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GB Speeches - Foreign Policy Speeches 5/89-8/90 [OA 8749]
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GB Speeches - Foreign Policy Speeches 5/89-8/90 [OA 8749]
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Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Mark Davis Subject Files
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
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Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Davis, Mark, Files
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Subject File, 1989-1991
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13870-016
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George Bush Speeches-Foreign Policy Speeches, 5/89-8/90
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G
19
2
6
3
Gorbachev's Toast: To a Future of Peace'
seriousness of our country's inten-
tions is that we have started a dif-
ficult process of revising what ap-
Bush: 'A Living Memorial'
peared to be eternal concepts of the
Reuter
that related to the internal issues of
assessment of how they viewed
role of military power in safeguard-
Reuter
just laying down of arms. It also
r. President, Mrs. Bush, la-
transforming the two parts of Ger-
each other and the world. They had
ing national security.
M
Γ. President and Mrs. Gor-
requires the reaching out of hands.
dies and gentlemen, com-
many into a single state.
to realize that our mutual isolation
In taking a radically different ap-
was an anomaly and that human civ-
bachev, Barbara and I
And you know, Americans and So:
rades. We have completed
We believe that those two proc-
esses form the substance of the pe-
ilization is indivisible.
proach to security, we should not
would like to thank you for
viets have often tended to think of.
the second full day. of talks. But I
forget. people who were ahead of
riod of transition which, when com-
Therefore, it is quite logical that
this splendid dinner, and for your
our two countries as being on op-
wouldn't like to sum things up. This
their time. Andrei Sakharov was
pleted, will result in the cancellation
the agreements we have signed re-
wonderful hospitality and most
posite sides of almost everything,
meeting is only a stage, though a
one of them. One of the fathers of
of the rights of the four victorious
flect our common readiness to at-
interesting and gracious remarks.
including the opposite sides of the
major one, in the gigantic and for-
powers-the rights which, inciden-
nuclear superweapons, Sakharov
tain greater interdependence
Yesterday we welcomed the
world.
ward-looking project of perestroika
tally, stem from the outcome of the
through people-to-people cooper-
had the courage of his convictions
Gorbachevs back to Washington,
But we share an important
in Soviet-American relations.
war and not from the division of
ation in vitally important areas and
to uphold to the end that force could
still filled with memories of the
northern border. And we are in
We are going to have at least two
Germany. The transition will end in
through reinforcing the legal frame-
no longer play a role in relations
among states. Sakharov taught us
things we shared in Malta: friend-
fact, next door neighbors across.
more meetings with President Bush
the emergence of a new sovereign
work of Soviet-American relations.
the Bering Sea: And today we've.~
this year alone, one at the Confer-
state.
The package of our new agree-
another lesson, too: One should not
ship, cooperation, seasick pills.
For us here in this country, Mr.
also signed an agreement fixing
ence on Security and Cooperation in
At the same time, we believe that
ments also reflects the special role
fear dogma nor be afraid of appear-
copy aloud
the discussion is not over, that it
the Soviet Union and the United
ing naive.
President, this week began with
our maritime boundary in the Be-...
Europe, where I hope a treaty re-
ducing conventional arms in Europe
continues. And there may be more
States play in building bridges of
Political decisions that truly meet
our observance of our Memorial
ring Sea area, and announced our
will be signed, and the other to sign
than one approach. We have to con-
people's best interests should be
Day, a day for not only remem-
agreement to establish a U.S.-So-.-
understanding and trust between
sider all of them together, including
the East and the West.
based on the realities of life, not on
brance of those who gave their last
viet park across the Bering Strait,
a treaty reducing strategic offen-
a new. gateway to the Arctic, and a
sive arms.
our allies.
In particular, I would like to call
contrived schemes.
full measure of devotion, but also,
your attention to the agreement on
Today our society is going
recommitment to the ideal that
new gateway to the future.
I believe that the agenda for
What is acceptable in the final
1990 that we approved at Malta can
analysis is only a jointly developed
trade.
through a complex and sometimes
they shall not have died in vain.
Mr. President, I learned that the
be implemented. We may reach
approach which would not prejudice
This agreement takes on special
dramatic but promising process of
And the week has now ended
name of your home town, out in
greater heights in building a new
perestroika on a democratic and hu-
with a new memorial, a living me-
the
northern
Caucasus-
anybody's interests or erode the
relevance, since it has been con-
Soviet-American relationship only
overall process of positive changes
cluded at a time of a dramatic
mane basis, with full respect for hu-
morial, marked by historic agree-
Prevolnoye-can mean "spacious"
man rights and freedoms.
or "free." I know my pronunciation
by setting our sights higher and
in Europe and in the world.
change of direction in the Soviet
ments on both nuclear and chem-
higher while abandoning all that
Those changes are the principal
economy which is crucial for the fu-
Perestroika is also a contribution
ical arms. And they've been
was bad, but I'm sure I'm right
was nurtured by the ideology and
achievements of recent years and
ture of perestroika.
to building a new world, for we are
shaped by a remembrance of
when I say it means "spacious" or""
geopolitics of the Cold War.
the main product of growing trust
I am convinced that the Soviet
searching for answers to the ques-
shared interests and a recommit-
"free." Well, anyway, it reminded;
between us and of the growing
people will appreciate the fact that
tions that confront, in one way or
In assessing the outcome of our
ment to forging a just and lasting
me of the new breeze, the new"
talks, I believe I can say that they
awareness that our civilization is
the United States, the president of
another, with greater or lesser in-
peace.
spirit of freedom that we've seen
have demonstrated a growing mu-
one.
the United States, is signing this
tensity, all nations and, indeed, the
And they stand as a memorial,
sweep across Europe and around
A very important result of this
agreement to normalize Soviet-
whole [of] mankind.
tual understanding between the
not to the past, but to the future, a
the globe.
summit is the agreements we have
American commercial relations at
We believe that once we are
U.S.S.R. and the United States,
memorial to wars that need never
I sensed it last summer, speak-
which means progress in sustaining
signed today and the official state-
this moment of special importance
clear of the thorns on this path we
have chosen, we shall not only
be fought, to the hardship and suf-
ing in front of the shipyard gates
ments we have made. They demon-
the profound and positive changes
for our country.
fering that need never be endured.
to the people of Gdansk, and I told
strate that our joint policy of mov-
Now that we have recorded the
reach new frontiers in our country's
underway in the world.
progress we have made and laid
history but also help to build a new
This afternoon we signed a land-
them because Americans are SOL
ing from constructive understand-
In this regard, our in-depth dis-
ing to constructive interaction is
civilization of peace. We are ready
mark agreement to destroy the
free to dream, we feel a special=
down- guidelines for the future, I
cussion of the problems and pros-
bearing fruit.
would like to express the hope that
to do that together with the United
great majority of our chemical
kinship with those who dream of
pects of the European process was
There is no doubt that this has
the ship of Soviet-American rela-
States of America.
weapons, and we issued a joint
being free. And today that kinship
no doubt a useful one. It has served
been made possible, and I would say
tions will continue to sail on this
I would like to propose a toast to
statement recording major agreed
is quickly becoming a shared spirit,
to clarify views and positions, and
that what happened today is a con-
course.
a future of peace for the Soviet and
provisions of a strategic arms re-
a spirit that inspires millions here".
brought in new arguments for con-
firmation of what I'm going to say.
It is clear that there are still
the American people and for all na-
duction treaty. And the president
in our nation, in your own, and
sideration and exploration of ac-
This has been made possible only in
some disagreements between us as
tions on Earth, to idealism and the
and I also signed a commercial
around the world.
ceptable solutions.
the environment produced by our
to the optimal structure of our re-
idealists, to the health of the pres-
agreement. And we're looking for-
So, ladies and gentlemen, I in-
It is quite natural that we focused
meeting with President George
lationship, But this area of disagree-
ident of the United States of Amer-
ward to the passage of a Soviet
vite all of you to join me in a toast
on the external aspects of German
Bush at Malta.
ment has been narrowed, while the
ica, Mr. George Bush and Barbara
emigration law. And we also
to our gracious hosts, President
unification. As we see it, two proc-
The Soviet Union and the United
area of trust, agreement and coop-
Bush, to the health and well-being
agreed on. this long-term grain
and Mrs. Gorbachev, to lasting...
esses should be completed: that of
States had to conduct a major-
eration is expanding.
of all present here, to the happiness
agreement.
peace, and to this wonderful spirit--
the final postwar settlement, and
and, I would say, courageous-re-
An indication of the sincerity and
of our children and grandchildren.
But true peace takes more than
of freedom.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Aspen, Colorado)
For Immediate Release
August 2, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE ASPEN INSTITUTE SYMPOSIUM
The Music Tent
The Aspen Institute
Aspen, Colorado
3:35 P.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Lod Cook, thank you so very
much for that genuinely warm welcome. I've really been looking
forward to coming here. To David McLaughlin, our President; and John
Phelan, the Chairman, I salute you for what you are doing, what you
have done. To Henry Catto, our distinguished Ambassador to the Court
of Saint James, I salute him and Jessica, and thank them for their
hospitality. I'm honored that the Governor of the State of Colorado,
Governor Romer is here today -- thank you, sir, for being with us.
And to all the Aspen alumni and all our distinguished guests: many,
many thanks for this warm welcome.
And, of course I've saved the piece de resistance to the
very end, our very special guest, our friend, the distinguished world
leader, Margaret Thatcher. (Applause.) It was very, very comforting
to me today when I went out to try represent you, the people of the
United States, in expressing our views on the current emergency, I
would say, in the Persian Gulf -- naked aggression by the State of
Iraq. I felt very comforted by the fact that as I spoke Prime
Minister was there with me answering the tougher questions and
standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the United States.
Madame Prime Minister, let me say that for more than a
decade now, America has known no better friend of freedom, anywhere
today. in the world than you. (Applause.) And it's an honor to join you
Kind of ironic, isn't it? Washington is getting more
like a three-ring circus -- and here I am -- (laughter) -- under the
big tent. (Laughter.) Of course, it's a special pleasure to
experience the splendor of Aspen in August. The climate in
Washington's tough this time of year. Lots of heat and temperatures
rising. Everyone's hot under the collar. The weather's fine, but
I'm talking about the budget summit. (Laughter.)
I am delighted to celebrate with all of you the 40th
anniversary of this most illustrious Aspen Institute.
In those 40 years, the spirit of Aspen has come to
of course, to understand the tremendous changes taking place around
signify the attempt to bridge the worlds of thought and action. And,
us. Think back to the headlines 40 years ago, the time of that first
Aspen conference in 1950. North Korea roared across the 38th
Parallel. Klaus Fuchs was caught and convicted for revealing the
secrets of the atom bomb to the Soviets. The Cold War -- a term
introduced into our political vocabulary by Bernard Baruch -- had
come into its own as the shorthand to describe the halfway house of
an armed and uneasy peace -- a world divided, East from West.
Aspen sought to study, analyze and to shape.
That was the world as Aspen came into being -- the world
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- 2 -
The 40 years since then have been a time of tremendous
progress for the nations of the West, an era of unparalleled
prosperity, peace and freedom. But at the same time, we lived in a
constant condition of tension, Cold War and, indeed, conflict.
That world is now changing. The decades-old division of
Europe is ending -- and the era of democracy -- democracy-building --
has begun. In Germany -- the divided nation in the heart of a
divided continent unity is now assured as a free and full member
of the NATO Alliance. The Soviet Union itself is in the midst of a
political and economic transformation that has brought unprecedented
openness a process that is at once full of hope, but let's face
it, still full of uncertainty.
We've entered a remarkable stage in our relationship with
the Soviet Union. Just today I talked to Jim Baker in Ulan Bator --
just left Irkutsk. And he had very positive talks with Foreign
Minister Shevardnadze. And my discussions with President Gorbachev
have been open and honest. All the issues are on the table; we don't
dodge the tough ones. That's been the secret to our success so far.
And over time, that's how we are going to narrow our differences and
seize this historic opportunity to create lasting peace. (Applause.)
The changes that I'm talking about have transformed our
security environment. We're entering a new era: the defense
strategy and military structure needed to ensure peace can -- and
must -- be different. The threat of a Soviet invasion of Western
Europe launched with little or no warning is today more remote than
at any other point in the postwar period. And with the emergence of
democracy in Eastern Europe, the Warsaw Pact has lost its military
meaning. And after more than four decades of dominance, Soviet
troops are withdrawing from Central and Eastern Europe.
Our task today is to shape our defense capabilities to
these changing strategic circumstances. In a world less driven by an
immediate threat to Europe and the danger of global war -- in a world
where the size of our forces will increasingly be shaped by the needs
of regional contingencies and peacetime presence -- we know that our
forces can be smaller. Secretary Cheney and General Powell are hard
at work determining the precise combination of forces that we need.
But I can tell you now, we calculate that by 1995 our security needs
can be met by an active force 25 percent smaller than today's.
America's Armed Forces will be at their lowest level since the year
1950.
What matters now then is how we reshape the forces --
the forces that remain. Our new strategy must provide the framework
to guide our deliberate reductions to no more than the forces we need
to guard our enduring interests -- the forces to exercise forward
presence in key areas, to respond effectively to crisis, to retain
the national capacity to rebuild our forces should this be needed.
The United States would be ill-served by forces that
represent nothing more than a scaled-back or a shrunken-down version
of the ones that we possess. Forces that we possess right now. If
we simply prorate our reductions -- cut equally across the board --
we could easily end up with more than we need for contingencies that
are no longer likely, and less than we must have to meet emerging
challenges. What we need are not merely reductions, but
restructuring.
And what we require now is a defense policy that adapts
to the significant changes we are witnessing, without neglecting the
enduring realities that will continue to shape our security strategy.
A policy of peacetime engagement every bit as constant and committed
to the defense of our interests and ideals in today's world as in the
time of conflict and Cold War.
And in this world, America remains a pivotal factor for
peaceful change. Important American interests in Europe and the
Pacific, in the Mediterranean and in the Persian Gulf, all are key
reasons why maintaining a forward presence will remain an
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- 3 -
indispensable element of our strategy.
We all remember when the Soviet Union viewed our
presence, that forward presence, as a threat. Indeed, when we met at
Malta, at the seasick summit -- (laughter) -- President Gorbachev
handed me a map -- I still have it, I still have it on display in my
library -- a map purporting to show American encirclement of the
Soviet Union. And we talked about this in depth. And I think he
understands now that we have no intention of threatening his country.
And I happen to think that it's those kinds of conversations,
frankly, that we had up there at Camp David that help make such
progress.
I was candid with him, and I told him that for all the
positive changes we have seen, the Soviet Union remains a world-class
military power. Even after the conventional arms reductions that
we're now negotiating, the Soviets will continue to maintain two to
three million men under arms. And, of course, our number one
concern: the Soviets continue to maintain and modernize their
arsenal of strategic weapons.
We and our allies welcome this new course, this clearly
new course that the Soviet Union has chosen. But prudence demands
that we maintain an effective deterrent -- one that secures the peace
not only in today's climate of reduced tensions, but that ensures
that renewed confrontation is not a feasible option for any Soviet
leadership.
The Soviets will enter a START treaty with a fully
modernized, highly capable and very large strategic force. To
maintain clear and confident strategic deterrence into the next
century, we need the B-2. Secretary Cheney has already scaled back
the program. Seventy-five aircraft makes strategic sense. Further
delays will only increase the costs. And we need to complete the
Trident program. Those 18 submarines will ensure a survivable,
submarine-based deterrent. And we can defer final decisions on our
land-based ICBMs -- as we see how the START talks proceed --but we
must keep our options open. And that means completing the
development of the small ICBM and the rail-based Peacekeeper.
And finally, I am convinced that a defensive -- and I
reemphasize that word -- a defensive strategic deterrent makes more
sense in the '90s than ever before. What better means of defense
than a system that destroys only missiles launched against us --
without threatening one single human life. We must push forward the
great promise of SDI and deploy it when ready.
And the United States will keep a force in Europe as
long as our allies want and need us there. Prime Minister Thatcner
and I have discussed this at length. We will keep forces there as
long as we are wanted and needed. As we and our allies adapt NATO to
a changing world, the size and shape of our forces is destined to
change, to suit new and less threatening circumstances. But we will
remain in Europe to deter any new dangers, to be a force for
stability and to reassure all of Europe -- East and West -- that the
European balance will remain secure.
Outside of Europe, America must possess forces able to
respond to threats in whatever corner of the globe they may occur.
Even in a world where democracy and freedom have made great gains,
threats remain. Terrorism. Hostage-taking. Renegade regimes and
unpredictable rulers. New sources of instability -- all require a
strong and engaged America.
The brutal aggression launched last night against Kuwait
illustrates my central thesis: notwithstanding the alteration in the
Soviet threat, the world remains a dangerous place with serious
threats to important U.S. interests wholly unrelated to the earlier
patterns of the U.S.-Soviet relationship. These threats, as we've
seen just in the last 24 hours, can arise suddenly, unpredictably,
and from unexpected quarters. U.S. interests can be protected only
with capability which is in existence, and which is ready to act
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without delay. The events of the past day underscore also the vital
need for a defense structure which not only preserves our security
but provides the resources for supporting the legitimate self-defense
needs of our friends and of our allies. This will be an enduring
commitment as we continue with our force restructuring. Let no one,
friend or foe, question this commitment.
