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Mitterand Toast 2/23/89 [OA 6853]
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Mitterand Toast 2/23/89 [OA 6853]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Backup Chronological Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S; 2008-0030-F
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Backup Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13657
Folder ID Number:
13657-007
Folder Title:
Mitterand Toast 2/23/89 [OA 6853]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
26
18
6
5
SUGGESTED REMARKS
FOR PRESIDENT BUSH
MITTERRAND TOAST
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, Honored Guests: It is a pleasure for me to be
able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a solemn
occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This year
France--and the United States--celebrate the bicentennial of the
French Revolution and the Rights of Man. These events of the late
Eighteenth Century cemented a unique partnership between our two
countries, one based on shared traditions, values, and history.
In 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and our own
Bill of Rights inspired the citizens of our two democracies. And
for 200 years they have inspired countless individuals and
nations fighting for their political and civil rights.
We know that there are still millions of people who are
denied the benefits of government by popular consent and respect
for the rights of the individual. We must remain for them Beacons
of Liberty, committed to the defense of those basic principles
which bind our two countries together.
By our own enlightened defense of human dignity and
democratic values, we who have fought together to defend those
principles will continue to light the paths of those yet not
free.
This 200-year-old commitment to freedom is the true genius
of France, and its greatness as a people. For liberty begets free
expression; it touches the deepest recesses of the heart. Think
of Camus, Cezanne, Pasteur, Bizet. Remember Moliere, de Gaulle,
and Victor Hugo. They made our world a better, more ennobling
place.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need La
Coeur de France--uniting the continent, upholding its democratic
ideals, and enriching East-West relations.
As you do, America will join you. Let us enlarge our own
economics, les and expand the world's economy. Let us further ties in
the political, cultural, scientific, and technological fields.
In speaking of America, the Marquis de Lafayette once said,
"What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, you are our brethren, just as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
health of President Mitterrand, and to the long and treasured
friendship between our nations.
Vive la France
WHITE HOUSE LIBRARY
AND
RESEARCH CENTER
Room 308
x7000
TO: Christina
ROOM 111½
DATE 2/21/89
To Keep
To Borrow Due Date
Per Your Request
FYI
Message:
From: Martha Brown
PN4305
04B7a
V.6
WHRC
L', COMPLETE SPEAKER'S
AND
TOASTMASTER'S LIBRARY
Proverbs, Epigrams, Aphorisms,
Sayings, and Bon Mots
by Jacob M. Braude
1965
PRENTICE-HALL, INC.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.
FUTURE, THE
253. You can hardly make a friend in a year, but you can easily
offend one in an hour.
Gift-Gifts
-Chinese
263. Gifts sho
254. Just as tall trees are known by their shadows, SO are good
men known by their enemies.
-Chinese
264.
What
is
255. An act by which we make one friend and one enemy is a
losing game, because revenge is more active than gratitude.
Giving
Future, The
265. A shrou
256. He that will not look forward must look behind.
-Gaelic
266. No man
257. To worry about tomorrow is to be unhappy today.
267. A gift lo
258. One generation plants the trees
another gets the shade.
-Chinese
268. Much is
G
269. Ask thy
Gambling
270. He who
259. Losing comes of winning money.
-Chinese
271. When 1
260. There is no better gambling than not to gamble.
-German
272. If every
Genius
273. A bit 0
261. Oddities and singularities of behavior may attend genius,
roses.
but they are its blemishes.
Gentleman
274. They \
nothing.
262. When two men quarrel, he who is first silent, is the greater
gentleman.
275.
What
]
26
FINAL
(Smith)
February 17, 1989
4:00 p.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: MITTERRAND TOAST
TOKYO, JAPAN
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, honored guests: It is a pleasure for me to
be able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a
solemn occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This year
France and the United States celebrate the bicentennial of the
French Revolution and the Rights of Man. These events of the
late Eighteenth Century cemented a unique partnership between our
two countries, one based on shared traditions, values, and
history.
In 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and our own
Bill of Rights inspired the citizens of our two democracies. And
for 200 years, they have inspired countless individuals and
nations fighting for their political and civil rights.
We know that there are still millions of people who are
denied the benefits of government by popular consent and respect
for the rights of the individual. We must remain for them
beacons of liberty, committed to the defense of those basic
principles that bind our two countries together.
By our own enlightened defense of human dignity and
democratic values, we who have fought together to defend those
principles will continue to light the paths of those yet not
free.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need
La Coeur de France -- upholding its democratic ideals.
As you do, America will join you. Let us enlarge our own
economies, and expand the world's economy. Let us develop
further ties in the political, cultural, scientific, and
technological fields.
In speaking of America, the Marquis de Lafayette once said,
"What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, the people of France are our brethren, just
as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
health of President Mitterrand, and to the long and treasured
friendship between our nations.
Vive la France!
Christinas
(Smith)
February 16, 1989
7:00 p.m.
SUGGESTED REMARKS
MITTERAND TOAST
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, honored guests: It is a pleasure for me to
be able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a
solemn occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This year
France and the United States celebrate the bicentennial of the
French Revolution and the Rights of Man. These events of the
late Eighteenth Century cemented a unique partnership between our
two countries, one based on shared traditions, values, and
history.
In 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and our own
Bill of Rights inspired the citizens of our two democracies. And
for 200 years, they have inspired countless individuals and
nations fighting for their political and civil rights.
We know that there are still millions of people who are
denied the benefits of government by popular consent and respect
for the rights of the individual. We must remain for them
beacons of liberty, committed to the defense of those basic
principles that bind our two countries together.
By our own enlightened defense of human dignity and
democratic values, we who have fought together to defend those
principles will continue to light the paths of those yet not
free.
This 200-year-old commitment to freedom is the true genius
of France, and its greatness as a people. For liberty betets
free expression; it touches the deepest recesses of the heart.
Think of Camus, Cezanne, Pasteur, Bizet. Remember Moliere,
de Gaulle, and Victor Hugo. They made our world a better, more
ennobling place.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need
La Coeur de France -- uniting the continent, upholding its
democratic ideals, and enriching East-West relations.
As you do, America will join you. Let us enlarge our own
SOLLING fumny
economies, and expand the world's economy. Let us further ties
in the political, cultural, scientific, and technological fields.
In speaking of America, the Marquis de Lafayette once said,
What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, you are our bretheren, just as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
health of President Mitterand, and to the long and treasured
friendship between our nations.
Vive la France!
b
two hundred year old comminent to freedom
This is the true genius of France, and its greatness as a
people. For liberty begets free expression; it touches the
deepest recesses of the heart. Think of Camus, Cezanne, Pasteur,
Bizet. Remember Moliere, de Gaulle, and Victor Hugo. They were
French, and buoyed all of Europe. They made our world a better,
more ennobling place.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need La
mg
Coeur de France Mr. President, you can help unite the continent,
w8
mg
You can uphold its democratic principles, and enrich East-West
relations. And, in this, the 40th anniversary of NATO, you can
preserve it as an instrument of peace.
Continue
As you do, America will join you. Let us increase bilateral
relations and mutual interdependence. Let us enlarge our own
economies, and expand the world economy, at large. Let us further
ties in the political, cultural, scientific, and technological
fields.
Mr. President, I have known you, now, for many years. I have
seen you lead a nation--wisely, valiantly. This is our first
meeting of 1989. We will meet again, and soon.
I look forward to that occasion, and let me close with these
the
oneesaid In
words of the Marquis de Lafayette. Speaking of America, he said:
"What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, you are our brethren, just as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
the clong and treasured
health of President Mitterrand, and to all of our friends from
frundship between our nations
France and the United States. Please join me in raising our
glasses to the President of the Republic of France.
Vive la France.
(Smith)
February 17, 1989
4:00 p.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: MITTERRAND TOAST
TOKYO, JAPAN
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, honored guests: It is a pleasure for me to
be able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a
solemn occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This year
France and the United States celebrate the bicentennial of the
French Revolution and the Rights of Man. These events of the
late Eighteenth Century cemented a unique partnership between our
two countries, one based on shared traditions, values, and
history.
In 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and our own
Bill of Rights inspired the citizens of our two democracies. And
for 200 years, they have inspired countless individuals and
nations fighting for their political and civil rights.
We know that there are still millions of people who are
denied the benefits of government by popular consent and respect
for the rights of the individual. We must remain for them
beacons of liberty, committed to the defense of those basic
principles that bind our two countries together.
By our own enlightened defense of human dignity and
democratic values, we who have fought together to defend those
principles will continue to light the paths of those yet not
free.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need
La Coeur de France -- upholding its democratic ideals.
As you do, America will join you. Let us enlarge our own
economies, and expand the world's economy. Let us develop
further ties in the political, cultural, scientific, and
technological fields.
In speaking of America, the Marquis de Lafayette once said,
"What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, the people of France are our brethren, just
as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
health of President Mitterrand, and to the long and treasured
friendship between our nations.
Vive la France!
OMITH /MACTIN
PROPOSED REMARKS FOR THE PRESIDENT'S LUNCH
WITH PRESIDENT MITTERRAND
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, Honored Guests: It is a pleasure for me to
I
be able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a
solemn occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This
year France -- and the United States -- celebrate the
bicentennial of the French Revolution and the Rights of Man.
7
These events of the late eighteenth century cemented a unique
partnership between our two countries, one based on shared
traditions, values and history.
In1789
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen is
Ф
3
and our
key historical event of that period. This Declaration, which
inspired the citazens of two new
was f-o-l-lowed almost simultaneously by our own Bill of Rights
democrated
For 200 years, they have
has inspired countless individuals and nations fighting for
their political and civil rights.
Today emember that there are still millions of people
Good We; anow
who are denied the benefits of a government by popular consent
4
and respect for the rights of the individual. We must remain
for them Beacons of Liberty, committed to the defense of those
-2-
basic principles which have bound our two countries together -
for more than two hundred years. By our own enlightened
defense of human dignity and democratic values, we who have
fought together to defend these principles will continue to
illuminate the paths of those not yet free.
5
SQ I ask all of you to join with me and raise a glass to
our long and treasured friendship, and to our common goals.
Vive La France!
Suggested Remarks
for President Bush
Mitterand Toast
February 23, I989
Mr. President and our very distinguished guests from France and the United
States:
We gather here in sadness--but also in Thanksgiving. We mourn the death of
Emperor Hirohito--but we are grateful for his life.
Like you, Mr. President, I knew him as a friend and colleague, and
vas struck by several things.
16
He was gentle and self-effacing. He believed in faith, family, and
the dignity of work. The late Emperor knew that what we are matters more than
what we have. And he welcomed the emerging breeze of freedom and democracy.
Two hundred years ago, Mr. President, we, too, inherited that wind.
For it was in I789 that France celebrated the French Revolution and the Rights
of Man, and that America authored the Bill of Rights: Events which lit the
world, ennobled man and forged our Franco-American alliance.
Today, we salute that past, one based on shared tradition, values, and
history. We are friends, and will endure SO. But it is the future which lures
us, always, into the sun-lit frontiers of discovery. Our goal is peace, and
must remain SO: Peace in Europe, peace in the Pacific, peace among the children
of the globe.
You know, Mr. President, I'll let you in on a secret: This is one Texan
who loves French food. Yet that's not our only inheritance. America loves French
music, commerce, culture, art. And lest we forget: Without the help that a young
America received from France, we might not be here today. For our greatest debt
and to ensure the rights of the individual.
to you is liberty: TO hate oppression to enhance narws government by popular consent,
This is the true genius of France, and its greatness as a Nation.
For liberty begets free expression; it touches the deepest recesses of the
heart. Think of Camus, Cezanne, Pasteur, Bizet. Remember Moliere, de Gaulle, and
Victor Hugo. They were French, and enriched all of Europe. They made devial our world
a better, fairer, richer place.
In coming years, more than ever that world will need La Coeur de France.
Mr. President, you can help unite the continent, and uphold its human dignity and
democratic principles. You can uplift East-West relations, and, in this, the 40th
anniversary of NATO, gird that council's irrevocable ties
And as you do, America will join you. Let us increase bilateral relations
and mutual interdependence. Let us enlarge our own economics, and expand the world
economy at large. Let us budy the environment and explore the outer reaches of outer
spacen And let us further ties in the political, cultural, economic, scientific,
and technological fields
Mr. President, I have known you, now, for many years. I have seen you
lead a Nation wisely, valiantly and with character and courage. This is our first
meeting of I989. We will meet again, and soon.
I look forward to that occasion, and let me leave you with these words of
the Marquis de Lafayette Speaking of America, he said: "What charms we most is,
all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, you are our brethren, just as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the health of President
Mitterand, and to all of our friends from France and the United States. Please join
me in raising your glasses to the President of the Republic of France.
Call
presere
super prod release
Prendy
Mr. Prime Minister and our very distinguished guests from Japan and the
United States:
Frame
anoth
gall
Thanking
We gather 5 here in sadness--but also in gratitude. we mourn the passing
darl
of Emperor Hirohito--but On both sides of the Atlantic, we are grateful for
his life.
