navel forces, including nutrition hygiene, epidemics,
deficiencies in perticular medicines, shortages of food,
clothing, fuel, lack of housing facilities, etc.
5. Current rumors.
6. British propaganda. Efficiency thereof, number
of listeners, quality of reception. Means for improve-
ment in dissemination thereof. Extent to which means
other than radio might be used.
7. Economic and industrial intelligence of a
specific nature with respect to all military, nevel
and air activities, including current and contemplated
military movements, new developments in weepons and
technique, new types of equipment, means of transporta-
tion, etc.
8. Civilian defense. Efficiency thereof, including
fire fighting, shelters, number of gas masks. Means for
impairing same.
9. Prestige of Party and popularity of individual
party members. Vulnerabilities of Party and leaders
and means for taking advantage thereof.
10. Prestige of Services and popularity of
individual officers. Vulnerability thereof.
11. Main sentiments or emotions of people, e.g.
war weariness, fear of America, hatred of Russia, etc.
12. Migrations of population, including size and
locality, and whether due to bombing or Axis orders.
13. Channels for obteining future information.
Identity of contacts through whom information obtain-
able and means of getting same in and out.
14. Identity of Axis espionage agents acting in
allied territories, United States or elsewhere.
15. British Blockade. Effect thereof and means
being used to evade same.
16. Any further remarks, including observations
of apparently trivial matters, including general day-
to-day picture as seen by informent.
THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS
BY HAND
WASHINGTON, D. C.
CONFIDENTIAL
Urgent
The Honorable
Edwin Martin Watson
Secretary to the President
TheWhite House
PSF: Welles Folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 25, 1941.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
I agree with you that steps
are necessary to deal with these
reports circulated by former
President Herbert Hoover -- but
what steps? This does not merit
a Government statement but I do
think it merits a communication
to Mr. Hoover.
F. D. R.
PSF: Welles
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 24, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
I am enclosing herewith a copy of a portion of
a memorandum of conversation which I had with Lord
Halifax on Sunday. It is possible that you may feel
it desirable to have some steps taken in order to
deal with the reports which Mr. Hoover is circulat-
ing.
Believe me
Faithfully A yours, Alls
Enc.
Memo. of conversation
with Lord Halifax,
June 22, 1941.
The President,
The White House.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Memorandum of Conversation
DATE: June 22, 1941
SUBJECT:
Statements of Mr. Herbert Hoover regarding alleged
German peace proposals
PARTICIPANTS:
British Ambassador, Lord Halifax;
Under Secretary, Mr. Welles
COPIES TO:
are 1-1493
Lord Halifax called to see me this morning at his
request.
The Ambassador brought up the subject of information
which had reached him to the effect that Mr. Herbert Hoover
was busily engaged in spreading the report in many circles
in the United States that Hess had brought to Great Britain
specific and concrete German peace proposals. The reports
emanating from Mr. Hoover further allege that when the
leaders of the Conservative Party in England learned of
this fact, they called upon Mr. Churchill and demanded
that he give these proposals full consideration, with
the threat that, in as much as the Conservative Party
constituted the chief support of Mr. Churchill in the
House of Commons, such support would be withdrawn unless
-2-
Mr. Churchill agreed to discuss these peace proposals;
furthermore, that it was for this reason that Mr. Churchill
had urged Ambassador Winant to return to Washington by
air immediately in order to lay these facts before the
President and obtain the President's acquiescence to
consideration by the British Government of these peace
proposals. Mr. Hoover further was claiming that Hess
was the seventh peace emissary sent to England since the
outbreak of the war and that the other emissaries had
been sent from Germany to Dublin in a German plane and
returned in a British plane. Mr. Hoover was maintain-
ing that he was absolutely positive that these facts
were correct as he set them forth since he obtained his
information from Hugh Gibson who is now in London and
who got them from reliable inside sources.
Lord Halifax said he merely wished me to know of
the information he had obtained in this regard in order
that the Administration might be able to deal with these
reports in any way it saw fit. He said that it was un-
necessary for him to say that the reports were entirely
untrue and that, of course, this Government was aware of
the general nature of the statements that Hess had made
upon his arrival in Scotland.
U:SW:IJ
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DIVISION OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS
July 2, 1941
Mr. Foster:
Mr. Welles has requested
that this copy of the letter
which has received the
President's approval be
made available to you this
afternoon.
