Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
323151699
label
The Ridderzaal - Hague 11/9/91 [OA 6038] [1]
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
323151699
contentType
document
title
The Ridderzaal - Hague 11/9/91 [OA 6038] [1]
citationUrl
identifierLocal
13587-014
collections
Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Draft Files
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
323151699
levelOfDescription
fileUnit
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
mediaId
d3c389c750ac4084
ocrText
Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13587
Folder ID Number:
13587-014
Folder Title:
The Ridderzaal-The Hague 11/9/91 [OA 6038] [1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
26
17
4
2
283675SS
Document No.
If OCT 5 WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
P4: 38
11/4/91
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 11:00AM, TUES. , NOV. 5
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SUNUNU
MCCLURE
SCOWCROFT
PETERSMEYER
DARMAN
PORTER
BRADY
ROGICH
BROMLEY
SMITH
McBRIDE
CARD
SNOW
DEMAREST
>
PORTER ROSE
FITZWATER
BOSKIN
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide comments on the attached directly to Tony Snow
Rm. 122, x2930, with a copy to this office, NO LATER THAN
11:00AM TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Bunton
November 4, 1991
1:00 pm
31 NOV 4 P1:19
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S. EC summit on
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed: East and West united. A new world stretches out
before us -- a world alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- to make certain history's most successful
alliance does not become the final casualty of the Cold War. /
New challenges for old adversaries: here in Europe, the nations
2
of the East look to their Western neighbors for help in securing
their hard-won freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism stripped NATO of its mission.
NATO's work was done -- save for the handshakes and ticker-tape
parades. // Nothing could be more dangerous -- for Europe, for
America, and for the world. Especially now, at this moment of
hope, we must guard against false euphoria.
We must heed the hard-won lessons of two world wars. We
should give future historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat
of 1919: an age of naive isolationism -- with the world's great
democracies divided and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to
disarm, oblivious to unexpected dangers. This first age of
naivete made possible the horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted
terror of the Cold War. For one brief dalliance with delusion,
the world paid dearly: Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent
generations lost the dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete misunderstand our
alliance. NATO's mission was never simply military. NATO was
from the first and remains today an alliance of free nations --
3
of fellow democracies -- of countries with a common kinship and
culture, a shared heritage and history. //
The easing of the Soviet threat does nothing to weaken the
bonds that connect my country to this continent. Today, Europe
and America are partners in peace -- and partners in prosperity,
with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples, create new
economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO must remain an
expression of our common commitment to a free and prosperous
future.
There is no question that NATO will change. {In Rome, we
ratified a new strategic doctrine -- one that responds to the
sweeping changes in our world. We agreed to seek a new degree of
cooperation between NATO and the nine nations of the East -- the
six former members of the Warsaw Pact and the newly-independent
Baltic states.} / On both sides of the Atlantic, we can and
will reduce troop levels -- eliminate entire categories of
nuclear weapons -- redefine our roles and responsibilities in
response to the new conditions that now prevail. //
We should not need an enemy at the door to teach us the
wisdom of strength and vigilance. Even in the new Europe, NATO
remains the cornerstone of collective security. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, so must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. / Think
back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin Blockade and the
Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in ruins -- half its
people locked in chains. / The new Europe stands strong and
4
proud: Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-fifth] of the
world's economic output, nations that rank among the world's most
advanced and best educated. Few continents can rival the
collective economic strength of a united Europe. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We witnessed the new Europe in
action in the Gulf War, as the EC -- and individual nations
including even the fragile new democracies of Eastern Europe --
stood with us against aggression. / We see the new Europe now,
in Madrid, where the European Community stands with us as a
partner in the quest for peace. We see the new Europe at work
closer to home, working to end war in Yugoslavia.
Let me say without equivocation: the United States sees no
threat in European unity. It was never the aim of the U.S. to
see the nations of Europe set one against the other. We've seen
too often in the past that balance of power politics ends in
bloodshed. The U.S. made European independence a pillar of our
post-war policy.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market, in the revival of the
Western European Union, in the EC's new accord with the European
Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that brings us together
today. // We see the growing unity of Europe as a natural
evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of free nations,
working in concert; a new world where more and more nations
enter a widening circle of freedom. //
5
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to meet new challenges. I want to focus on three of
those challenges today: helping the new democracies of the East,
encouraging democratic change in the Soviet Union -- and finally,
ensuring that old Cold War allies do not become trade war
adversaries. //
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In the East, the euphoria of 1989 has
worn away. While the urgent work of democracy-building and
market reform moves forward, some see in our triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
resist nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that feeds on
stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and fellow
citizens against themselves, one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
6
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. Today I call on all parties to stop the violence -- to seek
through peaceful means a solution, a system, that preserves
minority rights against the unchecked authority of the state.
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance. There can be no place for these old
animosities in the new Europe. //
Farther east, we face a second : Supporting democratic
reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics. // The failed
August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to institute
democratic change and introduce true free market reforms. We in
the West must answer by opening our markets to Soviet goods,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the Soviet peoples -- the reformers in the central
government and the republics -- want change. But no shortcut can
spare the Soviet people serious hardship as they dig out from
under seventy years of misrule. A harsh winter, hard times, lie
ahead -- and desperate times breed demagogues. / America and
Europe share an interest in the success of Soviet reform.
Together, we must act together to support the forces of liberty,
democracy and free enterprise in that troubled region. //
Finally, our third : the danger that old Cold War allies
will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on both
sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on both
7
sides proclaim mistakenly that nations can achieve prosperity
through protectionism. /
That way lies economic ruin -- catastrophe rivalling the
worst the world has seen this century. // As President, part of
my responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic
growth. In a global economy, that means fighting for free trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free trade -
- in favor of freedom. //
Each challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open
an opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
283675SS
Document No.
91 OCT 6 Ag: 33
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
11/4/91
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 11:00AM, TUES., NOV. 5
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SUNUNU
MCCLURE
SCOWCROFT
PETERSMEYER
DARMAN
PORTER
^
BRADY
ROGICH
>
BROMLEY
SMITH
McBRIDE
CARD
SNOW
DEMAREST
>
PORTER ROSE
FITZWATER
GRAY
BOSKIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide comments on the attached directly to Tony Snow
Rm. 122, x2930, with a copy to this office, NO LATER THAN
11:00AM TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5. Thank you.
RESPONSE: no comment
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Bunton
November 4, 1991
1:00 pm
31 NOV 4 P1:19
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S. -EC summit on-
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed: East and West united. A new world stretches out
before us -- a world alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- to make certain history's most successful
alliance does not become the final casualty of the Cold War. /
New challenges for old adversaries: here in Europe, the nations
2
of the East look to their Western neighbors for help in securing
their hard-won freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism stripped NATO of its mission.
NATO's work was done -- save for the handshakes and ticker-tape
parades. // Nothing could be more dangerous -- for Europe, for
America, and for the world. Especially now, at this moment of
hope, we must guard against false euphoria.
We must heed the hard-won lessons of two world wars. We
should give future historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat
of 1919: an age of naive isolationism -- with the world's great
democracies divided and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to
disarm, oblivious to unexpected dangers. This first age of
naivete made possible the horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted
terror of the Cold War. For one brief dalliance with delusion,
the world paid dearly: Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent
generations lost the dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete misunderstand our
alliance. NATO's mission was never simply military. NATO was
from the first and remains today an alliance of free nations --
3
of fellow democracies -- of countries with a common kinship and
culture, a shared heritage and history. //
The easing of the Soviet threat does nothing to weaken the
bonds that connect my country to this continent. Today, Europe
and America are partners in peace -- and partners in prosperity,
with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples, create new
economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO must remain an
expression of our common commitment to a free and prosperous
future.