Your leader reigned for 62 years, and became their embodiment: the
symbol of a people.
I knew him as a friend and colleague, and was struck by several
things. He was gentle and self-effacing. He believed in faith, family, and
the dignity of work. He knew that what we are matters more than what we have.
And he oversaw a tidal change in Japanese-American relations: Synday from enmity to
amity; from conflict to cooperation.
Let us today, then, build on his beginnings. For Emperor Hirohito
knew as we must also, that we are allies, and must endure so. Our goal is
peace, and must remain so.
Can we succeed? Of course, we can.
Can we erect not merely peace in our time, but for generations
yet unborn? Of course, we must, and will.
Name
Having tasks to meet, let us meet them.
Let us increase bilateral relations and mutual interdependence.
Let us enlarge our own economies, and expand the world economy at large.
Let us enrich the environment, create free trade that is fair trade,
amd explore the outer reaches of outer space. And let us further ties in
ties based on more than I00 years of association, and whose foundation is resides on
the political, cultural, economic, scientific, and technological fields:
based on trust.
memory
And as we do, let us recall that what divides us language; a vast
ocean; old hostilities receding into dark mean nothing are history--compared pales
with that unites us: Civility, self-discipline, the rule of law, and belief in
an Almighty far mightier than ourselves.
cle sanching y
Japan is a land of myth and lyric poetry. So is the United States.
under
Japanese believe--believe deeply--in neighborhood, tradition, and the
sanctity of the individual. So do Americans.
Both peoples love literature and animals and that obsession called
television. Each, to keep priorities straight, reveres baseball as the national
pastime.
But above all, perhaps, both Japan and America find greatness--
genius--in their good, quiet, decent people: People who ask government not to
subsidize their lives, only to go their own way--kindly, charitably-with the
self-respect and dignity they deserve.
chseace
This, your Emperor knew in life--that people, even more than rulers,
make a Nation capable of the most soaring and uncommon deeds. And this, even
now, proclaims in death: That dreams can become reality; and that we must uphold
the canons of freedom and democracy I can Sir wind
A Japanese proverb observes, "Life without endeavor is like entering
wish
a jewel-mine and coming out with empty hands, "
year
use.
Mr. Prime Minister Endeavor is our means. Our end is a better, fairer,
richer world. Let us use our hands to reach that end; for while as allies, we
have begun well, we have only begun. Yes, we have done much, but there remains--
will always be--much more left to do.
lef
altain
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the health of
Prime Minister Tekeshka, and to all of our Japanese friends, and our American
friends moreover to that bond between our peoples to which your Prime
Minister has so eloquently referred.
risw
who celebrate is solds work.
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3:00 pm
DR
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Jim Kelly
TENTATIVE SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH TO JAPAN
FEBRUARY 22 - 25, 1989
Wednesday, February 22, 1989
6:30 am
Depart Andrews AFB en route Elmendorf AFB,
Anchorage, Alaska
(Flying Time: 7 Hours 30 Minutes)
(Time Change: Back 4 Hours)
10:00 am
Arrive Elmendorf AFB, Anchorage, Alaska
(2:00 pm EST)
(Refuel: 1 Hour 30 Minutes)
11:30 am
Depart Elmendorf AFB en route Tokyo, Japan
(Flying Time: 7 Hours 40 Minutes)
(Time Change: Ahead 18 Hours)
(CROSS INTERNATIONAL DATELINE)
Thursday, February 23, 1989
1:10 pm
Arrive Haneda Airport, Tokyo, Japan
(11:10 pm on
2/22/89 EST)
1:20 pm
Depart Haneda Airport en route Hotel Okura
1:35 pm
Arrive Hotel Okura
2:00 pm
Participate in Luncheon with President Mitterand
3:30 pm
Conclude Luncheon
3:45 pm
Depart Hotel Okura en route Akasaka Palace
3:55 pm
Arrive Akasaka Palace for Call on Prime Minister
Takeshita
4:35 pm
Depart Akasaka Palace en route Hotel Okura
4:45 pm
Arrive Hotel Okura
(PRIVATE TIME: 1 HOUR 15 MINUTES)
6:00
Participate in Bilaterals
9:00
Conclude Bilaterals
Evsay - gre queen
RON
asamy
Friday, February 24, 1989
mass-arlled
(PERSONAL STAFF TIME)
9:45 am
Depart Hotel Okura en route Shinjuku Park
10:00 am
Arrive Shinjuku Park for Funeral Ceremony
10:10 am Ceremony of Imperial House begins
11:45 am Ceremony concludes
11:55 am Ceremony of State begins
12:50 pm
Depart Shinjuku Park en route Hotel Okura
1:05 pm
Arrive Hotel Okura
(PRIVATE TIME: 1 HOUR 55 MINUTES)
3:00 pm
Participate in Bilaterals
6:00 pm
Conclude Bilaterals
(PRIVATE TIME: 1 HOUR)
7:00 pm
Depart Hotel Okura en route Akasaka Palace
7:15 pm
Arrive Akasaka Palace for Prime Minister's
Reception
7:45 pm
Depart Akasaka Palace en route Hotel Okura
8:00 pm
Arrive Hotel Okura for RON
Saturday. February 25, 1989
9:45 am
Depart Hotel Okura en route Imperial Palace
9:55 am
Arrive Imperial Palace for Audience with Emperor
10:15 am
Depart Imperial Palace en route Hotel Okura
10:25 am
Arrive Hotel Okura
(PRIVATE TIME: 35 MINUTES)
11:00
Participate in Bilaterals
12:00 me
Conclude Bilaterals
12:15 pm
Depart Hotel Okura en route Haneda Airport
12:30 pm
Arrive Haneda Airport
12:45 pm
Depart Tokyo, Japan en route Beijing, China
(10:45 pm
on 2/24/89 EST)
(Flying Time: 4 Hours 15 Minutes)
( Interchange: 30 Minutes)
(Time Change: Back 1 Hour)
(Food Service:
)
Revised 2/6/89 5:15 F
TIVE SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
BEIJING, CHINA
FEBRUARY 25 - 27, 1989
4:30 pm
Arrive Beijing International Airport, Beijing,
(3:30 am EST)
China
4:45 pm
Depart Beijing International Airport en route
Diaoyutai State Guest House
5:15 pm
Arrive Diaoyutai State Guest House
Note: Brief Greeting with official host-
expected
(PRIVATE TIME: 45 MINUTES)
6:00 pm
Depart Diaoyutai State Guest House en route
Great Hall of the People
6:15 pm
Arrive Great Hall of the People for Meeting and
Banquet with President Yang Shangkun
6:20 pm Meeting begins
tabst
7:05
pm
Banquet begins
9:00 pm
Depart Great Hall of the People en route Discyutal
State Guest House
9:15 pm
Arrive Discyntai State Guest House for RON
Sund
26. 1989
7:45
Depart Disoyutai State Guest House en route
Chongwannen Protestant Church
8:00 am
Arrive Chongwennen Protestant Church for Service
9:15 am
Depart Chongwannen Protestant Church en route
Great Hall of the People
9:30 am
Arrive Great Hall of the People and proceed to
TBD Hall for Bilateral Meeting with
Premier Li Peng
10:45
Conclude Meeting, depart TBD Hall, and proceed
to Fujian Hall.
10:48 am
Arrive Fujian Hall for Meeting and Banquet with
Chairman Deng Xiaoping
10:50 am Meeting begins
11:50 am Luncheon begins
1:15 pm
Depart Great Hall of the People en route
International Club
hgt
1:25 pm
Arrive International Club for Drop-By
1:40 pm
Depart International Club en route Ambassador
Lord's Residence
*
1:45 pm
Arrive Ambassador Lord's Residence for Embassy
Community Greeting
2:20 pm
Depart Ambassador Lord's Residence en route
Diaoyutai State Guest House
2:35 pm
Arrive Diaoyutai State Guest House
(PRIVATE TIME: 1 HOUR 30 MINUTES)
4:05 pm
Depart Diaoyutai State Guest House en route
Great Hall of the People
4:20 pm
Arrive Great Hall of the People for Bilateral
Meeting with Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang
5:30 pm
Depart Great Hall of the People en route Diaoyutai
State Guest House
5:45
Arrive Diaoyutai State Guest House for Private
Time
(PRIVATE TIME: 45 MINUTES)
6:30
pm
Depart Diaoyutai State Guest House en route
The Great Wall Sheraton Hotel
6:50 pm
Arrive The Great Wall Sheraton Hotel for Dinner
hosted by President Bush
9:00 pm
Depart The Great Wall Sheraton Hotel en route
loast
Diaoyutai State Guest House
9:20 pm
Arrive Diaoyutai State Guest House for RON
Mond
27, 1989
7:00
Depart Diaoyutai State Guest House en route
Beijing International Airport
7:30 am
Arrive Beijing International Airport
7:45 am
Depart Beijing, China en route Seoul, Korea
(Flying Time: 2 Hours 45 Minutes)
( Interchange: 30 Minutes)
(Time Change: Ahead 1 Hour)
(Food Service:
TATIVE SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
SEOUL, KOREA
FEBRUARY 27, 1989
12:15 pm
Arrive K-16 Airport, Seoul, Korea.
(10:15 pm
on 2/26 EST)
12:25 pm
Depart K-16 Airport via Marine One en route
Blue House.
(Flying Time: 20 Minutes)
12:45 pm
Arrive Blue House for Meeting and Luncheon with
President Roh Tae Woo.
12:50 pm Meeting begins.
#
1:15 pm Luncheon begins.
2:30 pm
Depart Blue House via Marine One en route
National Assembly.
(Flying Time: 15 Minutes)
2:45 pm
Arrive National Assembly for Speech and Greetings
with Party Leaders.
magraped *
3:30 pm
Depart National Assembly via Marine One en route
Ambassador's Residence.
(Flying Time: 10 Minutes)
3:40 pm
Arrive Ambassador's Residence for American
Community Greeting.
4:20
Depart Ambassador's Residence via Marine One en
route K-16 Airport.
(Flying Time: 15 Minutes)
4:35 pm
Arrive K-16 Airport.
4:45 pm
Depart Seoul, Korea en route Elmendorf,
AFB, Anchorage, Alaska
(2:45 am EST)
(Flying Time: 7 Hours 30 Minutes)
( Interchange: 30 Minutes)
(Time Change: Back 18 Hours)
(Food Service:
)
6:45 am
Arrive Elmendorf AFB, Anchorage, Alaska
(10:45 am EST)
(Refuel: 1 Hour 15 Minutes)
8:00 am
Depart Anchorage, Alaska en route Andrews AFB
(12:00 pm EST)
(Flying Time: 6 Hours 30 Minutes)
(Interchange: None)
(Time Change: Ahead 4 Hours)
(Food Service:
)
6:30 pm
Arrive Andrews AFB
6:35 pm
Depart Andrews AFB en route White House
(Flying Time: 10 Minutes)
6:45 pm
Arrive White House
CC: S. Studdert
J. Keller
G. Fendler
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
February 10, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR The Chief of Staff
Joe Hagin
Brent Scowcroft
Ed Rogers
David Bates
Robert Guttman
Richard Breeden
Susan Porter Rose
Andrew Card
Patty Presock
James Cicconi
Tim McBride
David Demarest
Laurie Firestone
Marlin Fitzwater
Tony Lopez
Boyden Gray
David Valdez
Fred McClure
Jean Lamb
Bonnie Newman
Speechwriting Office
Roger Porter
USSS/PPD
Steve Studdert
WHCA Audio/Visual
Chase Untermeyer
WHCA Operations
FROM:
JOHN G. KELLER, JR.
J&K
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT AND
DIRECTOR OF PRESIDENTIAL ADVANCE
SUBJECT:
TRIP OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE FAR EAST
For your use and planning purposes, the attached is a tentative
outline schedule for the Trip of the President to the Far East.
As you will see, departure is Wednesday, February 22, at 6:30 a.m.,
from Andrews Air Force Base. Please keep in mind that the
following information has not been finally approved.
Attachments
background
notes
France
United States Department of State
September 1987
Bureau of Public Affairs
PROFILE
Islands, and French Southern and Antarctic
North See
Territories); and one special-status territory
Geography
(Mayotte).
UNITED
KINDOOM
Political parties: Socialist Party (PS),
Area: 551,670 sq. km. (220,668 sq. mi.);
Rally for the Republic (RPR-Gaullists/Con-
BEL
F.R.G.
largest West European country, about four-
servatives), Union for French Democracy
Atlantic
LUX.
fifths the size of Texas. Cities: Capital-
(UDF-Center-Right), Communist Party
Ocean
Paris*
SWITZ.
Paris. Other cities-Marseille, Lyon,
(PCF), National Front (FN), various minor
FRANCE
ITALY
Toulouse, Strasbourg, Nice, Bordeaux. Ter-
parties. Suffrage: Universal over 18.
rain: Varied. Climate: Temperate; similar to
Defense (1987): 16.1% of central govern-
that of eastern US.
ment budget.
Corsica
Flag: Three vertical stripes of blue,
SPAIN
white, and red.