In spite of our best efforts to control the spread of
chemical and nuclear weapons and ballistic missile technologies, more
nations -- muse, not less -- are acquiring weapons of mass
sestruction -- and the means to deliver them. Right now, 20
countries have the capacity to produce chemical weapons. And by the
year 2000, as many as 15 developing nations could have their own
ballistic missiles. In the future, even conflicts we once thought of
as limited or local may carry far-reaching consequences.
To cope with the full range of challenges that we may
have to confront we must focus on readiness and on rapid response.
And to prepare to meet the challenges we may face in the future, we
must focus on research -- an active and inventive program of defense
R&D.
Let me begin with the component with great long-range
consequences -- research. Time and again, we have seen technology
revolutionize the battlefield. The U.S. has always relied upon its
technological edge to offset the need to match potential adversaries'
strength in numbers. Cruise missiles, Stealth fighters and bombers,
today's "smart" weapons with the state-of-the-art guidance systems,
and tomorrow's "brilliant" ones. The men and women in our Armed
Forces deserve the best technology America has to offer.
And we must realize the heavy price that we will pay if
we look for false economies in research and development for defense.
Most modern weapons systems take a minimum of 10 years to move from
the drawing board to the battlefield. The nature of national defense
demands that we plan now for threats on the distant horizon. The
decisions we make today -- the programs we push forward or push aside
-- will dictate the kind of military forces we have at our disposal
in the year 2000 and beyond.
Second, we must focus on rapid response. As we saw in
Panama, the U.S. may be called on to respond to a variety of
challenges from various points on the compass. In an era when
threats may emerge with little or no warning, our ability to defend
our interests will depend on our speed and our agility. And we will
need forces that give us a global reach. No amount of political
change will alter the geographic fact that we are separated from many
of our most important allies and interests by thousands of miles of
water.
And in many of the conflicts we could face, we may not
have the luxury of matching manpower with pre-positioned material.
We'll have to have air and sea-lift capacities to get our forces
where they are needed, when they are needed. A new emphasis on
flexibilty and versatility must guide our efforts.
And finally, as we restructure, we must put a premium on
readiness. For those active forces we'll rely on to respond to
crises, readiness must be our highest priority. True military
capability never exists on paper -- it's measured in the hours spent,
experience gained, on the training ground, under sail, and in the
cockpit. Nothing is more short-sighted than cutting back on training
time to cut costs, and nothing, I might add, is more demoralizing to
our troops. Our soldiers, sailors, our airmen our Marines must be
well-trained, tried and tested -- ready to perform every mission we
ask of them.
In our restructured forces, reserves will be important,
but in new ways. The need to be prepared for massive, short-term
mobilization has diminished. And we can now adjust the size,
structure and readiness of our reserve forces to help us deal with
the more likely challenges we will face.
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Our strategy will guard against a major reversal in
Soviet intentions by incorporating into our planning the concept of
reconstitution of our forces. By the mid-'90s, the time it would
take the Soviets to return to the levels of confrontation that marked
the depths of the Cold War, will be sufficient to allow us to rely
not solely on existing forces, but to generate wholly new forces.
The readiness to rebuild, made explicit in our defense policy, will
be an important element in our ability to deter aggression.
A rational restructuring of the kind that I've tried to
outline here will take five years. I am confident we can meet the
challenges that I've outlined today -- provided we proceed with an
orderly reduction - not a fire sale. Any reduction of this
magnitude must be managed carefully to minimize dislocations -- not
just to the military balance, but in my view equally as important, to
the morale. And I can say right now as Commander-in-Chief that we
will take every step possible to minimize the turbulence of these
changes. The turbulence that will be created for our soldiers,
sailors, airmen and Marines. I simply will not break faith with the
young men and women who have freely chosen to serve their country.
(Applause.)
And frankly, any parents who might be under this tent --
you talk to any one of the general officers, and they'l tell you
that we have the finest group of young people serving at any time in
the history of this country. They are absolutely superb.
(Applause.) And they are all volunteers, every single one of them.
All of us know the challenges we face are fiscal, as well
as military. The budget constraints we face are very real, but so,
too, is the need to protect the gains that 40 years of peace through
strength have earned us. The simple fact is this: When it comes to
national security, America can never afford to fail or fall short.
Let me say once again how very pleased I am to appear
here today - especially with our honored friend, Margaret Thatcher.
Today, of course, is not the only time American and British leaders
have shared the stage. The world remembers that day 44 years ago in
Fulton, Missouri, when Churchill delivered what history calls now the
Iron Curtain speech. But that wasn't what he called it. He titled
it "The Sinews of Peace." And by that he meant to summon up a
vision, a vision of strength of free nations united in defense of
democracy.
At long last we are writing the final chapter of the
20th century's third great conflict. The Cold War is now drawing to
a close. And after four decades of division and discord, our
challenge today is to fulfill the great dream of all democracies: a
true commonwealth of free nations. (Applause.) To marshal the
growing forces of the Free World, to work together, to bring within
reach for all men and nations the liberty that belongs by right to
all. (Applause.)
Thank you very much for all you do to contribute to the
deliberations that, frankly, have helped lead to a more peaceful
world. It is a great honor for me to be here. And I might say with
some special pride, I brought with me one of the movers and shakers
of this institute, who I'm proud to have at my right hand every day.
I wished I hadn't seen him at 5:00 a.m. this morning. I'm talking
about Brent Scowcroft who's done such a great job for this
institution. (Applause.) Hiding in the trees over here. But now I
see firsthand what the people here at Aspen saw long ago, just how
decent and honorable he is, and how strong and knowledgeable. So I
would end by saluting him.
I'm sorry that the Silver Fox is not here. (Laughter.)
At this time of year we're heavily in the grandchild business, and we
have a sick dog. (Laughter.) So our priorities are such that she
asked me to send you her love and affection and to tell you she's
very sorry she's not here. And if I might say parenthetically, I'm
proud of Brent, but I'm even prouder of Barbara Bush. (Applause).
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And I would also say -- we were faced with a lot of
problems, budget problems, problems with Iraq and Kuwait, problems of
restructuring the best defense force in the entire world -- but I
can't think of a more exciting time in the history of the United
States to be your President. And I'm grateful. Thank you very, very
much. And God bless you. (Applause.)
END
4:04 P.M. MDT
VFW ADDRESS
BALTIMORE, MARYLAND
MONDAY, AUGUST 20, 1990
10 A.M.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, IT IS A PRIVILEGE TO JOIN
YOU. AND A DEEP PERSONAL PLEASURE TO RENEW OLD TIES
-- AND TO GREET NEW FRIENDS. // MY THANKS TO ALL OF
YOU -- BUT ESPECIALLY TO WALTER HOGAN, DOING A GREAT
JOB AS YOUR COMMANDER IN CHIEF. FOLLOWING THE LIKES OF
LARRY RIVERS ISN'T EASY -- BUT WALTER'S DONE THE VFW
PROUD. I ALSO KNOW WE'RE LOOKING FORWARD TO THE SAME
KIND OF STRONG LEADERSHIP FROM JAMES KIMERY. AND LET
ME OFFER MY THANKS AGAIN TO COOPER HOLT, A REAL LEGEND,
WHO HAS GIVEN so MANY YEARS OF SERVICE TO THE VFW.
COOPER -- WE MISS YOU. //
NEXT, I WANT TO THANK MY VETERANS' SECRETARY AND
FELLOW VFW MEMBER ED DERWINSKI. // ED'S GOT so MUCH
GOING ON -- BUT I'M ESPECIALLY HAPPY TO SEE THE WORK
HE'S DOING TO IMPROVE OUR VETERANS' HOSPITALS. HIS
DEPARTMENT IS INTENT ON SERVING YOU -- MUCH AS YOU HAVE
SERVED AMERICA. // AND, LET US REMEMBER THOSE WHO
COULD NOT BE WITH US. OUR ADMINISTRATION WILL NOT
FORGET OUR POWS/MIAS AS WELL AS THOSE BRAVE MEN AND
WOMEN STILL ALIVE OR WHO GAVE WHAT LINCOLN TERMED "THE
LAST FULL MEASURE OF DEVOTION." //
- 2 -
LET ME ACKNOWLEDGE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY, MICHAEL
STONE, AND BALTIMORE MAYOR, KURT SCHMOKE. AND, YES,
FINALLY, TODAY'S HONOREES, BUD DUDLEY, AND MY UNITED
NATIONS AMBASSADOR TOM PICKERING, WHO'S BEING HONORED
THIS EVENING. //
AS A VETERAN, I WANT TO SALUTE THIS ORGANIZATION
ON ITS 91ST YEAR: BY SUPPORTING OUR NATION'S VETERANS,
THE VFW HAS ENRICHED AMERICA. WELL, I'D LIKE TO TAKE A
MOMENT TO ASK YOUR SUPPORT FOR A MAN WHO, I'M
CONVINCED, WILL ALSO ENRICH AMERICA. JUDGE DAVID
SOUTER, MY NOMINEE FOR THE SUPREME COURT, IS AN
EXCEPTIONAL JURIST -- AND A BRILLIANT LEGAL MIND. HE
WILL BE A VOICE OF EXCELLENCE ON THE NATION'S HIGHEST
COURT, AND I CALL ON THE SENATE TO CONFIRM HIM WITHOUT
DELAY. //
- 3 -
THIS MORNING, I AM ALSO GRATEFUL TO HAVE THE
OPPORTUNITY TO DISCUSS AN ISSUE OF GREAT CONCERN TO ALL
AMERICANS: THE CRISIS IN THE PERSIAN GULF. // A
CRISIS THAT WILL REQUIRE AMERICAN PLANNING, PATIENCE,
AND PERSONAL SACRIFICE. BUT A CRISIS THAT WE MUST AND
WILL MEET IF WE'RE TO STOP AGGRESSION, HELP OUR
FRIENDS, AND PROTECT OUR OWN INTERESTS AND THE PEACE
AND STABILITY OF COUNTRIES AROUND THE GLOBE. //
EIGHTEEN DAYS AGO, THESE BELIEFS PROMPTED ME TO
TAKE ACTION IN THE MIDDLE EAST TO RESTORE THE
SOVEREIGNTY OF KUWAIT AND DETER THOSE WHO THREATEN
FRIENDLY COUNTRIES AND THE VITAL INTERESTS OF AMERICA.
I ACTED KNOWING THAT OUR CAUSE WOULD NOT BE EASY --BUT
THAT OUR CAUSE IS RIGHT. // AND THAT WHILE ONE SHOULD
NOT UNDERESTIMATE THOSE WHO ENDANGER PEACE -- AN EVEN
GREATER MISTAKE WOULD BE TO UNDERESTIMATE AMERICA'S
COMMITMENT TO OUR FRIENDS WHEN OUR FRIENDS ARE
IMPERILED. // OR OUR COMMITMENT TO INTERNATIONAL ORDER
WHEN THAT, Too, IS IMPERILED.
- 4 -
TODAY, THE OUTCOME IS NOT YET DECIDED. HARD
CHOICES REMAIN. BUT OF THIS WE ARE CERTAIN: AMERICA
WILL NOT BE INTIMIDATED. // WHEN SOME ASK: WHERE DOES
AMERICA STAND? OUR ANSWER IS: AMERICA STANDS WHERE IT
ALWAYS HAS AGAINST AGGRESSION AGAINST THOSE WHO
WOULD USE FORCE TO REPLACE THE RULE OF LAW. //
THROUGHOUT HISTORY, WE HAVE LEARNED THAT WE MUST
STAND UP TO EVIL. IT IS A TRUTH WHICH THE PAST
EIGHTEEN DAYS HAVE REAFFIRMED. ITS LESSONS SPEAK TO
AMERICA, AND TO THE WORLD. //
THE FIRST LESSON IS AS VIVID AS THE MEMORIES OF
NORMANDY, KHE SANH, AND PORK CHOP HILL. WE HAVE BEEN
REMINDED AGAIN THAT AGGRESSION MUST -- AND WILL -- BE
CHECKED. // so, AT THE REQUEST OF OUR FRIENDS, WE HAVE
SENT U.S. FORCES TO THE MIDDLE EAST -- RELUCTANTLY, BUT
DECISIVELY. KNOWING, AS TEDDY ROOSEVELT SAID, THAT
AMERICA "MEANS MANY THINGS. [AMONG THEM], EQUALITY OF
RIGHTS AND, THEREFORE, EQUALITY OF DUTY AND OF
OBLIGATION. //
- 5 -
YET WE ARE NOT ACTING ALONE -- BUT IN CONCERT --
HELPING TO PROTECT OUR OWN NATIONAL SECURITY INTERESTS
AS WELL AS THOSE OF THE BROADER COMMUNITY OF NATIONS.
WHICH BRINGS ME TO A SECOND LESSON REAFFIRMED BY THE
PAST EIGHTEEN DAYS. BY ITSELF, AMERICA CAN DO MUCH.
TOGETHER, WITH ITS FRIENDS AND ALLIES, AMERICA CAN DO
MUCH MORE -- FOR PEACE AND FOR JUSTICE. //
THINK BACK TO WORLD WAR II, WHEN TOGETHER ALLIES
CONFRONTED A HORROR WHICH EMBODIED HELL ON EARTH. OR
KOREA, WHERE UNITED NATIONS FORCES OPPOSED
TOTALITARIANISM. TODAY, ONCE AGAIN, NATIONS -- MANY OF
THEM MOSLEM -- HAVE JOINED TO COUNTER AGGRESSION AND,
THUS, RESTORE THE PEACE. //
- 6 -
OUR SAUDI FRIENDS, UNDER THE WISE LEADERSHIP OF
KING FAHD, ASKED FOR OUR HELP IN DETERRING FURTHER
AGGRESSION BY IRAQ. I SALUTE THE MANY COUNTRIES WHO
HAVE COURAGEOUSLY RESPONDED TO SAUDI ARABIA'S REQUEST.
I ALSO SALUTE THOSE GOVERNMENTS WHO ARE RESPONDING TO
THE AMIR OF KUWAIT'S CALL FOR THE FULL ENFORCEMENT OF
UNITED NATIONS SANCTIONS. // WE MUST NOT DELUDE
OURSELVES. IRAQ'S INVASION WAS MORE THAN A MILITARY
ATTACK ON TINY KUWAIT. IT WAS A RUTHLESS ASSAULT ON
THE VERY ESSENCE OF INTERNATIONAL ORDER AND CIVILIZED
IDEALS. //
NOW, IN A FURTHER OFFENSE AGAINST ALL NORMS OF
INTERNATIONAL BEHAVIOR, IRAQ HAS IMPOSED RESTRICTIONS
ON INNOCENT CIVILIANS FROM MANY COUNTRIES. THIS IS
UNACCEPTABLE. // THAT'S WHY THE UNITED NATIONS
SECURITY COUNCIL VOTED UNANIMOUSLY SATURDAY NIGHT TO
CONDEMN IRAQ'S ACTION -- JUST AS IT EARLIER VOTED TO
CONDEMN THE INVASION ITSELF. THEY KNOW -- AS WE DO -
- THAT LEADERS WHO USE CITIZENS AS PAWNS DESERVE -- AND
WILL RECEIVE - THE SCORN AND CONDEMNATION OF THE
ENTIRE WORLD. / /
- 7 -
TO THE LEADERS OF IRAQ I WILL NOW MAKE TWO CLEAR
POINTS.
IN MOVING FOREIGN CITIZENS AGAINST THEIR WILL YOU
ARE VIOLATING THE NORMS OF YOUR OWN RELIGION. YOU ARE
GOING AGAINST THE AGE-OLD ARAB TRADITION OF SHOWING
KINDNESS AND HOSPITALITY TO VISITORS. AND so MY
MESSAGE IS: RELEASE ALL FOREIGNERS NOW. GIVE THEM THE
RIGHT TO COME AND GO AS THEY WISH. ADHERE TO
INTERNATIONAL LAW AND U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION
664.
WE HAVE BEEN RELUCTANT TO USE THE TERM "HOSTAGE."
BUT WHEN SADDAM HUSSEIN SPECIFICALLY OFFERS TO TRADE
THE FREEDOM OF THOSE CITIZENS OF MANY NATIONS HE HOLDS
AGAINST THEIR WILL IN RETURN FOR CONCESSIONS, THERE CAN
BE LITTLE DOUBT THAT, WHATEVER THESE INNOCENT PEOPLE
ARE CALLED, THEY ARE IN FACT HOSTAGES.
I WANT THERE TO BE NO MISUNDERSTANDING. I WILL
HOLD THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAQ RESPONSIBLE FOR THE SAFETY
AND WELL-BEING OF AMERICAN CITIZENS HELD AGAINST THEIR
WILL.