E. G.Gollado
Orginal returned to mr Miller have
wells Folder
PSF NII
stalliger. Nept ariginal I april
did
June 28, 1941
3
My dear Mr. President:
Reference is made to a letter of April 22, 1941
addressed to you by the Secretaries of State, War
and the Navy, presenting for your approvel a program
of furnishing the other American republics with a
total of $400,000,000 of military and naval materiel.
At that time you indicated your approval of this general
program.
The Department has now worked out in consultation
with the Division of Defense Aid Reports & draft text
of basic agreement which would be entered into by
this Government with each of the other American republics.
The draft, which is enclosed, is worked out with
special reference to Brazil, and it is suggested that
the only changes to be incorporated in the drafts
relating to the other American republics would be in
respect of the financial details appropriate to each
country. There is attached a table indicating the
total amounts of materiel which it 1s proposed to
transfer
The President,
The White House.
-2-
transfer to each of the other American republics and the
total amounts to be paid into the United States Treasury
over & period of six years.
This program is based on deliveries of materiel
over & period of at least three years and payments by
the other American republics into the Treasury over a
period of six years. In the event that the emergency
is terminated before the expiration of these periods
of delivery or payment, it would probably be necessary
and desirable to reconsider the program end perhaps to
modify the basic agreements in accordance with the new
circumstances.
If you approve the draft basic agreement and
suggested schedule of payments, the Department is prepared
to begin immediate negotiations with the representatives
of Brazil, Colombia end eventually all of the American
republics.
Faithfully yours,
SUMNER WELLES
Enclosure:
Draft text of basic
agreement, with
attached table.
RA:EGO:MJC 6-27-41
June 26, 1941
The President of the United States of America has
determined, pursuant to the Act of the Congress of the
United States of America of March 11, 1941, that the defense
of each of the American republics is vital to the defense
of all, and for that reason the United States of America
proposes to provide certain defense articles and defense
information to the United States of Brazil.
The United States of America and the United States of
Brasil do here agree to the terms and conditions on which
the obligations of the United States of Brazil to the
United States of America which thereby arise shall be dis-
charged.
Article I
The United States of America and the United States of
Brazil declare that in conformity with the principles set
forth in the Deelaration of Lima they, together with all
the other American republics, are united in the defense of
the Americas, determined to secure for themselves and for
each other the enjoyment of their own fortunes end their
own talents. To that end the defense articles hereunder
are to be delivered and in that cause they shell be used.
with
-2-
with that purpose in their minds the United States of
America and the United States of Brazil make this agreement.
Article II
Should circumstances arise in which the United States
of America in its own defense or in the defense of the
Americas shall require defense articles or defense information
which the United States of Bresil is in a position to supply,
the United States of Brazil will make such defense articles
and defense information available to the United States of
America on terms similar to those expressed in this agreement.
Article III
The United States of America proposes to transfer to the
United States of Brazil under the terms of this Agreement
araaments and munitions of war to a total value of about
$100,000,000. The United States of America proposes to begin
deliveries immediately and to continue deliveries as
expeditiously as practicable during the coming twelve months
to an approximate total value of $15,000,000 for use by
the Brazilian Army and an approximate total value of $1,000,000
for use by the Brasilien Havy.
The United States of America, however, reserves the
right at any time to suspend, defer, or stop deliveries
whenever
-3-
whenever in the opinion of the President of the United
States of America further deliveries are not consistent with
the needs of the national defense of the United States
of America or the Western Hemisphere.
Article IV
Records shall be kept of all defense articles
transferred under this agreement, and not less than every
ninety days schedules of such defense articles shall be
exchanged and reviewed.
Thereupon the United States of Brazil shall pay in
dollars into the Treasury of the United States of America
the total cost to the United States of America of the defense
articles theretofore delivered less all payments theretofore
made up to 8 total of $35,000,000, and the United States
of Brazil shall not be required to pay more than a total
of $16,000,000 before July 1, 1942, more than 6 total
of $19,000,000 before July 1, 1943, more than B. total of
$23,000,000 before July 1, 1944, more than a total of
$27,000,000 before July 1, 1945, or more than a total of
$31,000,000 before July 1, 1946.
Article V
The United States of America and the United States of
Brasil, recognizing that the seasures herein provided for
their
-4-
their common defense and united resistance to aggression
are taken for the further purpose of laying the bases for a
just and enduring peace, agree, since such neasures
cennot be effective or such a peace flourish under the burden
of an excessive debt, that upon the payments above provided
all fiscal obligations of the United States of Brazil
hereunder shall be discharged; and for the same purpose
they further agree, in conformity with the principles and
program set forth in Resolution XXV on Economic end
Financial Cooperation of the Second Heeting of the Ministers
of Foreign Affairs of the American Republics at Habana,
July, 1940, to cooperate with each other and with other
nations to negotiate fair and equitable commodity agreements
with respect to the products of either of them and of other
nations in which marketing problems exist, and to cooperate
with each other and with other nations to relieve the
distress and want caused by the war wherever, and as soon as,
such relief will be succer to the oppressed end not aid
to the aggressor.