There is no question that NATO will change. {In Rome, we
ratified a new strategic doctrine -- one that responds to the
sweeping changes in our world. We agreed to seek a new degree of
cooperation between NATO and the nine nations of the East -- the
six former members of the Warsaw Pact and the newly-independent
Baltic states.} / On both sides of the Atlantic, we can and
will reduce troop levels -- eliminate entire categories of
nuclear weapons -- redefine our roles and responsibilities in
response to the new conditions that now prevail. //
We should not need an enemy at the door to teach us the
wisdom of strength and vigilance. Even in the new Europe, NATO
remains the cornerstone of collective security. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, SO must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. / Think
back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin Blockade and the
Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in ruins -- half its
people locked in chains. / The new Europe stands strong and
4
proud: Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-fifth] of the
world's economic output, nations that rank among the world's most
advanced and best educated. Few continents can rival the
collective economic strength of a united Europe. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We witnessed the new Europe in
action in the Gulf War, as the EC -- and individual nations
including even the fragile new democracies of Eastern Europe --
stood with us against aggression. / We see the new Europe now,
in Madrid, where the European Community stands with us as a
partner in the quest for peace. We see the new Europe at work
closer to home, working to end war in Yugoslavia.
Let me say without equivocation: the United States sees no
threat in European unity. It was never the aim of the U.S. to
see the nations of Europe set one against the other. We've seen
too often in the past that balance of power politics ends in
bloodshed. The U.S. made European independence a pillar of our
post-war policy.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market, in the revival of the
Western European Union, in the EC's new accord with the European
Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that brings us together
today. // We see the growing unity of Europe as a natural
evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of free nations,
working in concert; a new world where more and more nations
enter a widening circle of freedom.
//
5
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to meet new challenges. I want to focus on three of
those challenges today: helping the new democracies of the East,
encouraging democratic change in the Soviet Union -- and finally,
ensuring that old Cold War allies do not become trade war
adversaries. //
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In the East, the euphoria of 1989 has
worn away. While the urgent work of democracy-building and
market reform moves forward, some see in our triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
resist nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that feeds on
stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and fellow
citizens against themselves, one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
6
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. Today I call on all parties to stop the violence -- to seek
through peaceful means a solution, a system, that preserves
minority rights against the unchecked authority of the state.
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance. There can be no place for these old
animosities in the new Europe. //
Farther east, we face a second : Supporting democratic
reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics. // The failed
August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to institute
democratic change and introduce true free market reforms. We in
the West must answer by opening our markets to Soviet goods,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the Soviet peoples -- the reformers in the central
government and the republics -- want change. But no shortcut can
spare the Soviet people serious hardship as they dig out from
under seventy years of misrule. A harsh winter, hard times, lie
ahead -- and desperate times breed demagogues. / America and
Europe share an interest in the success of Soviet reform.
Together, we must act together to support the forces of liberty,
democracy and free enterprise in that troubled region. //
Finally, our third : the danger that old Cold War allies
will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on both
sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on both
7
sides proclaim mistakenly that nations can achieve prosperity
through protectionism. /
That way lies economic ruin -- catastrophe rivalling the
worst the world has seen this century. // As President, part of
my responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic
growth. In a global economy, that means fighting for free trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free trade -
- in favor of freedom. //
Each challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open
an opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 5, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
AD
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
DAN MCGROARTY mer
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AT THE
RIDDERZALL, THE HAGUE
I. SUMMARY
On Saturday, November 9 at 12:30 p.m. you will deliver
remarks in an address to the European Community in the Ridderzaal
at the Hague.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 15 minutes/ cards) stress the
importance of European unity and the continuing role of NATO.
Your remarks set out three challenges facing America and Europe:
assisting new democracies of emerging Europe, encouraging
democratic reform in the Soviet Union, and working for freer
world trade in the Uraguay Round.
McGroarty/Bunton
November 5, 1991
6:30 pm
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S.-EC summit on
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed. A new world stretches out before us -- a world
alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- who must chart a common course in the peace
that follows the Cold War. New challenges for old adversaries:
here in Europe, making certain the nations of the East can look
2
to their Western neighbors for help in securing their hard-won
freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism meant America's work in
Europe was done. Nothing could be more short-sighted -- for
Europe, for America, and for the world. //
We must heed the hard-won lessons of this century if we are
to seize new opportunities in the next. We should give future
historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat of 1919: an age of
naive isolationism -- with the world's great democracies divided
and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to disarm, oblivious to
unexpected dangers. This first age of naivete made possible the
horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted terror of the Cold War.
For one brief dalliance with delusion, the world paid dearly:
Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent generations lost the
dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete are mistaken.
NATO's mission is more than simply military. NATO was from the
first and remains today an alliance of free nations -- of fellow
democracies -- of countries bound by the long sweep of history
and shared heritage. //
3
Today, as we have been for half a century, Europe and
America are partners in peace. Today, we are also partners in
prosperity -- with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples,
create new economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO is
and must remain an expression of our common commitment to a free
and prosperous future.
There is no question that NATO will change. In Rome, we
ratified changes in the way the Alliance will provide for the
common defense, the way we will deal with our former adversaries
-- and even the way we will deal with each other. Our new
strategic doctrine will ensure that every ally is secure from any
threat -- security made credible by highly mobile, multi-
national forces, greatly reduced in size but unmatched in human
and technological quality. / Our new liaison program for
Europe's youngest democracies -- Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia
and others -- will help them transform their military apparatus
from a weapon of the state to the guardian of free people. /
Finally, the Alliances' endorsement of a European defense
identity -- the long-sought "European Pillar" -- will give the
new Europe more responsibility in the protection of our vital
interests, our cherished ideals and the rule of law. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, so must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. //
Think back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin
Blockade and the Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in
ruins -- half its people locked in chains. / Today Western
4
Europe stands as a model for what democracy, the free market and
cooperation can deliver. Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-
fifth] of the world's economic output, nations that rank among
the world's most advanced and best educated. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We are now witnessing the new Europe
in action: working with us to help the citizens of Central and
Eastern Europe transform their systems, their societies and their
lives; in Madrid, where the European Community -- under strong
Dutch leadership -- stands with us as a partner in the quest for
peace in the Middle East. We see the new Europe at work closer
to home, striving against strong odds to end war in Yugoslavia.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market and political union, in
the revival of the Western European Union, in the EC's new accord
with the European Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that
brings us together today. // We see the growing unity of Europe
as a natural evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of
free nations, working in concert; a new world where more and
more nations enter a widening circle of freedom. //
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to be patient and steady -- at once, resolute and
ready to act. //
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In Central and Eastern Europe, the
5
euphoria of 1989 has worn away. Each country struggles to build
a functioning free market on the ruins of the socialist system -
- to rekindle a saving sense of trust essential to democratic
society. These nations need our help -- access to Western
markets, financial and technical assistance to ease their
transition. For forty long years, the captive nations of the
East looked West for a sign of hope. It is time now to say to
these new democracies -- we will help you. You will succeed. //
Yet, while the urgent work of democracy-building and market
reform moves forward, some see in freedom's triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
guard against nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that
feeds on stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and
citizens against citizen -- one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
There can be no place for these old animosities in the new
Europe. //
6
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance and peaceful change, a concept of
majority rule that respects minority rights. / Democracy and
freedom are not the causes of strife in Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union. Western Europe stands as proof that in the space
of little more than one generation, the spirit of democracy can
transcend centuries of rivalry, war and nationalist strife. //
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. We urge all parties to stop the violence -- to seek through
peaceful means an immediate end to the anguish. //
Second, we must seize the opportunities farther East -- to
support democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics.
// The failed August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to
institute democratic change and introduce true free market
reforms. We in the West must answer by offering humanitarian
aid, opening our markets to goods from every Republic,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the peoples everywhere in that vast land want
change. But no shortcut can spare them suffering and hardship as
they dig out from under seventy years of misrule. A harsh
winter, hard times, lie ahead -- and desperate times breed
demagogues. / America and Europe share an interest in the
7
success of Soviet reform. Together, we must act together to
support the forces of liberty, democracy and free enterprise in
that troubled region. //
Finally, we must guard against the danger that old Cold War
allies will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on
both sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on
both sides peddle protectionism as the path to prosperity.