People
Mediterranean See
Nationality: Noun-Frenchman(men);
adjective-French. Population: (1986 est.):
Economy
55,493,000. Annual growth rate (1986 est.):
GDP (1986): $724 billion. Avg. annual
Official Name: French
0.4%. Ethnic groups: Celtic and Latin with
growth rate (1986): 2.0%. Per capita in-
Republic
Teutonic, Slavic, North African, Indochinese,
come (1986): $13,046. Avg. inflation rate
and Basque minorities. Religion: Roman
(1986): 2.5%.
Catholic 90%. Language: French. Educa-
Natural resources: Coal, iron ore, baux-
tion: Years compulsory-10. Literacy-99%.
ite, fish, forests.
Health: Infant mortality rate-8.2/1,000.
Agriculture: Products-beef, dairy prod-
Work force (23.8 million, 1986):
ucts, cereals, sugar beets, potatoes, wine
Agriculture-8.3%. Industry and
grapes.
commerce-45.2%. Services-46.5%.
Industry: Types-steel, machinery, tex-
Unemployment rate (1986): 10.7%.
tiles and clothing, chemicals, food process-
ing, aircraft, electronics.
Government
Trade (1986): Exports-(f.o.b.) $125
billion: machinery, foodstuffs, chemicals,
Type: Republic. Constitution: September 28,
iron, steel, textiles. Imports-(f.o.b.) $125
1958.
billion: crude petroleum, machinery,
Branches: Executive-president (chief of
chemicals, iron and steel, textiles.
state); prime minister (head of government).
Partners-FRG, Belgium, Luxembourg,
Legislative-bicameral Parliament
Italy, US, UK, Netherlands, Japan.
(577-member National Assembly,
Official exchange rate (1986 avg.): 6.93
315-member Senate). Judicial-Court of
francs=US$1; Jan.-June 1987, 6.07
Cassation (civil and criminal law), Council of
francs=US$1.
State (administrative court), Constitutional
Council (constitutional law).
Membership in International
Subdivisions: 22 administrative regions
containing 95 departments (metropolitan
Organizations
France). Five overseas departments
UN and most of its specialized and related
(Guadeloupe, Martinique, French Guiana,
agencies, NATO, Organization for Economic
Reunion, and Saint-Pierre and Miquelon);
Cooperation and Development (OECD),
five overseas territories (New Caledonia,
Western European Union, European Com-
French Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna
munities (EC), INTELSAT.
Calais
Lille
CHANNEL
ENGLISH
Arras'
CHANNEL
Amiens
C
ISLANDS
(U.K.)
Le Havre
Rouen
Meuse
Caen
Seine
Metz
PARIS
Nancy
Brest
Strasbourg
Alencon
Troyes
48
Rennes
Rhine
Orléans
ATL
Mulhouse
NTIC
Belfort
OCEAN
Angers
Loire
Dijon
Nantes
Tours
43
CORSICA
BER
Scale-same,
Nevers
as main Bastia
SWITZERN
Golo
Loire
Poitiers
Ajaccio
La
Rochelle
42-
Clermont
Ferrand
Rhône
yon
Bonfacio
Glronde
Saint-Etienne
Périgueux
Grenoble
BAY OF BISCAY
Bordeaux
FRANCE
Rodez
Rhône
44
International boundary
Garonne
MONACO
National capital
Avignon
Nice
Railroad
Road
Toulouse
International airport
Bayonne
Marseille
GULF OF LION
Narbonne
Touton
0 25 50 75 Kilometers
0
25
50
75 Miles
Perpignan
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
SPA
IN
ANDORRA
GEOGRAPHY
forested Vosges. The principal rivers
have blended over the centuries to
are the Rhone in the south, the Loire
make up its present population.
France, the largest West European na-
and the Garonne in the west, the Seine
France's birth rate was among the
tion, is two-thirds flat plains or gently
in the north, and the Rhine, which
highest in Europe from 1945 until the
rolling hills and one-third mountainous.
forms part of France's border with the
late 1960s, when it began to decline.
A broad plain covers most of northern
Federal Republic of Germany, in the
The annual net increase of births over
and western France from the Belgian
east.
deaths stood at 250,000-350,000 until
border in the northeast to Bayonne in
Northern and western France
1974. Because of this growth and im-
the southwest and rises to uplands in
generally have cool winters and mild
migration, the population increased
Normandy, Britanny, and the east. This
summers. Southern France has a
from 41 million in 1946 to 53 million in
large plain is bounded on the south by
Mediterranean climate, with hot sum-
1977. In the past few years, the birth
the steeply rising ridges of the
mers and mild winters.
rate has continued to fall but remains
Pyrenees; on the southeast by the
higher than that of most other West
mountainous plateau of the Massif Cen-
European countries.
tral; and on the east by the rugged
PEOPLE
Alps, the low ridges of the Jura, and
the rounded summits of the densely
Since prehistoric times, France has
been a crossroads of trade, travel, and
invasion. Three basic European
stocks-Celtic, Latin, and Teutonic-
2
Traditionally, France has had a high
French painting has spanned the
Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Jean-
level of immigration. About 3 million
centuries in greatness and includes such
Jacques Rousseau; the romantics Ger-
people entered the country between the
names as Watteau (1684-1721), who
main de Stael, Victor Hugo, Alexandre
two World Wars. After Algeria gained
depicted the polished, elegant society of
independence in 1962, about 1 million
Dumas (father and son), and Alphonse
his time; David (1748-1825), the
French citizens moved to France. Most
de Lamartine; 19th century novelists
neoclassical artist of the Revolution and
Stendhal, George Sand, and Balzac;
resident aliens are South Europeans
Empire; Delacroix (1798-1863) the
realist Flaubert; naturalists Zola and
(52% of total) and North Africans (26%
romantic; the naturalists and realists
of total), the two principal nationalities
Baudelaire; and 19th century poets
Corot (1796-1875), Millet (1814-75),
being Portuguese and Algerian.
Verlaine, Rimbaud, and Valery.
and Courbet (1819-77), who painted
French filmmakers from Jean
About 90% of the people are bap-
realistic landscapes and scenes from
Renoir to Francois Truffaut have won
tized Roman Catholic, less than 2% are
rural life; and the impressionists, in-
acclaim over the past decades.
Protestant, and about 1% are Jewish.
cluding Monet (1840-1926) and Renoir
Over 1 million Muslims immigrated in
(1841-1919), who explored light on can-
the 1960s and early 1970s from North
vas, and Cezanne (1839-1906), whose
HISTORY
Africa, especially Algeria.
ideas about the treatment of space and
dimension are at the base of 20th cen-
France was one of the earliest countries
Education
tury modern art. Other famous artists,
to progress from feudalism into the era
such as Van Gogh and Picasso, were
of the nation-state. Its monarchs sur-
Education is free beginning at age 3
drawn to France from other countries.
rounded themselves with capable
and mandatory between ages 6 and 16.
In music, Berlioz (1803-69) in the
ministers, and French armies were
The public education system is highly
romantic period was followed by
among the most disciplined and profes-
centralized and has a budget amounting
Debussy (1862-1918) and Faure
sional of their day. During the reign of
to about 4.4% of the gross domestic
(1845-1924), who were inspired by the
Louis XIV (1643-1715), France was the
product. Private education is primarily
impressionist movement in painting. In
preeminent power in Europe. But
Roman Catholic.
the 19th century, Bizet (1838-75) wrote
Louis' and his successors' overly am-
Higher education in France, which
the opera Carmen, and Gounod
bitious projects and military campaigns
began with the founding of the Univer-
(1818-93) wrote Faust and Romeo and
led to chronic financial problems for the
sity of Paris in 1150, enrolls about 1
Juliette. Chopin (1810-49), though born
government in the 18th century.
million students in 69 universities in
in Poland, spent his adult life in Paris.
Deteriorating economic conditions and
continental France and an additional
France has played a leading role in
popular resentment against the com-
60,000 in special schools, such as the
the advancement of science. Descartes
plicated system of privileges granted
Grandes Ecoles and technical colleges.
(1596-1650) contributed to mathematics
the nobility and other favored groups
and to the modern scientific method;
were principal causes of the French
Language
Lavoisier (1743-94) laid the fundamen-
Revolution (1789-94).
tals of modern chemistry and physics;
Although the revolution established
The French language is descended from
Becquerel (1854-1912) and the Curies
republican and egalitarian principles of
the vernacular Latin spoken by the
jointly discovered radium and the prin-
government, France reverted to forms
Romans in Gaul. Although French in-
ciple of radioactivity; and Pasteur
of absolute rule or constitutional monar-
cludes many Celtic and Germanic
(1822-95) developed theories of germs
chy four times-the Empire of
words, its structure and most of its
and vaccinations. Several important
Napoleon, the Restoration of Louis
words derive from Latin. Since the
French inventors were Daguerre
XVIII, the reign of Louis-Philippe, and
early Middle Ages, French has been an
(1789-1851), a theatrical scenery
the Second Empire of Napoleon III.
international language.
painter who invented the daguerrotype,
After the Franco-Prussian War (1870),
Spoken around the world today,
an early photograph; Braille (1809-52),
the Third Republic was established and
French is a common second language
a blind teacher of the blind, after whom
lasted until the military defeat of 1940.
and, like English, is an official language
is named the system of raised lettering
World War I brought great losses
at the United Nations. In Africa, Asia,
enabling the blind to read; and Bertillon
of troops and materiel. In the 1920s,
the Pacific, and the West Indies, the
(1853-1914), an anthropologist and
France established an elaborate system
French language has been a unifying
criminologist who organized the finger-
of border defenses (the Maginot Line)
factor, particularly in those countries
print system of identification. In the
and alliances to offset resurgent Ger-
where it serves as the only common
20th century, French scientists have
man strength. France was defeated,
language among a variety of indigenous
won a number of Nobel Prizes.
however, and occupied in 1940. Follow-
languages and dialects.
French literature is renowned from
ing 4 years of occupation and strife,
the medieval romances of Marie de
Allied forces liberated France in 1944.
Cultural Achievements
France and Chretien de Troyes and the
The nation emerged exhausted from
poetry in Old French of Francois Villon
World War II and faced a series of new
Since the time of the Roman Empire,
to the 20th century novelists Colette,
problems.
France's achievements in literature, the
Proust, Sartre, and Camus. Over the in-
After a short period of provisional
arts, and science have influenced
tervening centuries were the
government, initially led by General
Western culture. In architecture, the
Renaissance writers Rabelais (fiction),
Charles de Gaulle, the Fourth Republic
Romanesque basilicas, soaring Gothic
Ronsard (poetry), and Montaigne
was established under a new constitu-
cathedrals, the formal gardens of Ver-
(essays); the 17th century classical
tion with a parliamentary form of
sailles, the imperial design of Parisian
dramatists Corneille, Racine, and
government controlled by a series of
boulevards and squares, and the modern
Moliere; the 18th century philosophers
coalitions. The heterogeneous nature of
designs of masters like Le Corbusier at-
the coalitions and the lack of agreement
test to France's influence.
on measures for dealing with Indochina
3
and Algeria caused successive cabinet
President Pompidou died in office
On assuming office on May 21,
crises and changes of government. The
on April 2, 1974, and the race to suc-
1981, President Mitterrand named long-
government structure finally collapsed
ceed him split the ruling Gaullist coali-
time Socialist Party leader Pierre
over the Algerian question on May 13,
tion. The UDR (Gaullist) Party selected
Mauroy as his prime minister and im-
1958. A threatened coup led Parliament
former Prime Minister Chaban-Delmas
mediately dissolved the National
to call on General de Gaulle to head the
as its candidate, but he was eliminated
Assembly. New legislative elections
government and prevent civil war. He
in the first round of voting. Valery
were held in June 1981, and Socialist
became prime minister in June (at the
Giscard d'Estaing, finance minister in
beginning of the Fifth Republic) and
Party candidates and their allies cap-
the Pompidou government and head of
tured 285 of the 491 parliamentary
was elected president in December.
the Gaullist-aligned Independent
seats, giving them absolute majority
On December 5, 1965, for the first
Republicans, narrowly defeated Fran-
control of the National Assembly. Com-
time in this century, the French people
cois Mitterrand, who ran as the only
munists kept 44 of the 86 seats they
went to the polls to elect a president by
candidate of the left. On assuming of-
had held before the June elections. Four
direct ballot. General de Gaulle defeated
fice, Giscard d'Estaing became the first
Francois Mitterrand with 55% of the
communist ministers were appointed to
non-Gaullist president of the Fifth
the government.
vote.