Article VI
The United States of Brazil undertakes that it will
not, without the consent of the President of the United
States of America, transfer title to or possession of any
defense article or defense information transferred under
this
2002
if
/
-0-
this agreement, or permit its use by anyone not an officer,
employee, or agent of the United States of Brazil.
Article VII
If, as a result of the transfer to the United States
of Brazil of any defense article or defense information,
it is necessary for the United States of Brazil to take any
action or make any payment in order fully to protect, pur-
suant to the Act, any of the rights of any citizen of the
United States of America who has patent rights in and to any
such defense article or information, the United States of
Brazil will do no, when 80 requested by the President of
the United States of America.
Article VIII
The parties to this Agreement, and the officials
signing this Agreement on their behalf, each for itself,
himself, or themselves, represent and agree that the execution
and delivery of this Agreement have in all respects been
duly authorized, and that all acts, conditions, and legal
formalities which should have been performed and completed
prior to the making of this Agreement have been performed and
completed " required by, and in conformity with, respectively,
the laws of the United States of America and the United
States
/
F ₹ in / : / - / = to /
# / / 4 6' E / to / / the Zip E If
/ #
/
-6-
States of Brozil.
Signed in Washington in duplicate this
day of
. 1941.
ON BERALF OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
(Title)
ON BEHALF OF THE UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL
(Title)
PROGRAM OF TRANSFER OF MILITARY AND NAVAL MATERIEL TO
THE OTHER AMERICAN REPUBLICS
(Killions of Dollars)
Country
Total Material
Total Amounts to be Paid
to be Transferred
to the United States
Treasury During 6 Years
Argentina
21*
30
Bolivia
8
1.5
Brazil
100
35
Chile
50
15
Colombia
16.2
7.2
Costa Rice
.55
.8
Cubs
3.7
2.4
Dominican Republic
1.6
.9
Rousdor
17
.6
E1 Salvador
1.86
.9
Gustemale
3
1.8
Haiti
1.1
.06
Hondures
1.3
.12
Mexico
00
15
Nicaragua
1.3
.9
Panama
"
1.5
Paraguay
11
.3
Peru
29
12
Uruguay
17
8
Venezuela
20
9
Totale
303.3
142.48
Held out to meet re-
quirements of Argen-
tins, Mexico, Panama,
end 08 & general
reserve
96.7
GRAND TOTALS
400
142.48
- Navy only; Army not yet determined.
**Amounts not yet determined.
till
PSF: Wills Folder
filmer mal
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
July 3, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
I am sending you herewith a copy of a letter
I have received today from Monsignor Ready, General
Secretary of the National Catholic Welfare Conference.
I believe you will find it of particular interest.
Believe me
I
New
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
NATIONAL CATHOLIC WELFARE CONFERENCE
1312 Massachusetts Ave., N.W.
Washington, D. C.
2 July, 1941
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I beg to submit for your information and considera-
tion the following observations resulting from my stay
in St. Paul, Minnesota, last week. The occasion, you
will recall, was the National Eucharistic Congress.
Practically the whole hierarchy of our country attended.
Besides, there were sixteen Bishops from Canada and five
from Mexico. There was no general meeting or conference
of the Bishops. They gathered jointly only at ecclesi-
astical functions.
Tuesday, June 24, I was asked to attend a small
conference of the Archbishops and Bishops, called to
discuss the advisability of arranging for a general
meeting of the Bishops in St. Paul for the purpose of
issuing a statement referring to the United States'
present attitude to Russia.
It seemed certain at first that those sponsoring a
general meeting would prevail. It seemed equally cer-
tain that the statement issuing from such meeting would
oppose our Govern ment's giving aid, in any form, to the
Soviet Union. After a long discussion, it was decided
to defer the meeting and to leave the question of a state-
ment of attitude to the Administrative Board of Bishops,
N.C.W.C.
Particularly from this meeting, but likewise from
conversations with other leaders during the week, I was
impressed by the vigorous opposition to any form of co-
operation or collaboration on the part of our Government
and the Soviet regime. Pressing the unchanged motivation
of our Government's policy for national defense is not
easy against what Russia stands for in the minds of our
people. The idealism of saving the democratic and
Christian manner of life suffers disastrously if Russia
must be considered an object of our national aid.