That way lies economic ruin -- a prescription for
international economic disaster. // As President, part of my
responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic growth
and opportunity. In a global economy, that means fighting for
free and fair trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free and open
trade. //
Helping the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe;
supporting democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its
Republics; pushing forward for freer world trade -- each
challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open an
opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
8
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 5, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
AD
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
DAN MCGROARTY Dreg
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AT THE
RIDDERZALL, THE HAGUE
I. SUMMARY
On Saturday, November 9 at 12:30 p.m. you will deliver
remarks in an address to the European Community in the Ridderzaal
at the Hague.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 15 minutes/ cards) stress the
importance of European unity and the continuing role of NATO.
Your remarks set out three challenges facing America and Europe:
assisting new democracies of emerging Europe, encouraging
democratic reform in the Soviet Union, and working for freer
world trade in the Uraguay Round.
McGroarty/Bunton
November 5, 1991
6:30 pm
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S. -EC summit on
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed. A new world stretches out before us -- a world
alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- who must chart a common course in the peace
that follows the Cold War. New challenges for old adversaries:
here in Europe, making certain the nations of the East can look
2
to their Western neighbors for help in securing their hard-won
freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism meant America's work in
Europe was done. Nothing could be more short-sighted -- for
Europe, for America, and for the world. //
We must heed the hard-won lessons of this century if we are
to seize new opportunities in the next. We should give future
historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat of 1919: an age of
naive isolationism -- with the world's great democracies divided
and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to disarm, oblivious to
unexpected dangers. This first age of naivete made possible the
horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted terror of the Cold War.
For one brief dalliance with delusion, the world paid dearly:
Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent generations lost the
dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete are mistaken.
NATO's mission is more than simply military. NATO was from the
first and remains today an alliance of free nations -- of fellow
democracies -- of countries bound by the long sweep of history
and shared heritage. //
3
Today, as we have been for half a century, Europe and
America are partners in peace. Today, we are also partners in
prosperity -- with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples,
create new economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO is
and must remain an expression of our common commitment to a free
and prosperous future.
There is no question that NATO will change. In Rome, we
ratified changes in the way the Alliance will provide for the
common defense, the way we will deal with our former adversaries
-- and even the way we will deal with each other. Our new
strategic doctrine will ensure that every ally is secure from any
threat -- security made credible by highly mobile, multi-
national forces, greatly reduced in size but unmatched in human
and technological quality. / Our new liaison program for
Europe's youngest democracies -- Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia
and others -- will help them transform their military apparatus
from a weapon of the state to the guardian of free people. /
Finally, the Alliances' endorsement of a European defense
identity -- the long-sought "European Pillar" -- will give the
new Europe more responsibility in the protection of our vital
interests, our cherished ideals and the rule of law. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, so must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. //
Think back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin
Blockade and the Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in
ruins -- half its people locked in chains. / Today Western
4
Europe stands as a model for what democracy, the free market and
cooperation can deliver. Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-
fifth] of the world's economic output, nations that rank among
the world's most advanced and best educated. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We are now witnessing the new Europe
in action: working with us to help the citizens of Central and
Eastern Europe transform their systems, their societies and their
lives; in Madrid, where the European Community -- under strong
Dutch leadership -- stands with us as a partner in the quest for
peace in the Middle East. We see the new Europe at work closer
to home, striving against strong odds to end war in Yugoslavia.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market and political union, in
the revival of the Western European Union, in the EC's new accord
with the European Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that
brings us together today. // We see the growing unity of Europe
as a natural evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of
free nations, working in concert; a new world where more and
more nations enter a widening circle of freedom. //
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to be patient and steady -- at once, resolute and
ready to act. //
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In Central and Eastern Europe, the
5
euphoria of 1989 has worn away. Each country struggles to build
a functioning free market on the ruins of the socialist system -
- to rekindle a saving sense of trust essential to democratic
society. These nations need our help -- access to Western
markets, financial and technical assistance to ease their
transition. For forty long years, the captive nations of the
East looked West for a sign of hope. It is time now to say to
these new democracies -- we will help you. You will succeed. //
Yet, while the urgent work of democracy-building and market
reform moves forward, some see in freedom's triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
guard against nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that
feeds on stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and
citizens against citizen -- one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
There can be no place for these old animosities in the new
Europe. //
6
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance and peaceful change, a concept of
majority rule that respects minority rights. / Democracy and
freedom are not the causes of strife in Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union. Western Europe stands as proof that in the space
of little more than one generation, the spirit of democracy can
transcend centuries of rivalry, war and nationalist strife. //
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. We urge all parties to stop the violence -- to seek through
peaceful means an immediate end to the anguish. //
Second, we must seize the opportunities farther East -- to
support democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics.
// The failed August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to
institute democratic change and introduce true free market
reforms. We in the West must answer by offering humanitarian
aid, opening our markets to goods from every Republic,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the peoples everywhere in that vast land want
change. But no shortcut can spare them suffering and hardship as
they dig out from under seventy years of misrule. A harsh
winter, hard times, lie ahead -- and desperate times breed
demagogues. / America and Europe share an interest in the
7
success of Soviet reform. Together, we must act together to
support the forces of liberty, democracy and free enterprise in
that troubled region. //
Finally, we must guard against the danger that old Cold War
allies will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on
both sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on
both sides peddle protectionism as the path to prosperity.
That way lies economic ruin -- a prescription for
international economic disaster. // As President, part of my
responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic growth
and opportunity. In a global economy, that means fighting for
free and fair trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free and open
trade. / /
Helping the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe;
supporting democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its
Republics; pushing forward for freer world trade -- each
challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open an
opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
8
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
THE WHITE HOUSE
91 OCT 5 91 P4:10
WASHINGTON
November 5, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR TONY SNOW
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: The Ridderzaal
We have reviewed the attached draft and have no suggested
changes from a policy standpoint. We approve of the draft
remarks in their current form.
CC: Phillip D. Brady
283675SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
11/4/91
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 11:00AM, TUES., NOV. 5
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SUNUNU
MCCLURE
SCOWCROFT
PETERSMEYER
DARMAN
PORTER
BRADY
ROGICH
>
BROMLEY
SMITH
McBRIDE
CARD
SNOW
DEMAREST
C
PORTER ROSE
FITZWATER
BOSKIN
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide comments on the attached directly to Tony Snow
Rm. 122, x2930, with a copy to this office, NO LATER THAN
11:00AM TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 5. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Bunton
November 4, 1991
1:00 pm
31 NOV 4 P | : 19
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S. EC summit on
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed: East and West united. A new world stretches out
before us -- a world alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- to make certain history's most successful
alliance does not become the final casualty of the Cold War. /
New challenges for old adversaries: here in Europe, the nations
2
of the East look to their Western neighbors for help in securing
their hard-won freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism stripped NATO of its mission.
NATO's work was done -- save for the handshakes and ticker-tape
parades. // Nothing could be more dangerous -- for Europe, for
America, and for the world. Especially now, at this moment of
hope, we must guard against false euphoria.
We must heed the hard-won lessons of two world wars. We
should give future historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat
of 1919: an age of naive isolationism -- with the world's great
democracies divided and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to
disarm, oblivious to unexpected dangers. This first age of
naivete made possible the horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted
terror of the Cold War. For one brief dalliance with delusion,
the world paid dearly: Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent
generations lost the dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete misunderstand our
alliance. NATO's mission was never simply military. NATO was
from the first and remains today an alliance of free nations --
3
of fellow democracies -- of countries with a common kinship and
culture, a shared heritage and history. //
The easing of the Soviet threat does nothing to weaken the
bonds that connect my country to this continent. Today, Europe
and America are partners in peace -- and partners in prosperity,
with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples, create new
economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO must remain an
expression of our common commitment to a free and prosperous
future.