Republic. He appointed Gaullist Jacques
Student dissatisfaction and unrest
During the first year of his
Chirac as prime minister to head a
triggered major disturbances and na-
presidency, Mitterrand enjoyed high
government of Gaullists, Independent
tionwide strikes in May 1968. Students
public opinion ratings. As economic dif-
Republicans, Centrists, and nonparty
took over university buildings and bat-
ficulties mounted, however, Mitterrand's
technicians.
tled police in Paris and other large
popularity, along with that of the left in
Policy differences between Presi-
cities, and workers occupied factories
general, declined precipitously to
dent Giscard d'Estaing and Chirac led
throughout the country. The economy
historic lows of less than 30% approval.
to the latter's resignation in August
was grinding to a halt, and France
In an attempt to reverse the economic
1976, although the Gaullist Party con-
seemed on the brink of chaos. President
downswing, Mitterrand embarked in the
tinued to support Chirac's successor,
de Gaulle dissolved the National
spring of 1982 with a stringent austeri-
prominent international economist Ray-
Assembly, called for national elections,
ty program. Opposition in the govern-
mond Barre. Barre's appointment
and announced his intention to pursue a
ment to plans for further industrial
marked the first time under the Fifth
policy of sweeping reform, based on the
restructuring aimed at expanding
Republic that neither the chief of state
principle of "participation." The voters,
France's high technology base, while
nor the head of government was a
fearing disorder and a possible com-
streamlining and reducing the subsidy-
member of the Gaullist Party.
munist takeover, voted an overwhelm-
ridden "sunset" industries, led in July
A communist-socialist coalition in-
ing Gaullist majority into the National
1984 to a government reshuffle in
tended to confront the parties of the
Assembly.
which Laurent Fabius replaced Mauroy
governing majority in the legislative
In April 1969, President de Gaulle's
as prime minister, and the communists
elections of March 1978. The com-
withdrew in protest.
government conducted a national
munists, a minority within this union of
referendum on the creation of 21
The French people went to the polls
the left, broke with the socialists by
regions with limited political powers.
on March 16, 1986, in legislative elec-
demanding the right to receive key
On April 27, the government's pro-
tions. The two major center-right
ministries should the left win and by
posals were defeated (48% in favor,
groups, the UDF and Chirac's RPR,
calling for extensive nationalization of
52% opposed), and President de Gaulle
captured a slim majority of seats in the
industries. The breakup of the common
resigned.
expanded 577-member National
front contributed to the left's defeat in
In 1969, a number of candidates
Assembly. Mitterrand quickly named
the March 1978 elections, with the
presented themselves in the election for
Chirac his prime minister. A president
Giscard d'Estaing coalition winning
and a government of opposing political
a new president. Georges Pompidou, a
50.49% of the popular vote and electing
views is unprecedented in the Fifth
prime minister under de Gaulle, was
291 deputies to the National Assembly
Republic. The period before the 1988
supported not only by the Gaullists but
compared to the left's 200.
also by their Independent Republic
presidential election will represent a
In November 1980, Francois Mitter-
allies and some Centrists and was
new departure in French government.
rand, after fending off a challenge to
elected with a 58% majority of the
his leadership, captured the nomination
votes.
as the Socialist Party's presidential can-
GOVERNMENT
In 1971, Francois Mitterrand
didate. A bruising campaign, focusing
assembled various socialist groups into
on the theme of rising unemployment,
a new unified Socialist Party. The
The constitution of the Fifth Republic
pitted four principal candidates against
socialists, led by Mitterrand, the Com-
was approved by public referendum on
each other: Giscard d'Estaing, Jacques
munist Party (PCF), headed by Georges
September 28, 1958. It greatly
Chirac, Francois Mitterrand, and Com-
Marchais, and a faction of the Radical
strengthened the authority of the ex-
munist Party chief Georges Marchais.
ecutive in relation to Parliament. Under
Party reached agreement on a joint pro-
Giscard and Mitterrand emerged as the
the constitution, the president is elected
gram on which to base their campaign
finalists after a primary round on April
for the March 1973 legislative elections.
directly for a 7-year term. Presidential
26, 1981, which also saw the Com-
The union of the left more than doubled
arbitration assures regular functioning
munist Party's electoral strength re-
its assembly representation, and Mitter-
of the public powers and the continuity
duced to 15% from the PCF's tradi-
rand emerged from the campaign as the
of the state. The president names the
tional 20% of the vote. On May 18,
left's chief spokesman.
prime minister, presides over the
1981, Francois Mitterrand defeated
Cabinet, commands the armed forces,
Giscard d'Estaing and was elected
and concludes treaties. The president
president with 51.75% of the vote.
4
may submit questions to a national
President of the National Assembly-
Agriculture-Francois Guillaume
referendum and can dissolve the Na-
Jacques Chaban-Delmas
Cooperation-Michel Aurillac
tional Assembly. In certain emergency
President of the Senate-Alain Poher
Relations with Parliament-Andre
situations, the president may assume
Minister of State
Rossinot
full powers. The president is thus the
dominant element in the constitutional
Economy, Finance, and Privatization-
Minister-Delegate for Health-Michele
Barzach
Edouard Balladur
system.
Parliament meets in regular session
Minister-Delegate for the Budget-
Secretary of State for War Veterans-
Alain Juppe
Georges Fontes
twice annually for a maximum of 3
Minister-Delegate for Foreign
Secretary of State for Repatriates-
months on each occasion. Special ses-
Trade-Michel Noir
Andre Santini
sions are common. Although parliamen-
tary powers are diminished from those
Minister-Delegate for Adminis-
Secretary of State for the Sea-
Ambroise Guellec
existing under the Fourth Republic, the
trative Reform-Camille Cabana
National Assembly can still cause a
Minister-Delegate for Commerce
Government Spokesman-Alain Juppe
government to fall if an absolute ma-
and Crafts-George Chavanes
Secretary-General of the Government
jority of the total Assembly membership
Secretary of State for Competition
(Senior Civil Servant)-Renaud
Denoix de Saint Marc
votes a censure motion.
and Consumer Affairs-Jean
The National Assembly is the prin-
Arthuis
Ambassador to the United States-
cipal legislative body. Its deputies are
Ministers
Emmanuel de Margerie
directly elected to 5-year terms, and all
Justice-Albin Chalandon
Ambassador to the United Nations-
seats are voted on in each election.
Defense-Andre Giraud
Pierre Louis Blanc
Senators are chosen by an electoral col-
Culture and Communication-Francois
France maintains an embassy in the
lege for 9-year terms, and one-third of
Leotard
United States at 4101 Reservoir Road
the Senate is renewed every 3 years.
Foreign Affairs-Jean-Bernard
NW., Washington, D.C. 20007 (tel.
The Senate's legislative powers are
Raimond
202-944-6000). Consulates are located
limited, as the National Assembly has
Secretary of State-Didier Bariani
at Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Houston,
the last word in the event of a disagree-
Secretary of State for European
Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York,
ment between the two houses. The
Affairs-Bernard Bosson
San Francisco, and San Juan, Puerto
government has a strong influence in
Interior-Charles Pasqua
Rico.
shaping the agenda of Parliament. The
Minister-Delegate for Security-
government can also link its life to any
Robert Pandraud
legislative text, and unless a motion of
Secretary of State for Local Collec-
POLITICAL CONDITIONS
censure is introduced and voted, the
tivities-Yves Galland
text is considered adopted without a
Equipment, Housing, Regional Develop-
Four political groups dominate. In the
vote.
ment, and Transport-Pierre
National Assembly, the RPR-UDF coali-
The most distinctive feature of the
Mehaignerie
tion has 286 seats, and allied center-
French judicial system is that it is
Minister-Delegate for Transport-
right independents hold 6 additional
divided into two categories: a regular
Jacques Douffiagues
seats, bringing the government's total
court system and a court system that
Minister-Delegate for Environ-
to 292. The Socialist Party holds 209
deals specifically with legal problems of
ment-Alain Carignon
seats, and 7 center-left deputies are af-
the French administration and its rela-
Overseas Departments and Territories-
filiated with the socialists. The Com-
tion to the French citizen. The Court of
Bernard Pons
munist Party holds 35 and the extreme-
Cassation is the supreme court of ap-
Secretary of State for Southern
right National Front 34 seats. The
peals in the regular court system; at
Pacific Problems-Gaston Flosse
Cabinet, headed by Prime Minister
the top of the administrative courts is
National Education-Rene Monory
Chirac, is composed of 41 ministers,
the powerful Council of State.
Minister-Delegate for Scientific
minister-delegates, and state
Traditionally, decisionmaking in
Research and Higher Education-
secretaries.
France has been highly centralized,
Jacques Valade
with each of France's departments
Secretary of State for Education-
headed by a prefect appointed by the
Michele Alliot-Marie
ECONOMY
central government. In 1982, the na-
Secretary of State for Vocational
tional government passed legislation to
Training-Nicole Cathala
France is one of the world's foremost
decentralize authority by giving a wide
Social Affairs and Employment-
industrial and agricultural countries. It
range of administrative and fiscal
Philippe Seguin
has substantial agricultural resources, a
powers to local elected officials. In
Secretary of State for Social
diversified modern industrial system,
March 1986, regional councils were
Security-Adrien Zeller
and a highly skilled labor force.
directly elected for the first time.
Industry, Posts and Telecommunica-
Between 1959 and 1973, the
tions, and Tourism-Alain
economy grew in real terms at an
Principal Government Officials
Madelin
average annual rate of 5.5%. In late
Secretary of State for Posts and
1974, following the energy crisis, the
President-Francois Mitterrand
Telecommunications-Gerard
economy experienced a steep downturn
Prime Minister-Jacques Chirac
Longuet
accompanied by accelerated inflation,
Minister-Delegate for Public Service
Secretary of State for Tourism-
rising unemployment, and large
and Planning-Herve De Charette
Jean-Jacques Descamps
balance-of-payments deficits. Real
Secretary of State for Human Rights-
growth since 1973 has averaged 2.4%.
Claude Malhuret
In 1981, the election of a socialist presi-
Secretary of State for Youth and
dent and the ensuing parliamentary
Sport-Christian Bergelin
5
West Germany. However, for France to
recoup its market share, more invest-
ment is needed to modernize tech-
Travel Notes
nology, reorient production toward
Customs: All US citizens visiting France
of eastern standard time. As of October
more promising markets, and improve
sales and service networks.
need a visa. No vaccination is required.
1985, all telephone numbers in Paris were
Travelers must declare goods carried in hand
expanded to eight digits by adding a "4" to
or in baggage and pass through customs
the front of the number.
inspection.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Transportation: Streetcars and buses offer
Clothing: Clothing needs are similar to those
good transportation in all large French
in Washington, DC.
A charter member of the United Na-
cities. Paris has an excellent subway system
tions, France holds one of the perma-
Health: No special precautions are needed.
and local rail services. Taxis are available at
Standards of medical care are usually accept-
moderate rates in all cities. Good air and
nent seats in the Security Council and
is a member of most of its specialized
able. The American Hospital of Paris is
railway service is available to all parts of
and related agencies, including the UN
located at 63 Boulevard Victor-Hugo, 9200
France and other European capitals.
Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Neuilly sur Seine (tel. 4747-5300).
Holidays and closing hours: July 14,
Organization (UNESCO), the Interna-
Telecommunications: Domestic and interna-
Bastille Day, is the national holiday. Shops
tional Labor Organization (ILO), and
tional telephone, telegraph, and cable com-
and other businesses close from 1:00 to 3:00
pm daily. Many businesses close in August.
the World Health Organization (WHO).
munications are good. Paris is 6 hours ahead
Europe
Africa
France is a leader in Western Europe
in France, notably from Argentina and
because of its size, location, strong
France plays a significant role in
Chile. French economic interests in the
economy, membership in European
Africa, especially in its former colonies,
region are growing but remain only a
organizations, strong military posture,
through extensive aid programs, com-
small portion of France's worldwide
and energetic diplomacy. France has
mercial activities, military agreements,
economic activities.
worked to strengthen Europe's economy
and cultural leadership. Key advisory
in general, in the framework of the EC.
positions are staffed by French na-
France also attaches great importance
tionals in many African countries. In
DEFENSE
to its role in common European
those former colonies where French
defense, and views Franco-German
presence remains important, France
France is a charter signatory to the
cooperation as the foundation of efforts
contributes to political, military, and
North Atlantic Treaty and a member of
to enhance European security. As a ma-
social stability. France sent a large
the North Atlantic Council. Since 1966,
jor player on the world scene, France
military force to Chad in August 1983
it has been outside the NATO in-
maintains contacts with the Soviet
to assist the Government of Chad in
tegrated military structure, although it
Union and Eastern Europe, in the con-
halting an invasion by Libyan and
remains a member of some alliance
text of its commitments to the Western
Chadian rebel forces. In early 1986,
military or quasi-military bodies. In ad-
alliance.
France again assisted the Chadian
dition, France maintains liaison mis-
Government in resisting armed incur-
sions with the major NATO commands.
sions by Libyan-backed rebels.
It is represented in NATO political
Middle East
Despite reluctance to support Cha-
bodies, notably the North Atlantic
France supports the Israeli-Egyptian
dian President Hissein Habre's recon-
Council and its subordinate institutions.
peace treaty and Israel's right to exist
quest of the Aozou Strip, France re-
French military doctrine is based on
within secure boundaries. It also
mains committed to supporting Chadian
the concept of national independence.
believes in the necessity for a com-
territorial integrity.