- 8 -
LET ME ALSO TAKE A MOMENT TO THANK PRESIDENT
GORBACHEV FOR HIS RECENT WORDS CONDEMNING THE IRAQI
INVASION. HE HAS SHOWN -- IF ANYONE DOUBTED IT -- THAT
NATIONS WHICH JOINED TO FIGHT AGGRESSION IN WORLD WAR
II CAN WORK TOGETHER TO STOP THE AGGRESSORS OF TODAY.
//
A THIRD LESSON HAS ALSO BEEN REAFFIRMED BY THE
LAST EIGHTEEN DAYS -- AS VETERANS, IT WON'T SURPRISE
YOU: THE STEADFAST CHARACTER OF THE AMERICAN WILL. //
LOOK TO THE SANDS OF SAUDI ARABIA AND THE WATERS
OFFSHORE -- WHERE BRAVE AMERICANS ARE DOING THEIR DUTY.
JUST AS YOU DID AT ANZIO, INCHON, AND HAMBURGER HILL.
THINK OF THE MEN AND WOMEN ABOARD OUR PLANES AND SHIPS
-- YOUNG, ALONE, AND so VERY FAR FROM HOME. // THEY
MAKE US PROUD, AND HUMBLE -- AND I SALUTE THE FINEST
SOLDIERS, SAILORS, AIRMEN, AND MARINES ANY NATION COULD
EVER HAVE. // MOREOVER, I PLEDGE TO YOU: WE WILL DO
WHATEVER IT TAKES TO HELP THEM COMPLETE THEIR MISSION.
//
- 9 -
THIS MEANS REALIZING THE FOURTH LESSON REAFFIRMED
BY THE PAST EIGHTEEN DAYS. ALTHOUGH THE SIZE OF
AMERICA'S ARMED FORCES IN THE YEARS AHEAD WILL BE
SMALLER BECAUSE THE THREAT TO OUR SECURITY IS CHANGING,
FUTURE AMERICAN DEFENSE CAPACITY MUST BE EVEN MORE "A
LEAN, MEAN FIGHTING MACHINE. "// BY 1995, WE ESTIMATE
THAT OUR SECURITY NEEDS CAN BE MET BY AN ACTIVE FORCE
25 PERCENT SMALLER THAN TODAY'S -- THE LOWEST LEVEL
SINCE 1950. YET, WE MUST ENSURE THAT A REDUCTION OF
NUMBERS DOES NOT MEAN A REDUCTION IN AMERICAN STRENGTH.
//
OPERATION DESERT SHIELD PROVES VIVIDLY THAT
INSTEAD OF RELIVING PAST CONTINGENCIES, WE MUST PREPARE
FOR THE CHALLENGES OF THE 1990S AND BEYOND. BY
ENSURING THAT OUR TROOPS ARE READY, AND TRAINED, WE CAN
EXERT OUR PRESENCE IN KEY AREAS -- AND RESPOND
EFFECTIVELY TO CRISIS. THIS IS READINESS MEASURED IN
DAYS AND HOURS, NOT WEEKS AND MONTHS. // OPERATION
DESERT SHIELD HAS UNDERSCORED THE NEED TO BE ABLE TO
GET OUR SOLDIERS WHERE THEY ARE NEEDED, WHEN THEY ARE
NEEDED. THIS KIND OF RESPONSIVENESS WILL BE CRITICAL
IN THE CRISES OF THE FUTURE.
- 10 -
RECENTLY, THE CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS,
GENERAL COLIN POWELL, SPOKE TO THIS WHEN HE PRAISED
"THE FINEST PEACETIME MILITARY IN THE HISTORY OF
AMERICA." WE WILL BE SMALLER IN TROOP STRENGTH, AND
RESTRUCTURED, BUT WE WILL REMAIN PURPOSEFUL, PROUD AND
EFFECTIVE. // JUST LOOK AT THE LAST EIGHTEEN DAYS:
DESERT SHIELD HAS BEEN A CLASSIC CASE OF AMERICA'S
MILITARY AT ITS BEST.
- 11 -
I THINK, FOR INSTANCE, OF AIRMAN FIRST CLASS WADE
WEST, HOME ON LEAVE TO BE MARRIED. ON AUGUST 7, HE WAS
CALLED UP. WITHIN AN HOUR HE HAD THE CEREMONY
PERFORMED, LEFT FOR THE MIDDLE EAST, AND IS STATIONED
NOW IN SAUDI ARABIA. TALK ABOUT A GUY WHO GETS THINGS
DONE. // BUT I WOULD LIKE TO EMPATHIZE WITH THE BRIDE.
// ANOTHER EXAMPLE: SEVEN YEARS AGO, DIANA KROPTAVICH
[CROP-TA-VICH] WORRIED AT HOME WHILE HER HUSBAND,
WALTER, STEAMED OFF THE LEBANON COAST ON THE USS NEW
JERSEY DEFENDING THE MARINES. TODAY, THEIR ROLES ARE
REVERSED. RETIRED, WALTER IS AT HOME WITH THEIR 6-
YEAR-OLD SON; DIANA SERVES ABOARD THE DESTROYER USS
YELLOWSTONE. // HERE'S AN ARMY COUPLE. TODAY,
PARATROOPER JOSEPH HUDERT [WHO-DERT] OF THE 82ND
AIRBORNE DIVISION IS SERVING IN SAUDI ARABIA -- AND HIS
WIFE, NURSE DOMINIQUE ALLEN OF THE 44TH MEDICAL
BRIGADE, WILL BE DEPLOYED THERE WITHIN THE NEXT TWO
WEEKS. FINALLY, RECALL THE EIGHT-YEAR OLD WHO,
WATCHING HER DAD LEAVE FOR THE MEDITERRANEAN, SPOKE
TRUTH FROM THE MOUTHS OF BABES. "I JUST THINK," SHE
SAID, "THAT [THEY] SHOULDN'T LET DADDIES GO AWAY THIS
LONG. BUT THEY STILL HAVE To, TO KEEP THE WORLD SAFE."
//
- 12 -
THESE PROFILES SHOW THE TRUE CALIBER OF AMERICA
-- AND THE VITAL ESSENCE OF OUR MISSION. WHAT'S MORE,
THEY REMIND US OF THE FIFTH AND FINAL LESSON REAFFIRMED
BY THE PAST EIGHTEEN DAYS: THE NEED FOR A CONTINUED
STRONG DEFENSE BUDGET TO SUPPORT AMERICAN TROOPS. OR
AS GEORGE WASHINGTON SAID IN HIS FIRST INAUGURAL
ADDRESS, "TO BE PREPARED FOR WAR IS ONE OF THE MOST
EFFECTUAL MEANS OF PRESERVING PEACE." // HISTORY HAS
SHOWN THE WISDOM OF HIS WORDS -- ESPECIALLY IN OUR
CENTURY. WHAT DESERT SHIELD HAS SHOWN IS THAT AMERICA
CAN ENSURE THE PEACE BY REMAINING MILITARILY STRONG. //
NOW, I KNOW WE'RE OPERATING IN A TIME OF BUDGET
RESTRAINT: WE HAVE LIMITED RESOURCES -- WE MUST USE
THEM WISELY. THE BUDGET DEFICIT IS A THREAT TO OUR
VITAL INTERESTS AT HOME, AND WON'T BE MADE EASIER BY
TODAY'S THREAT ABROAD. EVERYONE REALIZES THAT THE
DEFICIT IS TOO LARGE -- THAT IT MUST BE BROUGHT DOWN
-- AND THAT CONGRESS MUST ACT, COURAGEOUSLY AND
IMMEDIATELY, WHEN IT RETURNS FROM RECESS.
- 13 -
BUT WE CANNOT ATTACK THE DEFICIT BY ATTACKING THE
VERY HEART OF OUR ARMED FORCES -- COMMITTED MEN AND
WOMEN WHO ARE MOTIVATED AND READY. // LAST WEEK, I
ASKED CONGRESS TO DO WHAT WE HAVE DONE -- PRODUCE A
BUDGET PROPOSAL, INCLUDING DEFENSE, THAT IS BOTH
RESPONSIVE AND RESPONSIBLE AND MOST OF ALL. . FAIR.
WHEN THEY DO, I WILL LISTEN -- LISTEN, BUT NOT BREAK
FAITH WITH THE TROOPS WHO ARE DEFENDING OUR NATION. //
MAKE NO MISTAKE: TO PREVENT AGGRESSION -- TO KEEP
AMERICA MILITARILY PREPARED -- I WILL OPPOSE THE
DEFENSE-BUDGET SLASHERS WHO ARE OUT OF TUNE WITH WHAT
AMERICA NEEDS TO KEEP FREEDOM SECURE AND SAFE. //
- 14 -
MOST AMERICANS KNOW THAT WHEN IT COMES TO NATIONAL
DEFENSE, FINISHING SECOND MEANS FINISHING LAST. so
THEY REJECT WHAT THE HOUSE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE
RECENTLY SUGGESTED: UNACCEPTABLE CUTS FROM OUR DEFENSE
BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 1991. // MOST AMERICANS KNOW,
Too, THAT GIVING PEACE A CHANCE DOES NOT MEAN TAKING A
CHANCE ON PEACE. so THEY ENDORSE GIVING THE MILITARY
THE TOOLS TO DO ITS JOB: THE PEACEKEEPER, MIDGETMAN,
B-2 BOMBER, AND THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE INITIATIVE. //
AMERICANS WANT ARMS NEGOTIATIONS TO SUCCEED -- BUT THEY
KNOW THAT EVEN A START TREATY WILL NOT HELP OUR
SECURITY IF WE DISARM UNILATERALLY. LET US NEVER
FORGET THAT OUR STRONG NATIONAL DEFENSE POLICIES HAVE
HELPED US GAIN THE PEACE. WE NEED A STRONG DEFENSE
TODAY TO MAINTAIN THAT PEACE. // I WILL FIGHT FOR THAT
DEFENSE -- AND I NEED YOUR HELP. // HELP ME TO
CONVINCE THE CONGRESS, GIVEN RECENT EVENTS, TO TAKE
ANOTHER LOOK AND TO ADEQUATELY FUND OUR DEFENSE BUDGET.
- 15 -
((LET ME TELL YOU A STORY ABOUT WHY I FEEL so
STRONGLY. I WAS TALKING TO SOME OF THE YOUNG SOLDIERS
WHO LIBERATED PANAMA -- AND I ASKED ONE OF THEM -- - A
MEDIC -- ABOUT THE OPERATION. CORPORAL RODERICK
RINGSTAFF SPOKE OF COMBAT AND THE HEROICS OF OTHERS --
BUT NOT OF HIS OWN. so HIS COMMANDING OFFICER FILLED
IN THE REST. THIS MEDIC HAD BEEN WOUNDED, BUT
REPEATEDLY BRAVED FIRE TO RESCUE OTHER WOUNDED -- - AND
WAS AWARDED THE SILVER STAR FOR BRAVERY. LISTENING, I
THOUGHT TO MYSELF: I WILL NEVER SEND YOUNG MEN AND
WOMEN INTO BATTLE WITH LESS THAN THE VERY BEST THIS
NATION CAN PROVIDE THEM. // I WILL NEVER -- EVER --
LET AMERICANS LIKE THIS DOWN. )) //
AUGUST 1990 HAS WITNESSED WHAT HISTORY WILL JUDGE
ONE OF THE MOST CRUCIAL DEPLOYMENTS OF ALLIED POWER
SINCE WORLD WAR II. TWO WEEKS AGO, I CALLED FOR THE
COMPLETE, IMMEDIATE, AND UNCONDITIONAL WITHDRAWAL OF
ALL IRAQI FORCES FROM KUWAIT; SECOND, THE RESTORATION
OF KUWAIT'S LEGITIMATE GOVERNMENT; THIRD, THE SECURITY
AND STABILITY OF SAUDI ARABIA, AND THE PERSIAN GULF;
AND FOURTH, THE SAFETY AND PROTECTION OF AMERICAN
CITIZENS ABROAD. TODAY, I SAY: THOSE OBJECTIVES ARE,
AND WILL REMAIN, UNCHANGED.
- 16 -
WILL IT TAKE TIME? OF COURSE. FOR WE ARE ENGAGED
IN A CAUSE LARGER THAN OURSELVES. A CAUSE PERHAPS BEST
SHOWN BY WORDS MANY OF YOU REMEMBER -- WORDS SPOKEN BY
ONE OF THE GREATEST AMERICANS OF OUR TIME TO ALLIED
SAILORS, SOLDIERS, AND AIRMEN.
"THE EYES OF THE WORLD ARE UPON YOU," HE TOLD
THEM. "THE HOPES AND PRAYERS OF LIBERTY-LOVING PEOPLE
EVERYWHERE MARCH WITH YOU." AND THEN HE CONCLUDED WITH
THIS MOVING PRAYER: "LET US ALL BESEECH THE BLESSING
OF ALMIGHTY GOD, UPON THIS GREAT AND NOBLE
UNDERTAKING."
FELLOW VETERANS, MORE THAN HALF OF ALL VFW MEMBERS
FOUGHT IN WORLD WAR II -- MANY OF YOU SERVING UNDER THE
MAN WHO SPOKE THOSE WORDS, DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER. //
YOU KNOW HOW AMERICA REMAINS THE HOPE OF "LIBERTY-
LOVING PEOPLE EVERYWHERE." HALF-A-CENTURY AGO, THE
WORLD HAD THE CHANCE TO STOP AN AGGRESSOR, AND MISSED
IT. I PLEDGE TO YOU: WE WILL NOT MAKE THAT MISTAKE
AGAIN. //
- 17 -
TOGETHER, WE CAN SUCCESSFULLY OPPOSE TYRANNY --
AND HELP THOSE NATIONS WHO LOOK TO US FOR LEADERSHIP
AND VISION. THANK YOU FOR YOUR SUPPORT AND YOUR
PRAYERS. AND MAY GOD BLESS THE LAND WE so DEEPLY LOVE
-- THESE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
# # # #
PAGE. 001
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(London, England)
For Immediate Release
July 6, 1990
NEWS CONFERENCE OF THE PRESIDENT
Queen Elizabeth II Conference Center
London, England
12:18 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: I'd like to begin by thanking Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher for hosting this splendid meeting. And I
want to express my appreciation also to Manfred Woerner not only for
his kind remarks just now, but for his outstanding leadership in NATO
and in this Alliance which is at a turning point in its history.
I'm pleased to announce that my colleagues and 1 have
begun a major transformation of the North Atlantic Alliance, and we
view it as an historic turning point. NATO has set a new path for
peace. It's kept the peace for 40 years, and today charted a new
course for stability and cooperation in Europe.
We, as you know, are issuing a document, the London
Declaration, and it makes specific proposals and establishes
directions for the future in four key areas. First, the London
Declaration transforms our relationship with old adversaries. To
those governments who confronted us in the Cold War, our Alliance
extends the hand of friendship.
We reaffirm that we shall never be the first to use force
against other states in Europe. And we propose a joint declaration
between members of the Alliance and member states of the Warsaw Pact
which other CSCE states could join in, making a solemn commitment to
nonaggression. We say to President Gorbachev, come to NATO. We say
to all the member states of the Warsaw Pacts, come to NATO and
establish regular diplomatic liaison with the Alliance.
And second, the London Declaration transforms the
character of NATO's conventional defenses. We can start, and must
start, by finishing the current CFE talks this year. Once CFE is
signed, we would begin follow-on negotiations to adopt additional
measures, including measures to limit manpower in Europe. With this
goal in mind, a commitment will be given when the CFE treaty is
Germany. signed concerning the manpower levels of the armed forces of a united
We will also seek. in the '90s to achieve further
far-reaching measures to limit the offensive capability of
conventional armed forces. We'll change our strategy for a
conventional defense. We agreed to move away from NATO's current
strategy of forward defense to a reduced forward presence. We
agreed, in addition, to make the principle of collective defense even
more evident by organizing NATO troops into multinational corps.
And third, the London Declaration transforms NATO's
nuclear strategy. For 23 years we've had a nuclear strategy called
flexible response, developed to meet a danger of sudden overwhelming
conventional attack. As that danger recedes, we've agreed to modify
flexible response.
of peace and it will remain fundamental to our strategy. But by
Nuclear deterrence has given us an unprecedented period
reducing it's reliance on nuclear weapons, NATO in the new Europe
will adopt a new strategy making it's nuclear forces truly weapons of
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JUL 6 '90 14:06 F ML 'DON UK PRESS OFC
PAGE. 002
- 2 -
last resort.
This new strategy will require different forces. We've
decided that once negotiations begin on short-range nuclear forces,
we are prepared to eliminate all NATO nuclear artillery shells from
Europe in return for reciprocal action by the Soviet Union. We
agreed that this review should report its conclusions as soon as
possible.
And fourth, the London Declaration transforms the
Alliance's vision for the CSCE and the structure for building a
Europe whole and free. We know the CSCE process, bringing together
North America and all of Europe, can provide a structure for Europe's
continued political development. And that means new standards for
free elections, the rule of law, economic liberty and environmental
cooperation. And we agreed today on six initiatives to give life to
CSCE's principles and realize its potential.