There is no question that NATO will change. {In Rome, we
ratified a new strategic doctrine -- one that responds to the
sweeping changes in our world. We agreed to seek a new degree of
cooperation between NATO and the nine nations of the East -- the
six former members of the Warsaw Pact and the newly-independent
Baltic states.} / On both sides of the Atlantic, we can and
will reduce troop levels -- eliminate entire categories of
nuclear weapons -- redefine our roles and responsibilities in
response to the new conditions that now prevail. //
We should not need an enemy at the door to teach us the
wisdom of strength and vigilance. Even in the new Europe, NATO
remains the cornerstone of collective security. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, so must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. / Think
back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin Blockade and the
Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in ruins -- half its
people locked in chains. / The new Europe stands strong and
4
proud: Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-fifth] of the
world's economic output, nations that rank among the world's most
advanced and best educated. Few continents can rival the
collective economic strength of a united Europe. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We witnessed the new Europe in
action in the Gulf War, as the EC -- and individual nations
including even the fragile new democracies of Eastern Europe --
stood with us against aggression. / We see the new Europe now,
in Madrid, where the European Community stands with us as a
partner in the quest for peace. We see the new Europe at work
closer to home, working to end war in Yugoslavia.
Let me say without equivocation: the United States sees no
threat in European unity. It was never the aim of the U.S. to
see the nations of Europe set one against the other. We've seen
too often in the past that balance of power politics ends in
bloodshed. The U.S. made European independence a pillar of our
post-war policy.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market, in the revival of the
Western European Union, in the EC's new accord with the European
Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that brings us together
today. // We see the growing unity of Europe as a natural
evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of free nations,
working in concert; a new world where more and more nations
enter a widening circle of freedom. //
5
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to meet new challenges. I want to focus on three of
those challenges today: helping the new democracies of the East,
encouraging democratic change in the Soviet Union -- and finally,
ensuring that old Cold War allies do not become trade war
adversaries. //
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In the East, the euphoria of 1989 has
worn away. While the urgent work of democracy-building and
market reform moves forward, some see in our triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
resist nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that feeds on
stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and fellow
citizens against themselves, one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
6
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. Today I call on all parties to stop the violence -- to seek
through peaceful means a solution, a system, that preserves
minority rights against the unchecked authority of the state.
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance. There can be no place for these old
animosities in the new Europe. //
Farther east, we face a second : Supporting democratic
reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics. // The failed
August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to institute
democratic change and introduce true free market reforms. We in
the West must answer by opening our markets to Soviet goods,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the Soviet peoples -- the reformers in the central
government and the republics -- want change. But no shortcut can
spare the Soviet people serious hardship as they dig out from
under seventy years of misrule. A harsh winter, hard times, lie
ahead -- and desperate times breed demagogues. / America and
Europe share an interest in the success of Soviet reform.
Together, we must act together to support the forces of liberty,
democracy and free enterprise in that troubled region. //
Finally, our third : the danger that old Cold War allies
will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on both
sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on both
7
sides proclaim mistakenly that nations can achieve prosperity
through protectionism. /
That way lies economic ruin -- catastrophe rivalling the
worst the world has seen this century. // As President, part of
my responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic
growth. In a global economy, that means fighting for free trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free trade -
- in favor of freedom. //
Each challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open
an opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
91 OCT 7 A9: 04
DATE: 11/7/91
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
----
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AT THE RIDDERZALL, THE HAGUE
SUBJECT:
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1991 - - 12:30 p.m.
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
HORNER
SUNUNU
MCCLURE
>
SCOWCROFT
\
PETERSMEYER
DARMAN
PORTER
BRADY
>
ROGICH
BROMLEY
SMITH
>
CARD
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
>
PORTER ROSE
MCBRIDE
FITZWATER
SNOW
GRAY
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
PHILLIP D. BRADY
Assistant to the President
and Staff Secretary
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
31 NOV 5 P6: 47
November 5, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
DAVE DEMAREST
AD
TONY SNOW TS
FROM:
DAN MCGROARTY Typer
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED REMARKS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AT THE
RIDDERZALL, THE HAGUE
I. SUMMARY
On Saturday, November 9 at 12:30 p.m. you will deliver
remarks in an address to the European Community in the Ridderzaal
at the Hague.
II. DISCUSSION
Your remarks (approximately 15 minutes/ cards) stress the
importance of European unity and the continuing role of NATO.
Your remarks set out three challenges facing America and Europe:
assisting new democracies of emerging Europe, encouraging
democratic reform in the Soviet Union, and working for freer
world trade in the Uraguay Round.
McGroarty/Bunton
November 5, 1991
6:30 pm
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first U.S. -EC summit on
European soil. //
I made my first visit to the Hague more than two years ago -
- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that moment, East and
West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and uneasy peace we
called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the captive nations
of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed. A new world stretches out before us -- a world
alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- who must chart a common course in the peace
that follows the Cold War. New challenges for old adversaries:
here in Europe, making certain the nations of the East can look
2
to their Western neighbors for help in securing their hard-won
freedoms.
In coping with a changing future, we must not repeat the
errors of the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted
the end of the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America."
For them, the collapse of communism meant America's work in
Europe was done. Nothing could be more short-sighted -- for
Europe, for America, and for the world. //
We must heed the hard-won lessons of this century if we are
to seize new opportunities in the next. We should give future
historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat of 1919: an age of
naive isolationism -- with the world's great democracies divided
and distracted, rivals in a headlong rush to disarm, oblivious to
unexpected dangers. This first age of naivete made possible the
horrors of Hitler -- and the protracted terror of the Cold War.
For one brief dalliance with delusion, the world paid dearly:
Millions died in horrible wars. Innocent generations lost the
dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: we knew how to wage the Cold War.
But do we know how to wage the peace? / Those who argue that
the collapse of communism makes NATO obsolete are mistaken.
NATO's mission is more than simply military. NATO was from the
first and remains today an alliance of free nations -- of fellow
democracies -- of countries bound by the long sweep of history
and shared heritage. //
3
Today, as we have been for half a century, Europe and
America are partners in peace. Today, we are also partners in
prosperity -- with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples,
create new economic opportunities and fuel growth. // NATO is
and must remain an expression of our common commitment to a free
and prosperous future.
There is no question that NATO will change. In Rome, we
ratified changes in the way the Alliance will provide for the
common defense, the way we will deal with our former adversaries
-- and even the way we will deal with each other. Our new
strategic doctrine will ensure that every ally is secure from any
threat -- security made credible by highly mobile, multi-
national forces, greatly reduced in size but unmatched in human
and technological quality. / Our new liaison program for
Europe's youngest democracies -- Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia
and others -- will help them transform their military apparatus
from a weapon of the state to the guardian of free people. /
Finally, the Alliances' endorsement of a European defense
identity -- the long-sought "European Pillar" -- will give the
new Europe more responsibility in the protection of our vital
interests, our cherished ideals and the rule of law. //
Just as NATO adapts to new realities, so must my country and
the nations of this continent forge a new partnership. //
Think back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin
Blockade and the Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in
ruins -- half its people locked in chains. / Today Western
4
Europe stands as a model for what democracy, the free market and
cooperation can deliver. Nearly 400 million people, a full [one-
fifth] of the world's economic output, nations that rank among
the world's most advanced and best educated. //
A generation of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. / We are now witnessing the new Europe
in action: working with us to help the citizens of Central and
Eastern Europe transform their systems, their societies and their
lives; in Madrid, where the European Community -- under strong
Dutch leadership -- stands with us as a partner in the quest for
peace in the Middle East. We see the new Europe at work closer
to home, striving against strong odds to end war in Yugoslavia.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market and political union, in
the revival of the Western European Union, in the EC's new accord
with the European Free Trade Association -- in the Summit that
brings us together today. // We see the growing unity of Europe
as a natural evolution toward our common aim: a commonwealth of
free nations, working in concert; a new world where more and
more nations enter a widening circle of freedom. //
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to be patient and steady -- at once, resolute and
ready to act. / /
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In Central and Eastern Europe, the
5
euphoria of 1989 has worn away. Each country struggles to build
a functioning free market on the ruins of the socialist system -
- to rekindle a saving sense of trust essential to democratic
society. These nations need our help -- access to Western
markets, financial and technical assistance to ease their
transition. For forty long years, the captive nations of the
East looked West for a sign of hope. It is time now to say to
these new democracies -- we will help you. You will succeed. //
Yet, while the urgent work of democracy-building and market
reform moves forward, some see in freedom's triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. /
No one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
guard against nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that
feeds on stale prejudices, that pits nation against nation and
citizens against citizen -- one that teaches people to regard
their neighbors as implacable threats to all they hold dear.