Its armed forces are subject to national
prehensive Middle Eastern peace settle-
command, and any decision to coop-
ment that would include Israel's
Asia
erate with France's allies is subject to
withdrawal from all occupied territories
the sovereign decision of the French
and the establishment of a Palestinian
France has extensive commercial rela-
president. The French Army maintains
homeland. France continues its active
tions with Asian countries, including
one corps in the Federal Republic of
role in efforts to bring stability to the
Japan, Korea, Indonesia, and China.
Germany, in addition to two corps sta-
Middle East, including a participation in
However, Japanese competition in
tioned in France near its eastern and
the Sinai Multinational Force and
automobiles, electronics, and machine
northern borders.
Observers. In the summer of 1982,
tools is a major economic problem.
France is linked to its European
France cooperated with the United
France is making a large contribution
neighbors through the 1948 Treaty of
States, the United Kingdom, and Italy
to resettling Indochinese refugees and
Brussels and the 1954 Paris accords. It
in putting a multinational force into
is seeking to broaden its influence with
is a member of the Western European
Beirut following the Israeli invasion. In
Vietnam and Laos. Private French
Union and has a close bilateral security
framing its policy in the Middle East,
groups play a leading role in
relationship with the Federal Republic
France takes account of interests in en-
humanitarian assistance to the
Afghanistan resistance.
Treaty. of Germany based on the 1963 Elysee
suring oil supplies and access to
markets.
The French maintain a strategic
France is currently deploying a car-
Latin America
nuclear triad of manned bombers, land-
rier battle group, including mine-
based IRBMs (intermediate-range
France and the United States agree on
sweepers and support vessels, as part
ballistic missiles), and nuclear-powered
of its contribution to guaranteeing
the need for strengthening democratic
ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs). It
institutions in Latin America, despite
freedom of navigation in the Persian
differences on certain issues. There are
Gulf.
large Latin American exile communities
7
is modermizing ILS nuclear forces, and a
site. r rance nas not adnered to the
on numerous occasions. con-
seventh SSBN will be launched in the
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty but
tact at the vice presidential and Cabinet
late 1990s.
conducts itself in accordance with the
level is frequent.
France has also reorganized its
terms of the treaty. The French
France and the United States are
army. Five divisions were regrouped in-
Government endorsed the SALT II
allies who share common values and
to a rapid action force designed to in-
Treaty. The French strongly support
have parallel policies on many political,
tervene rapidly in a conflict in Europe
the process of U.S.-Soviet nuclear arms
economic, and security issues. Dif-
or overseas if necessary. Its navy is the
control, but they object to inclusion of
ferences are discussed frankly when
largest in Western Europe, and its air
any French forces in these negotiations,
they develop and have not been allowed
force has about 450 aircraft in opera-
and are wary of any moves toward the
to impair the pattern of close coopera-
tional units.
denuclearization of Europe.
tion that characterizes relations be-
France participates in the Commit-
tween the two countries.
tee on Disarmament in Geneva and in
the Conference on Security- and
U.S.-FRENCH RELATIONS
Confidence-Building Measures and
Principal U.S. Officials
Disarmament in Europe. France is not
Relations between the United States
Ambassador-Joe M. Rodgers
a signatory to the Limited Test Ban
and France are active and cordial. Since
Deputy Chief of Mission-Mark Lissfelt
Treaty. It conducts nuclear testing
Francois Mitterrand's presidential vic-
Minister-Counselor for Economic
underground at its South Pacific test
tory, he has met with President Reagan
Affairs-William Edgar
Counselor for Political Affairs-Peter
Semler
Consul General-Robert E. Ezelle
Further Information
Financial Attache-James H. Fall, III
Counselor for Public Affairs-Charles
These titles are provided as a general indication of material published on this country. The
Courtney
Department of State does not endorse unofficial publications.
Counselor for Commercial Affairs-
General Reading
Economics
James A. Moorhouse
Counselor for Economic Affairs-Ann
Ardagh, John. France in the 1980's. Penguin
Caron, Francois. An Economic History of
R. Berry
Paperback, 1982.
Modern France. Methuen, 1979.
Counselor for Administrative Affairs-
Zeldin, Theodore. The French. Pantheon
Carre, J.J., Dubois, P. and Malinvaud, E.
Books, 1983.
French Economic Growth. Stanford
Bruce Clark
University Press, 1975.
Counselor for Labor Affairs-Jack
Contemporary French Politics and Society
Coffey, Peter. The Social Economy of
Muth
France. St. Martin's Press, 1973.
Defense Attache-Brig. Gen. Roland
Andrews, William G. and Hoffmann,
Cohen, Stephen, and P. Gourevitch. France
Lajoie, USA
Stanley. The Impact of the Fifth Republic
in the Troubled World Economy. Butter-
on France. SUNY Press, 1981.
worth, 1982.
Consular Posts
Ashford, Douglas E. Policy and Politics in
Estrin, Saul, and Holmes, Peter. French
Consul General, Marseille-Edmund
France: Living with Uncertainty. Temple
Planning in Theory and Practice. Allen
Van Gilder
University Press, 1982.
and Unwin, 1982.
Consul General, Bordeaux-Edward W.
Charlot, Jean. The Gaullist Phenomenon in
Hough, J.R. The French Economy. Holmes
Lollis
the Fifth Republic. Allen and Unwin,
and Meier, 1982.
1971.
Consul General, Lyon-Stanislaus R.P.
Tupper, John. The Economic Geography of
Codding, George A., Jr. and Safran, William.
Valerga
France. Barnes and Noble, 1983.
Ideology and Politics: The Socialist Party
Consul General, Strasbourg-Victor D.
of France. Westview Press, 1979.
Comras
Duroselle, Jean Baptiste. France and the
Historical Studies
Consul, Martinique-Mary Dell
United States: From the Beginning to the
Palazzolo
Present Day. Chicago University Press,
De Gaulle, Charles. War Memoirs; Memoirs
1978.
of Hope. Simon & Schuster, 1972.
The U.S. Embassy in France is
Ehrmann, Henry. Politics in France. Little,
De Tocqueville, A. The Old Regime and the
located at 2 Avenue Gabriel, Paris 8
Brown, 1982.
French Revolution.
Fejto, Francois. The French Communist
Gordon, Bertram M. Collaborationism in
(tel. 4296-1202). The United States is
Party and the Crisis of International
France During the Second World War.
also represented in Paris by its mission
Communism. MIT Press, 1977.
Cornell University Press, 1980.
to the Organization for Economic
Frears, J.R. Political Parties and Elections
Lacouture, Jean. Leon Blum. Holmes and
Cooperation and Development.
in the French Fifth Republic. St. Martin's
Meier, 1982.
Press, 1978.
Ledwidge, Bernard. De Gaulle. St. Martin's
Published by the United States Department
Hanley, D.L., Kerr, A.P. and Waites, N.H.
Press, 1983.
of State
Bureau of Public Affairs
Office
Contemporary France: Politics and Socie-
Paxton, Robert. Vichy France: Old Guard
of Public Communications
Editorial Divi-
ty Since 1945. Routledge and Kegan
and New Order, 1940-1944. Columbia
sion
Washington, D.C.
September 1987
Paul, 1979.
University Press, 1982.
Editor: Juanita Adams
Harrison, Michael. The Reluctant Ally. Johns
Weber, Eugene. Peasants Into Frenchmen:
Hopkins Press, 1981.
The Modernization of France. Stanford
Department of State Publication 8209
Hoffman and Andrews. The Fifth Republic at
University Press, 1976.
Background Notes Series
This material is
Zeldin, Theodore. France, 1848-1945.
in the public domain and may be reproduced
Twenty. SUNY Press, 1981.
Suleiman, Ezra. Elites in French Society:
5 paperback vols. Oxford University
without permission; citation of this source
Press, 1981.
would be appreciated.
The Politics of Survival. Princeton
University Press, 1978.
Major English-language newspaper:
For sale by the Superintendent of Docu-
International Herald Tribune,
ments, U.S. Government Printing Office,
published in Paris.
Washington, D.C. 20402
8
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PAGE
2
1ST STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1987 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
June 28, 1987, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
NAME: Francois Mitterrand
CATEGORY: Politics and Government (Foreign)
SECTION: Section 7; Page 18, Column 2; Book Review Desk
LENGTH: 1233 words
HEADLINE: THE MITTERAND MYSTERY
BYLINE: By ROBERT 0. PAXTON; Robert 0. Paxton is a professor of history at
Columbia University and has written several books on Vichy France.
BODY:
THE BLACK AND THE RED
Francois Mitterrand: The Story of an Ambition. By Catherine Nay. Translated by
Alan Sheridan. 404 pp. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. $19.95.
AFTER an unhappy experience with their First elected president in 1848 the
used the office to prepare a coup d'etat and made himself Emperor Napoleon III),
the French avoided popularly elected presidents For more than a century. Even
General de Gaulle's Fifth Republic of 1958 at first continued the tradition of a
president elected by the two houses OF Parliament. Only since 1962 have the
French elected their president by direct popular vote. Since then that powerful
office has become the Focus of political ambitions, and presidential elections
have reshaped political activity. President-watching has become a major
journalistic pastime.
Catherine Nay, a journalist For the private radio station Europe No. 1 and
for the newsweekly L'Express, has written The Black and the Red,'' a book
whose popularity in France owes much to its barbs (some of which will be lost on
American readers) and its hints of scandalous revelations. They are not, in
fact, deeply scandalous. Francois Mitterrand's long career of political
maneuvering, his late arrival at Socialism, his carefully cultivated ambiguities
are well known.
More original is the author's attempt to uncover Mr. Mitterrand's early links
to the far right. It is a fact that the young Mitterrand received the
francisque, Marshal Petain's personal decoration, in 1943 while serving in the
Vichy Government agency that dealt with returned prisoners of war. By that time
Mr. Mitterrand was already active in the Resistance - in Fact, he was in London
when the award was announced - but Ms. Nay suggests that Mr. Mitterrand's
francisque signified deep involvement in Vichy rather than just a resister's
'cover.'' He also retained early friendships with members of rightist groups
such as Action Francaise, the Croix-de-Feu and the Cagoule. Ms. Nay has Found no
real smoking gun, however. The most authentic version of his life still seems to
be that OF the pious Roman Catholic From the Charente who abandoned active
religious practice as a young man while remaining deeply marked by the Christian
social Ferment of the 1930's. That was not a rare itinerary to the contemporary
French left.
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(c) 1987 The New York Times, June 2B, 1987
Nor has Ms. Nay made major discoveries about other murky points in Mr.
Mitterrand's life. The notorious Observatoire affair of 1959, when Mr.
Mitterrand claimed to have narrowly escaped assassination by French Algerian
fanatics by leaping over a city park fence, remains full of mystery. He had met
his assailants beforehand, but the accusation that he had concocted the whole
scheme for publicity is still unproved. Ms. Nay also wonders how he wound up
owning the apartment that a Catholic charity had had to vacate. She wrote before
the current investigations of fraud in the Socialist Government's
African-development Funds, but no one has ever linked Mr. Mitterrand to
financial scandals on the scale of Valery Giscard d'Estaing's acceptance of
diamonds From the Former Emperor Bokassa I of the Central African Republic, or
the real-estate speculation that altered Paris during the Pompidou presidency.
The allusion to Stendhal in Ms. Nay's title means to convey not only the
Catholic-Socialist tension in Mr. Mitterrand's life, but an accusation of
all-consuming ambition. Francois Mitterrand never made any secret of his desire
for the highest office. First, he wanted to be prime minister of the Fourth
Republic, but though he was 11 times a minister (starting at a precocious 30 in
1947), he never headed a government. Perhaps this was lucky for him, for an even
higher destiny awaited him - but not before spending long years in obstinate
opposition to the very idea of Gaullist presidentialism after 1958, in a way
that suggests more stubbornness than opportunism.
Perhaps his ambition sets him apart less than the skill, daring and luck with
which he has repeatedly positioned himself in the political game. In 1965,
seasoned politicians were happy to let the young Mitterrand run for president
against the unbeatable de Saulle; his 32 percent in the First round, a total
that would have embarrassed a leader, turned this neophyte into a national
Figure. Thereafter Mr. Mitterrand built his political network on the left,
becoming head of a new Socialist Party in 1971. Whereas most traditional
Socialists had exhausted themselves trying to rally the center against the
Gaullists while excluding the Communists, Mr. Mitterrand moved resolutely into a
Socialist-Communist alliance. His united-left strategy made skillful use of the
bipartisanism emerging around presidential elections. It also coincided with the
historic decline of French Communism, and helped it along. Thus by vigorously
occupying the far left terrain himself, Mr. Mitterrand moved the French
political system toward the center and drowned the Communists in a mass catchall
left. MR. MITTERRAND'S political life has been full of such paradoxes, and Ms.
Nay pounces on each one. A man of the center (if not of the right) who became
the first Socialist president of France in 1981 and conducted the most radical
domestic experiment since the Popular Front of the mid-30's and the liberation.
