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26
20
4
5
'90-04-17 08:45 DOUG GAMBLE
P.1
Mark P.
DOUG GAMBLE
424-36th Place
Manhattan Beach, CA 90266
April 17/90
(213) 546-6409
TO: KRISTEN GEAR
A.L.E.C. (Mark Davis)
WE CONSIDERED HAVING THIS EVENT IN THE ROSE GARDEN, BUT WITH THE REPUTATION
I'M GETTING FOR BAD WEATHER FOLLOWING ME AROUND, WE FIGURED YOU'D BE SAFER
INSIDE.
FIRST I BROUGHT A STORM TO MALTA, AND THEN TO BERMUDA, AND THIS NOVEMBER
WE'LL TRY TO RAIN ON THE DEMOCRATS' PARADE.
WITH ALL THE TRAVELLING I DO, IT'S A LITTLE DIFFERENT FOR ME TO BE MAKING AN
APPEARANCE SO CLOSE TO THE WEST WING. BARBARA SAYS I SPEND MORE TIME ON THE
ROAD THAN CHARLES KURALT.
MY GRANDKIDS ARE FORTUNATE ENOUGH TO HAVE ENJOYED THE BENEFITS OF SOME OF THE
MOST OUTSTANDING CHILD CARE IN AMERICA. IT'S KNOWN AS GRANDMA AND GRANDPA.
I'VE COME UP WITH A PRETTY EFFECTIVE WAY TO KEEP MY WEIGHT UNDER CONTROL. I
ONLY EAT DESSERT ON DAYS WHEN THE LIBERALS SPEAK OUT AGAINST TAX INCREASES.
A FRESHMAN LIBERAL CONGRESSMAN TOLD ME HE HAD A HARD TIMES LEARNING THE ROPES.
HIS FIRST COUPLE OF WEEKS IN WASHINGTON, HE ACCIDENTALLY SPENT SOME OF HIS OWN MONEY.
DOUG GAMBLE
Smith
424 . 36th Place
Manhattan Beach, CA 90266
April 18/90
(213) 546-6409
TO: KRISTEN GEAR
MORE "A.L.E.C." (Mark Davis)
I TOLD JOHN SUNUNU THAT I WANTED TO BE PRECEDED TODAY BY MY STRONG RIGHT HAND
AT THE WHITE HOUSE. HE SAID "I UNDERSTAND, BUT UNFORTUNATELY MILLIE HAS
LARYNGITIS."
I ASKED JOHN IF HE WANTED ME TO SPEAK BEFORE HE DID, BUT HE SAID HE PREFERRED
TO HAVE AN AUDIENCE AWAKE WHEN HE ADDRESSES IT.
ONE TIME I WAS TELLING ONE OF MY GRANDKIDS HOW JOHN SUNUNU OFTEN SPEAKS BEFORE
SHE
I DO, WHICH MEANS I'M FOLLOWING AN ENGINEER. AND WE SAID "I GUESS THAT MAKES
YOU THE CABOOSE.'
Statesman
States' Rights
II47
Statistics
at would sooner
A constitutional statesman is in general a man
when the barriers of the Constitution shall be
annon bullets he
of common opinions and uncommon abili-
overleaped, this is practically a government
wn, to count his
ties.
without limitation of powers." The states are
ow many of his
WALTER BAGEHOT: Biographical Studies,
at once reduced to mere petty corporations.
jects he lost be-
1880
ROBERT Y. HAYNE: Speech in the Senate,
Jan. 21, 1830
e White Devil, v,
Woe to the statesman who does not find a reason
c. 1608
for war that will hold water when the war is
The maintenance inviolate of the rights of the
over.
oTTo VON BISMARCK (1815-98)
states, and especially the right of each state
to order and control its own domestic insti-
ng seem'd
The first duty of a statesman is to the poorest of
tutions, according to its own judgment exclu-
ont engraven
the people.
sively, is essential to the balance of powers on
are;
EDWARD CLARKE: Speech in the House of
which the perfection and endurance of our
e yet shone
Commons, 1906
political fabric depend.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN: Letter to Duff Green,
lise Lost, II, 1667
The politician says: "I will give you what you
Dec. 28, 1860
want." The statesman says: What you think
oreed him a cob-
you want is this. What it is possible for you to
Each state is a sovereign, and thus may reclaim
hangman than
get is that. What you really want, therefore,
the grants which it has made to any agent
is the following."
whomsoever.