As you can see, the London Declaration will bring
fundamental change to every aspect of the Alliance's work. This is
indeed a day of renewal for the Atlantic Community. For more than 40
years we've looked for this day; a day when we have already moved
beyond containment, with unity on this continent overcoming division.
And now that day is here, and all peoples from the Atlantic to the
Urals, from the Baltic to the Adriatic can share in its promise.
I'd be glad to take some questions. Helen.
or Mr. President, with the end of the Cold War, the
draw-down in forces, and eventual denuclearization of Europe, are you
now ready to give some economic help, as other allies want, to
include the Soviet Union and Eastern Burope so that they can get back
on their feet, as we did after World War II with Germany and Japan -
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we have given substantial help to
certain countries in Eastern Europe. I have had a discussion, not
here at NATO, but with Mr. Gorbachev and others at different times,
about support for the Soviet Union. We are most interested in
helping them go forward with their reforms.
But there was no decision taken, certainly, to send money
to the Soviet Union. I have some big. problems with that one. I
think the American people do. But there are ways that we can assist
in this transformation, in this reform that is taking place in the
Soviet Union.
or Well, you're not opposed to other countries giving
it?
THE PRESIDENT: If the Germans decide they want to do
that, that's their business. But I have made very clear to those who
have spoken to me about this that at this juncture we have some
serious problems. And I've not been under any false colors about
that at all.
8
President Gorbachev has imposed a two-year deadline
on himself and the communist leaders for reversing their country's
economic tailspin. Does your reluctance to give the Soviets any
financial aid complicate his chances for success in meeting that
deadline?
THE PRESIDENT: I hope not, because, as you know, not
only have 1 spoken very fondly of and enthusiastically about what
he's trying to do in terms of reform, but I've spoken about him
personally and about our interest in seeing him succeed. And he's
got some extraordinarily difficult problems, but I don't think our
position on financial aid at this time should - hopefully, it will
not complicate his standing. He deserves support for this reform.
0 DO you view Western aid for the Soviet Union now as
a subsidy for its military machine -
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6
90
14:06
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- 3 -
THE PRESIDENT: I'll tell you, we've got some problems
that I've been very Isanh will conserning the Deviets. And ono of
them is a great percentage of their GNP going into the military.
Another is some regional problems that perhaps are unique to the
United States, but things that concern me -- spending $5 billion a
year in Cuba, for example, to sustain a totalitarian regime that is
highly critical of the Soviet Union from time to time. So we have
some regional problems. We have some reform problems that should
take place before financial support can be given. But perhaps there
are ways that we can assist them as we go forward with credit or
other matters before we go to direct government loans.
& Mr. President, with the threat receding in the way
your communique describes, do you think it's inevitable that at some
point in the next few years the Europeans will decide it's better
that American troops just go home? And what do you say to American
tarpayers to convince them that it's worth continuing to pay the bill
to have them in Europe?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't think the American troops will
stay against the will of the host country. I don't want to see
American forces deployed where American forces are not wanted. I
don't want to see Soviet forces deployed where Soviet forces are not
wanted. And I expect the same would be true of other nationalities'
forces as well. But I don't foresee that day because I think the
Alliance has spoken rather eloquently about the need for a common
defense. And all the members of the Alliance are united in their
view that a U.S. force presence in Europe is stabilising and very,
very important. So I don't see that day looming up on the horizon.
OF
But do you fear that American taxpayers' support for
that continuation might be eroding?
THE PRESIDENT: I see some attacks on this. And I think
this NATO declaration should help in that regard. But I view it as
my responsibility to make clear to the American taxpayer why it is in
our interest to help keep the peace. And that's exactly what these
forces are engaged in.
0
Mr. President, in light of the stress that's been
placed here on the continued cohesion within this Alliance, sir,
would it not be a major breach of that cohesion if a country like
West Germany were to provide direct aid to the Soviet Union in light
of the deep concerns which you have expressed about such aid from the
West?
THE PRESIDENT: No. I don't feel that that's a breach of
Alliance cohesion. The Germans have their own bilateral relationship
with the Soviet Union, and it doesn't concern me one bit. I've not
made one single effort to try to have the Germans look differently at
that question.
Q
Mr. President, would it not then be possible that
aid from our ally, West Germany would at least, arguably or
indirectly, flow to a country like Cuba?
THE PRESIDENT: well, if you want to say that anything
that goes to the Soviet Union facilitates aid to Cuba I suppose we
could say the same about our trade. But that isn't -- I don't think
that would be a fair charge to make against the Germans.
0
Tonight in an interview to be broadcast in the
United States, Fang Lishi, the recently released Chinese dissident,
says you owe him a dinner. He couldn't make it to the one you threw
in Beijing, and he would like to be invited to the White House for
dinner. Would you do that? I have a follow-up.
THE PRESIDENT: Well he's here in this country. I
thought he wanted to stay out of the public eye. I thought he
himself said so. So you've got a little different information than
that. We'll just defer the rest of your question. what's your
follow-up?
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o
If I can follow-up. If you do meet him, he is going
to complain that you have a double standard for human rights. That
you have one standard for the Soviet Union where you complain about
human rights violations or have in the past -- at least pre-Gorbachev
-- and that you don't complain so much about human rights violations,
you're not as tough with the Chinese. He complains about sending
Brent Scowcroft and Larry Eagleburger, et cetera. What would you say
to him?
time
warp THE PRESIDENT: Here Because We ROY Spoke that out wrong He's IRJ, #
indeed, I think we took the lead at a meeting in Europe -- I guess it
was the G-7 meeting, not NATO -- where we took the lead in expressing
our joint indignation in terms of the abuses of human rights at
Tiananmen Square. We've kept certain sanctions on China. I am
heartened that Fang Lizhi is free and free now to say what's on his
mind like this. So I would say that if he feels that way, he's
simply not expressing the facts as they are. I don't agree with
that. I notice some of my critics in the United States Congress say
that, and I think they're just as wrong as they can be.
0
Mr. President, back to the declaration. You're
inviting the Warsaw Pact countries to come to NATO as observers.
What if they want to become members of NATO -- Hungary, for instance,
or even Poland? Are you saying by inviting them to just be observers
that you do not look favorably on them becoming full members?
THE PRESIDENT: I'm saying NATO views this as an open
invitation, and who knows what will happen in terms of membership
down the line? That's not in the cards right this minute. We're
just coming out of an adversarial environment of varying -- I think
there's varying degrees of enthusiasm for what you're talking about
amongst the members of the Warsaw Pact at this juncture, so I'd say
it's premature.
0
Would you oppose any country - for instance,
Hungary - becoming a member of NATO?
THE PRESIDENT: Not forever. But at this juncture, I
support the NATO doctrine.
or
Mr. President, in your communique you talk about
nuclear weapons becoming truly weapons of last resort. You say the
fundamental strategy of the Alliance is being transformed here. As
part of this review, are you considering going back home and taking
another look at some of the strategic nuclear modernization programs
that you have supported -- looking at some of the very expensive
weapons programs that some say should be a bonus, a part of the peace
dividend?
THE PRESIDENT: Not as a result of anything that's
transpired here in NATO, no. We are interested in strategic arms
agreements with the Soviets. The Soviets, as we all know, have
indeed modernized their forces. We're on the horns of a dilemma in
that question, you might say, because we have not to the degree they
have. But that was not a consideration here at NATO. Nor has
anything transpired here that will make me go home with a different
approach to strategic arms.
o
If I may follow up -- so you'll proceed across the
board with strategic modernization? Your commitment to that -
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. I will proceed in negotiating with
the Soviets to achieve a strategic arms agreement.
Q
Mr. President, how much did threats to perestroika
and reforms in the Soviet Union play in changes you've announced
today at NATO?
THE PRESIDENT: You mean, what's going on at the
Congress? None, in my view. I mean, I think what's contributed to
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the changes in our approach, NATO, AEA_ the changes. that. bave. taken
place, particularly since or last meeting, in terms of Bastern Burope
and in terms of the Soviets' willingness to withdraw forces,
hopefully, through a CFE agreement. So I don't think anything was
short -- that there was short-term thinking as a result of the
debates that are going on in Moscow this very day.
O Well, if I can follow up then, what kind of messages
do the changes announced today send to Gorbachev?
THE PRESIDENT: They send to him that here's an alliance
that is purely -- that you should view, Mr. Gorbachev, as defensive
and not threatening. And please convince your military and others in
the Soviet Union of this fact.
You see, from my discussions with Mr. Gorbachev and
others I've had the feeling that they have viewed NATO as much more
threatening to them than the way in which I've looked at NATO. But
now as a result of the actions that we've taken here, I think it
should be clear to the Soviet military, to Mr. Gorbachev, to his
adversaries and to his friends inside the Soviet Union that NATO is
changing. And to the degree they had seen it as a threat to their
nhnsse ⑉ be their hundawa, 61.61 -1.0.11 1.00h wb " sovl -- - Le
their borders or to their people.
Anytime you sit down with people from the Soviet Union,
they tell you of the fact that they lost from 20 million to 27
million lives. It's ingrained in them. They do it not as a
defensive mechanism, but they do it because they feel very strongly
about that. I hope that they will look at the changes that NATO has
taken and say, well, if NATO had been a threat to us, it no longer is
a threat to us. And then I hope we can go forward to further
document that spirit by mutual agreements on arms control.
0
How are you going to communicate what's in this
document to Mr. Gorbachev and the people there? Are you going to:-
talk with him personally? Did the NATO leaders decide on some other
method of communication with him to let him know what it means, what
the communique means?
THE PRESIDENT: The NATO leaders have decided that the
Secretary General will be going there, and that will be a very good
face-to-face chance to discuss these matters. I believe our
be sure the matters will be discussed then. And then, in all
Secretary of State is meeting soon with Mr. Shevardnadze, and you can
Gorbachev. likelihood, I will discuss it personally by telephone with Mr.
I think it's very important that the leader of the United
when he was here in Washington, we talked about more such contacts.
States and the leader of the Soviet Union stay in touch. In fact,
here again, particularly that they ought not to view NATO as a threat
about what transpired. Because I want to make some of these points
So perhaps within the next couple of weeks I will be talking to him
and certainly ought not to view it as a roadblock to progress in arms
control or withdrawal of conventional forces or whatever it might be.
you like to see from President Gorbachev now to this? And I'm
o Mr. President, what kind of tangible response would
thinking particularly of the issue of Germany and NATO.
NATO, I would like to see the tangible response be an acceptance of
THE PRESIDENT: In terms of the question of Germany and
the concept that a unified Germany in NATO is not only good, but that
it certainly is no threat to them. And we've had long talks with Mr.
Gorbachev about that. And perhaps this declaration will be a
be NATO is in the interest of stability and world peace. So that would
document that he can use to convince others that a unified Germany in
I'd like to think that out of this he would feel more confident in
-- I think that is probably the most important message. And then,
going forward with arms control, bringing the two-plus-four talks to
a conclusion, and there's a wide array of other things as well.
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o
Did the topic of the Middle East come up during your
discussions in the margins of the NATO Summit? And can you comment
on press reports which indicate you might be considering resuming
your dialogue with the PLO? And what conditions would you attach to
such a resumption?
THE PRESIDENT: The discussion of the Middle East in the
NATO meetings did not come up. It may have been discussed in the
corridors, but it was not a discussion in the meetings at all. And I
didn't have discussions in a NATO context about the Middle East.
My position on the dialogue with the PLO is that one of
the preconditions for discussion was a renunciation of terror. And I
viewed the aborted attack on the shores of Israel by some Palestinian
commandos as a terrorist act. So we didn't cancel, we suspended the
talks with the PLO. And I would like to think that Mr. Arafat could
some way bring his council not only to denounce the terror that that
particular terrorist act, but also to take some action against the
person that perpetrated it. And then I think we would certainly give
rapid consideration to renewal of the dialogue. I happen to think
the dialogue has been useful. don't think Mr. Arafat particularly
agrees with that and I'm quite confident that Mr. Shamir doesn't
agree with that. But nevertheless, we have --- that's the view of the
United States.
8 Mr. President, Mikhail Gorbachev is already under
fire from conservatives for essentially giving away Eastern Europe.
Are you at all concerned, xis, that by inviting him to speak to MATO
you're further undermining him? And I have a follow-up.
THE PRESIDENT: No, I'm not -- not only do I think we're
not undermining him, but I would think that would send a signal that
NATO has no hostile intentions to the Soviet Union. So I would hope
nobody at home would consider this an effort to undermine Mr.
Gorbachev, nor would it be -- nor would it have the effect of
undermining a man who has clearly tried to move forward, who has
presided over the Soviet Union at a time when this fantastic change
towards democracy and freedom has taken place in Eastern Europe. And
you're seeing that same kind of quest for change -- democratic change
and economic change -- inside the Soviet Union. So I don't think it
would have the effect that the question suggests.
o
If he accepts your invitation, sir, will you attend
that meeting, or would it be an occasion for some sort of &
superpower summit?
THE PRESIDENT: It has -- the level of the Gorbachev
meeting at NATO has not been determined. And I would be guided by
what the other NATO members think is appropriate. But others have --
the level at which Mr. Gorbachev would speak to NATO has not been
set. If it was a head of state level, why, of course, I would
attend. Others have addressed NATO at varying levels.
0
Having attended quite a number of these things,
these NATO conferences, I'd like to ask a question, Mr. President,
that I asked -- Is this to some extent a celebration of the victory
of NATO in the Cold War -- the Cold War is over and NATO has won? or
don't you believe it's the idea that NATO has won the Cold War?
THE PRESIDENT: Excuse me, back up now. I've tried to
avoid code words. And the Cold Mar being over is something that I'd
rather not comment on. I don't think we're dealing in terms of
victory and defeat. We're dealing in terms of how do we stabilise
and guarantee the peace and security of Europe. 80 to the degree a
chief of state or head of government dwells on the kinds of rhetoric
that you understandably ask about, I think it is counterproductive.
Does that answer it?
R
Would you say that NATO has - to a great extent
caused Gorbachev to be -- that the whole change in Eastern Europe
have to some extent been caused by what's been going on in Western
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Europe for the last 40 years?
THE PRESIDENT: I would say to some degree that the
changes in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union have been because
they have seen the success of market economies, they've seen a
craving for freedom and democracy on the parts of people. And to the
degree NATO countries contributed to that proper perception, so be
it. I think -- I'd like to think that -- I'm convinced that NATO's
solidarity during the last 40 years has guaranteed the peace for
Europe. And when you look back at history, it is a long peace given
deserves a lot of credit.
some of the conflagrations on this continent. so I think NATO
But I think the yearning for freedom and democracy is
pretty fundamental. NATO has nothing to do with the changes in our
democracies and you've seen the emergence of free people there. So
own Western Hemisphere and yet you're seeing now the emergence of
it's fundamental - people want democracy and freedom. But I think
NATO's major contribution has been to keeping the peace and yet it
has follow. set an example that I think many in Eastern Europe now want to
0
stability in Europe, which is the new purpose of NATO, with
Mr. President, how do you square your concern over
the increasing signs of instability in the Soviet Union, particularly on
two pieces of the puzzle together?
political and economic front? And what can you do to put those
of because, frankly, one thing we do is stay out of the internal affairs
THE PRESIDENT: A very good and very difficult question
out the Soviet Union. I realize that some think that I'm not staying
pleasantly about Mr. Gorbachev.
of the internal affairs of the Soviet Union when I speak
decide to what they want, how much of their gross national product ought to
But I think they have to sort it out now. They have
have the next move, what I'm saying, is up to them. I think But
I think West will stand ready to work very cooperatively with them. then VIII in
historically the perceived and once they take that decision
go into arms, whether the threat is much less than they have
seen the to make these determinations. And in the meantime, NATO having they
predicted think changes in terms of force levels can go forward with what I
changes that have taken place in Eastern Europe and the
people will view as a historic document.
Excuse me, I did tell you I'd get over here.
0 Thank you very much. How conditional is the
proposal saying to remove nuclear artillery from Europe? Are you actually
likewise? that you will not do this unless the Soviet Union does
nuclear actually merely inviting the Soviet Union to withdraw their or
you Are you saying it should be part of negotiations, are
artillery?
conditioned withdrawal of nuclear artillery on the part of the West they is
are and -- the the document is fairly clear on that point, I think, that
THE PRESIDENT: Well I'd certainly invite them to do it,
on the withdrawal of Soviet nuclear. artillery.
What happened to nonsingularisation of Germany?
0 On paragraph 12, Hanpower levels of United Germany.
That that was a question that had to be addressed anyway. And I think
THE PRESIDENT: Well I don't see that as singularization.
have. through CFE talks. So I would think that this is force
levels you're going to see the United States addressing its
being example, from not being a part of - a united Germany from
out, for always thought of as singularisation. Trying to single not what I
at a part of NATO. I think what it simply says is this Germany
addressing an appropriate time, will be addressed. And we are question,
force ourselves now to U.S. force levels under our going conventional forward,
talks. So 1 don't see any contradiction in that.