There can be no place for these old animosities in the new
Europe. //
6
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance and peaceful change, a concept of
majority rule that respects minority rights. / Democracy and
freedom are not the causes of strife in Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union. Western Europe stands as proof that in the space
of little more than one generation, the spirit of democracy can
transcend centuries of rivalry, war and nationalist strife. //
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. We urge all parties to stop the violence -- to seek through
peaceful means an immediate end to the anguish. //
Second, we must seize the opportunities farther East -- to
support democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its Republics.
// The failed August coup stiffened the resolve of reformers to
institute democratic change and introduce true free market
reforms. We in the West must answer by offering humanitarian
aid, opening our markets to goods from every Republic,
encouraging investment, offering economic advice and expertise.
//
I believe the peoples everywhere in that vast land want
change. But no shortcut can spare them suffering and hardship as
they dig out from under seventy years of misrule. A harsh
winter, hard times, lie ahead -- and desperate times breed
demagogues. / America and Europe share an interest in the
7
success of Soviet reform. Together, we must act together to
support the forces of liberty, democracy and free enterprise in
that troubled region. //
Finally, we must guard against the danger that old Cold War
allies will become new economic adversaries. There are signs on
both sides of the Atlantic that this could happen. Voices on
both sides peddle protectionism as the path to prosperity.
That way lies economic ruin -- a prescription for
international economic disaster. // As President, part of my
responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic growth
and opportunity. In a global economy, that means fighting for
free and fair trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community can resolve their differences in favor of free and open
trade. //
Helping the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe;
supporting democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its
Republics; pushing forward for freer world trade -- each
challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open an
opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
8
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace. //
Thank you. / May God bless The Netherlands and all the
free peoples of Europe.
# # #
THE RIDDERZAAL \ THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991 \ 12:45 P.M.
President Delors
PRIME MINISTER LUBBERS, LDISTINGUISHED guest:
REPRESENTATIVES OF THE DUTCH GOVERNMENT AND THE E.C.]:
IT IS MY PLEASURE TO MEET WITH YOU AT THE CONCLUSION OF
THIS, THE FIRST MEETING OF U.S. AND EC LEADERS ON
EUROPEAN SOIL. THAT THIS IS DUTCH SOIL MAKES THIS
MOMENT ALL THE MORE SPECIAL, FOR NOWHERE IS THE MORAL
FIBER OF OUR ATLANTIC COMMUNITY STRONGER. //
- 2 -
I MADE MY FIRST VISIT TO THE HAGUE AS PRESIDENT
MORE THAN TWO YEARS AGO -- ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION
OF '89. AT THAT MOMENT, EAST AND WEST STOOD LOCKED IN
CONFLICT -- THE ARMED AND UNEASY PEACE WE CALLED THE
COLD WAR. AND YET, EVEN THEN, IN THE CAPTIVE NATIONS
OF EASTERN EUROPE, THE WORLD FELT THE FIRST STIRRINGS
OF CHANGE.
IN THE STONE CHURCH AT LEIDEN, I SPOKE OF THE NEW
SPIRIT ALIVE ON THIS CONTINENT -- OF THE NEW WORLD
WITHIN OUR REACH.
- 3 -
TODAY, AS WE MEET IN THIS HISTORIC HALL OF KNIGHTS,
EUROPE STANDS TRANSFORMED. A NEW WORLD STRETCHES OUT
BEFORE US -- A WORLD ALIVE WITH THE PROMISE OF
FREEDOM. //
JUST TWO YEARS AGO TODAY, THE REVOLUTION SWEPT AWAY
THAT STARK AND SEARING SYMBOL OF EUROPE'S DIVISION --
AND THE WALL CAME CRASHING DOWN. / BUT HISTORY ALLOWS
LITTLE TIME FOR CELEBRATION.
- 4 -
WITH CHANGE COMES NEW CHALLENGES: NEW CHALLENGES FOR
OLD ALLIES -- WHO MUST CHART A COMMON COURSE IN THE
PEACE THAT FOLLOWS THE COLD WAR. NEW CHALLENGES FOR
OLD ADVERSARIES: HERE IN EUROPE, MAKING CERTAIN THE
NATIONS OF THE EAST CAN LOOK. TO THEIR WESTERN NEIGHBORS
FOR HELP IN SECURING THEIR HARD-WON FREEDOMS.
As WE CONFRONT THE FUTURE, WE MUST NOT REPEAT THE
ERRORS OF THE PAST. / ON MY SIDE OF THE ATLANTIC,
SOME GREETED THE END OF THE COLD WAR WITH A CHORUS OF
"CoMe HoMe, AMERICA."
- 5 -
FOR THEM, THE COLLAPSE OF COMMUNISM MEANT AMERICA'S
ENGAGEMENT IN EUROPE WAS FINISHED. NOTHING COULD BE
MORE SHORT-SIGHTED -- FOR EUROPE, FOR AMERICA, AND FOR
THE WORLD. //
WE MUST HEED THE HARD-WON LESSONS OF THIS CENTURY
IF WE ARE TO SEIZE NEW OPPORTUNITIES IN THE NEXT.
- 6 -
WE SHOULD GIVE FUTURE HISTORIANS NO REASON TO SEE IN
1991 A REPEAT OF 1919: AN AGE OF NAIVE
ISOLATIONISM -- WITH THE WORLD'S GREAT DEMOCRACIES
DIVIDED AND DISTRACTED, A EUROPE DIVIDED BETWEEN
VICTORS AND VANQUISHED, OBLIVIOUS TO UNEXPECTED
DANGERS. THIS FIRST AGE OF NAIVETE MADE POSSIBLE THE
HORRORS OF HITLER -- FOLLOWED BY THE PROTRACTED TERROR
OF THE COLD WAR. FOR THAT EARLIER DALLIANCE WITH
DELUSION, THE WORLD PAID DEARLY: WAR COST THE LIVES OF
MILLIONS.
- 7 -
INNOCENT GENERATIONS LOST THE DREAM OF FREEDOM.
THE QUESTION WE FACE TODAY IS NOT so DIFFERENT THAN
THE ONE OUR ANCESTORS FACED IN 1919: FOR OUR PART, WE
KNEW HOW TO WAGE THE COLD WAR. BUT DO WE KNOW HOW TO
WAGE THE PEACE? / WE MUST START FROM THE
UNDERSTANDING THAT NATO IS NOT SIMPLY A MILITARY PACT
JOINED ONLY TO FACE A COMMON THREAT. WE MUST RECOGNIZE
THAT OUR ATLANTIC ALLIANCE IS AS VITAL IN TODAY'S
VOLATILE WORLD AS IT WAS YEARS AGO WHEN EUROPE WAS
MENACED BY STALIN'S ARMY.