/SBURY: Letter to
WALTER LIPPMANN: A Preface to Morals,
JEFFERSON DAVIS: Speech in the Senate,
ron Somers, 1701
XIII, 1929
Jan. 21, 1861
towards being a
A dead politician.
Author unidentified.
States' rights should be preserved when they
ic spirit.
mean the people's rights, but not when they
tler, July 8, 1710
[See also Burke (Edmund), Democracy, Dis-
mean the people's wrongs; not, for instance,
honesty, Fool, Government (English), Ora-
when they are invoked to prevent the aboli-
of soul sincere,
tor, Politician, Ruler.
tion of child labor, or to break the force of
or clear;
the laws which prohibit the importation of
1 no private end,
States' Rights
contract labor to this country.
lost no friend.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT: Address before the
Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and
mes Craggs, 1720
independence, and every power, jurisdiction
Harvard Union, Cambridge, Mass.,
an ability to im-
and right which is not by this confederation
Feb. 23, 1907
expressly delegated to the United States, in
We demand that the states of the Union shall
d be my standard
Congress assembled.
be preserved in all their vigor and power.
ions on the Revo-
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, II, Nov. 15,
They constitute a bulwark against the cen-
1777
r France, II, 1790
tralizing and destructive tendencies of the
Republican party. We condemn the efforts of
The states should be left to do whatever acts
rs. Talleyrand is
the Republican administration to nationalize
they can do as well as the general govern-
Castlereagh, Met-
the functions and duties of the states.
ment.
Democratic National Platform, 1924
THOMAS JEFFERSON: Letter to John Harvie,
rry E. O'Meara at
1790
To bring about government by oligarchy, mas-
ena, June 6, 1817
querading as democracy, it is fundamentally
The powers not delegated to the United States
tesman ought to
essential that practically all authority and
in the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
government of a
control be centralized in our Federal govern-
states, are reserved to the states, respectively,
possessors; 2. Fa-
ment.
The individual sovereignty of
or to the people.
Hope to all.
our states must first be destroyed.
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES,
alk, June 25, 1831
F. D. ROOSEVELT: Radio speech, March 2,
Amendment X, Dec. 15, 1791
1930
being at once safe
What an augmentation of the field for jobbing,
[See also Centralization, Slavery, Union (Amer-
t adapted to the
speculating, plundering, office-building and
ican).
is the flattery of
office-hunting would be produced by an as-
r the appearance
sumption of all the state powers into the hand
that is said with
of the general government! The true theory
States, United
a faculty for con-
of our Constitution is surely the wisest and
[See United States
1 might envy.
best, that the states are independent as to
e Statesman, 1836
everything within themselves and united as
Stationer
to everything respecting foreign nations. Let
A stationer, on obvious accounts, will excuse us
1 from an Ameri-
the general government be reduced to foreign
for thinking his a very dull and bald-headed
S turned seventy,
concerns only.
business.
Presidency.
THOMAS JEFFERSON: Letter to Gideon
LEIGH HUNT: The Indicator, XXXIX, 1821
Speech in Boston.
Granger, 1800
Nov. 7, 1860
If the Federal government, in all, or any, of its
Statistics
be on his guard,
departments, is to prescribe the limits of its
Statistics is a science which ought to be honor-
to b'lieve 'em tu
own authority, and the states are bound to
able, the basis of many most important sci-
submit to the decision, and are not to be al-
ences; but it is not to be carried on by steam,
w Papers, II, 1862
lowed to examine and decide for themselves
this science, any more than others are; a wise
Rep Puty of 710. Statesman's dimer
Onange Co. Commertion th.
in
7pm
2500 of en. ! clean ont an & law and
experioring of hausin
Bill
Col
soals
'90
is
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 8, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT NATIONAL TRANSPORTATION POLICY MEETING
Room 450
Old Executive Office Building
11:41 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Well, Sam, thank you very, very much.
And Deputy Secretary Elaine Chao and to our able Commandant of the
Coast Guard, and to Dr. Larson who did such heroic work on all this
-- thank you all for being here. Governor; so many members of
Congress here. And as some of you may know, after Sam -- Sam
Skinner, our able Secretary of Transportation, became Secretary, he
took time to earn a license as a jet pilot. I've wondered -- if I'd
named him Secretary of Agriculture would he have been out milking the
cows? (Laughter.) But nevertheless, here he is.