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There was a guy on the aisle that I identified back
there. No, I'm afraid it wasn't you, but right there, that bad his
hand up. Well, he's vanished. The guy in the open shirt here. Then
I have to go. Go ahead, we'll get these two, and then I must -- I
really have to take off.
-
or
Would you say that you are hoping that Gorbachev can
convince other people that through this document that they do not
have to fear NATO? Are you saying that some of the people in the
Soviet Union are imposing this fear to NATO to Mr. Gorbachev, and who
are these people? I have a follow-up question, please.
THE PRESIDENT: If I got the first part of it correctly,
I think there's been a historic fear on the part of some about the
West because of the Soviets' own history. I happen to believe that
that fear has been misplaced all along. But to the degree people
still have that fear and they look at this document, it would seem to
be to be de minimus. I can't single out which people they are, but I
think there has been a historic concern on the part of the Soviets
because of their own history in -- certainly as recently as World War
II with an enormous loss of life.
I think over the years, as we improve our relations, have
improved our relations with the Soviet Union and, indeed, as they
have changed, those fears have diminished. I think, given the new
openness, the glasnost, I think they're going to diminish even more.
What was the follow-up?
0
How do you expect that Mr. Gorbachev can be helped
in his present problems in the Soviet Union with this London
Declaration?
THE PRESIDENT: I think he will say, look, NATO has
indeed changed in response to the changes that have taken place in -
Eastern Europe. If I were him, I'd say I've been right. They're
changing, and now I want to go forward with the United States and
negotiate some more deals. I want to see us reform, I want to see us
stop some of what we've been doing in various regions around the
world that others view as detrimental to the interests of freedom and
democracy. And so I would -- if I were him I would take a hard look
at this document. I'd listen carefully to what he hears from Manfred
Woerner when he goes there. And I would think he could say, we've
been right to reach out as we have tried to do to the United States
and THEY indeed to improve subtions ************** 10 Western EVERR
steps that I, Mr. Gorbachev, have taken. And I get on the offense.
Then let the rest of us help him with some of his bardliners. And
there's plenty of work to do.
But I would think that he would view this as a very
positive step forward, and one that vindicates some of the moves that
he's made over the past year or two.
0
Will be join NATO?
0
Mr. President, now that you've had time to digest
Prime Minister Shamir's letter to you of last week, how does that
letter leave you feeling? Does it leave you feeling, as Secretary
Baker said, that maybe we should just leave him with the White House
phone number and to call when he's serious, or does it leave you
feeling you're ready now to get involved in a prolonged negotiation
with him, once again spending another few months or years to try to
modify his position?
THE PRESIDENT: It leaves me feeling we need further
clarification in terms of the questions that I've put to him --
answers - clarification on some of the answers. But, look, we want
to see the peace process go forward. We had good talks with -- I
did, and so did Jim Baker -- with the Egyptian Foreign Minister the
other day. I've been on the phone to Mr. Mubarak, to King Hussein,
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to others. And we want to see the process go forward. We have the
United States policy and we're going to stay with the policy in terms
of settlements and other things of this question.
But we will do everything we can to encourage a
discussion that will end up in peace. There has got to be talks,
Palestinians have to attend these talks. And so the ground rules are
out there and we've got to go forward. But we need more
clarification and, very candidly, I'd like to think that Israel would
now move forward again. And that's about where we stand.
Thank you very much.
0
What's wrong with your hand?
THE PRESIDENT: It's skewered. I was cleaning the
mackerel and I plunged the knife into it. Minor wound.
END
12:52 P.M. (L)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Houston, Texas)
For Immediate Release
July 9, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT ARRIVAL CEREMONY FOR ECONOMIC SUMMIT LEADERS
Academic Quadrangle
Rice University
Houston, Texas
2:13 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Welcome to Houston. And we think this
city is a very appropriate place to host this Eccnomic Summit, not of
the postwar era, but of the post-postwar era. Over the past decade
and a half, the leaders of the largest industrialized democracies
have held these summits to address common problems and challenges.
These economic summits have become framework for frank
and constructive dialogue; a dialogue for progress that I believe
will be advanced greatly in these next three days. And together
we're called upon as allies and as friends to work toward decisions
here in Houston that will bring a new stability and prosperity to the
world, by tapping the power and energy of free wills and free
markets.
A new world of freedom lays before us; hopeful,
confident. A world were peace endures, where commerce has conscience
and where all that seems possible is possible.
So let us begin in good faith to set the stage for the
new millennium. Thank you for coming to Houston. And thank all who
have made us feel so at home here. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
2:14 P.M. CDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Houston, Texas)
For Immediate Release
July 11, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN PRESENTING FINAL COMMUNIQUE
Assembly Hall
George R. Brown Convention Center
Houston, Texas
12:11 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: I would say to my distinguished
colleagues that we've had a chance to review the declaration that was
agreed this morning by the eight of us. And I first want to thank
all of you for the spirit of full cooperation that I think we all
agree existed here in this summit. The eight of us, representing the
people of France, the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of
Germany, Canada, Italy, Japan, the United States and the European
Communities all met. And our declaration reflects decisions taken
during the past three days here in Houston to extend our long
ecomomic expansion, strengthen the world trading system, reiterate
our support for the strengthened debt strategy, ensure open
investment, assist reform in Central and Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union, safeguard the environment, help developing nations, and
reduce the scourge of drugs.
On behalf of my colleagues, I'd like to note several
points of particular importance to us, summarizing -- not reading in
declaration. its entirety, but summarizing some key points out of this
We are enormously heartened by the resurgence of
democracy throughout much of the world. We welcome the spread of
multiparty democracy, the practice of free elections, the freedom of
expression and assembly, the growing respect for human rights and the
rule of law, and the increasing recognition of the strength of open
and competitive economies. These events proclaim loudly man's
freedom. inalienable rights: when people are free to choose, they choose
We, the G-7, are now in the eighth year of an economic
expansion which has created millions of jobs, accelerated the growth
of world trade, and provided tangible support for developing
countries. The process of economic policy coordination, which we
have developed over the years, has contributed importantly to this
economic perfermance. However, we cannot rest on current
accomplishments. Each of us will continue efforts, individually and
together, to maintain and improve conditions for growth.
Economic prosperity depends critically on an open world
trading system. And we will devote close personal attention in the
months ahead to achieving a successful outcome of the Uruguay Round
of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. We have given our trade
negotiators clear instructions on our commitment to conclude a
comprehensive agreement which expands trade worldwide, while bringing
the greatest number of participants into a strengthened General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade -- the GATT. Each of us recognizes
that reaching this goal will require difficult steps by all
participants. We will not hesitate to take them. This is especially
true for agriculture where we are committed by this declaration to
provide the strong political leadership necessary to ensure a
successful and enduring result.
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We agreed on the significance of the steps underway in
the Soviet Union to liberalize and democratise its society and to
move toward a market economy. We welcome President Gorbachev's
message, to us, in particular, His desire for a sustained economic
dialogue with the West.
We want tc support the reforms underway in the Soviet
Union and all agree that technical assistance can help the Soviets
move toward a market-oriented economy: Some of us are already
prepared to extend large-scale credits to the Soviet Union. We all
agree, however, all of us. that the Soviet Union could greatly
improve the prospects for sustained Western assistance if it
introduced further market reforms, cut its military spending and
ceased supporting governments which promote regional conflicts. We
also took note of the importance to the government of Japan of
peaceful resolution of its dispute with the Soviet Union over the
Northern Territories.
We see the need for a considered, comprehensive Western
response in support of Soviet reform efforts. We*ve asked the major
international economic institutions to provide us by year's end their
recommendations for reform of the Soviet economy and possible
criteria for Western assistance.
We are Keerly avare of our responsibilities to pass on to
the future generations a world environment whose health, beauty and
economic potential are safeguarded. Environmental challenges such as
climate change, GRONE depletion, deforestation, marine pollution and
the loss of biological diversity require closer and more effective
internations cooperation and action. We are united on the goals and
measures to be taken now, particularly in relation to climate change
and the protection of forests And in this regard we have agreed to:
complete by 1992 the work of the IPCC on & franework
convention on climate change,
to begin work immediately on developing a pilot
project to address tropical deforestation in Stazil)
commence negotiations -- this is the third point
to commence negotiations on a global forest
convention or agreement to corb deforestation,
promote biodiversity, and encourage sound forestry
practices and reforestations
we recognize the difficult economic challenges facing
many developing countries, including reduced growth and severe debt
burdens We have been in the forefront of addressing these problems
and encouraged - we are encouraged, by the progress that has been
made under the international debt strategy over the past year. Ne
have agreed to review options for helping those countries that are
heavily indebted to our governments. Economic and political reform
are essential for sconomic prosperity and political stability. For
those countries undertaking these difficult stops, We offer our
experience, resources and goodwill.
We leave Bouston renewed by the strength of our COMMON
commitments to healthy economic growth and prosperity and freeden for
peoples evervwhere.
And is conclusion, we baveraccepted Prime Minister
Thatcher's kind invitation to meet: again: next July in London. Again;
my thanks to my: colleagues, think the plan: is we now go and have
our own opportunity to: respond to questions from the press, But I
want to thank my colleagues for what at least, feel has Been &
good summit And welte very pleased you wase here. And might 1 Tust
take one nose opportunity to thank the people of Houston for their
hospitality.
Thank you all verysmuch: (Applause:)
END
12:21 P.M. CDT.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
July 18, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
UPON ARRIVAL FROM
EUROPEAN TRIP
The South Lawn
2:52 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Well, thank you for this warm welcome
home. Barbara and I are delighted to be back and we thank you for
this warm welcome back. And I know you've seen some of what we
experienced during this trip, but let me just share with you now some
of the memorable moments of the last 10 days that will certainly stay
in my mind: The open arms of the people of Poland; American flags
waving in the square at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk; the faces of
the people who lined the streets, greeting us with such joy; the
thousands who endured a driving downpour in Budapest to welcome us to
Hungary; the students I spoke to there -- the hope of Hungary's
future -- and images we won't forget. The warmth Barbara and I felt
for America and for our ideals.
is a reflection of the warmth the people of Poland and Hungary feel
And then there was Paris, celebrating the bicentennial of
the revolution that brought forth the rights of man. And how
satisfying it was to witness the unity of purpose that emerged from
the summit, ranging from East-West relations to the environment. And
finally, The Netherlands and that church at Leiden -- spiritual home
of the pilgrim fathers and American ideals.
But of all these special moments, I want to share one
with you that is truly special in its message. It's a story told by
a Polish woman at a luncheon meeting that I hosted in Warsaw. Around
the table sat members of Poland's Communist Party and members of
Solidarity -- in some cases, men and women who had been imprisoned on
the party's orders not so long ago and who were now elected members
Poland has come.
of the Polish Parliament. And it was remarkable proof of how far
But in Poland and in Hungary as well, progress hasn't
the heart. And this woman, who'd worked at personal risk for the
come without heroic efforts -- a heroism that comes from deep within
after such a short time, to break bread with the men who ordered
release of many who had been jailed, was asked: How is it possible,
those imprisonments -- why the absence of bitterness? And she said,
"Our joy at what is now happening is more powerful than memory. And
those are the words of someone who means to build a better future --
the desire to move forward towards a better life -- a life of
freedom. It's a source of tremendous strength.
It's the strength that enabled the government and
Solidarity to sit down at the roundtable to negotiate new political
progress for Poland, the strength that enabled Lech Walesa and
General Jaruzelski to sit side-by-side at the opening of the new
the government and an emerging opposition to find a common ground in
Polish Parliament. And it's a strength that in Hungary is enabling
planning truly free elections.
reform -- to sit together in writing a new constitution and in
And we must not forget that is was the strength and
cohesion of our Western Alliance that has helped make these dramatic
changes possible. Everywhere -- in Warsaw, Gdansk and Budapest,
among the leaders of the summit nations in Paris and then in The
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Netherlands -- I found an enormous amount of excitement -- excitement
at the times in which we are living and the possibilities they offer
-- the chance we have in our lifetimes to move beyond containment to
end the division of Europe to make that continent truly whole and
free. Everywhere people seem to sense that we live at a moment when
positive change is possible.
And, as I said yesterday in the Dutch city of Leiden,
history's great wheel is turning once again. And just as the wind of
hope carried the Pilgrims to a new world, we, too, now find a new
world within our reach -- a world where the yearnings for freedom
overcomes discord and confrontation -- where freedom and democracy
flourish for others, as they have for this great country of ours.
Thank you for this welcome home. It is good to be back.
And God bless the United States of America. Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
END
2:57 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 13, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND LECH WALESA
AT MEDAL OF FREEDOM CEREMONY
The East Room
6:07 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Just before Christmas, 1981, a darkness
descended across Poland for the third time this century. What had
begun as a year of hope and freedom ended in violence and repression.
In snow-filled crossroads and town squares across Poland, iron tanks
rumbled to a stop.
Lech Walesa made the sign of the cross on the foreheads
of his sleeping children and was taken away into the night.
Solidarity, a movement embracing the Polish nation, was outlawed.
Communications with the outside world were cut. And Poland awoke to
snow and steel and silence, an entire nation imprisoned.
But you can't lock up a dream. One by one, candles lit
the windows of Poland's farmhouses and tenements, silent beacons of
liberty still burning in the hearts of a brave and ancient people.
And that Christmas Eve, not far from where we stand, a candle burned
all night in the White House, like others all across America, glowing
with solidarity with the Polish people.
When spring came, a time of renewal and rebirth, Lech
Walesa's fate was still unknown, And as colleges and universities
approached graduation, one by one, again and again, the same two
names were heard. Lech Walesa and Solidarity.
Of course, Lech Walesa could not come to accept those
honorary degrees. And so in crowded assembly halls and packed arenas
across America, where every precious space was filled with proud and
loving families, stage after stage held a single, unfilled place --
an empty chair, bearing only the Solidarity banner -- awaiting the
release of Lech Walesa, the liberation of the Polish people.
We saw empty chairs in Maine and Pennsylvania, Rhode
Island and Illinois. And at Notre Dame, the crowd stood for three
minutes in cheering tribute to the empty chair and the man who wasn't
there. At Holy Cross, Lane Kirkland accepted the award on Lech
Walesa's behalf. And back in Poland, in a humble wooden church on
the outskirts of Gdansk, an empty chair was placed near the altar for
the baptism of tiny Maria-Victoria, Lech's seventh child, a little
girl he'd never seen.
For eight years, these empty chairs and the American
people have waited for you to come. We waited because we believe in
freedom. We waited because we believe in Poland. And we waited
because we believe in you. (Applause.)
And today, the waiting is over. Lech Walesa, man of
freedom, is at the White House. We think of it as the house of
freedom.
Lech Walesa, on behalf of the people of the United
States, I am proud to say to you: "Take your place in this house of
freedom. Take your place in the empty chair. Now you can have a
seat." (Applause.)
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In just a few days, you will be the second private
citizen from abroad second in our history to ever address a joint
meeting of Congress after the Marquis de Lafayette in 1824. And
like him, you helped win an historic struggle. And like him, you
represent not only a people but also an idea -- an idea whose time
has come. And nothing can stop an idea whose time has come.
That idea is freedom. The time is now. (Applause.)
You were called a nobody. But Lenin and Stalin have been
disproved, not by presidents or princes, but by the likes of an
electrician from Gdansk and his fellow workers in a brave union
called Solidarity. The Iron Curtain is fast becoming a rusted,
abandoned relic, symbolizing a lost era, a failed ideology. And the
change is everywhere. Poland. Hungary. Czechoslovakia.
And ladies and gentlemen, the week that brought Lech
Walesa to America is the week that the headlines proclaimed, "And the
Wall comes tumbling down." (Applause.)
So what is happening in Berlin and on our television
screens is astounding. World War II, fought for freedom, ironically
left the world divided between the free and the unfree. And most of
us alive today were born into that sundered world. And now almost 50
years have passed and some have wondered all these years why we
stayed in Berlin. And let me tell you. We stayed because we knew --
we just knew all Americans -- that this day would come. And now a
century that was born in war and revolution may bequeath a legacy of
peace unthinkable only a few years ago.
The story of our times is the story of brave men and
women who seized a moment, who took a stand. Lech Walesa showed hpw
one individual could inspire others in them a faith so powerful that
it vindicated itself; changed the course of a nation. History may
make men. But Lech Walesa has made history.
And I believe history continues to be made every day by
small daily acts of courage, by people who strive to make a
difference. Such people, says Lech, "are everywhere, in every
factory, steel mill, mine and shipyard, everywhere." And we've
certainly seen them in the American labor movement, where from the
leadership of Lane Kirkland to the rank and file across the country,
they have struggled in the vanguard of the free labor movement around
the world.
Our own humble electrician, Ben Franklin, declared that
"Our cause is the cause of all mankind, for we are fighting for their
liberty in defending our own." And like Franklin, who seized
lightning from the skies and brought it to Earth, Lech Walesa seized
an idea, a powerful idea, and with it electrified the world. The
idea is freedom. And the time is now.
Country by country, people by people, year by year,
courageous new voices are raised in a hundred languages. Spanish,
German, Chinese, Russian. And yet from these varied lips comes a
word all can understand. Freedom. And with one voice, the people of
the world have spoken. Freedom.