A man who spent 20 years denouncing the presidential system as a 'permanent
coup d'etat, only to wind up skillfully maintaining and even enhancing
presidential power. An anti-Communist who brought the Communist Party back into
the Government For the First time since 1947, the head of a Socialist-Communist
coalition who conducted the most firmly Atlanticist foreign policy since the
50's and who emerged as Ronald Reagan's chief Continental ally in the crisis
over placing American missiles in Europe. But most French voters like their
presidents crafty, and Mr. Mitterrand's roller-coaster career is Far From over.
After a euphoric 74 percent popularity rating in the opinion polls in the
opening days of his presidency, Mr. Mitterrand's rating later Fell to the lowest
in the history of the Fifth Republic, when his Government's economic policies
produced inflation and unemployment and when a disastrous effort to weaken the
autonomy of Catholic schools produced the most massive street demonstrations
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(c) 1987 The New York Times, June 28, 1987
since 1968. The election of a hostile parliamentary majority in March 1986, Far
from ending Mr. Mitterrand's career, revived his popularity as the Socialist
president showed himself much more adroit than his conservative prime minister,
Jacques Chirac. The most interesting challenges lie ahead. Will Mr. Mitterrand
run again? Will he continue the normal term to May 1988, sparring all the way
with a prime minister of the opposite side? Will presidential prerogative emerge
enhanced or enfeebled by that experience?
Ms. Nay's breezy and witty French posed problems for the translator.
Literal-minded translation is particularly unhelpful with political terms.
English-speaking readers will guess what the secretary of state at air is, and
may even know that the 'keeper of the seals'' is the Minister of Justice. And
opaque passages often turn out to be wild misconstructions. For clear
information, an American reader would do well to use the English journalist
Denis MacShane's solid 1982 biography. Catherine Nay is a little more current,
though, and she does have more verve.
TYPE: Review
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PAGE
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3RD STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1981 The NEW York Times Company;
The New York Times
December 27, 1981, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
NAME: Danielle Mitterrand
CATEGORY: Politics and Government (Foreign)
SECTION: Section 1; Part 2; Page 61, Column 1; Style Desk
LENGTH: 1130 words
HEADLINE: DANIELLE MITTERRAND: QUIET ACTIVIST
BYLINE: Special to The New York Times
DATELINE: PARIS
BODY:
-When Francois Mitterrand ran unsuccessfully for President in 1965 and 1974,
his wife, Danielle, was presented as the dutiful housewife, surrounded by
floppy-eared dogs and wide-eyed children.
Since Mr. Mitterrand was elected earlier this year, Mrs. Mitterrand has been
viewed by close observers and the French press as an influential foreign policy
pipeline to her husband. Each day, she works at Socialist Party headquarters as
the director of Solidarite Salvador et Amerique Latine a part organization that,
among other causes, supports the guerrillas in E1 Salvador politically.
From Official Biography The question now puzzling Mitterrand watchers is : Which
is the real Danielle? And just how influential is she?
"Danielle Mitterrand has been a political activist at her husband's side for
37 years," states her official biography issued by the French Government.
Mrs. Mitterrand was reported in the French press to be a major influence in
convincing her husband to initiate a French-Mexican resolution last August to
support the E1 Salvador guerrillas, a move that severely strained relations
between the Reagan Administration and the new Mitterrand regime. "E1 Salvador
has been her baby For many years," says a longtime Mitterrand supporter. "She is
also extremely close with Regis Debray," among the most radical Mitterrand
intimates and an influential unofficial Foreign policy adviser. The rightist
daily Minute dubbed her "Danielle, La Pasionaria de l'Elysee."
Although an American diplomat said he Found this impression "exaggerated," he
said Mrs. Mitterrand nevertheless shares the views of the most leftist members
of her husband's inner circle.
Le Point, a news weekly basically sympathetic to the Mitterrand Government,
described the behind-the-scenes efforts of Veronique Neiertz, a Socialist Party
official and a French delegate to the United Nations General Assembly, to push
the El Salvador resolution through the French Foreign Ministry via Mrs.
Mitterrand. "She had a weighty ally in her enterprise: Danielle Mitterrand, the
wife of the President," the magazine reported.
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(c) 1981 The New York Times, December 27, 1981
"Very militant in third-world affairs and, notably, president of the
solidarity committee with the people of E1 Salvador."
Mrs. Mitterrand herself points to E1 Salvador as her pet cause. She sent
this letter, which was made public, to Maureen Reagan after the shooting of
President Reagan in March:
"I was very moved by your reaction that led you to denounce publicly this
absurd violence, with all the indignation of a daughter trembling for the life
of her Father. But permit me to bring your attention to the numerous
assassinations perpetrated by your neighbor, El Salvador, by men supported,
equipped and armed by your nation."
Mrs. Mitterrand's politics were honered in the fervor of the French
Resistance movement of World War II, whose members included many Communists.
Born in 1924 in Verdun and raised in Burgundy, she was one of three children
whose parents were educators. During the war their house was a refuge For
Resistance members. Mrs. Mitterrand herself worked as a nurse in the Resistance
and received the Medal of the Resistance when she was 20, one of the youngest so
honored. Another Resistance hero was Francois Mitterrand.
'I'm Going to Marry Her"
Mrs. Mitterrand's sister, Christine Gouze, now a Film producer, was a Friend
of Francois Mitterrand. In February 1944, he visited her Paris apartment and
saw a photograph of her sister, Danielle, then 19. After asking who she was,
Mr. Mitterrand declared, "I'm going to marry her."
They met under the pressure of war and occupation and, six months later,
married in the exhilaration of freedom and liberation. "We didn't waste our
time--it was precious,: she recalls in Franz-Olivier Geisbert's authorized
biography, "Francois Mitterrand." "When death hovers above you, your feelings
multiply quickly." The couple have two sons, the older a journalist and the
younger a politician. A thrid child died as an infant.
After 37 years of marriage Mrs. Mitterrand has hardly changed physically. A
petite brunette with huge eyes. she resembles Leslie Caron and Oona Chaplin.
But she has changed visibly in the image she seeks to convey, and in her
willingness to share the spotlight with her husband. In 1965 she refused to
give and interview without consulting him. "I don't do anything without his
O.K.," she said. In 1974, she said in an interview, "I've been sure to make
life easy For Francois." Now, she refuses interviews, except with a handful of
favored writers, and frequently eschewed the campaign trail to devote herself to
the E1 Salvador cause. She has practically removed herself From the public eye
since the election.
"She doesn't want to be La Presidente," reports Le Matin, referring to the
French custom whereby presidential wives are entitled "Mrs. President." Thus
far, she has avoided elaborate state receptions and most of the stiffly formal
occasions that fill the lives of French Government officials. Unlike her
predecessors she does not frequent the haute couture, preferring a distinctly
unchic wardrobe.
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(c) 1981 The New York Times, December 27, 1981
A private, dignigied woman, she is surrounded by Fiercely loyal Friends
reluctant to discuss her. "She's a remarkable woman, "says one intimate, who
declined to be named. "Intelligent, Fervent, well-read, politically involved."
"When you live for 35 years near someone as committed as Francois, you can only
follow the same path," Mrs. Mitterrand herself said in a rare newspaper
interview following the election.
Yet the couple are believed to have lived essentially separate lives For some
years. "Celibates united by the act of marriage," Mr. Giesbert says in his
authorized biography. Prior to the presidential campaign, Mrs. Mitterrand was
rumored to be seeking a divorce; it is said that she relented on the eve of this
year's contest.
Bookbinding a Hobby
Today they share a restored 17th-century house on rue de Bievre on the Left
Bank. The family retreat at Latche is a 15-acre property in Les Landes, in
southwestern France. Here, Mrs. Mitterrand, and accomplished bookbinder, works
in her studio while the President romps with two Labrador retrievers. "Since
Francois was elected, Latche is much calmer," she says in a recent interview in
a French magazine. "Perhaps power isolates one."
"She is not just reticent to talk," states an experienced Mitterrand
observer. "She's playing a role that could be more important than Rosalynn
Carter's, or any activist First Lady."
"Francois Mitterrand's reluctance to lift the veil on his private life
prevents the precise measurement of the political influence his wife may have
exerted during 30 years,' Mr. Giesbert concludes. "Without doubt, this
influence is not negligible."
GRAPHIC: Illustrations: Photo of Francois and Danielle Mitterand Photo of
Danielle Mitterand
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2ND STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1986 The New York Times Company;
The New York Times
March 2, 1986, Sunday, Late City Final Edition
NAME: Francois Mitterrand
CATEGORY: Politics and Government (Foreign)
SECTION: Section 6; Page 26, Column ; Magazine Desk
LENGTH: 4944 words
HEADLINE: MITTERRAND SOCIALISM UNDER SIEGE
BYLINE: By Richard Bernstein; Richard Bernstein is chief of The Times's Paris
bureau.
BODY:
FANCOIS MIT-terrand stood the other evening at the end of a red carpet
stretching a quarter-mile through a vast exhibition hall in Lille, a depressed
industrial city that is in the spiritual heartland of French Socialism.
Spotlights glared harshly through the smoky air of the hall, illuminating
filigrees OF electrical wiring and webs of metallic scaffolding. An agitated
whispering swept over the audience of 20,000 and then died away like a wind
disappearing, to be replaced by a loudspeaker version of the Marseillaise.
Then, Mr. Mitterrand appeared like a kind of priest in the middle of a vast
temple. A row of pillars, each wrapped in red, white and blue cloth, stretched
between him and the front of the hall, resembling the poplars in the Monet
painting. The President of France stood immobile for a long minute, allowing the
collective eye of the republic to rest on him, and then, permitting one of the
most austere Faces of political Europe to break into the slightest of smiles, he
strode entirely alone past the tricolored pillars, between the unbroken rows of
cheering admirers, across the entire quarter-mile length of the cavernous great
hall to a spacious podium at the other end.
Mr. Mitterrand's appearance, part of the campaign for legislative elections
scheduled for March 16, was carefully crafted in the favored images of the
French Presidency: aloofness, tranquillity and the solitude of power. But in
fact, his very presence in Lille told a different story - that of a veteran
political leader Fighting to keep his party From being rejected by the French
people. Most immediately, the legislative elections will determine whether the
Socialists can keep their majority in the French Parliament. But even more
important, they will be seen as a referendum on Mr. Mitterrand himself, and on
the beleaguered cause that he has represented For decades - the persistent dream
of French Socialism.
For much of recent French history, Francois Mitterrand and the Socialist
Party have represented the allure of the path not taken, the daring and
visionary other way that had never really been Followed in this country. For 23
long years, Mr. Mitterrand remained in the opposition, promising great reforms,
a restructuring of French society, a break with what he portrayed as the dead
hand of rightist rule. Then, five years ago, just as the other major Western
nations WETE embracing conservative doctrines, the French electorate chose to
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give the Socialists their chance. They swept into power triumphant and exulting,
proclaiming, as Minister of Culture Jack Lang put it, that after all those
decades of struggle, ''the light'' was about to replace ''the darkness.
As new elections approach, this image has been put under generally
unfavorable scrutiny. And if the vast majority of opinion polls are to be
believed, Francois Mitterrand, the only Socialist President in French history,
has For most of his term in office been the most unpopular chief of state his
country has had in a quarter-century. Mr. Mitterrand's rightist opposition -
which, according to the President and his allies, is a rich, reactionary and
privileged caste - seems destined to break the absolute majority in Parliament
that the Socialist Party won in the wake of Mr. Mitterrand's rise to power. If
it does, Mr. Mitterrand's ability to exercise the enormous constitutional power
of the French Presidency during the remaining two years of his term will be
deeply affected. In addition, a conservative victory would cast serious doubt on
the ability OF an 81-year-old dream -the French Socialist Party was established
more or less in its current form in 1905 - to survive in any recognizable form.
Even if the Socialists lose their majority in Parliament, they will probably
remain the single largest political party in France - larger than either of the
two major rightist opposition groups, the Rally For the Republic or the Union
for French Democracy. But the first five years of what is called Mitterrandism
have shown that the original Socialist doctrine has been shaken, and 50 has the
governing party's confidence in itself. Mr. Mitterrand has found himself and his
policies under political siege. His party has veered between implementing its
traditional visionary program and seeking some new formula that many would find
not very socialist at all -a Formula including austerity, budgetary
tightfistedness, and a style of governing strikingly like that of the late Gen.
Charles de Gaulle, the Socialists' inveterate enemy.
The last five years have seen a steady series of adjustments, a shedding of
one element after another of the original Socialist program 50 that, in the end,
it is possible to ask: Just what is left of the Socialist ideal? Will the
classic left disappear as a genuine political alternative in one of Europe's
oldest nations?
HERE IS A paradox in the sight of the French Socialists Fighting an uphill
struggle to remain in power, if only because it is difficult to think of Mr.
Mitterrand and his Socialist Government as having done very badly during the
last five years.
Imagine, in fact, a visitor to France who had heard of the election of Mr.