But his leadership derives from experience. And it's
experience and solid analysis that has shaped this transportation
policy that we're unveiling today. No sector is more important to
the American economy than transportation. It's an $800 billion a
year business with $5 trillion worth of assets. To say that it's
important to our quality of life, the flow of commerce, and really to
our national security, is a gross understatement.
As world trade grows even larger, as we continue our
leadership in an increasingly global society, we will become even
more dependent on transporation than we are today. And when
transportation lags or is congested, when people and goods are
stranded in tra fic or in airports, we'll suffer. And when people
and goods flow through a responsive, well-maintained and efficient
transportation system, our quality of life improves with it.
For over 200 years, since the days of barges and
riverboats, America has grown and prospered with our transportation
system. Our competitive stake will depend no less on American
transportation leadership in the future. And still too often we take
for granted the highways that bind America together, and the airports
and harbors that bind America to the world.
The institutions our forebears created, the technologies
they developed and the transportation systems they built created a
new and mobile society far different from the life they knew. For
example, as a young man, Dwight David Eisenhower had a vision of a
nation united, of an America in which goods and people would flow
from city to city, from state to state with great ease. And the
vision of his youth became the reality of his presidency.
Today, Eisenhower's vision of an interstate highway
system, the most ambitious public works project in the history of
man, is virtually complete -- a fitting tribute in this, his
centennial year.
Just as the Model T and the Kitty Hawk prepared the way
for today's millions of cars and thousands of passenger jets, so it
is now our turn to invest in America's future, to begin to create the
transportation system of the 21st century. On the ground, over the
waterways and in the air and space, our mission for this decade in
the next century is to build on our achievements, to link the nations
of the world as we've linked the states of this great country.
MORE
- 2 -
will, for this new world. And as I said in the State of the
The national transportation is our blueprint,
last month, it's time to act and it's time to give our state
local governments the flexibility that they need to best use a. fed
economic regulation of the trucking industry -- you heard the
funds. We also have a strategy for airports and for removing
unleash Secretary talk about those -- and most of all, we have a strategy to
the creative genius of American technology.
travel to space economical and commonplace. And this genius built a
This technology took us to the Moon, and now it must make
network of highways, and now we must support and encourage advanced
levitated trains to intelligent vehicles and highways to advanced
technologies in the whole field of transporation, from magnetically
materials in engineering.
Finally, sometimes the best transportation policy means
not moving people, but moving their work. Last week in Los Angeles I
spoke of the growing trend in this country toward working outside the
office -- a trend known as telecommuting. Millions have already
found their productivity actually increases when they work nearer the
people they're really working for -- their families at home.
The benefits in reducing congested highways and mass
of light.
transit are obvious. Think of it as commuting to work at the speed
between federal, state and local government. We must have the
As we look ahead, it's not enough to have a partnership
dynamic fourth partner. And that's where many of you fit in -- the
private sector. Such a partnership has already built a
transportation system that is the envy of the world. And if we work
together in this joint venture, America can continue to be the world
leader in transportation.
I'm delighted to be with you. I want to congratulate the
officials from the Department of Transportation. And now, let's go
to work. Thank you all very, very much. (Applause.)
END
11:46 A.M. EST
52
BURGESS
He that is low no pride.
ous. We must be tainted with a malignity
He that is humble ever shall
truly diabolical, to believe all the world to
Have God to be his guide.
be equally wicked and corrupt.
Shepherd Boy's Song
11 So to be patriots, as not to forget we are
1 An ornament to her profession.
gentlemen.
2 Who would true valour see,
12 Would twenty shillings have ruined Mr
Let him come hither;
Hampden's fortune? No! but the payment
One here will constant be,
of half twenty shillings, on the principle it
Come wind, come weather.
was demanded, would have made him a
There's no discouragement
slave.
Shall make him once relent
Speech on American Taxation (1774)
His first avow'd intent
13 To tax and to please, no more than to love
To be a pilgrim.
and to be wise, is not given to men.
3 My sword, I give to him that shall succeed
me in my pilgrimage, and my courage and
14 Your representative owes you, not his in-
skill to him that can get it.
dustry only, but his judgement; and he
betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrif-
4 So he passed over, and the trumpets
ices it to your opinion.
sounded for him on the other side. [Mr.
Speech to the Electors of Bristol, 3 Nov. 1774
Valiant-for-Truth.]