I am pleased to say that good use was made of the
statement you issued on the question (June 22). The
-2-
definition of our Government's position, which you so
well expressed, had much to do in the postponement of
the meeting I spoke of above.
But before the confusion becomes more exaggerated
and before the most vocal of our orators do their work,
it would be most effective if the President soon could
find an occasion to demand of Russia, as a condition for
United States aid, a declaration of adherence to the
four freedoms. A repetition of the principles of our
present national policy, as expressed in your recent
statement, would have a compelling effect if spoken by
the President.
I fear the confusion that will result soon if the
President does not speak out on the question. Dr. Rufus
Weaver, the representative of the Baptists, has already
called me to subscribe to a joint statement of religious
leaders condemning aid to the Soviet Union. Dr. Morrison
of the "Christian Century" is reported as directing the
opposition of the Protestant groups.
You will forgive the length of this letter. I thought
the importance of the St. Paul events deserved your imme-
diate consideration. There are numerous other sidelights
on the same bject, but those can wait until another occa-
sion.
Assuring you of my great respect, I remain
Very sincerely yours,
MICHAEL J. READY
General Secretary
The Honorable Sumner Welles
The Under Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C.
Note: Letter of May 8 addressed to
Asst. Secy. Long by Ambassador
Steinhardt, returned to State Dept.
as per their request.
djb
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
fib Infedential PSF
WASHINGTON
July 5, 1941.
My dear Mr. President:
In response to the inquiry contained in your
memorandum of June 27, I am transmitting herewith a
memorandum covering the information which the Depart-
ment has with regard to this situation and I am like-
wise enclosing for your information a letter dated
May 8 addressed to Assistant Secretary Long by
Ambassador Steinhardt which deals with this problem.
Believe me
ANotho Faithfully yours,
Encs.
The President,
The White House.
department OF STATE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY
MEMORANDUM
July 1, 1941.
The Agudas Chasidei Chabad 18 one of several
organizations of orthodox Jews in the United States.
Each of the agudas has approached the Department through
its rabbis to secure special treatment for its fellow
religionists as prospective immigrants. Rabbi Schneersohn,
Rabbi Silver, Rabbi Teitelbaum - each representing dif-
ferent agudas - and various other rabbis associated
with them or acting independently have been to the
Department time and again during the last twelve months.
In all, they have submitted to the Department in the
neighborhood of 10,000 names. In many instances, the
name of the individual does not include the persons of
his household who desire to accompany him and for whom
application is automatically made. Relatives include
wife, children, children-in-law, brothers and sisters-
in-law and persons of varying other degrees of con-
sanguinity or relationship by marriage. A great many
of
-2-
of them are stated to be rabbis and a large number
are alleged to be rabbinical students. They mostly
found themselves in Poland, Lithuania, Eastern Germany,
Latvia and Southwestern Russia before either the
Russian or the German armies moved into Lithuania and
in
back into Russia when they were closed/by the Russian
absorption of the Baltic states. At that time com-
munication became very difficult, even practically
impossible, because of restrictions imposed by the
Russian Government and by the action of that Govern-
ment in closing our Consulates.
Notwithstanding the restrictions and the impedi-
ments, the Department showed every inclination to
be of assistance to them as far as the law and a
regard for other sects would permit. One list that
was submitted contained 3,800 names but the rabbis
were asked to restrict it further and to cull from
it names, and they returned a list of approximately
980 culled out of the larger list.
A great many of these persons to whom visas
were issued have arrived in the United States. A
large number of rabbis have arrived and large groups
of rabbinical students came to the United States
not necessarily as groups but were entitled to entry
into the United States because as individuals they
belonged
-3-
belonged to one of these groups which were endorsed
by rabbis resident in the United States.
Many of the persons who left Russia left pre-
maturely and not only without American visas, but
without any provision whatsoever for American visas,
stating, however, that they were coming to the United
States and on the basis of that statement received
exit permits from the Russian Government. A number
of these people got as far as Manchuria and Japan
and there are a thousand or 1,500 of them still in
Japan, others having left there and proceeding to
Shanghai, where they presently reside. While the
Japanese Government has not been hospitably inclined
to refugees, they have permitted them transit permits
and have extended their stays from time to time,
and apparently would always afford them an opportunity
to proceed from Japan to Shanghai. The Japanese
Government has not indicated its intention to send
them back into Russia. Consequently, because of
the Government of the United States, they have been
able to escape from the localities where they were
in danger and now find themselves in a place where
they are not to be persecuted and where their lives
are not in danger.
