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The original documents are located in Box 37, folder "Personnel - Conflict of Interest:
Connally, John" of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Some items in this folder were not digitized because it contains copyrighted
materials. Please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library for access to
these materials.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
T
ap. 72 - June 73
BERALD FORD LIBRARY
Digitized from Box 37 of the Philip Buchen Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
For the Republicans
JOHN B. CONNALLY
Before he joined the Nixon administration, Dem-
ocrat Connally, 55, was secretary of the navy under
President John Kennedy, then served three terms
as governor of Texas. It wouldn't be a great sur-
prise if he became Nixon's vice presidential choice.
di
=IfWatergate had not swamped Nixon
si
W
South Vietnam would not have fallen
ci
pr
and the White House taping system would
pl
cr
-
still be running and no one would know it.'
te
p
C
na
Haldeman Has a Turn
fe
B
vi
er
By Michael T. Malloy
the CBS show. "I felt he had something
ic
to sav. but I didn't see much of it [on
Johnson, Connally has been embraced by ultra-con-
nany S nomination, we must 100K at what these in-
servative cattle barons, bankers, and oil magnates as
terests were in the past - and what they are likely
one of their own.
to be in the near future.
As a result, Nixon's nomination of Connally for
Connally's earliest ties were with the Austin-
Secretary of the Treasury came as more of a shock
based grouping which grew up in the hothouse at-
in the East, than it did in East Texas. In the Houston
mosphere of cost-plus contracting and political pork-
financial community, where he sat on the boards of
barreling during and immediately after World War
directors of two important banks, the news caused
II. Spearheaded by political power in Congress -
scarcely a ripple. Similarly, there was annoyance but
especially in the important House and Senate military
little surprise among Texas' moderates. To some his
appropriations committees - this grouping began to
nomination (in the words of the chief liberal spokes-
expand and develop strong interests in a number of
man, then-Senator Ralph Yarborough) can be seen
areas: banking and land; large-scale construction; oil
drilling and exploration; broadcasting; and insurance.
THE AUTHOR
Directly or indirectly each of these was dependent on
Stephen D. Berkowitz, 27, received his A.B. in
federal largesse: construction on funds for building
Political Science at the University of Michigan in 1965.
military bases, dams, and pipelines; broadcasting on
He is currently writing a Ph.D. thesis at Brandeis
federal licenses; and oil drilling, in many cases,
University on the evolution of American elite groups,
on leases and direct subsidies. Insurance companies
and a book on SMIC for Beacon Press.
frequently grew up around military bases - selling
1 The New York Times, Tuesday, December 15, 1970, p. 22.
a In the last several years, there has been a concerted efforr to re-
make the University of Texas along the lines of a high-powered-
2
For a good discussion of the conflict between the Johnson-Connally
knowledge-tactory model including the wooing of faculty from
and Yarborough wings of the Democratic party in Texas, see Robert
established academic conglomerates. Unfortunately. this has some-
Sherrill. The Accidental President, New York, Py amid, 1968; especial-
times created mutual culture shock between the newcomers and
ly pp. 78-116.
their environment - as in the Caroline case.
12
12
"Texas Politicians Are B
Connally W
by Robert B. Semple, Jr.
Along with most other reporters who assembled in the
finis
White House press briefing room on May 16, the day
serv
John Connally resigned as secretary of the Treasury, I
la
had come to believe that Connally would not remain
tion
indefinitely with the administration. But I was sur-
to b
prised by his timing. There had, of course, been per-
suming restlessness. There was, in retrospect, an air of
sistent rumors that Connally and especially his wife
impermanence to his 17-month tenure at Treasury
Nellie were anxious to return to private life. But in the
John Connally was ready to move on
weeks before the announcement, he had been seeing
The question is: where to? So far, most of the specu-
every reporter in town, lavishing praise on his chief,
lation about when and at what point Connally will
and he had given Dick and Pat a fine dinner party in
stage another blazing reentry from his present holding
Texas. Only six days before his resignation, he had
pattern has yielded few answers A dwindling but
entertained a number of Treasury "regulars" in his
hardy band of Republicans who regard Spiro Agnew
office (among them Edwin L. Dale, Jr., of The New York
as a low-yield political weapon think that Nixon will
Times) and had given Dale and the others the clear im-
yet invite Connally to share the Republican ticket this
pression he planned to stay through Nixon's first term.
fall; others see Connally returning in a second Nixon
Connally had seemed to be digging in; instead, as
administration, assuming there is one, as an assertive
it happened, he was simply digging out. The three
secretary of state, replacing a burned-out but hugely
outside Connally-watchers I called when the briefing
satisfied Henry Kissinger as the President's chief for-
ended gave essentially the same explanation, although
eign policy adviser, still others believe that Connally
it may not have been their intention to do so. Ronnie
may simply stay clearof the battle until 1976, when he
Dugger, the Texas liberal journalist, observed that
could bid in his own right for the GOP nomination or,
Connally "comes to a job on his own terms and leaves
alternatively, stage a one-man operation aimed at re-
when he senses the presence of new opportunities or
trieving his own Democratic Party from what he per-
gets bored with old ones." Dugger Connally
ceives to be an ominous leftward drift. One can find
"the greatest broken-field runner in American poli-
supporting evidence for all of these guesses in things
tics." George Christian, Lyndon Johnson's former
that Connally has said or done; this reporter must
press secretary and a long-time Connally loyalist,
simply confess that his lack of inside information is
seemed the least surprised. Contrary to the conven-
equaled only by his sense of anticipation. As of this
tional wisdom, Christian argued, "Connally likes pri-
writing, Connally was still zooming around the world,
vate life more than any other public official I know.
his every move charted and announced by the White
He is a universal man, and he feels restricted when
House press office, which hasn't mentioned Agnew in
his is forced to spend all his time on one job." Robert
weeks; Spiro himself had not been given any word.
Strauss, treasurer of the Democratic National Commit-
Perhaps Mr. Nixon was genuinely leaving his options
tee and another old friend, put the matter only slightly
open; perhaps he was merely playing games to create
differently. He observed-as Dugger had-that Con-
a bit of suspense on the Republican side.
nally's long administrative relationship with Lyndon
One can address two other aspects of Connally's
Johnson, spanning nearly three decades, had been in-
future with a greater degree of certainty. The first is
terrupted frequently by quick and profitable forays
that he is likely to remain within the Nixon orbit, in
into the world of private business; that he had lasted
one capacity or another, for the rest of this year and
only a year as secretary of the navy under Kennedy;
probably for some time to come. Connally's history,
that he had served two terms as Texas governor but
the well-advertised chumminess of his personal rela-
had to be "hog-tied" into serving a third; that the job
tionship with the President, and his own public and
Richard Nixon had summoned him to do-to help
private testimony on the subject lead one to believe
chart a new economic strategy-was now essentially
that he will continue to provide Nixon with direct poli-
tical support. The second is that Conrially is not done
ROBERT B. SEMPLE, JR. is White House correspondent for
with elective or appointive office-that is, public serv-
The New York Times.
ice as he understands it. If Connally is, as Christian in-
the party could significantly weaken the remaining
burn Democrats) left the party vulnerable to Gold-
taboos against Democratic defections to the Southern
water, so President Nixon's incoherent and sometimes
GOP. A Nixon-Connally ticket might at last com-
demagogic political strategies may well destroy the
bine with "heartland" Republicanism that "Sunbelt"
potential contribution of his national policies to sound
coalition which has long been the special constituency
party development. In order to sustain a successful Re-
of the former governor of Texas.
publicanism, the party may have to look beyond itself,
as it did in 1952.
Support for Connally, however, goes well beyond
the advocates of a conservative realignment. Thomas
Certainly the Nixon Administration does not daz-
E. Petri's memo on the subject reflects opinions on the
zle the eye with other leaders of Presidential stature.
charismatic Texan heard increasingly among Progres-
It is not at all inconceivable that without Connally we
sive Republicans. A founding member and first Exec-
could be stranded in 1976 with Agnew and a conven-
utive Director of Ripon who worked with Connally on
tion captured by right-wing zealots. Or we could be
the Ash Commission on Executive Re-organization,
faced with a 1972 ticket including Brock, Buckley or
some other cosmetic conservative more difficult than
Petri presents an inviting argument. Not only would
Connally contribute most to the ticket, Petri maintains,
Agnew to beat in primaries in 1976.
but the Texan would also be a powerful and effective
Therefore, unless we assume that Nixon may an-
Vice President, fully qualified to assume the highest
noint Senator Brooke or some other moderate, Agnew
office.
or Connally may be the best we can expect in 1972.