- 8 -
OUR ALLIANCE WAS FROM THE FIRST AND REMAINS TODAY
AN ALLIANCE OF FREE NATIONS -- OF FELLOW
DEMOCRACIES -- OF COUNTRIES BOUND BY THE LONG SWEEP OF
HISTORY AND SHARED HERITAGE. TODAY, AS WE HAVE BEEN
FOR HALF A CENTURY, EUROPE AND AMERICA ARE PARTNERS IN
PEACE. TODAY, WE ARE ALSO PARTNERS IN PROSPERITY --
WITH STRONG TRADE TIES THAT ENRICH OUR PEOPLES, CREATE
NEW ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES AND FUEL GROWTH. //
- 9 -
THERE IS NO QUESTION THAT NATO WILL CHANGE. IN
ROME, WE APPROVED CHANGES IN THE WAY THE ALLIANCE WILL
PROVIDE FOR THE COMMON DEFENSE, THE WAY WE WILL DEAL
WITH OUR FORMER ADVERSARIES -- AND EVEN THE WAY WE WILL
DEAL WITH EACH OTHER. OUR NEW DEFENSE DOCTRINE WILL
ENSURE THAT EVERY ALLY IS SECURE FROM ANY THREAT --
SECURITY MADE CREDIBLE BY HIGHLY MOBILE, MULTI-NATIONAL
FORCES, GREATLY REDUCED IN SIZE BUT UNMATCHED IN HUMAN
AND TECHNOLOGICAL QUALITY. /
- 10 -
OUR NEW NATO LIAISON PROGRAM FOR EUROPE'S YOUNGEST
DEMOCRACIES -- POLAND, HUNGARY, CZECHOSLOVAKIA AND
OTHERS -- WILL HELP THEM TRANSFORM THEIR MILITARY
APPARATUS FROM A WEAPON OF THE STATE TO THE GUARDIAN OF
FREE PEOPLE. / FINALLY, THE ALLIANCE'S ENDORSEMENT OF
A EUROPEAN DEFENSE IDENTITY -- THE LONG-SOUGHT
"EUROPEAN PILLAR" -- WILL GIVE OUR EUROPEAN ALLIES MORE
RESPONSIBILITY IN THE PROTECTION OF SHARED VITAL
INTERESTS, CHERISHED IDEALS AND THE RULE OF LAW. //
- 11 -
MY COUNTRY AND THE NATIONS OF THIS CONTINENT ARE
FORGING A NEW ATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP. // THINK BACK
FOUR DECADES AGO, To THE DAYS OF THE BERLIN BLOCKADE
AND THE MARSHALL PLAN. NEARLY ALL OF EUROPE STOOD IN
RUINS -- HALF ITS PEOPLE LOCKED IN CHAINS. / TODAY
WESTERN EUROPE STANDS AS A MODEL FOR WHAT DEMOCRACY,
THE FREE MARKET AND COOPERATION CAN DELIVER.
- 12 -
MORE THAN 300 MILLION PEOPLE -- GENERATING FULLY ONE
FIFTH OF THE WORLD'S ECONOMIC OUTPUT -- NATIONS THAT
RANK AMONG THE WORLD'S MOST ADVANCED AND BEST
EDUCATED. //
THIS ERA OF POST-WAR PROSPERITY HAS PREPARED EUROPE
FOR LARGER RESPONSIBILITIES.
- 13 -
WE ARE NOW WITNESSING THE NEW EUROPE IN ACTION:
WORKING WITH US TO HELP THE CITIZENS OF CENTRAL AND
EASTERN EUROPE TRANSFORM THEIR SYSTEMS, THEIR SOCIETIES
AND THEIR LIVES; IN MADRID,) WHERE THE EUROPEAN
COMMUNITY STANDS WITH US AS A PARTNER IN THE QUEST FOR
PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST. WE SEE THE NEW EUROPE AT
WORK CLOSER TO HOME, STRIVING AGAINST DIFFICULT ODDS TO
END WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA.
- 14 -
WE WELCOME THE EMERGENCE OF THE NEW EUROPE, IN THE
EUROPEAN COMMUNITY'S MARCH TOWARD A SINGLE MARKET AND
POLITICAL UNION, IN THE REVIVAL OF THE WESTERN EUROPEAN
UNION, IN THE EC's NEW ACCORD WITH THE EUROPEAN FREE
TRADE ASSOCIATION. REVITALIZING THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE
AND BUILDING A EUROPEAN UNION GO HAND-IN-HAND. BOTH
CAN CONTRIBUTE To A SAFE PROSPEROUS EUROPE AND A HUMANE
WORLD ORDER. A CONTINUING AMERICAN ROLE IN EUROPE CAN
FACILITATE INTEGRATION BY FOSTERING STABILITY.
- 15 -
AND A MORE CONFIDENT AND COHESIVE EUROPE WILL, WE
BELIEVE, WANT THE UNITED STATES TO REMAIN ENGAGED.
WE THEREFORE HOPE FOR CONTINUED PROGRESS AT THE
UPCOMING EC SUMMIT IN MAASTRICHT BECAUSE AMERICA
RECOGNIZES THE ACCELERATING UNITY OF EUROPE AS A
NATURAL EVOLUTION TOWARD OUR COMMON AIM: A
COMMONWEALTH OF FREE NATIONS, WORKING IN CONCERT; A NEW
WORLD WHERE MORE AND MORE NATIONS ENTER A WIDENING
CIRCLE OF FREEDOM.
- 16 -
IN THE MONTHS AND YEARS AHEAD, THIS COMMONWEALTH
WILL BE CALLED UPON TO BE PATIENT AND STEADY -- AT
ONCE, RESOLUTE AND READY TO ACT.
FIRST, WE MUST WRITE THE FINAL CHAPTER OF THE COLD
WAR CONFLICT: WE MUST HELP THE NATIONS OF THE EAST
SECURE THE FREEDOMS THEY HAVE WON.
- 17 -
IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE, THE EUPHORIA OF 1989 HAS
WORN AWAY. EACH COUNTRY STRUGGLES TO BUILD A
FUNCTIONING FREE MARKET ON THE RUINS OF THE SOCIALIST
SYSTEM -- TO REKINDLE A SAVING SENSE OF TRUST ESSENTIAL
TO DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. THESE NATIONS NEED OUR HELP --
ACCESS TO WESTERN MARKETS, FINANCIAL AND TECHNICAL
ASSISTANCE TO EASE THEIR TRANSITION. FOR FORTY LONG
YEARS, THE CAPTIVE NATIONS OF THE EAST LOOKED WEST FOR
A SIGN OF HOPE.
- 18 -
IT IS TIME NOW TO SAY TO THESE NEW DEMOCRACIES -- WE
WILL HELP YOU. MORE THAN THAT, AFTER SUCH A COLD AND
PROTRACTED ISOLATION, IT IS TIME US TO EXTEND TO THEM A
WARM WELCOME INTO THIS COMMONWEALTH OF FREEDOM. //
YET, WHILE THE URGENT WORK OF DEMOCRACY-BUILDING
AND MARKET REFORM MOVES FORWARD, SOME SEE IN FREEDOM'S
TRIUMPH A BITTER HARVEST. IN THIS VIEW, THE COLLAPSE
OF COMMUNISM HAS THROWN OPEN A PANDORA'S Box OF ANCIENT
ETHNIC HATREDS, RESENTMENT AND REVENGE.
- 19 -
SOME FEAR DEMOCRACY'S NEW FREEDOMS WILL BE USED NOT TO
BUILD NEW TRUST, BUT TO SETTLE OLD SCORES.
ALL OF EUROPE HAS AWAKENED TO THE DANGERS OF AN OLD
ENEMY: A NATIONALISM ANIMATED BY HATRED AND UNMOVED BY
NOBLER ENDS. No ONE NEED FEAR HEALTHY NATIONAL PRIDE:
THE DISTINCTIVE AND DEFINING TRADITIONS -- THE LIVING
HISTORY THAT GIVES PEOPLES AND NATIONS A SENSE OF
IDENTITY, PRINCIPLE AND PURPOSE.
- 20 -
BUT WE MUST GUARD AGAINST NATIONALISM OF A MORE
SINISTER SORT: ONE THAT FEEDS ON STALE PREJUDICES --
TEACHES PEOPLE INTOLERANCE, SUSPICION, AND EVEN RACISM
AND ANTI-SEMITICISM. ONE THAT PITS NATION AGAINST
NATION AND CITIZEN AGAINST CITIZEN. THERE CAN BE NO
PLACE FOR THESE OLD ANIMOSITIES IN THE NEW EUROPE.