15 Parliament is not a, congress of ambassa-
dors from different and hostile interests;
GELETT BURGESS 1866-1951
which interests each must maintain, as an
5 I never saw a Purple Cow,
agent and advocate, against other agents
I never hope to see one;
and advocates; but parliament is a deliber-
But I can tell you, anyhow,
ative assembly of one nation, with one in-
I'd rather see than be one!
terest, that of the whole; where, not local
Burgess Nonsense Book. The Purple Cow
purposes, not local prejudices ought to
6 Ah, yes! I wrote the 'Purple Cow'-
guide, but the general good, resulting from
I'm sorry, now, I wrote it!
the general reason of the whole. You
But I can tell you anyhow,
choose a member indeed; but when you
I'll kill you if you quote it!
have chosen him, he is not member of
Bristol, but he is a member of parliament.
DEAN BURGON 1813-1888
16 The use of force alone is but temporary. It
7 Match me such marvel save in Eastern
may subdue for a moment; but it does not
remove the necessity of subduing again;
clime,
A rose-red city 'half as old as Time'!
and a nation is not governed, which is
perpetually to be conquered.
Petra (1845). See 196:1
Speech on Conciliation with America, (22 Mar.
1775)
EDMUND BURKE 1729-1797
17 I do not know the method of drawing up
8 Well stored with pious frauds, and, like
an indictment against an whole people.
most discourses of the sort, much better
calculated for the private advantage of the
18 By adverting to the dignity of this high
preacher than.the edification of the hear-
calling, our ancestors have turned a savage
wilderness into a glorious empire: and
ers.
have made the most extensive, and the
Observations on a Publication, 'The present state
of the nation' (1769)
only honourable conquests, not by des-
troying, but by promoting the wealth, the
9 I am not one of those who think that the
number, the happiness of the human race.
people are never in the wrong. They have
been so, frequently and outrageously, both
19 I know many have been taught to think
in other countries and in this. But I do say,
that moderation, in a case like this, is a
that in all disputes between them and their
sort of treason.
rulers, the presumption is at least upon a
Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol (1777)
par in favour of the people.
20 Corrupt influence, which is itself the
Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents
perennial spring of all prodigality, and of
(1770)
all disorder; which loads us, more than
10 We must soften into a credulity below the
millions of debt; which takes away vigour
milkiness of infancy to think all men virtu-
from our arms, wisdom from our councils,
BURKE
BURKE
205 Among a people generally
212
A state without the means of
corrupt, liberty cannot long exist.
some change is without the means
(Ibid.)
of its conservation.
(Ibid.)
206 Individuals pass like
shadows; but the commonwealth
213 Kings will be tyrants from
is fixed and stable.
policy when subjects are rebels
(Speech on Economical Reform,
from principle.
H of C, February 1780)
(Ibid.)
207 The people are the masters.
214 Nobility is a graceful orna-
(Ibid.)
ment to the civil order. It is the
Corinthian capital of polished
208
[of William Pitt, the
society.
Younger] Not merely a chip off the
(Ibid.)
old block, but the old block itself.
(On Pitt's first speech, 1781)
215 An event has happened
upon which it is difficult to speak
209 [of C. J. Fox] He has put to
and impossible to be silent.
hazard his ease, his security, his
(Speech, the Impeachment of
interest, his power, even his darl-
Warren Hastings, Westminster
ing popularity, for the benefit of a
Hall, 5 May 1789)
people whom he has never seen.
(Speech on Fox's East India Bill,
216 There is but one law for all,
1783)
namely that law which governs all
law, the law of our Creator, the
210 Whenever our neighbour's
law of humanity, justice, equity-
house is on fire, it cannot be amiss
the law of nature and of nations.
for the engines to play a little on
our own.
(Ibid., 28 May 1794)
(Reflections on the Revolution in
217 To innovate is not to re-
France, 1790)
form.
2II [of Marie Antoinette] I
(Letter to a Noble Lord on the
thought 10,000 swords must have
attacks made upon him and his pen-
leaped from their scabbards to
sion in the House of Lords by the
avenge a look that threatened her
Duke of Bedford and the Earl of
with insult. But the age of
Lauderdale, 1796)
chivalry is gone,
218 The king and his faithful
(Ibld.)
subjects, the lords and commons
30
Legislators
1028 I did not obey your instructions. No. I conformed to the instructions of truth and
Nature, and maintained your interest, against your opinions, with a constancy that became
me. A representative worthy of you ought to be a person of stability. I am to look, indeed, to
your opinions,-but to such opinions as you and I must have five years hence. I was not to
look to the flash of the day. I knew that you chose me, in my place, along with others, to be a
pillar of the state, and not a weathercock on the top of the edifice, exalted for my levity and
versatility, and of no use but to indicate the shiftings of every fashionable gale.