Agnew might be preferred because he is beatable in
Beyond the cogent case made by Petri on Connal-
1976 primaries; Connally because he is not. The Texan
ly's merits, there are intriguing tactical considerations.
could secure the 1976 nomination while Vice Presi-
His prospective nomination implies a decisive demo-
dent, win the election and serve as a strong and effec-
tion of the incumbent, Spiro Agnew. Since he now
tive President. Progressives who think they can win
rivals Ronald Reagan as a post-prandial entertainer, it
the intra-party struggle in 1976 thus might support
seems desirable to relieve Agnew of the kind of exec-
Agnew; the more pessimistic might embrace Connally.
utive responsibilities that finally made the Californian
And at present, the pessimists do not lack a case.
such a bore. Connally's nomination also suggests
Finally there is the devious concern that if Con-
one way of blocking control of the GOP by right-wing
nally is not made Vice President he will be named Sec-
Republicans in 1976: namely, as some cynics might
retary of State. With Rogers' resignation signalled and
point out, through control by a right-wing Democrat
Kissinger's expected, the change would represent an
- but one who might be seen in the Republican spec-
abrupt shift, potentially damaging to the fabric of our
trum as moderate, and accessible to progressives.
foreign policy. A Nixon-Connally-Haig diplomacy
Receptivity toward Connally is enhanced by the
would be radically different from the approach of Nix-
continuing decline of our party's base - together with
on-Kissinger-Rogers.
6
Ripon Forum
HARPER'S
MAGAZINE
Richard J.Whalen
THE NIXON-CONNALLY ARRANGEMENT
The continuing adventures of a trader in horses and Presidents.
Take mankind in general; they are vicious, their
a solitary decision, in springing it on the unfailing-
passions may be operated on.
ly appreciative insiders. This gives him a nice, pre-
-Alexander Hamilton,
liminary lift before confronting the press and
first Secretary of the Treasury
public. On this occasion, he enjoyed a bonus.
Earlier that morning, the White House operator had
NE MORNING LAST WINTER, a member of the
placed a call to the LBJ Ranch. Accustomed to re-
sort of money had drawn Connaily
Speaking from public platforms
like a magnet.
On the eve of the '76 election, John
around the country, Connally disclaims
John Connally, former secretary of
Connally is doing what Richard Nixon
any desire to hold elective or appoin-
the navy, former governor of Texas,
did on the eve of the '68 election. He
tive office, but in his hotel room at the
former secretary of the treasury, for-
is traveling around the country making
Plaza recently his denials softened con-
mer star of a corruption trial, had
speeches, trying to rehabilitate his
siderably. He left me with the impres-
come as an adornment to the Zale Cor-
image. These trips are difficult but they
sion that he thought Ford could be re-
poration's annual stockholders' meet-
are preferable to the rehabilitation he
placed on the Republican ticket. Per-
ing. He spent a long August day in the
recently feared: making license plates.
haps by Reagan. Perhaps by Connally.
Zale Tower, making several speeches,
In '68, Nixon somehow persuaded
"I think that if things continue as
one of them to the assembled Zale
much of the country to forget about
they are," Connally said, "the presi-
employees. In this particular address,
the Pumpkin Papers, the Nixon fund,
dent may falter. And I'm convinced
he seemed quite condescending.
Checkers, and his image as a loser.
now that Governor Reagan is going to
"When you take a coffee break,"
Pundits like James Reston began writ-
run against him. I heard indirectly that
Connally told the workers, "you take it
ing about the "New Nixon." The re-
if the president came out for the con-
and you get back to your desk."
views of Connally's speaking tour are
tinuation of this tax cut, which would
Finishing his short talk, Connally
only starting to come in. It remains to
anticipate another huge deficit, that
opened the floor to questions.
be seen whether he can persuade the
would trigger Reagan's getting into the
One woman asked, "Can we trust
country to forget his problems.
race. And I think that if he does, he
the Russians' friendliness?"
Besides the Zale Corporation, Con-
is going to give the president a great
"I don't trust them as far as you can
nally has recently appeared before the
deal of trouble."
throw a chimney by the smoke," Con-
National Association of Animal Breed-
I asked Connally what he would do
nally said. "They're coming on very
ers; a Johnstown, Pennsylvania, sav-
if Reagan seemed on the verge of tak-
hard with submarines."
ings bank dinner; the National Federa-
ing the nomination away from Ford.
A young man in the front row stood
tion of Republican Women; the New
"I dunno," Connally said. "I'm gon-
up. He was a little disheveled and
York Times's editorial board; and the
na sit and watch for a while. I never
looked as if he might work in the mail
editors of the National Review, some
said I wasn't going to do anything. The
room. He appeared to be the kind of
of whom who are interested in a third
only denial I ever made was that I had
person who would not hurry back
party. And he has been questioned on
any plans to run."
from a coffee break.
CBS's "Face the Nation."
I asked him if he might run in sev-
"What do you believe is the greatest
Connally has been telling audiences
eral states, take a bloc of votes to the
threat to America," the young man
that he believes in "electing our presi-
convention, and hope for a deadlock.
asked, "Russian submarines or corrupt
dent to one six-year term
manda-
"Well, I might," Connally said.
government officials?"
tory retirement of federal judges at
"That's a possibility, I suppose."
The Zale employees giggled, then
age 70 and reconfirmation of such
In other words, the Texan seems to
laughed, then roared, for what seemed
judges every ten years
a remission
hope Ford and Reagan will kill each
five minutes. Connally stood behind
of all corporate taxes to registered
other off in the shoot-out at the New
the podium, waiting for the laughter
voters.
That last idea would mean
Hampshire corral. Then Connally, al-
to die down, blushing brightly.
that the total corporate tax bill would
ways the survivor, can offer himself.
"Abuse by government officials
be divided among all the people on
In his quest for rehabilitation, Con-
he began, then became flustered and did
the voter rolls. Everyone over eighteen
nally is counting on the newspapers'
not finish the thought. Starting over, he
would be eligible for $500 a year-a
behaving as they normally do: becom-
OCTOBER 27, 1975/NEW YORK
47
JOHN B. CONNALLY - selected books and articles
BOOKS: Ann F. Crawford and Jack Keever, John B. Connally, Portrait
in Power (Austin, Tex.: Jenkins Pub. Co., 1973)
Charles Ashman, Connally: The Adventures of Big Bad John
(New York: William Morrow & Co., 1974)
Richard J. Whalen, "John Connally and the Emerging Corporate
State", in Taking Sides (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1974)
pp. 146-65.
James Conaway, The Texans (New York: Knopf, 1976)
Jimmy Banks, Money, Marbles, and Chalk (Texas Publishing Co.1971)
pp. 154-75.
ARTICLES: "The Connally Years", Texas Observer October 4, 1968
Stephen Berkowitz, "John Connally and the Southwestern
Military Industrial Complex", Ripon Forum February 1971
Ronnie Dugger, "John Connally: Nixon's Quarterback"
Atlantic 228:82-6 July, 1971
Richard J. Whalen, "The Nixon-Connally Arrangement"
Harper's 243:29-33 August, 1971
George Gilder, "Connally's Phase III" Ripon Forum, July 1972
Robert B. Semple, "Connally Watching" New Republic 167:12-15
July 1, 1972
Aaron Latham , "John Connally on the Comeback Road"
New York October 27, 1975
"I Might WEll Consider Running" (interview) Conservative
Digest December, 1975
Alan Crawford, "John Connally, Superstar" New Guard, April 1976.
N-Y. Trmes reportant
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Anthony.Lucas April 14, 1973
p.312 Nightmare
Jules Archer
Watergate, America
in (TISIS.
p.62
office of Waforys to Prosecutor
Conversation Connolly-Haldemsn -
justbeford Ha Idemon
relieved)
Bill Rogers o Connally
VORD
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Bill: Don knowfacts
Connallyin Texas
- -recorded by Holdemsn
on his telephone
-then oval
- taying to give advice
thatabstructs justice
Mitchell provided Nixon
does it.