- 21 -
THE ANSWER LIES NOT IN SUPPRESSING THE DARK
IMPULSES THAT DESTROY NATIONS BUT IN SURMOUNTING
THEM -- CULTIVATING A SPIRIT OF DEMOCRATIC TOLERANCE
AND PEACEFUL CHANGE, A CONCEPT OF MAJORITY RULE THAT
RESPECTS MINORITY RIGHTS. DEMOCRACY IS NOT THE CAUSE
OF STRIFE IN EASTERN EUROPE AND THE SOVIET UNION, BUT
RATHER THE SOLUTION. WESTERN EUROPE STANDS AS PROOF
THAT IN THE SPACE OF LITTLE MORE THAN ONE GENERATION,
THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY CAN TRANSCEND CENTURIES OF
RIVALRY, WAR AND NATIONALIST STRIFE.
- 22 -
WE SEE IN YUGOSLAVIA HOW THE PROUD NAME OF
NATIONALISM CAN SPLINTER A COUNTRY INTO BLOODY CIVIL
WAR. AMERICA SUPPORTS THE EFFORTS OF THE EUROPEAN
COMMUNITY TO BRING THAT CONFLICT TO AN END. WE SALUTE
LORD CARRINGTON FOR HIS INDEFATIGABLE EFFORTS. WE URGE
ALL PARTIES TO STOP THE VIOLENCE -- TO SEEK THROUGH
PEACEFUL MEANS AN IMMEDIATE END TO THE SUFFERING. WE
ARE READY TO JOIN THE EC IN HOLDING ACCOUNTABLE THOSE
IN YUGOSLAVIA WHOSE PAROCHIAL AMBITIONS ARE
PERPETRATING THIS AGONY.
- 23 -
SECOND, WE MUST SEIZE THE OPPORTUNITIES FARTHER
EAST -- TO SUPPORT THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSFORMATION OF THE
SOVIET UNION AND ITS REPUBLICS. THE FAILED AUGUST COUP
STIFFENED THE RESOLVE OF REFORMERS TO INSTITUTE
DEMOCRATIC CHANGE AND INTRODUCE TRUE FREE MARKET
REFORMS. WE IN THE WEST MUST ANSWER BY OFFERING
HUMANITARIAN AID, OPENING OUR MARKETS TO GOODS FROM
EVERY REPUBLIC, ENCOURAGING INVESTMENT, OFFERING
ECONOMIC ADVICE AND EXPERTISE.
- 24 -
I BELIEVE THE PEOPLES EVERYWHERE IN THAT VAST LAND
WANT CHANGE. BUT NO SHORTCUT CAN SPARE THEM SUFFERING
AND HARDSHIP AS THEY DIG OUT FROM UNDER SEVENTY YEARS
OF MISRULE. A HARSH WINTER, HARD TIMES, LIE AHEAD --
AND DESPERATE TIMES BREED DEMAGOGUES. AMERICA AND
EUROPE SHARE AN INTEREST IN THE SUCCESS OF SOVIET
REFORM. TOGETHER, WE MUST ACT TO SUPPORT THE FORCES OF
LIBERTY, DEMOCRACY AND FREE ENTERPRISE IN THAT TROUBLED
REGION.
- 25 -
FINALLY, WE MUST GUARD AGAINST THE DANGER THAT OLD
COLD WAR ALLIES WILL BECOME NEW ECONOMIC
ADVERSARIES -- COLD WARRIORS TURNED TRADE WARRIORS.
THERE ARE SIGNS ON BOTH SIDES OF THE ATLANTIC THAT THIS
COULD HAPPEN. SHRILL VOICES ON BOTH SIDES PEDDLE
PROTECTIONISM AS THE PATH TO PROSPERITY.
THAT WAY LIES ECONOMIC RUIN -- A PRESCRIPTION FOR
PLUNGING US INTO THE KIND OF IMPOVERISHING RIVALRY THAT
RAVAGED OUR ECONOMIES DURING THE GREAT DEPRESSION.
- 26 -
As PRESIDENT, PART OF MY RESPONSIBILITY To THE AMERICAN
PEOPLE IS ENSURING ECONOMIC GROWTH AND OPPORTUNITY. IN
A GLOBAL ECONOMY, THAT MEANS INSISTING ON FREE AND FAIR
TRADE.
IN NORTH AMERICA, AS IN EUROPE, GREAT PROGRESS HAS
BEEN MADE DRIVING DOWN TRADE BARRIERS. BUT THAT
PROGRESS WILL MEAN LITTLE IF THE WORLD ALIGNS ITSELF
INTO WARRING TRADE BLOCS. // THE PRINCIPLE OF FREE
TRADE FACES A CRITICAL TEST IN THE URUGUAY ROUND.
- 27 -
A POSITIVE OUTCOME -- ONE THAT REAFFIRMS AND EXTENDS
THE GATT SYSTEM -- WILL PROVE THAT THE U.S. AND THE
EUROPEAN COMMUNITY, AS WORLD ECONOMIC LEADERS, HAVE THE
CONFIDENCE TO MOVE DECISIVELY INTO A NEW ERA OF FREE
AND OPEN TRADE -- GENERATING JOBS AND OPPORTUNITY ON
BOTH SIDES OF THE ATLANTIC.
- 28 -
[THAT'S WHY I AM ESPECIALLY PLEASED TODAY TO REPORT
THAT THE U.S. AND THE EC HAVE MADE SIGNIFICANT PROGRESS
IN THE PAST FEW DAYS, AND HAVE PLEDGED To SPARE NO
EFFORT TO RESOLVE THE EQUALLY SIGNIFICANT ISSUES STILL
OUTSTANDING.]
- 29 -
HELPING THE EMERGING DEMOCRACIES OF EASTERN EUROPE;
SUPPORTING DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN THE SOVIET UNION AND
ITS REPUBLICS; PUSHING FORWARD FOR FREER WORLD
TRADE -- EACH CHALLENGE WE FACE CONSTITUTES A TEST.
EACH HOLDS OPEN AN OPPORTUNITY TO GIVE REAL MEANING TO
STRENGTHEN THE BONDS THAT LINK US ACROSS THE
ATLANTIC -- TO OPEN OUR COMMONWEALTH OF FREE NATIONS TO
ALL WHO LOVE LIBERTY AND SEEK PEACE.
- 30 -
THANK YOU. MAY GOD BLESS THE NETHERLANDS AND ALL
THE FREE PEOPLES OF EUROPE.
# #
#
I
PM lubbers, President Delors,
distinguished guests:
Phil soys me will call
bach when we get in -
Sobrity check
-
McGroarty/Bunton
November 7, 1991
9:30 a.m.
[HAGUE]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE RIDDERZAAL
THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
NOVEMBER 9, 1991
12:30 P.M.
Prime Minister Lubbers, [distinguished representatives of
the Dutch Government and the E.C.]: it is my pleasure to meet
with you at the conclusion of this, the first meeting of U.S. and
EC leaders on European soil. That this is Dutch soil makes this
This
moment all the more special, for nowhere is the moral fiber of
Atlantic community
speech is
our Alliance stronger. //
not about
I made my first visit as President to the Hague more than
NATO lmd
Syntax
two years ago -- on the eve of the Revolution of '89. At that
the Atlantic layer
moment, East and West stood locked in conflict -- the armed and
consunty
uneasy peace we called the Cold War. And yet, even then, in the
captive nations of Eastern Europe, the world felt the first
stirrings of change.
In the stone church at Leiden, I spoke of the new spirit
alive on this continent -- of the new world within our reach.
Today, as we meet in this historic Hall of Knights, Europe stands
transformed. A new world stretches out before us -- a world
alive with the promise of freedom. //
Just two years ago today, the Revolution swept away that
stark and searing symbol of Europe's division -- and the Wall
came crashing down. / But history allows little time for
celebration. With change comes new challenges: new challenges
for old allies -- who must chart a common course in the peace
2
that follows the Cold War. New challenges for old adversaries:
here in Europe, making certain the nations of the East can look
to their Western neighbors for help in securing their hard-won
freedoms.