Mitterrand in 1981 - a visitor who knew and perhaps shared some of the deep
foreboding that the left's coming to power in France created then - but who had
not been back in the country to see for himself until the past few months. He
would remember that France, in choosing a leftist Government in 1981, seemed
peculiarly out of step with the rest of the world. It was a Government,
moreover, that came to power in alliance with the Communists - the French
variety being the most sclerotic and Stalinist in Europe - and that had long
been committed to redistributing wealth, increasing the role of the state in the
economy, nationalizing industries and banks, reducing the role of private
enterprise. It was possible to imagine that the youthful idealists of the 1960's
who produced such an upheaval in this country were coming to power and that they
would be dreamers, not realists. Washington worried that the new French regime
would be soft-hearted toward the third world, sympathetic to Fidel Castro, the
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Sandinistas and other revolutionaries, inclined toward pacifism and complacent
about the threat from the Soviet Union.
In fact, the visitor today would Find very little to remind him of those
fears. Under Mr. Mitterrand, France is governed by a group of steely-eyed,
ambitious young technocrats who bear no resemblance whatsoever to the throngs of
students who ruled in the streets during the disorders of the 1960's. Indeed, it
is not difficult to argue that the Socialist Government has been better, and not
very much more ''leftist,'' than the conservative Government of Valery Giscard
d'Estaing that preceded it. In foreign policy, one of Mr. Mitterrand's important
decisions was to declare himself in favor of the installation of American
medium-range nuclear missiles in Europe in 1982, a time when Socialists in West
Germany and Britain were holding mass demonstrations against the missiles.
Mr. Mitterrand's intervention -part of a broader commitment to a strong
defense - was important in swaying European public opinion toward the new
missiles, and serves to obscure other aspects of his Foreign policy that
represent the residues of the classic left: his frequent, if nonspecific, calls
for a better distribution of wealth between the rich countries and the poor
countries and, more important, his opposition to American policy in Central
America. French Foreign policy has long contained a streak of prideful
anti-Americanism, and the French like to speak about ''Anglo-American
hegemonism'' as one OF the great dangers in the world. But under the Socialists,
France's relations with its allies, particularly the United States, are arguably
better than they have been in decades.
Similarly, in domestic policy, the technocrats who run France these days have
not done SO badly. The country is as vigorously free as ever, arguably freer
than during the reign of Mr. Mitterrand's predecessor, as Socialist policies
have made a start at decentralizing the great Jacobin French state, putting more
power in the hands of local government.
Free enterprise has clearly survived. It is true that unemployment is at a
record high, but even this great stain on the economy has Faded slightly in
recent months. Meanwhile, in the face of rightist predictions that Socialism
would lead to runaway inflation, that disease is slowly being cured. The stock
market has reached record highs, foreign trade is more favorable, the franc is
regaining strength, and French technology is winning new respect around the
world.
Most important OF all, perhaps, under the Socialists the country is enjoying
as great a period of domestic peace - or, at least, an absence of violent
conflict - as at any time in this century. There are troubles, of course,
particularly involving the rise of sentiments against North African immigrants.
But, there are no savage strikes as there are in Britain; no race riots, no
major divisions in public opinion over nuclear power, foreign policy, military
spending.
HE MAN WHO has presided over this creditable record of government is an
elusive and complex figure about whom little is known compared to other major
Western leaders. But there is almost no doubt that one of Francois Mitterrand's
assets is his ability to surround himself not with the classic symbols of the
left, but with the traditional grandeur of the French Presidency itself.
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For the president of a major Western democracy, Mr. Mitterrand is seen
remarkably little in public. He is apparently an austere and private man, more
comfortable reading history or philosophy - advisers say he recently finished
Ernest Renan's five-volume history of the Jews -than making speeches or rubbing
shoulders with crowds. Mr. Mitterrand still lives in the Left Bank apartment
that he bought in the early 1960's, rather than in the ornate and more public
Elysee Palace. He is subjected to very little of the daily, intrusive, obsessive
sort of attention given, for example, to an American President. In recent
months, he has had time to edit and publish a collection of his speeches and
statements on foreign policy that included a new 135-page introductory essay,
written in his characteristically elegant style.
Mr. Mitterrand explains his policies to the general public infrequently,
giving two or three television interviews a year, an occasional speech and a
small number of press conferences, usually on the occasion of a visit from
another head of state. Much of the rest of the time, the press and the public
are not aware of exactly where he is or what he is doing.
The mix of the traditional aloofness and apparent tranquility of the
Presidency with a Socialist rhetoric seems confusing to many. On one hand, it
could be said that Mr. Mitterrand's style helps explain his success in winning
office in the first place. He is well within the traditions of any President of
the Fifth Republic, and to American eyes seems Far more French than leftist. But
aspects of his personality and of his doctrine have combined to Mr. Mitterrand's
decided disadvantage, and help to explain his persistent unpopularity.
An old French adage has it that a Frenchman's heart is on the left but his
pocketbook is on the right. It might be said of Francois Mitterrand that his
rhetoric is Socialist but his style of governing is impeccably Gaullist. Anyone
who has entered the Elysee Palace and viewed the vast, gilded reception rooms
and offices cloaked in what might be called faded monarchical splendor, will
realize that France, whether Socialist or not, retains much of the heritage of
its former kings, and this Mr. Mitterrand has done nothing to change.
A few of Mr. Mitterrand's ministers show some of the casualness and
informality that might be ex-pected of children of the 1960's. Some of them
appear without ties, with fashionably longish hair, and they often use the
familiar tu form of address instead of the more formal vous. But they are in the
minority, and Mr. Mitterrand 15 certainly not among them. He is Familiar with
virtually no one. He dresses impeccably and conservatively; he is a master of
the French language, and his speeches, delivered in a stirring voice, descend
directly from the orations of the 18th century. Mr. Mitterrand is a man of the
left, as they say in France, but traces of Louis XIV are visible in his public
style.
Pierre Nora, an editor at the Famed Gallimard publishing house, identifies
three specific characteristics - all of them traditionalist and conservative -
that contribute to Mr. Mitterrand's presidential qualities. ''First of all, he
has a taste for literature in the style of people like de Gaulle and Malraux,
Mr. Nora points out. ''He's not just a master of a kind of 18th-century
rhetoric, but of a music of history to which the French are very sensitive.
Secondly, he has a deep sense of history. He has an ability to utter the grand
themes of France as nobody else in this country can. And, finally, he identifies
himself with the rural roots of France, his love for the soil, for the Forest,
for nature. These are chords that he never fails to strike.'
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Mr. Mitterrand benefits From his reputation as a shrewd political tactician.
But, like most elements of Mr. Mitterrand's character, his political skills also
carry seeds of difficulty. An important case in point was the controversial
alliance with the French Communist Party that helped bring the Socialists to
power. It is probably a sign of Mr. Mitterrand's tactical brilliance that the
Communists have lost half of their electoral support since the alliance was
created, something the President, as early as 1974, had predicted would happen.
Nonetheless, to many Frenchmen, Mr. Mitterrand's marriage of convenience has
always seemed a pact with the devil For which he has not been Forgiven. That
feeling combines with what can only be called a distrust of Mr. Mitterrand's
motives, a constant odor of political opportunism.
'There is an important personal factor in Mitterrand's lack of general
popularity, Alain Richard, a Socialist legislator From suburban Paris, said.
''The French say to themselves: 'From the point of view of political skill, he
is the best; but if he is so skillful, then he couldn't be sincere.
T HE POLITICAL TASK that lay before Mr. Mitterrand when he took office was
defined by simple electoral arithmetic. The Socialist Party could not have hoped
to gain power in 1981 without the support of the Communists, who, though rapidly
declining, still control an estimated 10 percent of the vote. Their entry into
rhetorically bitter opposition in 1984 - in an attempt to disassociate
themselves From the Socialists' austerity program -means that new support must
come from someplace else.
Polls show that the Socialists have returned to what might be seen as their
traditional level of support. The strong Socialist showing in the 1981 elections
benefited From Mr. Mitterrand's victory in the Presidential race several weeks
earlier, and was a departure from normal French voting patterns. Only three
years before, in the 1978 parliamentary elections, the Socialists received just
28 percent of the vote. Thus, if they get 30 percent of the vote in the coming
legislative elections, they will be seen to have done rather better than
expected. Their ambition, of course, has been to expand their base, to prove in
governing the country that they deserve to become a majority party, and their
apparent failure to do this seems to stem from two principal weaknesses.
The First is stylistic. The Socialist Government has been prone to Frequent
mistakes, hesitations and embarrassments that have made even some of the
government's achievements appear to the electorate like errors of judgment.
The second, perhaps more important problem, relates to the failure of the
left in power to overcome one of the deep, abiding elements of French political
culture: the belief that the conservatives have a kind of natural vocation to
govern, while the left makes little more than occasional intrusions onto the
political stage. ''In the depths of their historic unconscious, said Max
Gallo, editor of the pro-Socialist Le Matin newspaper, 'the French believe that
a President of the right is more legitimate than a President of the left.'
The comparison is often made with Leon Blum, the Socialist Prime Minister of
France in the troubled days of 1936, who, like Mr. Mitterrand, came to power
with the help of other leftist parties, including the Communists. Mr. Blum, an
intellectual, a speaker and thinker of great force, eloquence and humanity,
presided over some of the basic social reforms that are now accepted by
virtually all the French, both left and right, including the 40-hour workweek
and the annual two-week vacation.
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Unlike Mr. Mitterrand, Mr. Blum kept the Communists out of the Government,
even though he needed their support in Parliament and at the end of his brief
period as Prime Minister was struggling to end the crippling, insurrectional
strikes called by Communist unions. But despite Mr. Blum's moderation, there is
no question that he was hated by large segments of the French public, in part
because many in this country incorrectly saw Socialism as an opening wedge to
Communism, to immorality, to the destruction of traditional values.
In France, where a short memory is regarded as a fatal intellectual
deficiency, the Blum years were being vividly remembered when Francois
Mitterrand came to power in 1981. The comparison can be overdrawn. The passage
of the years, after all, has dimmed much of the public fear of the left; other
Socialists - Pierre Mendes-France, the Prime Minister from 1954-55, is the most
obvious example - had served the French state in the meantime. And, certainly,
since Mr. Mitterrand came to office there has been no hint of the social
disorder that plagued Leon Blum.
Yet, there are similarities. Like Mr. Blum, the Socialists under Mr.
Mitterrand pressed quickly for changes, giving the impression that it was their
doctrine, more than a quest for good management of the country, that was of main
importance to them. Mr. Mitterrand's party, believing no doubt that after 23
years in opposition its arrival in power should be marked by some dramatic
moves, nationalized 11 sectors of the French economy, including all the
remaining major private banks. It reduced the workweek to 39 hours without
increasing productivity. It fixed retirement at 60 years of age instead of 65.
It increased the rights of tenants 50 that a landlord cannot evict a tenant who
is unemployed.
These moves, which are called ''structural reforms'' in the Socialists'
vocabulary, came at the wrong time in French history, when the economy was
shrinking because OF the effects of the oil price rise of 1978-79 and continued
high American interest rates. After about a year - during which time the franc
fell dramatically, the trade deficit increased and the battle against inflation
was clearly being lost - the Socialists, like the conservatives in power
elsewhere in the West, turned to austerity. They cut government spending, held
down wages and made the hard decision to let outmoded industries, particularly
steel and mining, close down, even though that meant increased unemployment.
Some ranking officials in the government argue that the Socialists' apparent
about-face did not contradict their party's ideals. Jacques Attali, a senior
adviser to Mr. Mitterrand, contends that the austerity program could not have
been carried out by a rightist government precisely because it would not have
made the social reforms that made austerity acceptable to the public.
Moreover, Mr. Attali denies the conventional wisdom that the second phase of
the Socialist program was an implicit acknowledgment that the first phase was a
mistake. ''The turn in question was not a turn away From structural reform, he
said. ''We didn't give up anything. We would have admitted a mistake if we had
said, for example, 'My God, those nationalizations are leading us into trouble.
We have to get rid of them.' We didn't say that.
Yet it seems clear in retrospect that, particularly in the early days, the
Socialists alienated some of those voters whose support for Mr. Mitterand's
Government was less a matter of conviction than of Fatigue with the right. At
the same time, the Government's behavior did not erase the profound suspicion
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of Socialism that 15 a part of the political culture of many in this country.
Despite Francois Mitterrand's attempt to appeal to the ''tranquil village,
the tranquil village remains a conservative place where the small artisan, the
notary public and the members of the village bourgeoisie harbor a powerful
distrust of the 'left. They have a deep-rooted fear that the left is
permissive, erosive of traditional values. And nothing that the Socialists have
done, neither Mr. Mitterrand's Gaullist style nor his turn to austerity, has
changed this basic attitude. A visitor to a small village in Normandy or the
Champagne country will be struck by the political language that treats Mr.
Mitterrand as a kind of enemy by definition.