Unfortunately,
-4-
Unfortunately, in a comparatively few cases persons
who held visas to the United States were caught by the
Department's general orders. These orders were issued
after careful consideration of all the facts concerned
and envisaged the danger to the safety of the United
States because of the practices of the German and Russian
Governments in connection with persons emigrating from
territories under their jurisdiction to the United States.
These persons have been told that when they assemble
their families and can come to the United States with
their families and when the immigration quotas permit
visas to be issued to them, there will be no reason why
they might not be favorably considered for immigrant
visas - of course with the precautionary proviso that
each case will be examined on its own merits.
See letter attached.
PSF: milles Folder
THE
UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
July 7, 1941
CONFIDENTIAL
My dear Mr. President:
I have been handed today by Mr. Heath, until re-
cently our First Secretary of Embassy at Berlin, a
confidential memorandum reporting a conversation had
in Berlin on June 6 with Dr. Schacht. I am enclosing
herewith a copy of this memorandum for your informa-
tion. I believe you will find it particularly inter-
esting.
Believe me
S yours
Nells
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
July 7, 1941
U
Mr. Welles
Conversation with Dr. Schacht
I saw Dr. Schacht by confidential appointment on
June 6. He opened the conversation with two positive
predictions:
(1) That Germany would invade Russia within 14
days. (NOTE: Actually it occurred within 16 days.)
Nothing could prevent this. For his own sake, Stalin
"should not and, in fact, could not make concessions
sufficient to avert the invasion."
(2) That in a relatively short time German-American
diplomatic relations would be broken off. He was un-
certain which side would initiate the rupture.
Churchill, he said, would undoubtedly "celebrate
Germany's invasion of Russia by drinking the best bottle
of whiskey in his cellar". The German high command did
not anticipate that the invasion of Russia would be as
brief as other campaigns, although it was certain of suc-
cess. It would probably take three or four months to
destroy the Russian armies.
He asked that no memorandum of the conversation be
written in the Embassy but that this information and his
-2-
views be orally communicated to Mr. Welles. To my remark
that it would be a month before I would be in Washington,
he replied that that would be time enough; that it would
be three months before opposition to the present course
would develop in Germany.
Every responsible man in Germany, he asserted, and
many party leaders were against the course of German
policy. I said that I assumed that he meant the opposi-
tion was to the régime and he assented with a nod. I
asked what he thought would be the form of Germany's
future government. He replied that the army would have
to maintain order at first but he could not predict what
would be the nature of the eventual civil régime. Knowing
his leanings, I inquired whether he thought the monarchy
would be reestablished, to which he replied that he per-
sonally considered a constitutional monarchy to be the
only practicable government for Germany.
He complained that England and the United States had
never lent assistance to those elements in Germany which
were opposed to the National Socialist régime and went on
to say that he had always considered Eden a fool and he
felt convinced of it when the latter in a recent speech
spoke of the destruction of Germany. Such remarks, he
asserted, played into Hitler's hands.
-3-
In conclusion he said that he regretted losing con-
tact with me and inquired whether I would be likely to be
in Switzerland in the future. He said that if it were
later desired to communicate with him this could be done
through the Chinese Ambassador in Berlin, who was reliable
and discreet.
D. R. Heath
PSF: weller Folder
freesme
11 July 1941
Dear Summer:
One of the quickest ways to help the British
with respect to their very critical situation in
regard to oil would be to find a way to adjust the
load line treaty on oil tankers.
I imagine it is one of those close questions of
international law about which lawyers love to write
long dissertations. Perhaps you could see Francis
Biddle and get him to write a good one for you.
Very sincerely yours,
The Honorable
Summer Welles,
Under Secretary of State,
Department of State,
"ashington, D. C.
HLH/lmb
7/11/41
wells Folder
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
July 16. 1941
My dear Mr. President:
The matter of the load lines on tankers and other
vessels, referred to in your letter of July 12, was
taken up by me in a cable instruction to our Embassy
in London on July 10 in which was set forth the text
of a note to be delivered to the British Government,
the depositary of the Convention, requesting that the
Convention, 80 far as it restricts the rights of the
contracting parties to regulate load lines, be regarded
as suspended for the duration of the emergency.
Before sending the telegram we had conferred
with officials of the British Embassy, who felt that
a prompt and favorable response would be forthcoming
from the British and allied Governments and the Brit-
ish Dominions.