Nelly -sends love
N. X Times (Stymour Hirsh)
-just before Jaworski left.
Pordon issue
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Nina Totenburg
-10,000 -10,000(nameotmon) (nameot mon)
-did lerkot -did totot
of
-Texasorilman
-withdrew money
-flear to Houston
friend &psve to girl
foroman
-not guilty bot
not inno cent
LISTARY GERALD R. FORD
-cleanedy 3-minute version.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Tape:
Nixon to Holdemons
Ehofideman
-nominoes for 76
Connolly 15 "shit"
Haldemonp le> borgoin
(WilsoneSimes)
JoeAllbritton -cut J.C. to pieases
- Barnes interview
GERALD R. FORD
Uncover
311
And ne'exploded at the man who, Higby had said, was badmouthing
him: "Well, you just tell Ehrlichman to go to hell. For me. I mean, you
just tell him. I'm tired of this bullshit. You know, we're not playing
games any more. I is going to go to jail, Larry.
I've committed
perjury so many times now that I'm, you know, I've got probably a
hundred years on perjury alone.
Our lives are ruined right now
anyway. You know, most of ours. Mine is certainly and so will many
others before this is over. I think we ought to realize that."
He grew pensive: "I cannot lie any more. I've protected John Mitchell.
I've protected the President when it was important. The story is going to
come out. I have to do what I have to do now to protect whatever I can."
Higby began pressing to find out just what Magruder was going to tell
the prosecutors.
HIGBY: Well, if you tell the story, I don't think Haldeman has
anything to worry about.
MAGRUDER: Nothing to worry about. Now you-
HIGBY: "Cause you never discussed this goddamn thing with him.
MAGRUDER: Larry, there's no problem.
Haldeman will have no
problem with those facts.
HIGBY: Huh.
MAGRUDER: John Mitchell will. John Dean will. And Gordon
[Strachan] will, probably.
Now Higby had what he wanted on tape-an exculpation for
Haldeman-and suddenly he turned very friendly: "Well, my friend, if
there's anything I can do, let me know." Soon, he was calling Magruder
"Jebber" and Magruder was calling him "Lar" as they chatted about the
case.
MAGRUDER: You visit me, kiddo?
HIGBY: Huh! I'll do more than that.
LIBRARY GERALD FORD
What he did was to play the tape for Haldeman, who reported on the
conversation when he and Ehrlichman met with the President for a
marathon strategy session the next morning. There was a sense of
urgency at the White House that Saturday, a feeling they had to do
something over the weekend before Hunt spilled the whole story to the
grand jury on Monday. From 8:55 to 11:31, all that Nixon and his two
chief aides talked about was Watergate. As Ehrlichman said, "This week
there's no other subject."
Apparently, Colson was not the only one trying to shift all responsibil-
ity to Mitchell. Ehrlichman reported that Dean had suggested a
"scenario" for such a move. "The President calls Mitchell into his office
11 stolen from the mails and
nes before fencing.
Connally Write-in Effc
had its comic moments. The
Flops in New Hampshi
pted pseudo, Mafia-like names
Rico Rigatone, Pasquale La-
d suits, bandied firearms about,
If the results of conservative fund-r
bout "rubbing out" gangland
Viguerie's campaign to boost John (
of the undercover agents had a
Democratic write-in choice
hey dropped "code words" like
in New Hampshire are any in-
erci," gesticulated wildly, sang
dication of the Texan's sup-
port nationally, it appears he
cooked up meatballs for his
is a long way from the White
a minimum of meat and a
House. As reported in our
e, salt and mustard. "Have 8
February 21 issue, Viguerie
customers. "You'll hurt Pas-
decided to mount a combined
don't have a meatball." They
newspaper and direct-mail
advertising campaign in the
had its humorous moments,
Granite State, urging con-
CO
servative Democrats to write in Conna
aspects as well. Agent Lill
President.
criminals bared their souls be-,
neras. "They told us how the
Toward this end the direct-mail fund
they'd committed a crime and
202,00 ad inserts in New Hampshir
d committed a crime and got-
and then sent. 12,500 letters to person:
e they got out the door and the
conservatives on his computer lists. Th
her guy, that kind of stud
venture: a tidy $35,000, for which Con
re so anxious to impress the
a grand total of 84 Democratic and 9
ed their guts in front of the
write in votes, or 175 in all. By coincide
e revealed that he had just shot
out to exactly $200 per. vote-an expel
tion by anyone's standards.
Maryland and thought he had
ere'd you get the pearls, one
Actually: many were somewhat
had taken them from a man
Viguerie and others who regard themse
till another filled out an appli-
of the so-called "New Right" continu
position, listing an unsolved
former Texas governor. For Connally
n Washington as his qualifica
both his record as an office holder and
ers are now under intensive
stated positions on the issues, appears
as a middle-of-the-roader, no more con
Ford
sful that law enforcement offi-
running out of money buying
As treasury secretary, for instano
litionally, so many people were
sold the country on wage and prior
hes; that it was time to arreat
economic "remedy" that was se bad
to prison.
end both labor and business teamed By
its destruction. Yet when Connally app
Larocca" put out the word
Young Republican convention last $
giant party at the wareliouse
ure's success-and that the
from apologizing for this disaster,
New York would attend. The
beasting about his role in bringing it all
Iming.
He has also spoken out in favor of I
non-conservative schemes as the Com
Star reported: "On Saturday
tion Agency and a particular pet progr
men and women in satina and
lined up at the [nearby] phone
would draft all of the nation's young P
bureaucracy for at least 8 year. Mored
on], even bribing each other to
e."
has indicated he supports abortion o
position that is anathema to many conse
c was parked out front. Pas-
door. The guest was then CS
In fact, Connally himself has said he's
Corleone Metropolitan
tive. "It is hard for people to put me int
he told the YRs last year, "for sometim
at quietly in a corner and be
servative and on some issues I am a lil
ne guests even kissed his ring.
possible to cast me in a stratified positi
inchester rifle as tribute. An-
dcuffs, explaining that he had
broad, middle ground:
Nevertheless, Viguerie and other New Right'
iled sweetly, then told each
spokesmen continue to push Connally as the new
LIBRARY
conservative hope. But judging from the New Hamp-
into the party, I have a really
You're under arrest." Most
shire results, the people aren't buying.
p. But one, even after he was
Pasquale's sleeve, and insist
this is some kind of mistake.
Gun Control Advocates
stead, it was the greatest single;
Dealt a Narrow Setback
local history: But at least one
n 18 hoodlums to handle, re-
on personal recognizance, four
Opponents of gun control won a significant victory
H set very low "surety bonds"
last week as the House Judiciary Committee voted 17
J.S. Attorney Earl Silbert was
to 16 to send legislation banning concealable hand-
person has community ties' is
guns back to subcommittee, a move that could spell
willingness to appear in court.
the end of gun control legislation in the 94th Congress.
hore than 600 post-indictment
Under the liberal legislation sponsored by Rep.
the best proof of this.
Martin A. Russo (D.-III.), the manufacture of ap
MARCH Human Events
-31-
438
P
You mean another subject?
E
Oh, no.
H
There is no other subject!
E
No. I'll tell you. Last night I got home I decided that I
would sit down and try to put on paper a report to you what
I have been doing since you asked me to get into this.
P
Right.
E
I am concerned about the overall aspect of this and I want to
talk about that before - -- I don't know what your timing is like.
P
No problem.
E
We'll probably get back to it.
P
Got plenty of time.
E
But Dean called and he said, "All right, here's a scenario
which we've all been trying to figure out to make this go."
He says, "The President calls Mitchell into his office
on Saturday, He says, "John, you've got to do this. And here
are the facts: bing, bing, bing, bing. 11 And you pull this paper
out here. "And you've got to go do this. 11 And Mitchell stonewalls
you. So then, John says, "I don't know why you're asking me
down here. You can't ask a man to do a thing like that. I
need a lawyer. I don't know what I am facing -- you just
really can't expect me to do this. 11 So the President says,
"Well, John, I have no alternative. 11 And with that the President
calls the U.S. Attorney and says, "I, the President of the
-32-
439
United States of America and leader of the free world want
to go before the Grand Jury on Monday. "
P
I won't even comment on that.