In America, it's our greatest natural resource, the
secret of our success. And freedom will bring success to Poland,
too. American aid has begun and more is coming. From Washington to
Warsaw, Kansas city to Krakow, from Green Bay to Gdansk, Americans
are linked in spirit with the Polish people in their brave struggle
for opportunity, prosperity and freedom.
Lech Walesa, by your abiding faith and by the miracle of
democracy's new birth in your homeland, you have come to personify
the new breeze that is sweeping the world, East and West, the
spiritual godfather of a new generation of democracy.
And even while Solidarity was banned, your example, and
the example of the Polish people was mirrored across Asia when
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"People Power" became a chant, first in the Philippines, and then in
Pakistan and South Korea and, yes, even in Tiananmen Square. The
whole world is watching. And the whole world is with you.
(Applause.)
Thank you, Poland, for showing us that the dream is
alive. And thank you, Poland, for showing us that a dream wrought by
flesh and blood cannot be stilled by walls of steel. Thank you,
Poland. And thank you, Lech Walesa. (Applause.)
And now, it is with great pride that I bestow the medal,
previously awarded to the likes of Martin Luther King and President
John F. Kennedy, Anwar Sadat, Mother Teresa. It is our nation's
highest civilian honor. So, Mr. Walesa, if you'll come over here,
let me read the citation.
To Lech Walesa, of Gdansk, Poland, the Presidential Medal
of Freedom. Lech Walesa has shown through his life and work the
power of one individual's ideals when combined with the irresistible
force of freedom. Through moral authority, force of personality and
demonstrated heroism, he has inspired a nation and the world in the
cause of liberty. The United States honors a true man of his times
and of timeless ideals. Lech Walesa, distinguished son of Poland,
champion of universal human rights. (Applause.)
MR. WALESA: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, I'm
deeply moved and gratified that I'm here, in the Capital of the
United States of America and the White House, greeted so warmly by
President George Bush in the company of American Polish friends.
One of the greatest dreams of my life has thus been
fulfilled. I'm full of admiration for your country, not because it's
a big power and not because it's rich, even though one could envy
that. I admire America as a country of freedom freedom of man and
freedom of a nation. You took that freedom yourself. Nobody gave it
to you as a present. You built it through your hard work, step by
step. You created wonderful democratic institutions which are an
example for many other countries. But most before others, you
created human attachments to freedom.
America is a free country because American workers and
farmers are and want to be free. Technicians and engineers, bankers
and industrialists. America is rich with its freedom. It shares it
with the emigrants some are looking for freedom from misery and
others are looking for freedom from persecutions.
That is why I so highly cherish the Presidential Medal of
Freedom. Poles know the price of freedom as very few nations of the
world. They know how to fight for freedom. They know how to defend
freedom. Now my country has entered the road of freedom. It's
rebuilding its independence and democracy. It's restoring sense to
labor and economy. I'm sure that we will not get away from that
road.
Mr. President, for yours and our freedom, for the
American nation, for the freedom of all nations of the world, thank
you very much for this wonderful, wonderful distinction. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Before we conclude,
there is one more person with us today whose dedication to Solidarity
and to free trade unions I feel we must recognize. You all know how
crucial has been the work of the AFL-CIO in helping Solidarnosc
through difficult times and in promoting free trade unions and
democracy around the world.
So, Lane Kirkland, would you please come up here, sir.
(Applause.) For over a decade, under your leadership, you and the
union have been path-breakers for freedom, continuing the support for
free trade unions around the world. And in Eastern Europe, your
support was crucial. And you were there -- you, personally, were
there -- in the hour of greatest need, helping to keep alive the
dream of democracy in Poland.
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And so, Lane, on behalf of a grateful nation, I want to
present you with the Presidential Citizens Medal. And the citation
reads: As President of the AFL-CIO, Joseph Lane Kirkland has worked
tirelessly and effectively in support of Solidarity, free trade
unions and democratic principles. America honors him for this
dedication, which has helped spread the lamp of liberty in Eastern
Europe and across the globe.
Congratulations. (Applause.)
MR. KIRKLAND: Mr. President, you must like surprises
because I was extraordinarily surprised by your very generous act in
enabling me to share an honor with the man who towers in the world
today for his achievements -- Lech Walesa.
I can only say that it's what I think I try my best to
stand for today that merits any such recognition. And what I do
stand for -- the instrument and the principle of free trade unionism
-- is today a lever that can move the world. And to serve that is a
privilege for any person.
Thank you again, Mr. President. (Applause.)
END
6:28 P.M. EST
Mark Davis
#713
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Frankfurt, Federal Republic of Germany)
For Immediate Release
May 31, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT RHEINGOLDHALLE
Rheingoldhalle
Mainz, Federal Republic of Germany
1:16 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Chancellor Kohl. At the
outset, let me tell you that lest you think that he has forgotten his
home state because he is the Chancellor of the Federal Republic, I
will only tell you that in the last 24 hours, Chancellor Kohl has
been convincing me that when I came to this state and to Mainz, I
would be coming to heaven. And having gotten here, I think he may
just about be right, I'll tell you. (Laughter.) Thank you all very
much. (Applause.)
Dr. Wagner and Lord Mayor, distinguished hosts -- I want
to also thank these two bands -- West German and American -- for that
stirring music. And Chancellor Kohl, I especially want to thank you
again for inviting me to this beautiful and ancient city on my first
presidential trip to the Republic of Germany -- the Federal Republic.
And Herr Kohl and I have concluded now our deliberations at the NATO
summit in Brussels -- an excellent start to our working partnership
as Chancellor and President.
And here in Mainz, by the banks of the Rhine, it's often
said that this heartland of mountain vineyards and villages embodies
the very soul of Germany. So Mainz provides a fitting forum for an
American President to address the German people. (Applause.)
Today I come to speak, not just of our mutual defense,
but of our shared values. I come to speak, not just of the matters
of the mind, but of the deeper aspirations of the heart.
Just this morning, Barbara and I were charmed with the
experiences we had. I met with a group -- a small group of German
students, bright young men and women who studied in the United
States. Their knowledge of our country and the world was impressive
to say the least. But sadly, too many in the West, Americans and
Europeans alike, seem to have forgotten the lessons of our common
heritage and how the world we know came to be. And that should not
be, and that cannot be. We must recall that the generation coming
into its own in America and Western Europe is heir to gifts greater
than those bestowed to any generation in history -- peace, freedom
and prosperity. (Applause.)
This inheritance is possible because 40 years ago the
nations of the West joined in that noble, common cause called NATO.
And first, there was the vision, the concept of free peoples in North
America and Europe working to protect their values. And second,
there was the practical sharing of risks and burdens, and a realistic
recognition of Soviet expansionism. And finally, there was the
determination to look beyond old animosities. The NATO Alliance did
nothing less than provide a way for Western Europe to heal
centuries-old rivalries, to begin an era of reconciliation and
restoration. (Applause.) It has been, in fact, a second Renaissance of Europe.
As you know best, this is not just the 40th birthday of
the Alliance. It's also the 40th birthday of the Federal Republic --
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a Republic born in hope, tempered by challenge. And at the height of
the Berlin Crisis in 1948, Ernst Reuter called on Germans to stand
firm and confident, and you did -- courageously, magnificently.
And the historic genius of the German people has
flourished in this age of peace. And your nation has become a leader
in technology, and the fourth largest economy on Earth. But more
important, you have inspired the world by forcefully promoting the
principles of human rights, democracy and freedom. The United States
and the Federal Republic have always been firm friends and allies.
But today we share an added role -- partners in leadership.
Of course, leadership has a constant companion --
responsibility. And our responsibility is to look ahead and grasp
the promise of the future.
I said recently that we're at the end of one era, and at
the beginning of another. And I noted that in regard to the Soviet
Union, our policy is to move beyond containment.
For 40 years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern Europe
lay dormant, buried under the frozen tundra of the Cold War. And for
40 years, the world has waited for the Cold War to end. And decade
after decade, time after time, the flowering human spirit withered
from the chill of conflict and oppression. And again, the world
waited. But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. The
world has waited long enough. The time is right. Let Europe be
whole and free. (Applause.)
To the founders of the Alliance, this aspiration was a
distant dream, and now it's the new mission of NATO. If ancient
rivals like Britain and France, or France and Germany, can reconcile,
then why not the nations of the East and West?
In the East, brave men and women are showing us the way.
Look at Poland, where Solidarity -- Solidarnosc and the Catholic
Church have won legal status. The forces of freedom are putting the
Soviet status quo on the defensive.
In the West, we have succeeded because we've been
faithful to our values and our vision. And the other side of the
rusting Iron Curtain, their vision failed.
The Cold War began with the division of Europe. It can
only end when Europe is whole. (Applause.) Today, it is this very
concept of a divided Europe that is under siege. And that's why our
hopes run especially high, because the division of Europe is under
siege not by armies, but by the spread of ideas that began here,
right here. It was a son of Mainz, Johannes Gutenberg, who liberated
the mind of man through the power of the printed word.
And that same liberating power is unleashed today in a
hundred new forms. The Voice of America, Deutsche Welle allow us to
enlighten millions deep within Eastern Europe and throughout the
world. Television satellites allow us to bear witness from the
shipyards of Gdansk to Tiananmen Square. But the momentum for
freedom does not just come from the printed word or the transistor or
the television screen. It comes from a single powerful idea --
democracy. (Applause.)
This one idea -- this one idea is sweeping across
Eurasia. This one idea is why the communist world, from Budapest to
Beijing, is in ferment. Of course, for the leaders of the East, it's
not just freedom for freedom's sake. But whatever their motivation,
they are unleashing a force they will find difficult to channel or
control --- the hunger for liberty of oppressed peoples who have
tasted freedom.
Nowhere is this more apparent than in Eastern Europe, the
birthplace of the Cold War. In Poland, at the end of World War II,
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the Soviet Army prevented the free elections promised by Stalin at
Yalta. And today, Poles are taking the first steps toward real
elections, so long promised -- so long deferred. And in Hungary, at
last we see a chance for multi-party competition at the ballot box.
As President, I will continue to do all I can to help
open the closed societies of the East. We seek self-determination
for all of Germany and all of Eastern Europe. (Applause.) And we
will not relax and we must not waver. Again, the world has waited
long enough.
But democracy's journey East is not easy. Intellectuals
like the great Czech playwright Vaclav Havel still work under the
shadow of coercion. And repression still menaces too many peoples of
Eastern Europe. Barriers and barbed wire still fence in nations. So
when I visit Poland and Hungary this summer, I will deliver this
message: There cannot be a common European home until all within it
are free to move from room to room. (Applause.)
And I'll take another message: The path of freedom leads
to a larger home -- a home where West meets East, a democratic home
-- the commonwealth of free nations.
And I said that positive steps by the Soviets would be
met by steps of our own. And this is why I announced on May 12th a
readiness to consider granting to the Soviets a temporary waiver of
the Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions, if they liberalize emigration.
And this is also why I announced on Monday that the United States is
prepared to drop the "no exceptions" standard that has guided our
approach to controlling the export of technology to the Soviet Union
-- lifting a sanction enacted in response to their invasion of
Afghanistan. (Applause.)
And in this same spirit, I set forth four proposals to
heal Europe's tragic division, to help Europe become whole and free.
First, I propose we strengthen and broaden the Helsinki
process to promote free elections and political pluralism in Eastern
Europe. As the forces of freedom and democracy rise in the East, so
should our expectations.
And weaving together the slender threads of freedom in
the East will require much from the Western democracies. In
particular, the great political parties of the West must assume an
historic responsibility -- to lend counsel and support to those brave
men and women who are trying to form the first truly representative
political parties in the East, to advance freedom and democracy, to
part the Iron Curtain. (Applause.)
In fact, it's already begun to part. The frontier of
barbed wire and minefields between Hungary and Austria is being
removed, foot by foot, mile by mile. Just as the barriers are coming
down in Hungary, SO must they fall throughout all of Eastern Europe.
Let Berlin be next. (Applause.) Let Berlin be next. (Applause.)
Nowhere is the division between East and West seen more
clearly than in Berlin. And there this brutal wall cuts neighbor
from neighbor, brother from brother. And that Wall stands as a
monument to the failure of communism. It must come down.
(Applause.)
Now, glasnost may be a Russian word, but openness is a
Western concept. West Berlin has always enjoyed the openness of a
free city. And our proposal would make all Berlin a center of
commerce between East and West -- a place of cooperation, not a point
of confrontation. And we rededicate ourselves to the 1987 allied
initiative to strengthen freedom and security in that divided city.
This, then is my second proposal -- bring glasnost to East Berlin.
(Applause.)
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My generation remembers a Europe ravaged by war. And of
course, Europe has long since rebuilt its proud cities and restored
its majestic cathedrals. But what a tragedy it would be if your
continent was again spoiled, this time by a more subtle and insidious
danger -- the Chancellor referred to it -- that of poisoned rivers
and acid rain.
America has faced an environmental tragedy in Alaska.
Countries from France to Finland suffered after Chernobyl. West
Germany is struggling to save the Black Forest today. And
throughout, we have all learned a terrible lesson -- environmental
destruction respects no borders. (Applause.)
So my third proposal is to work together on these
environmental problems, with the United States and Western Europe
extending a hand to the East. Since much remains to be done in both
East and West, we ask Eastern Europe to join us in this common
struggle. We can offer technical training, assistance in drafting
laws and regulations, and new technologies for tackling these awesome
problems. And I invite the environmentalists and engineers of the
East to visit the West, to share knowledge SO we can succeed in this
great cause.
My fourth proposal -- actually, a set of proposals --
concerns a less militarized Europe, the most heavily armed continent
in the world. Nowhere is this more important than in the two
Germanys. And that's why our quest to safely reduce armaments has a
special significance for the German people.
To those who are impatient with our measured pace in arms
reductions, I respectfully suggest that history teaches us a lesson
-- that unity and strength are the catalyst and prerequisite to arms
control. We've always believed that a strong Western defense is the
best road to peace. (Applause.) Forty years of experience have proven
us right.
But we've done more than just keep the peace. By
standing together, we have convinced the Soviets that their arms
buildup has been costly and pointless. Let us not give them
incentives to return to the policies of the past. Let us give them
every reason to abandon the arms race for the sake of the human race.
(Applause.)
In this era of both negotiation and armed camps, America
understands that West Germany bears a special burden. Of course, in
this nuclear age, every nation is on the front line. But not all
free nations are called to endure the tension of regular military
activity, or the constant presence of foreign military forces. We
are sensitive to these special conditions that this needed presence
imposes.
To significantly ease the burden of armed camps in
Europe, we must be aggressive in our pursuit of solid, verifiable
agreements between NATO and the Warsaw Pact.
On Monday, with my NATO colleagues in Brussels, I shared
my great hope for the future of conventional arms negotiations in
Europe. I shared with them a proposal for achieving significant
reductions in the near future.
And as you know, the Warsaw Pact has now accepted major
elements of our Western approach to the new conventional arms
negotiations in Vienna. The Eastern Bloc acknowledges that a
substantial imbalance exists between the conventional forces of the
two Alliances. And they've moved closer to NATO's position by
accepting most elements of our initial conventional arms proposal.
These encouraging steps have produced the opportunity for creative
and decisive action, and we shall not let that opportunity pass.
(Applause.)
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Our proposal has several key initiatives.
I propose that we "lock in" the Eastern agreement to
Western-proposed ceilings on tanks and armored troop carriers. We
should also seek an agreement on common numerical ceiling for
artillery in the range between NATO's and that of the Warsaw Pact,
provided these definitional problems can be solved. And the weapons
we remove must be destroyed.
We should expand our current offer to include all
land-based combat aircraft and helicopters, by proposing that both
sides reduce in these categories to a level 15 percent below the
current NATO totals. Given the Warsaw Pact's advantage in numbers,
the Pact would have to make far-deeper reductions than NATO to
establish parity at those lower levels. Again, the weapons we remove
must be destroyed.
I propose a 20 percent cut in combat manpower in
.S.-stationed forces, and a resulting ceiling on U.S. and Soviet
ground and air forces stationed outside of national territory in the
Atlantic-to-the-Urals zone, at approximately 275,000 each. This
reduction to parity, a fair and balanced level of strength, would
compel the Soviets to reduce their 600, 000-strong Red Army in Eastern
Europe by 325,000. And these withdrawn forces must be demobilized.
(Applause.)
And finally, I call on President Gorbachev to accelerate
the timetable for reaching these agreements. There is no reason why
the five-to-six year timetable as suggested by Moscow is necessary.
I propose a much more ambitious schedule. And we should aim to reach
an agreement within six months to a year, and accomplish reductions
by 1992, or 1993 at the latest. (Applause.)
In addition to my conventional arms proposals, I believe
that we ought to strive to improve the openness with which we and the
Soviets conduct our military activities. And therefore, I want to
reiterate my support for greater transparency. I renew my proposal
that the Soviet Union and its allies open their skies to reciprocal,
unarmed aerial surveillance flights, conducted on short notice, to
watch military activities. Satellites are a very important way to
verify arms control agreements. But they do not provide constant
coverage of the Soviet Union. An Open Skies policy would move both
sides closer to a total continuity of coverage, while symbolizing
greater openness between East and West.