EDMUND BURKE, speech at Bristol, previous to the election, September 6, 1780.-The
Works of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 2, p. 382 (1899).
1029 In all forms of government the people is the true legislator.
EDMUND BURKE, "Tract on the Popery Laws," chapter 3, part 1, The Works of the
Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 6, p. 320 (1899).
1030 The legislator is an indispensable guardian of our freedom. It is true that great
executives have played a powerful role in the development of civilization, but such leaders
appear sporadically, by chance. They do not always appear when they are most needed. The
great executives have given inspiration and push to the advancement of human society, but
it is the legislator who has given stability and continuity to that slow and painful progress.
Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, "The Legislator," lecture delivered at the University
of Chicago in 1946.-The Works of the Mind, ed. for the University's Committee on Social
Thought by Robert B. Heywood, p. 119 (1947).
1031 Two deputies, one of whom is a radical, have more in common than two radicals, one
of whom is a deputy.
(Il y a moins de différence entre deux députés dont l'un est révolutionnaire et
l'autre ne l'est pas, qu'entre deux révolutionnaires, dont l'un est député et l'autre ne l'est
pas.)
ROBERT DE JOUVENEL, La République des Camarades, part 1, chapter 1, p. 17 (1914).
1032 Legislators represent people, not trees or acres. Legislators are elected by voters,
not farms or cities or economic interests.
Chief Justice EARL WARREN, Reynolds V. Sims, 377 U.S. 562 (1964).
1033 Parliament will train you to talk; and above all things to hear, with patience, unlim-
ited quantities of foolish talk.
THOMAS CARLYLE, Latter-Day Pamphlets, no. 5, p. 33 (1850).
1034 That a Parliament, especially a Parliament with Newspaper Reporters firmly estab-
lished in it, is an entity which by its very nature cannot do work, but can do talk only.
THOMAS CARLYLE, Latter-Day Pamphlets, no. 6, pp. 14-15 (1850).
1035 He [Oliver Cromwell] in a furious manner, bid the Speaker leave his chair; told the
house "That they had sat long enough, unless they had done more good;
and that it was not fit they should sit as a parliament any longer, and desired them to
Elections
hope for the salvation of free government there is none under heaven. If history does not
teach this, we have read it all wrong.
JEREMIAH S. BLACK, "The Third Term: Reasons Against It," Essays and Speeches of
Jeremiah S. Black, ed. Chauncey F. Black, p. 383 (1886). First published in The North
American Review, March 1880.
507 What is it we all seek for in an election? To answer its real purposes, you must first
possess the means of knowing the fitness of your man; and then you must retain some hold
upon him by personal obligation or dependence.
EDMUND BURKE, "Reflections on the Revolution in France," 1790, The Works of the
Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 3, p. 483 (1899).
508 I have serious doubts about the value of debates in a presidential election. They
tend to be a test of reaction time rather than a genuine exposition of the participants'
philosophies and programs. Further, in debate, candidates tend to overstate their views. In
the 1960 situation I had a very practical objection: Nixon was widely known; Kennedy was
not; dramatic debates would therefore help Kennedy.
DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, The White House Years, vol. 2, p. 599, footnote (1965).
509 An election is coming. Universal peace is declared, and the foxes have a sincere
interest in prolonging the lives of the poultry.
GEORGE ELIOT (Mary Ann Evans), Felix Holt, the Radical, chapter 5, p. 63 (1980).
First published 1866.
510 When the shadow of the Presidential and Congressional election is lifted we shall, I
hope be in a better temper to legislate.
Representative JAMES A. GARFIELD, letter to General Hazen, August 1, 1867, con-
cerning his difficulty in getting legislation passed to reduce the size of the military.-The
Life and Letters of James Abram Garfield, vol. 1, p. 421 (1925).
511 I am superstitious. I have scarcely known a party, preceding an election, to call in
help from the neighboring states, but they lost the state.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, letter to James W. Grimes, governor of Iowa, July 12, 1856.-The
Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, ed. Roy P. Basler, vol. 2, p. 348 (1953).