H
That's a silly --
P
Typical of the thinking of --
E
We're running out every line. So that was 12:30 this
morning. I, but I - -
P
I go before the Grand Jury. That's like putting Bob on
national television, --
H
With Dan Rather.
P
What?
H
With Dan Rather.
P
Well by putting it on national television, period. (unintelligible)
E
Let's take it just as far as you call Mitchell to the oval office
as, a
P
No.
E
I'm essentially convinced that Mitchell will understand this thing.
P
Right.
E
And that if he goes in it redounds to the Administration's
advantage. If he doesn't then we're --
P
How does it redound to our advantage?
E
That you have a report from me based on three weeks' work;
FORD
that when you got it, you immediately acted to call Mitchell
LIBRARY
in as the provable wrong-doer, and you say, "My God, I've
-33-
440
got a report here. And it's clear from this report that you are
guilty as hell. Now, John, for (expletive deleted) sake go on
in there and do what you should. And let's get this thing
cleared up and get it off the country's back and move on." And --
H
Plus the other side of this is that that's the only way to beat
it now.
P
Well, --
H
From John Mitchells personal viewpoint that's the only salvation
for John Mitchell. I see no other way. And, obviously, once
you've had it, you've got to admit --
P
How can he make it, anyway.
H
Another factor, inthat, to consider, for what it's worth, is
the point Connally made to me in that conversation we had.
P
I ought to talk to Mitchell?
H
I don't know whether he said that to you or not. He made the
point that you had to get this laid out and that the only way
it could hurt you is if it ultimately went to Mitchell. And that
that would be the one man you couldn't afford to let get hung
on this.
P
Even worse than (unintelligible) thought.
H
He thought SO.
FORD is LIBRARY 018470
P
That's true. Yeah.
H
It seemed to me, because he's the epitome of your hard-line.
P
I think he's wrong about that. I think this is the worst one,
well, due to the closeness to the President at the time of
-34-
441
the crime. Would you agree, John?
E
(unintelligible) the
H
But, what Connally also said was unless it's the President
himself who nails him. Then the President is (unintelligible)
E
Can I put in a larger picture on this? We kind of live day
to day for these things, and forget
P
Yeah.
E
the perspective then will be put on this period
H
Yeah.
E
three months later.
P
The point is whether or not, I think I've got the larger
picture, alright, and I mean, in this regard, the point is
this that we need some action before, in other words, is like
my feeling about having the Grand Jury do it and the court
system do it rather than Ervin Committee. Now we want
the President to do it rather than the Grand Jury.
E
No.
P
And I agree with that.
E
Well, you're doing it in aid of the Grand Jury.
P
No. I didn't mean rather than the Grand Jury but I mean
: FORD
to worm the truth, now look, the Grand Jury doesn't drag
him in, he goes in as a result of the President's asking him to go in.
H
Ok - - but while you're on that point could I argue a contrary
view for a minute? Because I don't agree with that.
-4-
642
P
I think he believes that.
H
I have thought that all along.
P
Well, we will sleep on the damn thing and, what is the
situation tomorrow? Is Ehrlichman going to sit down with
Ziegler again, or something?
H
Yeah
P
I do think that PR thing we've got to sort of make up our minds
on what the hell --
H
Sir, I want to get at getting the statement done.
P
And we've got to get at sort of make this decision with regard
to this damn Committee. I don't know --
H
Yep.
P
I still have mixed emotions on it. I don't know, I don't know.
R.
FOND
I have been one way one time one way another.
H
Well, it's a mixed bag. It has pluses and minuses, and it is
LIBRARY
hard to be sure which outweighs the other.
P
One more scenario would have been to say they will all come up.
Everybody will come up in Executive Session including Dean. Just
say that. Make that offer, and that's flat.
H
Yeah and that's gets turned down and then we're standing on the
question of -- The way it will be played is not that the Committee
is being unreasonable by insisting on television, but that we are
being unreasonable by insisting against it.
P
Well, that would be true unless you go out and hammer that the
-5-
643
whole record could be made public.
Yeah.
It's only that we want information, not a show --
Yeah.
And that we think it is reasonable.
The question then is that you lose something obviously by doing
that, and do we really gain enough to make it worth it? How bad
is it if we go on television? I am not at all sure it is all that bad.
In the first place, it is going to be in the daytime. In the second place,
as of now it is not going to be carried live by the networks.
Yeah.
Now it might be, but I would guess it won't be after this other
stuff breaks, it isn't going to be that important anymore. The
networks don't want to carry it. It would cost them money. What
will probably end up happening is, it will be carried on the public
broadcasting which has virtually no audience in the daytime.
Uh huh, I suppose what happens there is that every new break is
OF
FORD
carried for five or ten minutes in the evening news.
LIBRARY
That's right.
That's the point.
It is going to be carried anyway. It is a question of whether it is
carried for five minutes with one of us on camera for a couple of
those minutes, or whether it is carried for three minutes with --
-6-
644
P
Weicker--
H
Weicker and John Chancellor and Dan Rather, saying:
"trembling with fear and obviously trying to hide the truth, ah,
"
P
I wonder if you would do this? Did you discuss public or private
thing with two people whose judgment is -- Rogers and Connally?
What did Connally think? Public?
H
I am not sure.
P
Would you mind?
H
I would have to reopen that
P
Would it be alright for you to call him tomorrow and say,
"Look. we've just got to make a command decision on this "
H
Sure
P
And I think you should tell -- would you tell him about the Magruder?
H
Nope.
P
No, I guess not.
H
I can say the whole thing looks like it is coming to a conclusion. --
P
Before the Grand Jury
FOND
H
Yeah.
P
That's right.
H
Without saying anything specific.
P
Now, the other fellow whose judgment would be pretty good would be
Bill Rogers on that.
H
Yeah. I agree.
-7-
645
P
I wish you would give him a call.
H
Right. I will.
P
I think with Bill, though, you could tell him, don't you think?
H
Nope. I don't think I should. In the first place, I am not
supposed to know.
P
This isn't from the Grand Jury, Bob.
H
No, I know. But Kleindienst is worried about John giving the
information to anybody, and that --
P
I see. You're right.
H
I don't see anything to be gained from telling him, anyway.
P
But you can tell him that our investigations indicate that the
Grand Jury is hot on the trail of breaking the thing now.
H
Yeah.
P
And that is the way it is going to come. That -- but if you
wouldn't mind giving a call in the morning to both of those fellows,
and tell them you are calling for the President and that he would
like to have their considered judgment, should you be on
is
television.
H
Right. Will do.
FORD LIBRARY
P
And it may be on the Dean thing, I am almost inclined to think we
ought to give on that. What do you think? The idea of backing
down -- they are going to take it back down anyway, so what's
the difference?
LIBRARY GERALD ? FORD
MEET
JOHN
CONNALLY !
America is in the mood for forceful, bold
new leadership and former Texas Governor
John B. Connally is available to provide it.
If Ford and Reagan deadlock at the Repub-
lican convention in Kansas City in August,
John Connally sees himself as a logical alter-
native, and many agree with him. Or he
would be a logical choice for the vice-
presidential nomination in 1976. The pur-
pose of this booklet is to acquaint the public
with John Connally's personal qualities, his
experience in politics and government, and
his forthright positions on the issues. With
this knowledge, convention delegates, po-
litical leaders, and the nation's opinion
makers can better understand the kind of
future John Connally would as President be
able to shape for America.
Personal Qualities: First of all, John
Connally is a man of undoubted Presidential
caliber. Behind him lies an illustrious career.