I at the same time sent instructions to our
Embassies in those of the Latin American countries
that
The President,
The White House.
-2-
that are parties to the Convention asking them to
impress upon the respective foreign offices the impor-
tance of prompt and favorable action. We featured the
urgenoy of the matter.
We have a telegram from Ambassador Winant dated
July 11 stating that our note had been delivered, also
one of the same date from Ambassador Bowers stating
that the Chilean Government has promised to act speedily.
I should be able to give you something more definite
within the next few days.
Faithfully
A yours, Acting Secretary Dally
DUNGS 01,
sseigni
JADA
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 16, 1941
MEMORANDUM FOR
ADMIRAL LAND:
For your information.
F.D.R.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 11, 1941
PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR
SUMNER WELLES:
In view of the suggestion in today's
dispatches that Darlan is again discussing
with the Germans the use of Casa Blanca and
Dakar, what would you think of having Leahy
tell Petain and having Murphy simultaneously
tell Weygand that if any further German
occupation occurs in Morocco or Dakar, the
United States would, as a matter of course,
be compelled to stop all conversations
relating to supplies to French Africa.
We would have to do the same in regard
to any further American food for unoccupied
France. All this could be couched in polite
but decisive terms.
F.D.R.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 11, 1941
PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR
SUMNER WELLES:
In view of the suggestion in today's
dispatches that Darlan is again discussing
with the Germans the use of Casa Blanca and
Dakar, what would you think of having Leahy
tell Petain and having Murphy simultaneously
tell Weygand that if any further German
occupation occurs in Morocco or Dakar, the
United States would, as a matter of course,
be compelled to stop all conversations
relating to supplies to French Africa.
We would have to do the same in regard
to any further American food for unoccupied
France. All this could be couched in polite
but decisive terms.
F.D.R.
PSF: weller Folder
SW
July 11, 1941
My dear Mr. President:
In accordance with our conversation of yesterday,
I have redrafted the suggested letter to Dr. Salazar
and I am enclosing the new copy herewith.
Believe me
Faithfully yours,
SUMNER WELLES
Enc.
Draft letter to
Dr. Salazar
The President,
The White House.
PSF: Welles
Prinate
July14/1941. July 14/1941.
My dear Dr. Salazer:
I am writing this entirely personal and informal
letter to you in the belief that it may be easier for
me, in this manner, to put an end effectively to cer-
tain misunderstandings which have regrettably arisen
during recent weeks between our two Governments.
May I say first of all that, in the opinion of the
Government of the United States, the continued exercise
of unimpaired and sovereign jurisdiction by the Govern-
ment of Portugal over the territory of Portugal itself,
over the Azores and over all Portuguese colonies offers
complete assurance of security to the Western Hemisphere
insofar as the regions mentioned are concerned. It is,
consequently, the consistent desire of the United States
that there be no infringement of Portuguese sovereign
control over those territories.
This policy of the United States I made emphati-
cally clear in the message which I addressed yesterday
to the Congress of the United States concerning the
steps which had been taken to assist the people of Ice-
land in the defense of the integrity and independence
of their country.
I feel sure that there has never been any doubt in
your own mind with regard to this question and that the
questions which have been raised with regard thereto in
the press have had their origin in false reports delib-
erately circulated by propaganda emanating from govern-
ments which have desired to impair the traditional rela-
tions between our two countries.
For all of the reasons I have mentioned above, this
Government views with the greatest gratification the steps
which already have been taken and which are being taken by
your Government to strengthen the defense of the Azores
and other outlying portions of the colonial possessions
of Portugal 80 as to render any surprise attack upon them
by Germany, or by powers cooperating with Germany, less
likely of success.
PSF:Welles
-2-
I need merely add that in view of the vital impor-
tance to the United States that Portuguese sovereignty
over the Azores and certain other outlying Portuguese
possessions remain intact, this Government will stand
prepared to assist the authorities of Portugal in the
defense of those possessions against any threat of ag-
gression on the part of Germany, or of the powers respon-
sive to Germany, should your Government express to me its
belief that such aggression is imminent or its desire
that such steps be taken. Any such measures would, of
course, be taken in full recognition of the sovereign
rights of Portugal and with categorical assurances that
any American forces sent to Portuguese possessions would
be withdrawn immediately upon the termination of the
present war.
In the event that this contingency were to arise
and the Government of Portugal considered it desirable,
because of the close relations which happily exist be-
tween Portugal and Brazil, to ask that the Brazilian
Government participate in these measures of defense,
such a step would be most satisfactory to the Govern-
ment of the United States. I feel certain that Brazil
and the United States would cooperate effectively and
whole-heartedly in assisting the Portuguese Government
and people in the defense of the Azores.