512 And as it [the federal district] is to be appropriated to this use with the consent of
the State ceding it; as the State will no doubt provide in the compact for the rights, and the
consent of the citizens inhabiting it; as the inhabitants will find sufficient inducements of
interest to become willing parties to the cession; as they will have had their voice in the
election of the Government which is to exercise authority over them; as a municipal Legisla-
ture for local purposes, derived from their own suffrages, will of course be allowed them;
and as the authority of the Legislature of the State, and of the inhabitants of the ceded part
of it, to concur in the cession, will be derived from the whole people of the State, in their
adoption of the Constitution, every imaginable objection seems to be obviated.
The Federalist ed. Beniamin F. Wright. no. 43. p. 310 (1961).
States rights
1762 No political dreamer was ever wild enough to think of breaking down the lines
which separate the States, and of compounding the American people into one common
mass.
Chief Justice JOHN MARSHALL, McCulloch V. Maryland, 17 U.S. 403 (1819).
1763 Is the United States going to decide, are the people of this country going to decide
that their Federal Government shall in the future have no right under any implied power or
any court-approved power to enter into a solution of a national economic problem, but that
that national economic problem must be decided only by the States?
We thought we
were solving it, and now it has been thrown right straight in our faces. We have been
relegated to the horse-and-buggy definition of interstate commerce.
President FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, remarks at press conference, May 31, 1935.-The
Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1935, pp. 215, 221 (1938).
Monday, May 27, 1935, became known as "Black Monday." One of the decisions the
Supreme Court handed down that day was the case of Schechter Poultry Corporation V.
United States, to which Roosevelt refers.
Statesman
1764 When statesmen forsake their own private conscience for the sake of their public
duties
they lead their country by a short route to chaos.
ROBERT BOLT, A Man for All Seasons, act I, p. 12 (1968). Sir Thomas More is
speaking. Ellipses in original.
1765 But a good patriot, and a true politician, always considers how he shall make the
most of the existing materials of his country. A disposition, to preserve, and an ability to
improve, taken together, would be my standard of a statesman. Everything else is vulgar in
the conception, perilous in the execution.
EDMUND BURKE, "Reflections on the Revolution in France," 1790, The Works of the
Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 3, p. 440 (1899).
1766 A great statesman is he who knows when to depart from traditions, as well as when
to adhere to them.
JOHN STUART MILL, Considerations on Representative Government, chapter 5, p. 93
(1861).
1767 Statesmen have to bend to the collective will of their peoples or be broken.
Attributed to WOODROW WILSON. Unverified.
Statistics
1768 The individual source of the statistics may easily be the weakest link. Harold Cox
tells a story of his life as a young man in India. He quoted some statistics to a Judge, an
Englishman, and a very good fellow. His friend said, "Cox, when you are a bit older, you
will not quote Indian statistics with that assurance. The Government are verv keen on
Greatness
SIR FRANCIS BACON. This sentence was inscribed on one side of the Golden Door of
the Transportation Building at the World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago in 1893.
816
Great men are the guideposts and landmarks in the state.
EDMUND BURKE, speech on American taxation, House of Commons, April 19, 1774.-
The Works of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 2, p. 65 (1899).
817 Let every man or woman here, if you never hear me again, remember this, that if
you wish to be great at all, you must begin where you are and what you are, in Philadelphia,
now. He that can give to his city any blessing, he who can be a good citizen while he lives
here, he that can make better homes, he that can be a blessing whether he works in the
shop or sits behind the counter or keeps house, whatever be his life, he who would be great
anywhere must first be great in his own Philadelphia.
RUSSELL H. CONWELL, Acres of Diamonds, p. 59 (1915).
Conwell gave this public address more than 6,000 times from 1877 until his death in
1925. He tailored his speech to individual cities by changing Philadelphia, his home town, to
the name of the city where he was speaking.
818 Not he is great who can alter matter, but he who can alter my state of mind.
RALPH WALDO EMERSON, "The American Scholar," oration delivered before the Phi
Beta Kappa Society, Cambridge, Massachusetts, August 31, 1837.-Nature, Addresses and
Lectures (vol. 3 of The Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson), p. 100 (1906).
819 There aren't any great men. There are just great challenges that ordinary men like
you and me are forced by circumstances to meet.
Attributed to Admiral WILLIAM F. HALSEY. Unverified. Though these words have not
been found as spoken by Halsey, they were said by James Cagney, portraying Halsey, in the
United Artists film version of Halsey's life, The Gallant Hours (dialogue continuity, p. 38),
© 1960 Cagney-Montgomery Productions, Inc.