Beginning as the son of a tenant farmer and
butcher in Wilson County, Texas, Connally
became a wealthy oil and gas lawyer, Secre-
tary of the Navy under President Kennedy,
three-term Governor of Texas, and Secretary
of the Treasury under President Nixon. He
is a capable and hard driving executive. He
is a tall, handsome, commanding figure of a
man, but at the same time affable in a down-
home sort of way. He is a fine public
speaker who can rouse a crowd as well as
Ronald Reagan. He knows every nook and
Economic Policy: Connally is strongly
opposed to large Federal deficits and favors
cranny of political life, both in the Demo-
a constitutional amendment prohibiting
cratic Party, in which he labored for over
them except in times of national emergency.
thirty years as a protege and top aide to
He'sees the terrible threat posed by runaway
Lyndon B. Johnson, and now in the Repub-
inflation and would act boldly to restrain
lican Party, to which he converted in 1973.
it. Indeed, he has styled himself "one of
He is celebrated for his bold political counsel
the architects" of President Nixon's wage
as, for instance, when, he advised President
and price control program while Treasury
Nixon to make a bonfire in the Rose Garden
Secretary in 1971. He defended the policy
out of the Watergate tapes. Had President
by stating that the controls would "assure
Nixon taken Connally's advice, he might still
that business expansion is not dissipated in
be President.
more inflation, but, instead, will create
growth in both real output and real employ-
John Connally has the much needed ex-
ment." More recently, however, he has
perience that an effective President must
stated that he does not think wage and price
have. He has conducted delicate inter-
controls can ever work; that they introduce
national monetary negotiations as Secretary
"inequities of incredible magnitude"; and
of the Treasury. His expertise in Pacific
that they are only a "last resort." Connally
affairs has led him to propose American
thus now takes the clear position that wage
entry into a Pacific Common Market. He
and price controls are a bad idea that cannot
is currently trying to launch a nationwide
work, and thus should be imposed only
organization to combat Communist inroads
when necessary.
in the Mediterranean. Perhaps most impor-
tant, he has taken positions on the issues
Racial Issues: Connally has advocated
which strongly commend him to many
constitutional amendments to prohibit
Americans.
forced bussing to achieve racial balance in
schools, and to prohibit the use of racial
Foreign Policy and Defense: Connally
quotas in employment or advancement, etc.
favors a strong national defense and has no
illusions about detente or Communist in-
Gun Control: Connally favors a Federal
tentions. He would not consider giving up
law to control the so-called "Saturday night
control of the Panama Canal, and would go
specials" but has not come out for controls
to war to retain it if necessary. He has
over rifles and shotguns.
stated that "you never commit American
Welfare: Connally favors toughening up
troops to battle anywhere, anytime, that
the eligibility requirements for the food
you don't propose to win, and win by what-
stamp program. He strongly defended
ever means you can." This suggests that
President Nixon's Family Assistance Plan of
Connally would have no hesitation in
1971. He also favors a sweeping new pro-
breaking out nuclear weapons when the
posal called the National Dividend Plan.
battlefield situation demanded them. He
This Plan would set a constitutional limit
believes that "the United Nations might
of 50% on the corporate income tax rate.
have reached the point where it is destruc-
Then it would require the Federal Treasury
tive of American interests." He supports a
strong domestic counter-intelligence pro-
to disburse the entire proceeds of the cor-
gram to detect subversion, and deplores
porate income tax ($48 billion in FY 1977)
recent political attacks on the FBI and CIA.
per capita and tax free to all those who
voted in the preceding national election.
As a result of this Plan every voter would be
given on the order of $500 per year tax free
constitutional amendments. He advocates
from Uncle Sam. This is expected to reduce
a single six year term for President and a
the clamor for welfare.
limit of twelve years in office for Members
Aid to Business: Connally strongly favors
of Congress. This would enhance the power
deregulation of business, as do Ford and
of the Presidency vis a vis Congress and give
Reagan. But he goes further. He would
the President added authority to meet his
reestablish the New Deal Reconstruction
awesome responsibilities. Connally advo-
Finance Corporation, which would raise
cates mandatory retirement of Federal
billions of dollars of capital and use it to
judges at age 70, a proposal reminiscent of
)
prevent the fiscal default of irresponsible
President Roosevelt's farsighted plan of
municipalities (like New York), channel
1937, and Connally would require reconfir-
loans to corporations thought needy by the
mation of judges by the Senate every ten
government; and invest in research and
years. These proposals would limit the in-
development in such fields as energy.
dependence of the Judiciary, which could
Connally has been sympathetic to Nelson
be a serious annoyance to an activist Presi-
Rockefeller's proposal for a $100 billion
dent. Finally, Connally recommends a con-
Energy Independence Authority, but prefers
stitutional amendment to require Members
to have the same program incorporated into
of Congress to spend at least three months a
his RFC. As a longtime spokesman for the
year in their home districts, to keep them
oil and gas industry, of course, Connally is
closer to the problems of the people.
(Connally thus advocates a total of at least
well-versed in energy matters.
It must also be remembered that John
seven constitutional amendments, reflecting
his desire to effect a constitutional revolu-
Connally brought off one of the great legis-
lative victories of the Nixon Administra-
tion through lawful means rather than
tion-the Lockheed loan guaranty program
through usurpation.)
of 1971. And Connally scornfully rejected
Unemployment: Alone among major
the suggestion that the loan guaranty was
political figures, John Connally has brought
to be tied to any sort of corporate "per-
forth a surefire cure for the unemployment
formance." "What do we care whether they
problem. On Meet the Press (June 1, 1975)
perform?", he shot back to Senator Prox-
he said he would "take every 18 year old
mire during the 1971 hearings. "We are
and I'd start a national service program
guaranteeing them basically a $250 million
and require every young person, male and
loan. What for? Basically so they can pro-
female, to do a year of service upon gradu-
vide employment for 31,000 people
ation from high school." The main effect of
throughout the country at a time when we
this program would be to drastically reduce
desperately need that kind of employment."
the labor force by removing some 4 million
The fact that Lockheed has apparently used
youths from it. Connally reasons that this
several millions of the funds made available
would go far toward solving the unemploy-
to them as a result of the Connally loan
ment problem, which is most serious among
guaranty bill to bribe foreign officials should
youths entering the job market.
not in any way be attributed to Connally.
In addition, Connally pointed out, this
Government Structure: Connally has
compulsory service would interest youths in
offered a number of constructive proposals
government, provide them with some
to restructure the Federal government by
needed discipline, and give them a year to
mature. And, assuming the payment of
nomic power. His record in public life re-
VISTA-level subsistence wages, it would
flects his sincere desire to weld Big Business,
cost the government only about $18 billion
Big Labor, and Big Government into what
to support these 4 million youths for a year.
might variously be described as state capi-
Of course this does not include the costs of
talism or corporate socialism. His economic
enforcing the law against the few young
program is essentially that of Mussolini,
dissenters who think they should be allowed
shorn only of its more objectionable trap-
to devote that year to their own petty per-
pings." He added that Connally's proposal
for compulsory national service was nothing
sonal pursuits, but there probably won't be
more than a resurrection of Slavery, a prac-
many young people who would dissent from
tice the Republican Party was organized to
such a highminded program in the national
interest.
restrain and ultimately exterminate.
Alan Crawford, the editor of the Young
Proven Integrity: It should also be noted
Americans for Freedom publication New
that alone among prominent figures of
Guard, describes Connally as a "supremely
Presidential caliber, John Connally is the
opportunistic political hack who happens
only one who can assert his personal integ-
this week to be appealing to conservatives."
rity and point to judicial proceedings to
The Citizens Committee for the Right to
back him up. In Connally's own view, his
Keep and Bear Arms has sharply criticized
1975 acquittal on charges of accepting a
Connally's advocacy of gun control legis-
bribe from certain milk cooperatives as
lation. The conservative magazine Human
Secretary of the Treasury "ought to be a
Events has editorially roasted Connally as a
plus." Certainly no other presidential con-
phony conservative. But, of course, the
tender can boast an acquittal for such
points made by these critics can readily be
serious charges.
dismissed.
*
Conclusion: If it is bold leadership that
Needless to say, any man who has taken
America wants-leadership by a strong Presi-
such bold and forthright positions and
dent unhindered by the nagging obstruc-
accumulated such experience at high levels
tionism of a reluctant Congress or negativ-
in government will be the target of criticism.
istic Supreme Court-John Connally may
University of Chicago professor Milton
well be the man for the job. If the Federal
Friedman has been quoted as saying that
government is to occupy its rightful role as
Connally's program for compulsory national
a full partner with the nation's leading busi-
service is a "totalitarian" concept and a
nesses, with the public standing behind any
warmed over version of "Adolph Hitler's
unfortunate losses that they might suffer,
youth movement." Conservative columnist
John Connally would be the kind of Presi-
John D. Lofton Jr., after reviewing
dent to bring it about. If our young people
Connally's record, has concluded that "John
are to be given a taste of government-super-
Connally is not our guy. With his compul-
vised public service early in their careers,
sory servitude proposal, he has demon-
only the election of John Connally to high
strated that he really doesn't know what
office can provide the leadership needed to
conservatism is all about."
turn public opinion in that direction.