I have felt it desirable to clarify the situation
completely in order to have the assurance that there may
not be the slightest misunderstanding of these facts be-
tween you and myself.
Frankly, I have felt particularly chagrined that
any question should have arisen concerning my own at-
titude with regard to complete respect for the sover-
eignty of Portugal. I say that because, as you will
remember, during the World War of 1914-1918, the Gov-
ernment of Portugal made available to its allies and
subsequently to the United States the port of Horta as
a fueling base and the port of Punta Delgada as a naval
base. At that time, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy,
I had the privilege of visiting those ports in the in-
terest of the United States Navy and I was thus afforded
the opportunity of seeing for myself how particularly
close and friendly the relations between the Portuguese
people and the members of the naval forces of the United
States had become. There existed a complete spirit of
cooperation between them and of course as soon as the
PSF: Weller
-3-
international emergency had passed, all of the forces
of the allied and associated powers were immediately
withdrawn without the slightest detriment to the sov-
ereign jurisdiction of the Portuguese Government. Be-
cause of this experience which I had, I should have
a personal interest in seeing to it that the relations
between our two Governments and between the peoples
of our two countries were always conducted with a
full reciprocal respect for the sovereign rights of
each and that in any form of cooperati on which might
be undertaken between Portugal and the United States
the best interests of the Portuguese people were com-
pletely safeguarded.
With the assurances of my highest consideration
and of my personal regard, believe me
Yours very sincerely,
His Excellency
Dr. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar,
Prime Minister,
Lisbon.
U:3W
PSF; Welles Folder
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
file
July 11, 1941
PRIVATE & CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR
SENATOR GEROGE
SENATOR CONNALLY
I am enclosing a memorandum
from the A cting Secretary of
State. I wish you would give me
a little unofficial and private
opinion as to what you think
would be the best policy at the
present time -- try to put over
now or hold over.
F. D. R.
Enclosure
one copy each of attached memo
6/28/41 to Mr. Welles sent to
George and Connally.
---- SPFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS to
PSF: Well
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
i é e
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
July 9. 1941
My dear Mr. President:
Some days ago I discussed with you the possi-
bility of repealing or amending the Neutrality Act
in order to remove certain restrictions which
interfere with the giving of full effect to our
policy of assistance to Great Britain and other
countries whose defense is deemed to be vital to
our own defense.
I enclose & memorandum suggesting changes
which it would seem desirable to make by way of
amendments to the Neutrality Act. Both the
Secretary and I approve the proposed changes.
Senator George and Senator Connally have
informed me that, while in their judgment there
would be an undoubted majority in both Houses in
favor of a revision of the act, they feel that the
debate would be prolonged and that the isolationist
group
The President,
The White House.
-2-
group would filibuster on the issue.
You will know whether, in the circumstances,
it is desirable to take any action at this time.
Faithfully A yours,
Acting Secretary. All
Enclosure:
Memorandum of
June 28, 1941.
Department of State
BUREAU
Le
DIVISION
ENCLOSURE
TO
Letter drafted
ADDRESSED TO
The President,
The White House.
I I I
S-1589
June 28, 1941.
PROPOSED AMENDMENT OF THE NEUTRALITY ACT APPROVED
November 4, 1939
Mr. Welles:
With respect to amendments of the Neutrality Act, I
submit the following comments:
Section 1:
This section, giving the President authority to
bring into operation provisions of the act by proclama-
tion, requires no change.
Section 2:
Paragraph (a) of this section prohibits, following
the President's proclamation, American vessels from
carrying passengers or cargoes to states named in the
proclamation. Paragraph (c) requires the transfer of
title to merchandise going to belligerent countries.
Subsequent paragraphs of the section make exceptions with
respect to transportation in certain areas. They also
make exceptions with respect to the transfer of title to
goods with specified designations. These exceptions do
not cover arms, ammunition, and implements of war.
The same section provides that losses incurred in
connection with any transportation prohibited by the
section or incurred in connection with any transportation
excepted under the section, other than that relating to
lakes, rivers, and inland waters bordering on the United
States, shall not be made the basis of any claim by the
Government of the United States.
These
-2-
These provisions were designed to prevent contro-
versies between the United States and belligerent govern-
ments, such as those which arose during the World War,
1914-1918, with respect to the seizure or destruction of
cargoes and vessels. There was a vast accumulation of
claims against belligerent governments during the World
War, some of which have not yet been settled.