820 He was a foe without hate; a friend without treachery; a soldier without cruelty; a
victor without oppression, and a victim without murmuring. He was a public officer with-
out vices; a private citizen without wrong; a neighbor without reproach; a Christian with-
out hypocrisy, and a man without guile. He was a Caesar, without his ambition; Frederick,
without his tyranny; Napoleon, without his selfishness, and Washington, without his re-
ward.
BENJAMIN HARVEY HILL, SR., address before the Southern Historical Society, At-
lanta, Georgia, February 18, 1874.-Benjamin H. Hill, Jr., Senator Benjamin H. Hill of
Georgia; His Life, Speeches and Writings, p. 406 (1893). These words were spoken about
Robert E. Lee.
Hill served in Congress 1875-1882.
821 I am convinced that nothing will happen to me, for I know the greatness of the task
for which Providence has chosen me.
Government-citizen participation
American people, but what I intend to ask of them."-Acceptance speech, Democratic
national convention, Los Angeles, California, July 15, 1960, Vital Speeches of the Day,
August 1, 1960, p. 611.
770 The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our
country and all who serve it-and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
President JOHN F. KENNEDY, inaugural address, January 20, 1961.-The Public Pa-
pers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy, 1961, p. 3.
This is one of seven inscriptions carved on the walls at the gravesite of John F.
Kennedy, Arlington National Cemetery.
771 In our own lives, let each of us ask-not just what government will do for me, but
what can I do for myself?
President RICHARD M. NIXON, second inaugural address, January 20, 1973.-Public
Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Richard Nixon, 1973, p. 14.
772 The value of government to the people it serves is in direct relationship to the
interest citizens themselves display in the affairs of state.
Attributed to WILLIAM SCRANTON, governor of Pennsylvania. Unverified.
Government-definition of
773 Government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide for human wants. Men
have a right that these wants should be provided for by this wisdom.
EDMUND BURKE, "Reflections on the Revolution in France," 1790, The Works of the
Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 3, p. 310 (1899).
774
If any ask me what a free government is, I answer, that, for any practical purpose, it
is what the people think so,-and that they, and not I, are the natural, lawful, and competent
judges of this matter.
EDMUND BURKE, letter to the sheriffs of Bristol, April 3, 1777.-The Works of the
Right Honorable Edmund Burke, vol. 2, p. 227 (1899).
775 Government is like a big baby-an alimentary canal with a big appetite at one end
and no sense of responsibility at the other.
RONALD REAGAN, governor of California, joke during 1965 campaign for governor.-
The Reagan Wit, ed. Bill Adler, p. 30 (1981). Quoted lacking "sense of" in The New York
Times Magazine, November 14, 1965, p. 174, as a typical wisecrack.
Government-purpose of
776 The chief duty of governments, in so far as they are coercive, is to restrain those
who would interfere with the inalienable rights of the individual, among which are the right
to life, the right to liberty, the right to the pursuit of happiness and the right to worship
God according to the dictates of one's conscience
10:00A Wednes,
Davis/Martin
Date: 4/16/90
Title: ALEC
Dona
AND
Draft: Two
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: AMERICAN LEGIS. EXCHANGE COUNCIL, Rm. 450
Friday, April 27, 1990 (Time)
10:45A
((Frank Messersmith, congratulations to you on completing a
very successful tenure. And congratulations also to Ellen
Sauerbrey, soon to become your new President. )) ((Other
acknowledgements to come.) )
( (With all the traveling I do, it's a welcome change of pace
used same Consuu. In for
me to be making an appearance so close to the West Wing. 11
fact, Barbara says I spend more time on the road than Charles
to
Kuralt. ) )
((And it seems I'm always following John Sununu at every
speech. As one of my grandkids said, he's the engineer, 11 and
I'm the caboose.) )
It's great to be back among so many great American leaders
from the states -- those of you who belong to the American
Legislative Exchange Council, more than sixteen hundred strong.
Itage Afairs x6630
As state leaders, in alliance with leaders from the business
community, you are proving every day that government closest to
the people is truly government of the people.
We've seen the wisdom of federalism vindicated time and
again. In the 1960s, the prevailing belief was that big problems
required big government solutions. Of course, this country did
2
face very real problems -- private heartaches that, taken
together, afflicted all of America.