A Vermont Republican County Chairman
Persons involved in choosing the candi-
charged last fall that "John Connally is the
dates for high national office in 1976 should
symbol of concentrated political and eco-
ponder John Connally's program for
America-before it is too late.
Documentation for the above statements
will be provided upon request. Among the
most quoted documents are John Connally's
interview in Conservative Digest, December
1975; address to the Vermont Republican
Dinner, November 2, 1975; Meet the Press,
NBC-TV, June 1, 1975; and Face the
Nation, CBS-TV, October 12, 1975.
This booklet is published and distributed by
the Connally Information Committee, Con-
cord, Vermont 05824, John McClaughry,
Chairman. The Committee's purpose is to
make the views and record of John B.
Connally more fully known to the American
public. Additional copies are available for
$1.00 each postpaid (bulk rates on request.)
Receipts in excess of expenses, if any, will
be donated to a.nonprofit tax-exempt edu-
cational organization or charity.
The publication of this booklet has not been
authorized by John B. Connally or any
spokesman for him or by any organization
of which he is a member.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF
JOHN BOWDEN CONNALLY
Born Floresville, Texas, February 27, 1917
L. L. B., University of Texas, 1941
Married Idanell Brill December 21, 1940;
four children
Secretary to Congressman Lyndon B.
Johnson 1939-41.
Commissioned Ensign USN, 1941; served in
both Atlantic and Pacific Theatres; Awarded
Bronze Star, Legion of Merit, and 9 battle
stars; discharged 1946 as Lt. Commander.
Attorney, President of radio station KVET,
Austin, Texas 1946-49.
Administrative Assistant to Sen. Lyndon B.
Johnson, 1949.
Law Practice, Pwell, Wirtz and Bauhaut,
Austin, 1949-52.
Legal adviser to Texas oilmen Sid Richard-
son and Perry Bass, Ft. Worth, 1952-61;
active in management of radio-TV, real
estate, drug stores, oil and gas properties,
carbon black, ranching, mining, oil tool
development, mutual funds, and various
other enterprises.
Appointed Secretary of the Navy by Presi-
dent Kennedy, 1961.
Elected Governor of Texas, 1962; reelected
in 1964 and 1966.
Wounded by sniper bullet while riding in
car with President Kennedy, who was assas-
]
sinated in Dallas November 22, 1963.
Elected Chairman, Interstate Oil Compact
Commission, 1965.
Senior Partner, Vinson, Elkins, Searls, and
Connally, Houston, 1969.
Appointed Secretary of the Treasury by
President Nixon, January, 1971; Resigned
May 16, 1972.
Chairman, Democrats for Nixon, 1972
Presidential campaign.
Formally joined Republican Party, May 1,
1973.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Connolly
WASHINGTON
John
May 24, 1976
Dear Leon:
Thank you very much for your thoughtful letter on a
subject which is very much of concern to me. I had
talked to the President after you had earlier called
me on this subject and before the Commission appoint-
ment was announced. However, due to the nominee's
prior service in the same capacity, the President felt
inclined to go ahead with his plans. I do not, however,
read into this action any inclination to go farther.
You were kind to mention my visit to Houston, and I
would not have hesitated to let you know, except I
arrived there just in time to make a dinner speaking
engagement before the national meeting of the Travelers'
Aid Society, and I left the very next morning. I would
have liked the opportunity to see you, but I knew there
would not be time on that occasion.
Very best regards.
Sincerely,
Thil
Philip W. Buchen
Counsel to the President
Honorable Leon Jaworski
Bank of the Southwest Building
Houston, Texas 77002
FORD
a
LEON JAWORSKI
BANK OF THE SOUTHWEST BLOG.
HOUSTON, TEXAS 77002
PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL
May 18, 1976
Dear Phil:
You will recall that a number of months
ago we talked about the risk the President would be
running if the individual, about whom the enclosed
article is written, were to be given any particular
White House attention. Since then he was appointed
to a Commission and given a tremendous amount of
publicity as to being a special White House guest.
In addition, he was wooed for support in Texas in
the Presidential Primary.
Of course, all of this is history. What
I kept wondering about is whether the President has
any hope of prevailing in Texas in the General
Election in the event he is the nominee--which I
very much hope he will be. Of course, the problem
is that there are many conservatives and
middle-of-the-roaders-- who would like to support
the President in the November election, but who are
being alienated by the type of attention and con-
sideration given this individual who, you must realize,
has very little popularity in the East and in other
parts of the country, and who, except for some old
friends and supporters, does not have near the popu-
larity in Texas apparently accorded him by the
FORD
White House.
ALD
Should the President get the nomination,
Watergate will most assuredly be made an issue by
the Democratic nominee and I predict that you will
find many of the tape recordings referred to, includ-
ing conversations between Nixon and this individual
2.
on milk fund and other special interest contributions,
as well as other discussions I mentioned to you when
we talked about the matter. I have no ax to grind in
this matter, but I tried to be helpful to the President
in the suggestions that I made to you.
Jeannette mentioned to me that she had
heard that you were in Houston a couple of weeks ago.
I am sorry that I did not get to see you but I knew
nothing of your visit.
With every good wish for you and Mrs. Buchen,
in which Jeannette joins, I am
Sincerely,
hear
Honorable Philip W. Buchen
Counsel to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C.
Connally losing voter influence, poll reveals
By ART WIESE
The results of the privately financed poll
endorsement would have no effect on
favorably, 46 per cent an unfavorable one
Post Washington Bureau
by a nationally respected public opinion
their decision.
and 11 per cent had no opinion.
research firm, provided to The Houston
The percentages' total 101 per cent, an
Former California Gov. Ronald Reagan
Tust how strong is - ....
had 4.. - highest marks
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 5, 1976
Dear Mr. McLaughlin:
Your letter to me of April 26 is much appreciated.
If it should turn out that the subject you mention
would become relevant to any action contemplated
by the President, I will be mindful of your com-
munication.
Thank you very much for your interest.
Sincerely,
Thelip Philip( W. W.Buchen Buchen
Counsel to the President
Mr. Edward J. McLaughlin
Administrative Judge
Family Court of the State
of New York
Court House
Syracuse, New York 13202
it FOND
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
Presidential Libraries Withdrawal Sheet
WITHDRAWAL ID 01469
REASON FOR WITHDRAWAL
Donor restriction
TYPE OF MATERIAL
Letter (s)
CREATOR'S NAME
McLaughlin, Edward
RECEIVER'S NAME
Buchen, Philip
DESCRIPTION
John Connally.
CREATION DATE
04/26/1976
COLLECTION/SERIES/FOLDER ID
001900423
COLLECTION TITLE
Philip W. Buchen Files
BOX NUMBER
37
FOLDER TITLE
Personnel - Conflict of Interest, A-G
DATE WITHDRAWN
08/24/1988
WITHDRAWING ARCHIVIST
LET
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Barry
sent
this over
E i.. FORD LIBRA,
VERMONT REPUBLICAN STATE COMMITTEE
Concord, Vermont 05824
August 7, 1976
Mr. Philip Buchen
Counsel to the President
The White House
Washington DC 20500
Dear Mr. Buchen:
I enclose for your review a little literature about John B.
Connally. I find it absolutely astonishing that Gerald Ford
should be considering John Connally for a running mate, not-
withstanding Connally's obvious qualities of ability and lead-
ership.
I personally happen to believe that Connally did not take a bribe
to arrange a price hike for the milk producers. The man had a full
and fair trial, was judged by a predominantly black, liberal jury
in Washington DC, and was acquitted. I accept that.
My opposition to Connally stems from his oft-announced program for
America. Perhaps you have never seen it all collected in one place
before. When you look it all over, the Connally program is a recreation
of the fascist economy designed by Mussolini. It lacks the emotional
and totalitarian aspects of the fascist ideology, but other than that
it has all the ingredients. If you doubt me, read John T. Flynn's
As We Go Marching (1943) and then add up the Connally proposals.