There would seem to be little objection to the pro-
visions so far as they relate to goods going to bellig-
erent countries, since the shipper in many cases will
have been paid for his goods, but the inadvisability of
retaining the restrictions on vessels is amply demon-
strated by the Robin Moor incident. It virtually invites
the commission of lawless acts by belligerents.
The section, at least as regards ships, is out of
step with our previous pronouncement regarding freedom
of the seas and with the effectuation of our present
policy under the Lend-Lease Act.
Section 3:
This section relates to combat areas to be prescribed
by the President. There would seem to be no reason for
changing it.
Section 4:
This section, as amended June 26, 1940 (Pub.Res.No. 87,
76th Cong., 3d sess.), makes provision for authorizing
American Red Cross vessels to go to belligerent countries.
If the provision in section 2 with respect to vessels is
repealed, there would seem to be no purpose in retaining
section 4, as amended.
Section 5:
This section relates to travel by American citizens
on belligerent vessels. It should be retained.
Section 6:
-3-
Section 6:
This section prohibits the arming of American
merchant vessels. The argument in support of the section
at the time it was before the Congress was that if such
vessels were unarmed there would be no excuse for sinking
them without warning. It is difficult to estimate the
value of the provision during the present war in view
of the fact that, for the most part, American vessels
have been prevented from entering active combat areas.
If the section were repealed and authority lodged in the
President to arm, or permit to be armed, such vessels or
not as he might deem proper, the question of arming could
be left to later developments in the submarine and aerial
warfare.
Section 7:
The section prohibits loans and credits to bellig-
erent governments. Its repeal would greatly facilitate
our aid to some of the present belligerents as, for
example, the British Dominions, but loans to others would
be prohibited by the Johnson Act. That act makes illegal
the purchase or sale by any person within the United
States, or any place subject to its jurisdiction, of
bonds, securities or other obligations of a foreign
government in default on its obligations to the United
States. It also prohibite the making of loans to any
such government. These inhibitions apply, for example,
to Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Soviet
Russia. The Johnson Act, however, has been held by the
Attorney General not to interfere with ordinary banking
and commercial transactions. There would seem, neverthe-
less, to be sufficient justification for repeal of
section 7.
Section 8:
-4-
Section 8:
This section prohibits persons within the United
States from soliciting or receiving contributions on
behalf of countries declared by the President to be
belligerents. It does not apply to the solicitation
or collection of funds to be used for medical aid and
assistance, food and clothing to relieve human suffering,
provided the funds are not for a person or organization
acting for a belligerent government. It requires that
all such solicitations and collections shall be in
accordance with "such rules and regulations as may be
prescribed".
It would be well to retain this section since it
gives the Government control over such matters and
enables it to prevent unauthorized people from engaging
in questionable activities ostensibly for relief pur-
poses but actually for other purposes.
Section 9;
The section excepts from the operation of the act,
other than section 12 relating to the National Munitions
Control Board, American republics engaged in war against
a non-American state. No reason is seen for disturbing
it.
Section 10:
This section, which was drafted to implement the
provisions of our basic neutrality laws, authorizes the
President to require bonds from persons in command of
vessels when there is cause to believe that they expect
to deliver supplies to belligerent war vessels, or pro-
hibit the departure of a. vessel which has previously so
supplied belligerent war vessels, etc. Inasmuch as the
President is given discretion in these matters, there is
no
coltage
-5-
no reason for disturbing it.
Section 11:
This section authorizes the President to prohibit
armed merchant vessels or submarines from entering our
ports. The invoking of the section is left to the dis-
cretion of the President. It might well be retained.
Section 12:
This section relates to the National Munitions
Control Board. It provides for the licensing of the impor-
tation and exportation of arms, eto. It has served a
useful purpose and should be retained.
Section 13:
This section has to do with the promulgation of
rules and regulations to carry out the provisions of
the act and should be retained.
Section 14:
This section relates to the improper use of the
American flag by foreign vessels and prohibits those
which have improperly used the flag from entering our
ports or territorial waters for a period of three months.
thereafter. It should be retained.
Sections 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19:
Section 15 provides for penalties. Section 16 con-
tains definitions. Section 17 has to do with the con-
stitutionality of provisions of the act. Section 18
authorizes appropriations, and Section 19 repeals
certain prior resolutions. I see no reason for die-
turbing any of these sections.
To summarize, it would seem that Sections 4 and
7 should be repealed. Sections 2 and 6 should be amended
as indicated above, or repealed.
Le GHH:MKS: AD enus