As we confront the future, we must not repeat the errors of
the past. / On my side of the Atlantic, some greeted the end of
the Cold War with a chorus of "Come Home, America." For them,
the collapse of communism meant America's engagement in Europe
was finished. Nothing could be more short-sighted -- for Europe,
for America, and for the world. //
We must heed the hard-won lessons of this century if we are
to seize new opportunities in the next. We should give future
historians no reason to see in 1991 a repeat of 1919: an age of
naive isolationism -- with the world's great democracies divided
and distracted, a Europe divided between victors and vanquished,
oblivious to unexpected dangers. This first age of naivete made
possible the horrors of Hitler -- followed by the protracted
terror of the Cold War. For that earlier dalliance with
delusion, the world paid dearly: War cost the lives of millions.
Innocent generations lost the dream of freedom.
The question we face today is not so different than the one
our ancestors faced in 1919: for our part, we knew how to wage
the Cold War. But do we know how to wage the peace? / We must
start from the understanding that NATO is not simply a military
pact joined only to face a common threat. We must recognize that
3
our Atlantic Alliance is as vital in today's volatile world as it
was years ago when Europe was menaced by Stalin's army.
Our Alliance was from the first and remains today an
alliance of free nations -- of fellow democracies -- of countries
bound by the long sweep of history and shared heritage. Today,
as we have been for half a century, Europe and America are
partners in peace. Today, we are also partners in prosperity --
with strong trade ties that enrich our peoples, create new
economic opportunities and fuel growth.
//
NATO
is
and
must
repetities
remain an expression of our common commitment to a free and
presperous future
There is no question that NATO will change. In Rome, we
approved changes in the way the Alliance will provide for the
common defense, the way we will deal with our former adversaries
-- and even the way we will deal with each other. Our new
defense doctrine will ensure that every ally is secure from any
threat -- security made credible by highly mobile, multi-national
forces, greatly reduced in size but unmatched in human and
technological quality. / Our new NATO liaison program for
Europe's youngest democracies -- Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia
and others -- will help them transform their military apparatus
from a weapon of the state to the guardian of free people. /
Finally, the Alliance's endorsement of a European defense
identity -- the long-sought "European Pillar" -- will give our
European allies more responsibility in the protection of shared
vital interests, cherished ideals and the rule of law. //
4
4
Just as NATO adapts to new realities SO must My country and the
are forging
nations of this continent forge a new Atlantic partnership. //
(no Think back four decades ago, to the days of the Berlin
Blockade and the Marshall Plan. Nearly all of Europe stood in
ruins -- half its people locked in chains. / Today Western
Europe stands as a model for what democracy, the free market and
cooperation can deliver. More than 300 million people --
generating fully one fifth of the world's economic output --
nations that rank among the world's most advanced and best
educated. / /
This era of post-war prosperity has prepared Europe for
larger responsibilities. We are now witnessing the new Europe in
action: working with us to help the citizens of Central and
Eastern Europe transform their systems, their societies and their
lives; in Madrid, where the European Community stands with us as
a partner in the quest for peace in the Middle East. We see the
new Europe at work closer to home, striving against difficult
odds to end war in Yugoslavia.
We welcome the emergence of the new Europe, in the European
Community's march toward a single market and political union, in
the revival of the Western European Union, in the EC's new accord
with the European Free Trade Association. Revitalizing the
Atlantic Alliance and building a European Union go hand-in-hand.
Both can contribute to a safe prosperous Europe and a humane
world order. A continuing American role in Europe can facilitate
integration by fostering stability. And a more confident and
5
cohesive Europe will, we believe, want the United States to
remain engaged.
We therefore hope for continued progress at the upcoming EC
Summit in Maastricht because America recognizes the accelerating
unity of Europe as a natural evolution toward our common aim: a
commonwealth of free nations, working in concert; a new world
where more and more nations enter a widening circle of freedom.
In the months and years ahead, this commonwealth will be
called upon to be patient and steady -- at once, resolute and
ready to act.
First, we must write the final chapter of the Cold War
conflict: We must help the nations of the East secure the
freedoms they have won. In Central and Eastern Europe, the
euphoria of 1989 has worn away. Each country struggles to build
a functioning free market on the ruins of the socialist system -
- to rekindle a saving sense of trust essential to democratic
society. These nations need our help -- access to Western
markets, financial and technical assistance to ease their
transition. For forty long years, the captive nations of the
East looked West for a sign of hope. It is time now to say to
these new democracies -- we will help you. More than that, after
such a cold and protracted isolation, it is time us to extend to
them a warm welcome into this commonwealth of freedom. //
Yet, while the urgent work of democracy-building and market
reform moves forward, some see in freedom's triumph a bitter
harvest. In this view, the collapse of communism has thrown open
6
a Pandora's Box of ancient ethnic hatreds, resentment and
revenge. Some fear democracy's new freedoms will be used not to
build new trust, but to settle old scores.
All of Europe has awakened to the dangers of an old enemy:
a nationalism animated by hatred and unmoved by nobler ends. No
one need fear healthy national pride: the distinctive and
defining traditions -- the living history that gives peoples and
nations a sense of identity, principle and purpose. But we must
guard against nationalism of a more sinister sort: one that
feeds on stale prejudices -- teaches people intolerance,
suspicion, and even racism and anti-semiticism. One that pits
nation against nation and citizen against citizen. There can be
no place for these old animosities in the new Europe.
The answer lies not in suppressing the dark impulses that
destroy nations but in surmounting them -- cultivating a spirit
of democratic tolerance and peaceful change, a concept of
majority rule that respects minority rights. Democracy is not
the cause of strife in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, but
rather the solution. Western Europe stands as proof that in the
space of little more than one generation, the spirit of democracy
can transcend centuries of rivalry, war and nationalist strife.
We see in Yugoslavia how the proud name of nationalism can
splinter a country into bloody civil war. America supports the
efforts of the European Community to bring that conflict to an
end. We salute Lord Carrington for his indefatigable efforts.
We urge all parties to stop the violence -- to seek through
7
peaceful means an immediate end to the suffering. We are ready
to join the EC in holding accountable those in Yugoslavia whose
parochial ambitions are perpetrating this agony.
Second, we must seize the opportunities farther East -- to
support the democratic transformation of the Soviet Union and its
Republics. The failed August coup stiffened the resolve of
reformers to institute democratic change and introduce true free
market reforms. We in the West must answer by offering
humanitarian aid, opening our markets to goods from every
Republic, encouraging investment, offering economic advice and
expertise.
I believe the peoples everywhere in that vast land want
change. But no shortcut can spare them suffering and hardship as
they dig out from under seventy years of misrule. A harsh
winter, hard times, lie ahead -- and desperate times breed
demagogues. America and Europe share an interest in the success
of Soviet reform. Together, we must act to support the forces of
liberty, democracy and free enterprise in that troubled region.
Finally, we must guard against the danger that old Cold War
allies will become new economic adversaries -- Cold Warriors
turned trade warriors. There are signs on both sides of the
Atlantic that this could happen. Shrill voices on both sides
peddle protectionism as the path to prosperity.
That way lies economic ruin -- a prescription for plunging
us into the kind of impoverishing rivalry that ravaged our
economies during the Great Depression. As President, part of my
8
responsibility to the American people is ensuring economic growth
and opportunity. In a global economy, that means insisting on
free and fair trade.
In North America, as in Europe, great progress has been made
driving down trade barriers. But that progress will mean little
if the world aligns itself into warring trade blocs. // The
principle of free trade faces a critical test in the Uruguay
Round. A positive outcome -- one that reaffirms and extends the
GATT system -- will prove that the U.S. and the European
Community, as world economic leaders, have the confidence to move
decisively into a new era of free and open trade -- generating
jobs and opportunity on both sides of the Atlantic.
[ That's why I am especially pleased today to report that
the U.S. and the EC have made significant progress in the past
few days, and have pledged to spare no effort to resolve the
equally significant issues still outstanding.]
Helping the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe;
supporting democratic reform in the Soviet Union and its
Republics; pushing forward for freer world trade -- each
challenge we face constitutes a test. Each holds open an
opportunity to give real meaning to strengthen the bonds that
link us across the Atlantic -- to open our commonwealth of free
nations to all who love liberty and seek peace.
Thank you. May God bless The Netherlands and all the free
peoples of Europe.
#
#
#