In addition, if you watched or read the transcripts of Connally's
two national television panel appearances of 1975 (June 1 -NBC;
October 12- CBS), you will be struck with the fact that at a time
when Jerry Ford needed strong support for his program to restrain
inflation and deregulate the economy - efforts I supported as strongly
as I knew how, and for which I (unsuccessfully) sought the vocal support
of the Vermont Republican state committee - John Connally could scarcely
muster any kind of a favorable mention of Jerry Ford. Under pressure
from Bob Novak, he finally admitted that the President was a decent human
being. At the time he was clearly and admittedly trying to launch a
Connally third force boom, working with William Rusher and others.
Then, after sitting out the Taxas primary, he materializes at the White
House a day after Reagan names Schweiker to profess his deathless support
of Jerry Ford.
Are you sure this is the kind of man who deserves to be on the ticket
with Jerry Ford?
Yours truly
John McClaughry
CC: Cheney, Harlow, Laird, Rumsfeld
Richardson, Simon, Morton, Peterson
JOHN McCLAUGHRY
CONCORD, VT. 05824
July 23, 1976
TO ALL REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE MEMBERS
The name of former Taxas Governor John B. Connally is in-
creasingly being mentioned as a potential Republican Vice Presidential
candidate for 1976. His long experience and demonstrated ability rank
him as a man of Presidential caliber. You should be aware, however, of
the political program this recent convert from the LBJ-wing of the
Democratic Party has set forth for America. In his speeches and inter-
views over the past few years he has advocated:
a Federal agency to bail out staggering large corporations like
Lockheed (whose bailout was Connally's major victory as Nixon's
Secretary of the Treasury in 1971)
a Federal bailout of fiscally irresponsible municipalities like
New York City
The imposition of wage and price controls
The Nixon Family Assistance Plan (defeated in Congress) which
would have put millions of working Americans on welfare
A Federal law prohibiting the sale and possession of certain
handguns
a number of Constitutional amendments to enhance the power of
the President and reduce that of Congress and the Judiciary
Last, and far from least, John Connally has advocated a compulsory
national service program. Every 18 year old American would be forced
to work under the auspices of the Federal government for a year of
their lives. Those 18 year olds who thought they had something better
to do than empty bedpans for Uncle Sam would have the choice of fleeing
to the free world, of which the United States would no longer be a part,
or doing a tour in the Connally GULAG.
Indeed, the Connally program for welding Big Business and Big Government
together, enhancing the power of the Federal Executive, and introducing
compulsory national service by command of the State, is strikingly
similar to the Mussolini program for the Corporate State in Italy four
decades ago.
Americans who look forward to the imposition of such a program clearly
have a champion in John B. Connally. Those who prefer the idea of a free
society, limited government and individual liberty hoped for by those
who 200 years ago laid the foundation for the American Republic should
bestir themselves to make sure the Republican Convention in Kansas City
nominates candidates dedicated to the same ideals.
John Mclaughes John McClaughry
FORD : LIBRA
Concord, Vermont 05824
Note: The writer served two terms as a Republican member of the Vermont
House of Representatives, was Special Assistant to Richard Nixon in the
1968 Presidential campaign, and has been described in the Vermont daily
press as "arch conservative" and "ultra conservative". He is currently
a member of the Vermont Republican State Committee.
Documentation for "Meet John Connally!"
Page
4 Bonfire of the tapes: CBS "60 Minutes" interview, 2/15/76;
"Haldeman Has A Turn", National Observer, 7/3/76
4 Pacific Common Market: E. B. Lockett, Lynchburg, Va., News, 2/23/76
4 Anti-Communist Campaign in Italy: Burlington, Vt. Free Press, 4/24/76
Rutland, Vt. Herald (AP), 6/7/76
4. Panama: NY Times, 11/9/75; Conservative Digest interview, 12/75
4. Commit American troops: Ibid.
4 United Nations: Ibid.
4 FBI, CIA: Ibid.
5 Deficits: Address, Connally Dinner, Houston, Texas, 7/31/75
5 Wage & Price Controls; "architect" Conservative Digest interview, 12/75
also CBS Face the Nation, 10/12/75
5 Wage & Price Controls, defense
Life, 6/30/72
5 Wage & Price Controls, inequities Conservative Digest interview, 12/75
5 Bussing: Address, Phoenix, Ariz., 10/23/75, reported in Arizona Republic,
10/24/75; Conservative Digest interview 12/75
5 Racial Quotas: Address, Barre, Vt., 11/2/75; reported in Barre Times-Argus,
11/3/75
5 Gun control: Conservative Digest interview, 12/75
5 Food stamps: Address, National Electrical Contractors Association,
New York, 10/13/75
5 Family Assistance Plan: Life, 6/30/72
5 Nat'l Dividend Plan: Remarks, Wall St. Journal editorial board, 10/75
1
(personal communication); Aaron Latham, "John
Connally on the Comeback Trail" New York, 10/27/75
5 Deregulation: Address, National Electrical Contractors Association,
New York, 10/13/75
5 RFC: News Conference & Address, Phoenix, Ariz., 10/23/75, reported in
Phoenix Gazette, 10/24/75
5 EIA: CBS "face the Nation" 10/12/75
5 Lockheed "Performance": Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs
Committee, "Emergency Loan Guaranty Act of 1971"
(hearings) I: 126.
-2-
Documentation for "Meet John Connally!"
6 Limitation on tenure: Address, Barre, Vt., 11/2/75, reported in Barre
Times-Argus, 11/3/75
6 Mandatory Retirement: Address, Houston, Tex., 7/31/75
6 3 months in home district: News conference & address, Phoenix, Ariz.,
10/23/75, reported in Phoenix, Ariz.,
Gazette, 10/24/75
6 Compulsory National Service - advocacy: NBS "Meet the Press" 6/1/75
reason:
John D. Lofton, "Connally's
Confusion," Burlington, Vt.,
Free Press, 6/23/75
costs:
Personal communication from ACTION
Director Michael Balzano, 12/24/75
8 Acquittal: "ought to be a plus" NBC "Meet the Press" 6/1/75
CBS "Face the Nation" 10/12/75
8 Friedman quote: John D. Lofton, Jr., "Connally's Confusion" Burlington, Vt.,
Free Press, 6/23/75
8 Lofton quote: Ibid.
8 Vermont quote: Republican County Chairman John McClaughry, news con-
ference statement, 10/14/75; Nicholas Von Hoffman column,
Chicago Tribune, 11/1/75
9 New Guard quote: Alan Crawford, "John Connally, Superstar" New Guard, 4/76
9 CCRKBA :
quoted in New Guard, Ibi.
9 Human Events :
Human Events, 3/13/76
12 Biography: Senate Finance Committee, Nomination Hearings, 1/28/71, p. 2.
CONNALLY
INFORMATION COMMITTEE
CONCORD, VT. 05824
The New York Times Magazine/August 8, 1976
The
return of
John
Connally
By James P. Sterba
HOUSTON-In the final days of July, as united
and ebullient Democrats ordered their inaugural
gowns, and divided and embattled Republicans stag-
gered toward Kansas City, John Connally's wife,
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 12, 1976
MEMORANDUM FOR: PHIL BUCHEN
FROM:
MAX FRIEDERSDORF m.b.
SUBJECT:
Congressman Tom Railsback
Since our conversation Railsback has tried to call you
and I had the call diverted to myself and gave Railsback
your comments.
He indicated that he was trying to reach Rodino for per-
mission to release the information to the White House and
if such permission is granted he indicated his intentions
to send it down.
He reiterated his desire to speak to you and indicated
that he hoped you would call him sometime today.
I made no indication of when you might call back.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
Presidential Libraries Withdrawal Sheet
WITHDRAWAL ID 01470
REASON FOR WITHDRAWAL
Donor restriction
TYPE OF MATERIAL
Letter (s)
CREATOR'S NAME
Railsback, Tom
RECEIVER'S NAME
President
DESCRIPTION
John Connally appearance before the
Senate Select Committee on Presidential
Campaign Activities.
CREATION DATE
08/13/1976
COLLECTION/SERIES/FOLDER ID
001900423
COLLECTION TITLE
Philip W. Buchen Files
BOX NUMBER
37
FOLDER TITLE
Personnel - Conflict of Interest, A-G
DATE WITHDRAWN
08/24/1988
WITHDRAWING ARCHIVIST
LET
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
Presidential Libraries Withdrawal Sheet
WITHDRAWAL ID 01471
REASON FOR WITHDRAWAL
Donor restriction
TYPE OF MATERIAL
Notes
CREATOR'S NAME
Buchen, Philip
DESCRIPTION
Meeting with Roscoe Starok concerning
John Connally.