These are my proposals to achieve a less militarized
Europe. A short time ago they would have been too revolutionary to
consider. And yet today, we may well be on the verge of a more
ambitious agreement in Europe than anyone considered possible.
But we are also challenged by developments outside of
NATO's traditional areas of concern. Every Western nation still
faces the global proliferation of lethal technologies, including
ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. We must collectively
control the spread of these growing threats. So we should begin as
soon as possible with a worldwide ban on chemical weapons.
(Applause.)
Growing political freedom in the East, a Berlin without
barriers, a cleaner environment, a less militarized Europe -- each is
a noble goal, and taken together they are the foundation of our
larger vision -- a Europe that is free and at peace with itself. And
SO let the Soviets know that our goal is not to undermine their
legitimate security interests. Our goal is to convince them, step by
step, that their definition of security is obsolete, that their
deepest fears are unfounded. (Applause.)
When Western Europe takes its giant step in 1992, it will
institutionalize what's been true for years --- borders open to
people, commerce and ideas. No shadow of suspicion, no sinister fear
is cast between you. The very prospect of war within the West is
unthinkable to our citizens. (Applause.) But such a peaceful
integration of nations into a world community does not mean that any
nation must relinquish its culture, much less its sovereignty.
This process of integration, a subtle weaving of shared
interests, which is so nearly complete in Western Europe, has now
finally begun in the East. We want to help the nations of Eastern
Europe realize what we, the nations of Western Europe, learned long
ago. The foundation of lasting security comes, not from tanks,
troops or barbed wire. It is built on shared values and agreements
that link free peoples. (Applause.)
The nations of Eastern Europe are rediscovering the
glories of their national heritage. So let the colors and hues of
national culture return to these grey societies of the East. Let
Europe forego a peace of tension for a peace of trust, one in which
the peoples of the East and West can rejoice; a continent that is
diverse, yet whole.
Forty years of Cold War have tested Western resolve and
the strength of our values. NATO's first mission is now nearly
complete. But if we are to fulfill our vision -- our European vision
-- the challenges of the next 40 years will ask no less of us.
Together, we shall answer the call. The world has waited long
enough.
Thank you for inviting me to Mainz. May God bless you
all. Long live the friendship between Germany and the United States.
Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)
END
1:45 P.M. (L)
FILE
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: KARL MARX UNIVERSITY
JULY 12, 1:15 P.M.
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, DR. CSAKI (CHAH-KEE). IT'S
A PLEASURE TO BE BACK IN BUDAPEST, AND I AM PROUD TO BE
THE FIRST AMERICAN PRESIDENT TO VISIT HUNGARY.
SOME MIGHT FIND IT IRONIC THAT I AM SPEAKING AT A
UNIVERSITY NAMED AFTER KARL MARX. BUT THE FACT THAT I
AM HERE TODAY IS LESS A CAUSE FOR SURPRISE THAN PROOF
THAT AMERICA WELCOMES THE UNFETTERED COMPETITION OF
IDEAS.
THE UNIVERSITY'S PRINCIPAL TASK IS TO PROMOTE THIS
COMPETITION. THAT IS THE SPIRIT THAT BRINGS US
TOGETHER -- A SPIRIT THAT GUIDED A GREAT TEACHER AT
KARL MARX UNIVERSITY, WHOSE NAME WAS IMRE (EEMH-RAY)
NAGY (NUDGE). ((PAUSE))
- 2 -
AS HIS FUNERAL PROCEEDED IN HEROES' SQUARE A FEW
WEEKS AGO, THE RISING VOICE OF HUNGARY WAS HEARD
RECITING THE SZOZAT [SO-ZAT]. AND IN THIS SIMPLE,
SOMBER CEREMONY, THE WORLD SAW SOMETHING MORE THAN A
DIGNIFIED ACT OF RECONCILIATION. WE WITNESSED AN ACT
OF TRUTH. IT IS ON THIS FOUNDATION OF TRUTH, MORE
SOLID THAN STONE, THAT HUNGARIANS HAVE BEGUN TO BUILD A
NEW FUTURE
A GENERATION WAITED TO HONOR IMRE
(EEMH-RAY) NAGY'S (NUDGE'S) COURAGE; MAY A HUNDRED
GENERATIONS REMEMBER IT.
WHILE HUNGARY REDISCOVERS ITS NATURAL ROLE IN THE
AFFAIRS OF EUROPE, THE WORLD AGAIN LOOKS TO YOU FOR
INSPIRATION. A POPULAR NON-FICTION BOOK IN MY COUNTRY
TODAY IS ENTITLED BUDAPEST 1900. DR. JOHN LUKACS
LOVINGLY DESCRIBES THE BUDAPEST OF MEMORY, WITH ITS
PROUD STOCK EXCHANGE AND GREAT OPERA; A TIME WHEN
EUROPE'S FIRST ELECTRIC SUBWAY RAN UNDERNEATH THE
HANDSOME SHOPS OF ANDRASSY AVENUE.
- 3 -
A CITY THAT RIVALED PARIS IN ITS SPLENDOR
VIENNA IN ITS MUSIC
LONDON IN ITS LITERATURE. A
CENTER OF LEARNING THAT ENLIGHTENED THE WORLD, AND GAVE
AMERICA ONE KIND OF GENIUS IN JOSEPH PULITZER, AND
ANOTHER IN BELA BARTOK. BUT FOR FOUR DECADES, THIS
GREAT CITY, THIS GREAT NATION, so CENTRAL TO THE
CONTINENT IN EVERY RESPECT, HAS BEEN SEPARATED FROM
EUROPE AND THE WEST.
TODAY HUNGARY IS OPENING AGAIN TO THE WEST --
BECOMING A BEACON OF LIGHT IN EUROPEAN CULTURE. I SEE
PEOPLE IN MOTION. I SEE COLOR, CREATIVITY,
EXPERIMENTATION. I SEE A NEW BEGINNING FOR HUNGARY
THE VERY ATMOSPHERE OF BUDAPEST IS ELECTRIC, ALIVE
WITH OPTIMISM.
YOUR PEOPLE AND YOUR LEADERS -- GOVERNMENT AND
OPPOSITION ALIKE -- ARE NOT AFRAID TO BREAK WITH THE
PAST, TO ACT IN THE SPIRIT OF TRUTH. AND WHAT BETTER
EXAMPLE OF THIS COULD THERE BE THAN ONE SIMPLE FACT:
KARL MARX UNIVERSITY HAS DROPPED DAS KAPITAL FROM ITS
REQUIRED READING LIST
- 4 -
SOME HISTORIANS ARGUE THAT MARXISM AROSE OUT OF A
HUMANE IMPULSE. BUT KARL MARX TRACED ONLY ONE THREAD
OF HUMAN EXISTENCE, AND MISSED THE REST OF THE TAPESTRY
-- THE COLORFUL AND VARIED TAPESTRY OF HUMANITY. MARX
REGARDED MAN AS HAPLESS --UNABLE TO SHAPE HIS
ENVIRONMENT OR DESTINY. BUT MAN IS NOT DRIVEN BY
IMPERSONAL ECONOMIC FORCES. HE IS NOT SIMPLY AN OBJECT
ACTED UPON BY MECHANICAL "LAWS" OF HISTORY.
RATHER, MAN IS IMAGINATIVE AND INVENTIVE. HE IS
ARTISTIC, WITH AN INNATE NEED TO CREATE AND ENJOY
BEAUTY. HE IS A LOVING MEMBER OF A FAMILY, AND A
LOYAL PATRIOT TO HIS PEOPLE. MAN IS DYNAMIC,
DETERMINED TO SHAPE HIS OWN FUTURE.
THE CREATIVE GENIUS OF THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE, LONG
SUPPRESSED, IS AGAIN FLOURISHING IN YOUR SCHOOLS, YOUR
BUSINESSES, YOUR CHURCHES. THIS IS MORE THAN A
FLEETING SEASON OF FREEDOM. IT IS HUNGARY RETURNING TO
ITS TRADITIONAL VALUES. IT IS HUNGARY RETURNING HOME.
- 5 -
VOICES LONG STILLED ARE BEING HEARD AGAIN. AN
INDEPENDENT DAILY NEWSPAPER IS NOW SOLD ON THE STREETS.
COMMERCIAL RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WILL BROADCAST
EVERYTHING FROM THE NEWS
...
TO THE MUSIC OF STEVIE
WONDER. AND RADIO FREE EUROPE IS OPENING ITS FIRST
EAST EUROPEAN BUREAU RIGHT HERE IN BUDAPEST.
ALONG YOUR BORDER WITH AUSTRIA, THE UGLY SYMBOL OF
EUROPE'S DIVISION AND HUNGARY'S ISOLATION IS COMING
DOWN, AS THE BARBED WIRE FENCES ARE ROLLED AND STACKED
INTO BALES. FOR THE FIRST TIME, THE IRON CURTAIN HAS
BEGUN TO PART. AND HUNGARY IS LEADING THE WAY.
THE SOVIET UNION HAS WITHDRAWN TROOPS, WHICH I
ALSO TAKE AS A STEP IN OVERCOMING EUROPE'S DIVISION.
AND AS THOSE FORCES LEAVE, LET THE SOVIET LEADERS KNOW
THEY HAVE EVERYTHING TO GAIN, AND NOTHING TO LOSE OR
FEAR, FROM PEACEFUL CHANGE. WE CAN WORK TOGETHER TO
MOVE BEYOND CONTAINMENT, BEYOND THE COLD WAR.
- 6 -
ONE OF THE KEY STEPS IN MOVING BEYOND CONTAINMENT
IS EASING THE MILITARY CONFRONTATION IN EUROPE. TO
THIS END, THE NATO ALLIES JOINED, AT THE MAY SUMMIT
MEETING, IN MY PROPOSAL OF A COMPREHENSIVE CONVENTIONAL
ARMS CONTROL INITIATIVE -- AN INITIATIVE THAT WOULD CUT
THE NUMBERS OF TANKS, ARMORED TROOP CARRIERS,
ARTILLERY, COMBAT AIRCRAFT, ATTACK HELICOPTERS, AS WELL
AS U.S. AND SOVIET TROOPS STATIONED ON FOREIGN SOIL IN
EUROPE -- ALL TO LOWER, EQUAL LEVELS.
THE ISSUES MAY BE COMPLEX, BUT WE ARE WORKING, DAY
AND NIGHT, TO GET A SOLID, HISTORIC AGREEMENT TO
STRENGTHEN STABILITY IN EUROPE AND REDUCE THE RISK OF
WAR. AND WE ARE DETERMINED TO GET IT SOON.
THERE IS NO MISTAKING THE FACT THAT WE ARE ON THE
THRESHOLD OF A NEW ERA. AND THERE IS ALSO NO MISTAKING
THE FACT THAT HUNGARY IS AT THE THRESHOLD OF GREAT AND
HISTORIC CHANGE. YOU ARE WRITING A REAL CONSTITUTION -
- AND YOU ARE MOVING TOWARD DEMOCRATIC, MULTI-PARTY
ELECTIONS.
- 7 -
THIS IS PARTLY POSSIBLE BECAUSE BRAVE MEN AND
WOMEN HAVE FORMED OPPOSITION PARTIES. AND THIS IS
POSSIBLE BECAUSE HUNGARIAN LEADERS ARE GOING TO SHOW
THE ULTIMATE POLITICAL COURAGE -- THE COURAGE TO SUBMIT
TO THE CHOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN FREE ELECTIONS.
BUT TO SUCCEED IN REFORM, YOU WILL NEED PARTNERS -
- PARTNERS TO HELP PROMOTE LASTING CHANGE IN HUNGARY.
I AM HERE TO OFFER HUNGARY THE PARTNERSHIP OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
THREE VITAL SPHERES STAND OUT IN OUR PARTNERSHIP -
- ECONOMICS, THE ENVIRONMENT, AND DEMOCRATIC AND
CULTURAL EXCHANGE.
INVESTMENT IN HUNGARY
THE UNITED STATES BELIEVES IN THE ACCELERATION OF
PRODUCTIVE CHANGE, NOT IN ITS DELAY. so THIS OUR
GUIDING PRINCIPLE -- THE UNITED STATES WILL OFFER
ASSISTANCE NOT TO PROP UP THE STATUS QUO, BUT TO PROPEL
REFORM.
- 8 -
OF COURSE, THE WEIGHT OF THE PAST STILL BURDENS
HUNGARIAN ENTERPRISE. THERE ARE REMNANTS OF THE
STALINIST ECONOMY -- HUGE, INEFFICIENT INDUSTRIAL
PLANTS; A BEWILDERING PRICE SYSTEM NO ONE UNDERSTANDS;
THE MASSIVE SUBSIDIES THAT CLOUD ECONOMIC DECISIONS --
ALL OF THIS SLOWS WHAT YOU COULD OTHERWISE ACHIEVE.
IT'S AN ECONOMIC RUBIK'S CUBE THAT DEFIES SOLUTION.
TO MAKE THE TRANSITION TO A PRODUCTIVE ECONOMY
WILL TEST YOUR METTLE AS A PEOPLE. THE PRICES OF SOME
COMMODITIES MAY RISE. SOME INEFFICIENT FACTORIES WILL
CLOSE. BUT THE HUNGARIAN GOVERNMENT IS INCREASINGLY
LEAVING THE BUSINESS OF RUNNING SHOPS TO SHOPKEEPERS
AND FARMS TO FARMERS. AND THE CREATIVE DRIVE OF THE
PEOPLE, ONCE UNLEASHED, WILL CREATE A MOMENTUM OF ITS
OWN. THIS WILL BRING YOU A GREATER TREASURE THAN
SIMPLY THE RICHES YOU WILL CREATE. IT WILL GIVE EACH
OF YOU CONTROL OVER YOUR DESTINY
...
A HUNGARIAN
DESTINY.
AND, AS I SAID, THE UNITED STATES WILL BE YOUR
PARTNER IN THIS TRANSFORMATION TO A SUCCESSFUL ECONOMY.
- 9 -
LAST THURSDAY, I INVITED AMERICAN LEADERS FROM
BUSINESS, EDUCATION, LABOR AND OTHER FIELDS -- TO COME
TO THE WHITE HOUSE AND DISCUSS THE NEW PRIVATE SECTOR
OPPORTUNITIES OPENING UP IN HUNGARY. THEIR RESPONSE
WAS ENTHUSIASTIC. THIS WAS ESPECIALLY TRUE OF
HUNGARIAN-AMERICANS, so PROUD TO BE BUILDING A BRIDGE
BETWEEN THEIR NEW COUNTRY AND THEIR MOTHERLAND. AS
LONG AS OUR TWO GOVERNMENTS EASE THE WAY, THE PEOPLE OF
AMERICA AND HUNGARY CAN DO THE REST.
IT IS IN THIS SPIRIT THAT I ANNOUNCE THE FOLLOWING
MEASURES.
FIRST, AS I SAID IN WARSAW, I WILL PROPOSE AT THE
PARIS ECONOMIC SUMMIT CONCERTED WESTERN ACTION FOR
POLAND AND HUNGARY, TO BACK YOUR REFORMS WITH ECONOMIC
AND TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE FROM THE SUMMIT PARTNERS. OF
COURSE, OUR EFFORTS FOR HUNGARY WILL BE TARGETED TO
YOUR NEEDS.
- 10 -
SECOND, I WILL ASK THE U.S. CONGRESS TO AUTHORIZE
A $25 MILLION FUND AS A SOURCE OF NEW CAPITAL TO
INVIGORATE THE HUNGARIAN PRIVATE-SECTOR. I WILL ALSO
ENCOURAGE PARALLEL EFFORTS FROM THE OTHER NATIONS OF
THE ECONOMIC SUMMIT.
THIRD, ONCE YOUR PARLIAMENT PASSES THE NEW
EMIGRATION LEGISLATION PROPOSED BY YOUR COUNCIL OF
MINISTERS, I WILL INFORM OUR CONGRESS THAT HUNGARY IS
IN FULL COMPLIANCE WITH THE JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT TO
OUR 1974 TRADE LAW. NO COUNTRY HAS YET BEEN RELEASED
FROM THE RESTRICTIONS OF THIS AMENDMENT. so I AM
PLEASED TO TELL YOU THAT HUNGARY WILL BE THE FIRST.
((PAUSE)) THIS ACTION WILL GIVE HUNGARY THE MOST
LIBERAL ACCESS TO THE AMERICAN MARKET FOR THE LONGEST
TERM POSSIBLE UNDER OUR LAWS.
FOURTH, AMERICA IS PREPARED TO PROVIDE YOUR
COUNTRY WITH ACCESS TO OUR GENERALIZED SYSTEM OF
PREFERENCES, WHICH OFFERS SELECTIVE TARIFF RELIEF.
SIMPLY PUT, THESE LAST TWO MEASURES WILL ALLOW YOU TO
TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE LARGEST SINGLE MARKET IN THE
WORLD.