This attitude has Fed on a series of crises, all of which badly tarnished the
reputation of the Socialists, giving them and Mr. Mitterrand an image of
inexplicable ineptitude. The most recent was the so-called Greenpeace affair,
when the Government first denied that its agents had sunk a ship belonging to
the Greenpeace environmentalist group in Auckland, New Zealand, and then had to
suffer the ignominy of admitting responsibility for the act. The electorate
seemed to support the Government's decision to sink the boat, which was to have
led an environmentalist protest against French nuclear weapons testing in the
South Pacific. But the Government appeared weak, unresolved, and secretive in
its handling of the issue. Throughout the affair, Mr. Mitterrand, giving a
splendid example of the aloofness of the French Presidency, never once publicly
answered questions about it.
The Greenpeace matter was the most spectacular of a series of imbroglios that
have chipped away at the Socialists' reputation and made them seem strangely
accident-prone.
In 1984, Mr. Mitterrand gave the appearance of being duped by Libyan leader
Muammar el-Gaddafi, whom he met on the island of Crete even though the Libyan
had clearly reneged on an agreement with France for a mutual withdrawal of
troops from Chad. In SO doing, Mr. Mitterrand transformed what was in fact a
considerable success - preventing the Libyans From occupying all OF Chad - into
something that many Frenchmen saw as a national humiliation.
Before that, to give another example, was the ''affair of the private
schools'' in 1984, when the Socialists, true to one of their campaign promises,
tried to pass legislation that would have reduced the independence of church-run
schools in France. This was probably the only time during the Socialists' time
in power when large numbers of French people really felt that their liberties
were being threatened and took, peacefully, to the streets in some of the
largest demonstrations France has witnessed since World War II. Mr. Mitterrand,
heeding the expressions of public opinion, backed down, but only after he had
further alienated voters of the center-right.
'What is in the end rather comic is that there had never been a lobby for a
new law, Alain Richard, the legislator From suburban Paris, said of the
debacle. "No groups had come forward demanding greater control over the private
schools. IF we had thought it would have consolidated a couple of million votes
for us, then we could have said, 'O.K., in politics you have to make some hard
choices.' But that wasn't the issue. It was simply that WE had said WE were
going to do something.'
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T HE RIGHT HAS NOT been slow to capitalize on the tactical mistakes of the
Socialists. Indeed, one of the striking characteristics of the political life of
this country 15 how virtually nothing escapes the polemical daggers of the
opposition - just as nothing escaped the attention of Mr. Mitterrand during his
own long years of opposition.
But beneath the habitual polemics, some new Forms of French political life
are taking shape. Specifically, both the parties of the left and the right are
changing, and, while it would be difficult to tell From the Ferocity of mutual
accusations and recriminations, the cooler analysts here see a general drift
toward the center of the political spectrum. Doctrinal differences remain. But
this is a country that for decades and even centuries has considered itself
divided into two irreconcilable camps - monarchists versus republicans, clerics
versus laity, capitalists versus workers. What seems likely is that the
Socialists and the rightist parties will come increasingly to resemble the
Republicans and the Democrats in the United States - one party slightly to the
right of center, the other to the left, each capable of taking power without
frightening the electorate into thinking that the France of living memory will
disappear as a result.
The word of the day on the right side of the spectrum 15 ``liberalism,` used
in its 19th-century sense to mean a more unrestricted capitalism than statist
France has ever had before. Its most prominent advocate inside the opposition is
Jacques Chirac, the Mayor of Paris who was Prime Minister under Valery Giscard
d'Estaing. Mr. Chirac is the head of the largest rightest political Formation in
France, the Rally for the Republic. The party considers itself the spiritual
heir of Charles de Gaulle, but it has, at least in its Formal program, departed
from what is called dirigisme, the tradition of centralized government that
dates back to the time of the monarchy. Another major opposition Figure is
Raymond Barre, a highly popular political maverick who was also a Prime Minister
under Mr. Giscard d'Estaing.
If the right does get a majority in Parliament on March 16, Mr. Mitterrand
might feel forced to call on Mr. Chirac or Mr. Giscard d'Estaing to become Prime
Minister and name a government. Mr. Barre, in a move that has divided the
opposition, has said that he would not serve in any government unless Mr.
Mitterrand steps down First, something the President has refused to consider
publicly. Another possibility for Mr. Mitterrand, particularly if the rightist
majority is slim, would be to name a compromise candidate as Prime Minister, a
figure acceptable to the right but less likely to challenge his authority as
President. A likely possibility is Jacques Chaban-Delmas, another former Prime
Minister who is now the Mayor of Bordeaux.
Meanwhile, among the Socialists, the drift to the center, away From classic
doctrine, is equally striking, if only because the left has been more visible
these last five years. And here, there 15 a suggestion of a profound change in
the very nature of French society, one that also helps to explain why the
Socialists have apparently been unable to build majority support.
Why, it could be asked, did somebody become a Socialist in decades past,
when, for example, the party was Formed in 1905, or when Leon Blum came to power
at the head of the Popular Front in 1936? Jean Touchard, in a history of the
French left, answers that a Socialist 'was a man who believed that the social
order was profoundly unjust and who wanted to replace capitalist property with
collective property.
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(c) 1986 The New York Times, March 2, 1986
Today, a Frenchman usually becomes a Socialist out of Family tradition, or a
conviction that a margin of additional social protection is needed, perhaps even
a belief that the rich are too rich. But Few believe any more that French
society is profoundly unjust. Political passions have cooled. A recent poll here
showed that Fully 64 percent of the population believes that the coming election
will have no real impact on the quality of daily life. The classic Socialist
dream was built on a longing For great change, but those changes have already
been accomplished - not by Francois Mitterrand, but by the complex workings of
history itself.
And so, the very scene of Mr. Mitterrand crying the old Socialist verities,
demanding ''justice'' for the poor and for the oppressed, has an old-fashioned,
anachronistic ring to it. In Lille the other night, he listed the ''great
reforms' of the last five years, such as the 39-hour workweek, retirement at
60, better social security benefits. No doubt these reforms are meaningful, well
within the tradition of Leon Blum. But they are far from revolutionary; they
have rather built on what was already happening in the last quarter-century,
when the classic ''dirigiste'' right was in power.
Ultimately, it is a question of necessity, of pragmatism. In a book about the
last five years, Serge July, editor of the daily newspaper Liberation, argues
that Mr. Mitterrand will be remembered for an achievement that he did not intend
- what Mr. July calls the ''normalization'' of France. The country has become
more open, more a part of the rest of the world, less an entity proudly and
defiantly going its own way. Whatever happens in this country in the next two
years of his Presidential tenure, Mr. Mitterrand is likely to be remembered as a
good President, not because of an ideological revolution that took place under
his guidance but because of his impressive moral and intellectual qualities and
because France, under this avowed man of the left, has moved closer to the rest
of the world.
GRAPHIC: Photo of Francois Mitterrand (Granveaud/Collectif/J. B. Pictures);
Photo of Mitterrand and Muammar el Qaddafi with Andreas Papandreou (28); Photo
of a military drill aboard the aircraft carrier Clemenceau (Foulon/Sipa-Special
Features, 28); Photo of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, Jacques Chirac and Raymond
Barre (Rebours/Sipa-Speical Features, 30); Photo of the recoverd Rainbow Warrior
(Sydney Fre
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6TH REPORT of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright (c) 1988 Multinational Strategies;
Country Monitoring Service
July, 1988
LENGTH: 956 words
HEADLINE: MITTERAND WINS PRESIDENCY BUT MISCALCULATES IN CALLING NAT'L
ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS
BODY:
In the post-presidential election euphoria, President
Francois Mitterand, master of the political landscape,
miscalculated in too quickly dissolving the National Assembly
in the hope of securing a working majority for the Socialist
party. Until then, Mitterand's agenda was unfolding according
to plan: he easily finished first in the initial round of
the presidential election (April 24) and went on to defeat
his perferred conservative candidate, Jacques Chirac, on May
8th polling an impressive 54.5 percent of the vote. So far 50
good.
*
One of Mitterand's election campaign promises was that the next
government would not be entirely Socialist and that some form of
an accommodation with moderate conservatives was possible. This
was done, in part, to avoid scaring off moderate voters in the
second presidential round. True to his word, Mitterand appoints
Michel Rocard who leads opinion polls as the politician with the
broadest national appeal, as prime minister. Rocard attempted to
form a minority government, including non-Socialists, to gain a
working majority. Only Four days later (May 14), Rocard returned
to Mitterand claiming, to be unable to gain sufficient support
from conservatives in the National Assembly. Early elections were
called. While Rocard and Mitterand blame the failure on the
conservatives for not joining in immediately, many saw it as
political opportunism by the president.
*
With every opinion poll predicting a Socialist majority (one even
forecast over 400 seats--289 are needed for a majority in the
577-seat Assembly) and the conservatives in disarray, Mitterand
publicly stated that an overwhelming Socialist victory would not
be good For the country and newspapers discussed the "dangers" of
a landslide. However, in the first round vote on June 5th, the
Socialists appear set to win only 310-330 seats and despite some
frantic action by the party to get the vote out, the Socialists
slipped again in the second round (June 12) to end up with 276
seats, an improvement of 70 over 1986, but 13 short of an
absolute majority. 0 The situation has left Michel Rocard forced to
work out an
agreement with moderate elements of the conservative deputies in
the Assembly rather than negotiating from a position of greater
strength with a working majority already in place. Although there
is a sufficient number of Communist seats (27) to form a
majority, the political obstacles to such a deal are considerable
(see item 4 below). It would also run against Mitterand's public
declarations and contrary to the public mood in France after 78
percent cast votes in favor of the mainstream political parties.
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(c) 1988 Multinat'l Strategies Country Monitoring Srv, July, 1988
Mitterand's miscalculation was one of mistakening his popularity
for that of the Socialist party. His presidential campaign was
notable for its lack of any reference to socialism, while his
personal rating always significantly outstrip that of the party
as a whole. Although he did well in the second round, in the
first round he came in with a somewhat disappointing 34.1
percent. In addition, with polls erroneously predicting a massive
Socialist win and "voter fatigue" setting in (four national votes
in only seven weeks), almost 30 percent of those elegible did not
vote, the highest since the founding of the Fifth Republic. This
certainly damaged the Socialists more than it did the
conservatives.
*
Rocard will be able to muster enough cooperation from deputies
within the Union pour la Democratie Francaise (UDF) to form a
government (see item 2 below) and the upcoming summer recess will
enable him to work out the political deals necessary to ensure
some stability and Formulate a budget For the autumn. The reality
is that according to the constitution a new election cannot be
called For a year. Therefore, the National Assembly "deck" can be
reschuffled any number of ways and it still comes down to the
Socialists running the show because no other combination of
parties is viable. The advantages and perks of office will
probably be enough to keep the limited number of conservatives
needed in line for the time being.
*
Despite the Failure to attain a working majority, the movement of
the Socialists back into a position of control in the National
Assembly brings the French political system back to the
traditional division of power after the awkward (but reasonably
successful) cohabitation of 1986-88. The competition between
Chirac and Mitterand for political dominance will be replaced by
a return to a more clear-cut ascendency of the president on
defense and foreign policy and the responsibility of the prime
minister For the economy and domestic affairs.
What this means for the governing of France is that there will
unlikely be any significant shifts away From current orthodox
economic policy (a wealth tax is likely, and a slowdown of
privatizations). The only "foreign" issue facing a change of
strategy is New Caledonia, where the likelihood of a negotiated
agreement will increase.
SUBJECT: Politics, Profiles Of Political Players
COUNTRY: Europe, France
LEXIS® ® NEXIS® ® LEXIS® NEXIS
(Smith)
February 17, 1989
4:00 p.m.
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
MITTERRAND TOAST
TOKYO, JAPAN
FEBRUARY 23, 1989
Mr. President, honored guests: It is a pleasure for me to
be able to meet with you in Japan, although we are here on a
solemn occasion, marking the passing of an era.
This is our first meeting of 1989, Mr. President. This year
France and the United States celebrate the bicentennial of the
French Revolution and the Rights of Man. These events of the
late Eighteenth Century cemented a unique partnership between our
two countries, one based on shared traditions, values, and
history.
In 1789, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and our own
Bill of Rights inspired the citizens of our two democracies. And
for 200 years, they have inspired countless individuals and
nations fighting for their political and civil rights.
We know that there are still millions of people who are
denied the benefits of government by popular consent and respect
for the rights of the individual. We must remain for them
beacons of liberty, committed to the defense of those basic
principles that bind our two countries together.
By our own enlightened defense of human dignity and
democratic values, we who have fought together to defend those
principles will continue to light the paths of those yet not
free.
In coming years, more than ever, that world will need
La Coeur de France -- upholding its democratic ideals.
As you do, America will join you. Let us enlarge our own
economies, and expand the world's economy. Let us develop
further ties in the political, cultural, scientific, and
technological fields.
In speaking of America, the Marquis de Lafayette once said,
"What charms me most is, all the citizens are brethren."
Mr. President, the people of France are our brethren, just
as we are yours.
In that spirit, I ask all of you to join in a toast to the
health of President Mitterrand, and to the long and treasured
friendship between our nations.
Vive la France!