But our pockets were often deeper than our thinking. Take
the war on poverty as the prime example. This was a unilateral
war in which the federal government sought no allies, and
followed only one strategy. And we soon learned what this
strategy lacked. It lacked an understanding of the problems. It
lacked flexibility. And often, it simply lacked programs that
worked.
So we learned a very hard lesson in the '60s. Good
intentions can easily go awry if the federal government neglects
state and local governments. So let me say it plain and simple:
I am a follower of the Jeffersonian tradition. I believe in the
inherent wisdom and leadership of the states. I am a
federalist.
Federalism is a dynamic partnership, one we need if we are
to end that age-old affliction of mankind, poverty -- poverty of
knowledge and skills, poverty of opportunity, poverty of hope.
And we will need such a partnership if we are to meet new
missions -- to keep expanding opportunity and improving
education, to implement a national transportation p.4 plan and to
00-14-16
fight the scourge of illegal drug use pp
18-19
As we learn to decentralize decision-making in government,
we are also learning to put our trust where it belongs -- with
the people. So it is not enough to seek a dynamic partnership
between Washington, and Austin, Atlanta and Sacramento. We must
3
turn to our families, our schools, our small businesses. We must
often seek the achievement of public goals through private means
and individual action. Our partnership must include everyone if
we are to fulfill our agenda -- an agenda that is pro-growth,
pro-family and pro-freedom.
We need this dynamic partnership to keep America growing.
That's why Congress must pass a cut in the capital gains tax this
year. For America to be competitive, we need to invest money in
productive uses, generating new jobs and opportunities for all.
We also need a dynamic partnership to keep America moving --
to implement a national transportation plan for the 21st
century. You understand that leadership must begin with those
closest to our transportation problems -- the states. You
understand that the states deserve a greater say in how our
Janes ONB Hale
transportation dollars are spent. And so I am asking you to help
others understand that our transportation plan is the road to the
future. III
And, as you often stress, we also need to protect the
bedrock institution of American life -- the family. We are not
X.P.27-28
yet certain what kind of child-care legislation Congress will
pass. ( (But I am very interested in the outcome. You see, my
grandkids often enjoy a certain kind of child care that is
sweeping the nation. It's known as Grandma and Grandpa.) ))
So if Congress stamps out the power of parents to choose family
or church-affiliated child-care, I will give this bill a stamp of
my own\\ -- a veto stamp.
4
We also want to bring these same principles of choice and
flexibility to the way in which we educate our children. I'll
leave it to Roger Porter, my domestic policy advisor, to fully
P.14-16
brief you on our education goals and all that we can do together.
Just let me say that as I work with the governors to bring
renewed excellence to American education, I am also looking to
you for advice, support and leadership.
And when it comes to leadership, your federation is already
supporting open enrollment plans to give parents choice in
selecting their kids' schools; alternative certification to let
the talented share their knowledge; and finally -- merit pay,
with accountability for all. So we are not just thinking along
the same lines. We are working to achieve the same goals in
education.
Your federation also calls itself pro-freedom. What does
this mean? It means working at the federal and state levels to
develop ways to liberate people from dependency on government,
not bind them to it -- one generation after another. And it can
PP.18-19
only mean freedom from drugs. I commend your Substance Abuse
Task Force for doing an excellent job in devising a set of tough,
realistic recommendations that complements and expands our
national effort.
And finally, Americans must be free from fear. When honest
working people are afraid to go to the corner grocery store, or
to walk home from the bus at night, then fear of crime has stolen
our most precious possession -- our liberty. It is to protect
5
this freedom -- the freedom to safely walk the streets -- that I
PP.19-21
offered my crime package last year. Congress has, to its credit,
approved new prison space and more federal law enforcement
officers. But too much work remains unfinished on the rest of my
crime package, the portion that concerns violent crime. Once
again, I call on Congress to pass laws as least as tough as the
criminals we convict.
Crime and illegal drug use, transportation, education: As
we near the end of the century, these challenges that confront
our nation sometimes seem bigger than our ability to solve them.
And they are -- if we act only as partisan Democrats or
Republicans, as parochial members of a region, or a faction, or
an interest group. But by working together, as Americans, we can
lick any problem -- no matter how big, how complex or how deeply
rooted it may be.
That is why I value our partnership -- our dynamic
partnership -- and look forward to working with you in the years
ahead. Thank you, God bless you and may God bless the United
States of America.
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