CREATION DATE
08/13/1976
COLLECTION/SERIES/FOLDER ID
001900423
COLLECTION TITLE
Philip W. Buchen Files
BOX NUMBER
37
FOLDER TITLE
Personnel - Conflict of Interest, A-G
DATE WITHDRAWN
08/24/1988
WITHDRAWING ARCHIVIST
LET
THE WHITE HOUSE
fill connelly
WASHINGTON
Material sent to
Mr. Schmults:
8/16 Charles Ruff letter and
enclosures.
Excerpts from Nixon
transcript 4/14/73
John Connally material in
the folder on Mr. B's desk
Excerpts from pages 311-316,
Nightmare, by J. Anthony
Lukas
GERALD
LIBRARY
WATERGATE SPECIAL PROSECUTION FORCE
United States Department of Justice
315 9th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20530
August 16, 1976
Honorable Philip W. Buchen
Counsel to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Buchen:
I am enclosing a copy of pages 30 through 33
of Government Exhibit 18A in U. S. V. Haldeman, et
al.
These pages are part of a transcript which
was introduced in evidence in the above-mentioned
trial and are therefore a matter of public record.
As I indicated to you, the tape itself, although it
was also introduced at trial, is subject to the
Order of Judge Sirica barring public access to it
at this time. Although I believe that the conversa-
tion reprinted here is intelligible without the rest
of the transcript, I will be glad to supply any
additional pages from the exhibit that may be necessary.
Sincerely,
Marces 7. l. Reft
CHARLES F. C. RUFF
Special Prosecutor
BICENTENNIAL
REVOLUTION
1776-1976
AMERICAN
GOVERNMENT
EXHIBIT
FINAL
18A
per
18-A
AB
6:10pm
our
1974
Completed pleted
TRANSCRIPT OF A RECORDING OF A
MEETING AMONG
THE PRESIDENT, H.R. HALDEMAN AND
JOHN EHRLICHMAN IN THE EXECUTIVE
OFFICE BUILDING, APRIL 14, 1973,
FROM 8:55 TO 11:31 A.M.
FORD : GERAÇO LIBRARY
APRIL 14, 1973, FROM 8:55 TO 11:31 A.M.
30
EHRLICHMAN:
Uh, I am concerned about the overall aspect of
this and then --- I want to talk about that before
we --
PRESIDENT:
Yeah.
EHRLICHMAN:
I don't know what your timing is like.
PRESIDENT:
No problem.
EHRLICHMAN:
We'll probably get back to it.
PRESIDENT:
Uh, got plenty of time.
EHRLICHMAN:
But, Dean called and he said, "Alright, here's
a scenario." He said, "We've all been trying
to figure out
PRESIDENT:
Yeah.
EHRLICHMAN:
"
how to make this go." He says, "The
President calls Mitchell into his office on
Saturday. He says, 'John, you've got to do
this and here are the facts: bing, bing, bing,
bing.' And then that's -- you pull this paper
out here. And you'd better go do this. And
Mitchell stonewalls you. So then, John says,
'I don't know why you're asking me down here.
You can't ask a man to do a thing like that. I
need my lawyer. Uh, uh, I don't know what I'm
facing? He says, 'You just really can't expect
me to do this?' Uh, so the President says,
'Well, John, I have no alternative.' And with
that, uh, uh, the President calls the U.S.
Attorney and says, 'I, the President of the
United States of America and leader of the free
world want to go before the Grand Jury on
Monday.'"
PRESIDENT:
I won't even comment on that.
HALDEMAN:
That's a silly (unintelligible).
EHRLICHMAN:
What I mean is, we're -- typical of the thinking
of -- we're running out every, every line. So
that was 12:30 this morning. I, uh, uh, but, but
I
PRESIDENT:
I go before the Grand Jury -- that's
....
EHRLICHMAN:
I --
FORD
31
APRIL 14, 1973, FROM 8:55 TO 11:31 A.M.
PRESIDENT:
That's like putting Bob on national television
uh
HALDEMAN:
With Dan Rather.
PRESIDENT:
What?
HALDEMAN:
With Dan Rather.
PRESIDENT:
...
well, well by putting it on national tele-
vision period. When, uh, your, uh, when your,
when your audience basically is not that big.
EHRLICHMAN:
Well, let's, let's take it just as far as you
calling Mitchell into the Oval Office, as a,
as a
(Tape noise)
EHRLICHMAN:
essentially convinced that Mitchell was
linchpin in this thing
PRESIDENT:
Right.
EHRLICHMAN:
and that if he goes down, it can redound
to the administration's advantage. If he doesn't
then we're --
PRESIDENT:
How can it redound to our advantage?
EHRLICHMAN:
That
PRESIDENT:
There's others - - -
EHRLICHMAN:
That. You have a report from me based on
three weeks' work, that when you got it, you
immediately acted to call Mitchell in as the, as
the provable.
PRESIDENT:
I see.
EHRLICHMAN:
wrong-doer
PRESIDENT:
I see.
EHRLICHMAN:
and you say, "My God, I've got a report
here. And it's clear from this report that
you are guilty as hell. Now, John, for. Christ's
sake go on in there and do what you should. And
let's get this thing cleared up and get it off
the country's back and move on." And, uh, uh --
32
APRIL 14, 1973, FROM 8:55 TO 11:31 A.M.
HALDEMAN:
Well, plus the given side of it is that that's
the only
PRESIDENT:
Even way to --
HALDEMAN:
way to beat 'er down.
PRESIDENT:
Well --
HALDEMAN:
Now, from John Mitchell's own personal viewpoint
that's the only salvation for John Mitchell.
Can you see another way? And, obviously, once
you have it, you've -- he's got to admit it.
PRESIDENT:
He's, he's not gonna make it, anyway.
HALDEMAN:
Another factor in that to consider for what it's
worth, is the point Connally made to me in that
conversation we had on this.
PRESIDENT:
I ought to talk to Mitchell?
HALDEMAN:
I don't know whether he said this to you or not.
He made the point that you had to get this laid
out and that the only way it could hurt you is
if it ultimately went to Mitchell. And that,
that would be the one man you couldn't afford
to let get hung on this.
PRESIDENT:
Even worse than Hughes talk.
HALDEMAN:
He thought SO. Seemed to be
PRESIDENT:
(Unintelligible) That's true. Yeah.
HALDEMAN:
seemed to be, because he's the epitome of
your
PRESIDENT:
Yeah.
HALDEMAN:
your hard line.
PRESIDENT:
I think he's wrong about that. I think this is the
the worst one, well, due, due to the closeness to
the President at the time of the crime.
HALDEMAN:
But --
PRESIDENT:
Would you agree, John?
33
APRIL 14, 1973, FROM 8:55 TO 11:31 A.M.
HALDEMAN:
Well, what's bad --
EHRLICHMAN:
That's the way I see it.
HALDEMAN:
But, what Connally also said was unless it's
the President himself who nails Mitchell, then
the President is (unintelligible).
EHRLICHMAN:
Can I pull up this into the larger, in a larger
picture? We've gotta live day to day through
these things
UNIDENTIFIED:
Yeah.
EHRLICHMAN:
and forget, uh, the, uh, perspective that
will be put on this period
UNIDENTIFIED:
Yeah.
EHRLICHMAN:
three months later.
PRESIDENT:
The point is whether or not -- I think I've got
the larger picture --- I think, I mean I, and I,
in this regard, the point is this that the --
we need some action before, uh -- in other words,
if, if it's like my, my feeling about having
the Grand Jury do it and the court system do it
rather than Ervin Committee -- now we want the
President to do it rather than the Grand Jury.
EHRLICHMAN:
No.
PRESIDENT:
And I agree with that.
EHRLICHMAN:
Well, you're doing it in aid of the Grand Jury.
PRESIDENT:
No. No. I didn't mean it. I didn't mean rather
than the Grand Jury, but I mean to, to, to, to
worm the truth -- now look, I, I -- the Grand
Jury doesn't drag him in, he goes in as a result
of the President's asking him to go in.
HALDEMAN:
Okay. But while you're at that point could I
argue a contrary view for a minute? 'Cause I
don't agree with that.
PRESIDENT:
Yeah.