- 11 -
FIFTH, WE HAVE CONCLUDED A DRAFT AGREEMENT TO
AUTHORIZE THE OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT CORPORATION
TO OPERATE IN HUNGARY. ONCE OUR SENATE PASSES ENABLING
LEGISLATION, OPIC WILL BE ABLE TO PROVIDE INSURANCE TO
ENCOURAGE AMERICAN INVESTMENT IN PRIVATE ENTERPRISES IN
HUNGARY. THROUGH OPIC, AMERICAN BUSINESS EXECUTIVES
WILL SEE FIRSTHAND THE GREAT OPPORTUNITY OF HUNGARY.
PRIVATE INVESTMENT IS CRITICAL FOR HUNGARY. IT
MEANS JOBS, INNOVATION, PROGRESS. BUT MOST OF ALL,
PRIVATE INVESTMENT MEANS A BRIGHTER FUTURE FOR YOUR
CHILDREN; A BRIGHTER FUTURE FOR HUNGARY.
- 12 -
ENVIRONMENTAL INITIATIVE
YET ECONOMIC PROGRESS CANNOT BE AT THE EXPENSE OF
THE AIR WE BREATHE AND THE WATER WE DRINK. SIX WEEKS
AGO, IN MAINZ, I PROPOSED COOPERATION BETWEEN EAST AND
WEST ON ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES. THAT IS WHY I WILL ASK
THE U.S. CONGRESS TO APPROPRIATE $5 MILLION TO
ESTABLISH AN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL CENTER FOR
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE, TO BE BASED IN BUDAPEST,
WHICH WILL BRING TOGETHER PRIVATE AND GOVERNMENT
EXPERTS AND ORGANIZATIONS TO ADDRESS THE ECOLOGICAL
CRISIS. OUR SHARED HERITAGE IS THE EARTH. AND THE
FATE OF THE EARTH TRANSCENDS BORDERS; IT IS NOT JUST AN
EAST-WEST ISSUE.
HUNGARY HAS LED EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE IN
ADDRESSING THE CONCERNS OF YOUR CITIZENS FOR CLEANER
AIR AND WATER. NOW YOU CAN DO EVEN MORE, WORKING WITH
THE WEST TO BUILD A BRIDGE OF TECHNICAL AND SCIENTIFIC
COOPERATION.
- 13 -
ALONG THESE LINES, I AM ALSO PLEASED TO ANNOUNCE
THAT THE U.S. HAS PROPOSED AN AGREEMENT BETWEEN OUR TWO
COUNTRIES TO ESTABLISH SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL
COOPERATION IN THE BASIC SCIENCES, AND IN SPECIFIC
AREAS, INCLUDING THE ENVIRONMENT, MEDICINE AND NUCLEAR
SAFETY.
DEMOCRATIC AND CULTURAL EXCHANGE
IT IS MY HOPE THAT THIS VISIT WILL ALSO LEAD TO A
WIDER EXCHANGE BETWEEN EAST AND WEST, SO OUR
SCIENTISTS, OUR ARTISTS AND OUR ENVIRONMENTALISTS CAN
LEARN FROM ONE ANOTHER
...
SO THAT OUR SOLDIERS AND
STATESMEN CAN DISCUSS PEACE AND OUR STUDENTS CAN
DISCUSS THE FUTURE. ((PAUSE))
- 14 -
BUT TO DISCUSS ANYTHING REQUIRES A COMMON
LANGUAGE. THE TEACHING OF ENGLISH IS ONE OF THE MOST
POPULAR AMERICAN EXPORTS. AS STUDENTS YOU KNOW THAT
ENGLISH IS THE LINGUA FRANCA OF WORLD BUSINESS, THE KEY
TO CLINCHING DEALS FROM HONG KONG TO TORONTO. so TO
OPEN THE GLOBAL MARKET TO MORE HUNGARIANS, I AM PLEASED
TO ANNOUNCE THAT THE PEACE CORPS WILL, FOR THE FIRST
TIME, OPERATE IN A EUROPEAN COUNTRY. AND OUR PEACE
CORPS INSTRUCTORS WILL COME TO BUDAPEST AND ALL 19
COUNTIES TO TEACH ENGLISH.
- 15 -
IN SUCH EXCHANGES, WE WANT TO HELP YOU IN YOUR
QUEST FOR A NEW BEGINNING AS A DEMOCRATIC HUNGARY. SO
THE UNITED STATES IS ALSO COMMITTING MORE THAN $6
MILLION TO CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES IN
EASTERN EUROPE. WE WILL MAKE AVAILABLE FUNDS FOR A
SERIES OF MAJOR NEW U.S. -HUNGARIAN EXCHANGE PROGRAMS --
AMONG CONGRESSMEN AND LEGISLATIVE EXPERTS, AMONG LABOR
AND BUSINESS LEADERS, AMONG LEGAL EXPERTS, AMONG
COMMUNITY LEADERS, EDUCATORS AND YOUNG PEOPLE. WE ARE
CREATING DOZENS OF FELLOWSHIPS TO ENABLE HUNGARIANS TO
STUDY AT AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES. AND WE WILL FUND
ENDOWED CHAIRS IN AMERICAN STUDIES AT YOUR UNIVERSITIES
...
AND BOOKS -- MANY THOUSANDS OF THEM -- TO FILL
THE SHELVES OF YOUR NEW INTERNATIONAL MANAGEMENT CENTER
AND THE LIBRARIES OF SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES ACROSS
HUNGARY.
THE UNITED STATES WILL ALSO OPEN, WITHIN THE NEXT
SEVERAL YEARS, AN AMERICA HOUSE IN THE CENTER OF
BUDAPEST. TODAY, THE CELEBRATED AMERICAN ARCHITECT
ROBERT STERN IS RELEASING HIS DESIGN FOR THIS CENTER,
WHICH WILL BE AN OPEN HOUSE OF BOOKS, MAGAZINES AND
VIDEOCASSETTES -- AN OPEN HOUSE OF IDEAS.
- 16 -
CONCLUSION
IN ECONOMIC REFORM AND DEMOCRATIC CHANGE, IN
CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL COOPERATION, THERE ARE GREAT
OPPORTUNITIES -- AND GREAT CHALLENGES. HUNGARY HAS A
LOT OF WORK AHEAD; so DO THE UNITED STATES AND HUNGARY,
WORKING TOGETHER TO BUILD A BETTER FUTURE -- A DYNAMIC
FUTURE.
YOUR CHALLENGE IS ENORMOUS AND HISTORIC: TO BUILD
A STRUCTURE OF POLITICAL CHANGE AND DECENTRALIZED
ECONOMIC ENTERPRISE ON THE RUINS OF A FAILED STALINIST
SYSTEM.
GIVEN THE OPPORTUNITY TO SHOW YOUR CHARACTERISTIC
INITIATIVE, CREATIVITY AND RESOURCEFULNESS, I BELIEVE
THAT THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE WILL MEET THE CHALLENGE. YOU
STAND ON THE THRESHOLD OF A NEW ERA OF ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL CHANGE.
- 17 -
I BELIEVE YOU ARE READY TO MEET THE FUTURE. I SEE
A COUNTRY WELL ON THE WAY. I SEE A COUNTRY RICH IN
HUMAN RESOURCES AND RICH IN THE MORAL COURAGE OF ITS
PEOPLE. I SEE A NATION TRANSCENDING ITS PAST AND
REACHING OUT TO ITS DESTINY. I CONGRATULATE YOU FOR
HAVING COME SO FAR.
LET US BE EQUAL TO THE OPPORTUNITY THAT LIES
BEFORE US. LET US HAVE HISTORY WRITE OF US THAT WE
WERE THE GENERATION THAT MADE EUROPE WHOLE AND FREE.
THANK YOU.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(The Hague, The Netherlands)
For Immediate Release
July 17, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE RESIDENTS OF LEIDEN
The Pieterskerk
Leiden, The Netherlands
3:46 P.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Mr. Mayor. Your Majesty and
Your Royal Highness, Barbara and I thank you and the people of The
Netherlands for the warm welcome that has been given to us.
I'm not sure about some of those signs I saw coming in.
It reminded me of my own university, however.
I'm glad to be back with my cousins because we fondly
remember Aunt Abigail back there those many years ago. (Laughter.)
And I want to first thank Mr. DeWolff and that magnificent orchestra,
and the choir from here with that superb solo by Ms. Zedelius -- an
outstanding performance. (Applause.)
And Mayor Goekoop, thank you so much for that Medallion,
which we will treasure forever.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. And the friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and the United Provinces were one of the
models that our founders looked to in creating a nation from 13
sovereign states.
And it's a pleasure to visit Leiden -- a city whose very
name has symbolized for centuries Dutch determination and the
struggle for freedom against the forces of occupation. And for
Americans, too, Leiden is a special city, a place where we trace our
origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. And it was here that Hugo de
Groot -- known to the world as Grotius, the father of modern
international law -- studied in the nation that is today the home of
the International Court of Justice. And it was here that Rembrandt
lived and worked and created a world of beauty that moves us still
today.
And it was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to
escape persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the
shadow of Pieterskerk, they found the freedom to witness God openly
and without fear. And here, under the ancient stones of the
Pieterskerk, the body of John Robinson, the Pilgrims' spiritual
leader, was laid to rest.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course
for a new world. In their search for liberty, they took with them
lessons learned here of freedom and tolerance. And the Pilgrims
faced a dangerous passage. But carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. And on the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new world
-- a world that became America.
And today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new
world lies within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope and a time of enormous
challenges. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea of
universal appeal and undeniable force, and that idea is democracy.
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere --
in the halls of government, in the hearts of people around the world.
In the words of Victor Hugo: "No army can withstand the strength of
an idea whose time has come." And, ladies and gentlemen, freedom's
time has come.
We, the people of the United States and the people of The
Netherlands, are fortunate. The freedoms that others are struggling
for are freedoms that we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and no struggle is without sacrifice. Americans and the
Dutch both know that the cost of freedom is high.
And that's why both of our nations are partners in an
alliance of free nations that spans the ocean that the Pilgrims
crossed. Our alliance, the NATO Alliance, connects two continents --
unites a hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted in
a shared history and heritage; it's a common kinship and culture, as
well.
We are part of the commonwealth of free nations. All
most two months ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of our
alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At the
time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlift to besieged Berlin -- few
would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting. Here in The
Netherlands and elsewhere some people expected war to come again
within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era has brought the
longest period of peace that Europe has known in the modern age. And
let me assure you, Americans know that to keep the peace in Europe is
to keep the peace for America.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions, to build a new world, to build an enduring peace. And
thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the opportunity to
move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet Union into the
community of nations.
Thanks to NATO's steadiness of purpose and its commitment
to maintain strong deterrent forces, the way is now open to real
reductions in the level of arms that has long cast a shadow over this
continent, the most heavily militarized on Earth.
And seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new
world -- depends on the unity and strength of the entire Alliance --
not on the actions of one nation alone. The revival of the Western
European Union -- in which The Netherlands played a vital role -- the
growing cooperation on security issues between West Germany and
France; British and French resolve to modernize their own nuclear
forces: each of these developments is a sign that Europe sees the
wisdom of sustaining the collective strength that has kept the peace.
The lesson of our postwar experience is this: strength
has kept us safe and has created opportunities for change. And from
these opportunities, we can create a new era of enduring peace.
Let me say clearly, a stronger Europe, a more united
Europe is good for my country; it's good for the United States of
America. And it's a development we welcome -- a natural evolution
within our Alliance -- the product of true partnership 40 years in
the making.
closer cooperation isn't limited to
MORE
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation, no nation can prosper in economic
isolation. And that's why we look forward to the single European
market and a more integrated European Community. The world's major
industrial democracies must work to maintain an open trading system
to preserve sustained economic growth.
And our progress at this recently-concluded economic
summit in Paris brought us closer to a more coordinated and common
approach across a wide spectrum of critical global issues. The key
is concerted action -- bringing the collective strength of the West
to bear on our common concerns.
Concerns like the environment. Global warming, acid
rain, and pollution of the world's oceans -- these are problems that
know no borders, that no line on a map has the power to stop. And
pollution crosses continents and oceans. And it's time for nations
to join forces in common defense of our environment.
The United States of America will do its part. A little
over a month ago in the United States I announced a series of
sweeping changes to our Clean Air Act -- changes meant to ensure that
every American, in the space of one generation, will breathe clean
air.
And shortly after I get back to the United States --
after I return home -- we will send our Clean Air legislation to
Congress. And last week in Poland and Hungary, I announced
initiatives to work with those two countries to combat their
pollution problems. And the next step is clear. We must work
together -- take concerted action to combat this common problem --
clean up our environment for ourselves and for our children.
And the summit underscored the fact that it's time we
take the next step in solving the debt problem -- to encourage
conditions for global growth that will benefit the industrialized
nations and the developing world alike. We must make progress on
this because it's more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom can nourish the barren soil of
poverty, just as the Pilgrims landed upon a desolate rock and laid
the foundations of the freedom and prosperity that we know today.
Economic and democratic development go hand-in-hand. And
the steps we've taken towards a common strategy on debt will sustain
a favorable climate for growth -- and for the flourishing of
democracy in the developing world.
And there's Eastern Europe. Let me explain the approach
that I take towards reform in Eastern Europe. We will never
compromise our principles. We will always speak out for freedom.
But we understand as well how vital a carefully calibrated approach
is in this time of dynamic change.
The Soviet Union has nothing -- nothing to fear from the
reforms that are now unfolding in some of the nations of Eastern
Europe. We support reform -- in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet
Union. And we're seeing dramatic changes. General Secretary
Gorbachev's recent letter two days ago to the economic summit is only
the latest example of the Soviets moving in our direction -- coming
our way. I've said it many times -- that I want to see perestroika
succeed. I want to see the Soviet Union chart a course that brings
itself into the community of nations.
And my visits these last two months demonstrate how
chosely the United States is linked to Europe. For half a century,
America has been deeply involved in the future of this continent.
And U.S. involvement will he = fact the next century, as it
has been for this one. We will play a constructive role in Eastern
Europe's economic development, in the development of political
pluralism, and in creating an international climate in which reform
MORE
can succeed. And that is why America's relations with the Soviet
Union are so important. Improved relations with the USSR reduce
cutting edge of reform.
pressure on the nations of Eastern Europe -- especially those on the
The new world we seek is a commonwealth of free nations
working in concert -- a world where more and more nations enter a
widening circle of freedom.
In the pulpit here at the Pieterskerk, one year after
peace was restored in Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people
of Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill said,
"The great wheel has swung full circle." And Europe then stood at
the threshold of a new era -- an era whose hope Churchill expressed
in a single, simple phrase. "Let freedom reign."
And we all know what followed. Half of Europe entered
that new era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off
by barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war and laid the foundations of free government
and free enterprise that brought unparalleled prosperity, and a life
in peace and freedom.
And the "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall --
endured fear. four decades of privation and hardship and persecution and
And today that "other Europe" is changing. The great
wheel is moving once more. And our time -- the exciting time in
which we live -- is a time of new hope -- the hope that all of Europe
can now know the freedom that you all -- that The Netherlands has
known, that America has known, and that the West has known.
Our hope is that the unnatural division of Europe will
now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will join its
neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Poland and Hungary are on the cutting edge -- they're on
the forefront of this reform. And they've travelled far these past
12 months, farther than any of us once would have thought possible.
In Warsaw, I spoke to the new Polish Parliament that includes 100 new
freely-elected Senators -- elected to office in Eastern Europe's
first truly free election in the post-war era. And in Hungary, I
addressed the students and faculty of Karl Marx University -- the
university where the lessons of the free market are replacing the old
teachings of Das Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, tens of thousands of people -- literally tens
of thousands filled the streets -- new voices, full of new hope. And
theirs were the faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on the
horizon, on the new world coming into view.
odds, freedom will succeed.
And they know, as we do, that ultimately, whatever the
It's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson that you know so well -- that the Dutch know so
well. The Netherlands will never -- I was talking at this lunch
today with your able Prime Minister -- The Netherlands will never
forget the nightmare of occupation. Some of you here today suffered
through those long years.
And even then freedom endured. Pieterskerk -- behind
these walls, above the rafters -- resistance fighters, university
students took refuge from the forces of occupation and safe
haven in this church.
MORE
- 5 -
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought
them food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps
-- kept them alive, kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive throughout The Netherlands' dark night.
And why? Why would people endanger themselves to save
others? They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
words of Jan Campert, poet of the Dutch resistance, they acted
because "the heart could not do otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk, in
Budapest, and yes, across the Soviet Union.
So the challenge that we face is a very clear one. We
must work together toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West
-- is free of discord, free of division. A day when people in every
city and every town across this continent knows the freedoms that we
enjoy.
And here in Leiden, where the pilgrims dreamed their new
world, let us pledge our effort to create a new world in Europe,
whole and free, a new world now within our reach.
Once again, thank you, God bless The Netherlands, God
bless the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere in the world. Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
4:01 P.M. (L)