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National Federation of Republican Women, April 1, 1965
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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The original documents are located in Box D19, folder "National Federation of Republican
Women, April 1, 1965" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File
at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D17 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
Address by Rep. Gerald R. Ford
april ,
to the National Federation of Republican Women
1965
Republicans in Congress who are faced with overwhelming opposition
party voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have at
least five major duties and responsibilities.
First we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide
our Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within the framework
of fiscal responsibility and the Constitution.
Secondly, we should support the Administration when it is right, oppose
it when it is wrong, at the same time presenting constructive alternative
proposals for legislation.
Our third duty is to expose any failures of the present Administration
to keep promises made during the 1964 election campaigh.
The fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong two-party system,
which would overcome the imbalance of power in the legislative, executive
and judicial branches.
Finally, we must work with dedication and zeal to maintain and to
strengthen unity in the Republican ranks.
-more
FORD is LIBRARY GENALD
GOP women
-2-
How do we accomplish these goals? What has been done so far?
What are the guidelines for action in the future?
Work is well under way to exert our influence in a positive menner
in Congress. It star ted with the establishment of a planning and research group
of republicans headed by Rep. Charles E. Goodell of New York.
Currently seven task forces are researching in depth, seeking
facts, figures and a wide range of data in six areas: agriculture, economic
opportunity, voting rights, Congressional reform and Minority staffing,
education and NATO-Western Europe problems.
On a broader
The Republican Coordinating Committee has
embarked on a three-goal mission to:
1. Broaden the advisory base on national party policy.
2. Set up task forces to study and make recommendat ions
for dealing with the problems confronting the people
of our Nation.
3. Stimulate communication among members of the party and
others in developing accommon approach to the nation's
problems.
-more-
FORD is LIBRARY GERALD
GOP Women
-3-
The Coordinating Committee consists of eleveN members of the
Joint Senate-House Republican Leadership, the five living Republican
nominees for President, and five representatives of the Republican
Governors Association.
Our second responsibility as members of Congress is a three-pronged
one, as I see it.
You know that Republicen joint leadership supported the
Administration in stepping up strikes against Communist supply lines
and bases in Viet Nam.. We have publicly stated that we favor measured,
meaningful military steps in that troubled area of Southeast Asia.
We cannot accept the statement that the duty of the
party out of power is to merely oppose. This outlook is too narrow and
too negative.
It is difficult to oppose with any real meaning when we are
outnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress. We will, however, point out mistakes
made by the Administration,
Forexample, we believe there are some mistakes and perhaps honest
GERALD LIBURA R. FORD
ones
in the proposed bill on voting rights, which followed in the
mobe
GOP woman
4-
wake of the President's message to a joint session of Congress.
The Administration bill would violate the Constitution by blocking
certain
the rights of States to decide the qualifications of voters in both Federal
and state elections.
The first article of the Constitution gives states the authority to
decide the qualifications of voters.
Under a somewhat complex formula in the Adminsitration's proposed bill,
Federal authorities would have the right to abolish voter qualifications and
to supervise voter registration.
In actual practice, the formula wouldapply only to Alabama, Louisiana,
Georgia,
Mississippi,
South Carolina and Virginia.
Another provision would require a persons registered by federal authories
ballot
to cast "at lesst once during three consecutive years while listed," which
amounts citizen to either vate or lose his fr
Also under the law the President asked Congress to slam bang
throughxy
through, illiterate citizens in the six southern states I mentioned XXXXXX
a
moment ago would have more rightsz voting rights than a similar person would have
in New York.
FORD is LIBRARY
more
GOP women
-5-
Complicated formulas and percentages spawned at the federal
level and contained in the Administration's proposed voting rights law
are unfair to some states and violate the Constitution.
Meanwhile, Republicans are working on constructive alternatives
to the President's voting rights bill. It is a tough, demanding and
complicated job. The Administration's bill also is undergoing extensive
investigation by the Judiciary committee.
At this point, I can say that Republicans in the House will
support legislation to achieve maximum registration and voting by the target
date of 1966.
There may be bi-partisan support of a voting rights bill, which
would be the result of both Republican and Democratic thinking. One thing
is certain: Republicans in the House refuse to be stampeded into rubberpstamping
the Administration's version of a bill.
The widely-publicized "medicare" scheme of the Administration is another
example of
prompting not only opposition by Republicans, but an
alternative measure.
more
GOP women
-6-
The weaknesses in the Administration's medicare plan are
obvious. They include insufficient coverage and skyrocketing payroll
taxes for every worker.
The Administration's plan is based on an increase in the
social security payroll tax on all employees, employers, and self-employed
persons, which would place a greater burden on those less able to pay.
It is a complaisory, regressive, tax plan.
The Republican alternative proposal offers more liberal coverage
and gives people a choice of participating. It is entirely voluntary.
You will read and hear of other Republican proposals in the
weeks and months ahead. They will come from research, analysis and
some of the finest minds in the country representing many facets of
our economic, social, financial and other areas.
Berlier, I
listed among our duties that of
exposing failures of the Administration to keep campaign promises.
You willrecall that the President virtually pledged to provide
America with historical bounty
golden prosperity
-more
GOP women
-7-
with two chickens in every pot and three cars in every garage. He insisted
that we would have more of everything without paying more taxes.
It was with bright and brassy fanfare that the President
unveiled his proposed 1966 budget, trumpeting to the nation that it is less
than 100 billion.
The truth is the budget totals more than $126 illion, when the
cash budget and new obligational authority to spend government money
are
lumped together.
It follows that the national debt has increased by $10 million
in just two years to an all-time high of $318 billion.
The President promised to help ease the burden in pockets of
poverty. His Appalachia bill ignored many parts of the Nation faced with
economic distress. Omitted from the bill, which sailed through Congress
with a strong wind blowing from the White House, were suchareas as the
upper Great Lakes Region, the Ozark Mountain country.
A
epublican proposed bill would have helped depressed areas
FORD & LIBRARY OFRACE
all over the Nation.
more
GOP women
-8-
Our
fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong
two-party system, which is bedrock assurance that our Democracy will survive,
prosper, grow and help others in the world to accept their role in the society
of free nations.
Hand-in-hand with a strong two-party system is a balance in the
three branches of government.
I see disturbing signs of slow erosion in the power of the legislative
branch, a build-up of towering strength in the executive arm, and a change
from the intended direction in the Federal Judiciary.
When the balance of power in Congress is steeply tilted by an
over-whelming majority in one political party, the system of checks and balances
is endangered. This becomes even more serious when the executive branch is
dominated by the same party.
It can be said that the Federal Judiciary's function is to interpret
the Constitution and the laws.
There is evidence that the Judicial Branch is arbitrarily flailing
and pushing its way with courtly dignity to new positions of authority, disregarding
the wise judicial restraint made by the late Justice Frankfurter and others.
ERALD
LIBRARY
-more-
GOP women
-9-
When the Supreme Court ordered states to reapportion on the
"one-man, one-vote" concept, Justice Frankfurter in a dissenting opinion
was critical of an a ssumption by the Court of "destructively novel judicial
power."
Justice Frankfurter said "in this situation, as in others of like
nature, appeal for relief does not belong here. Appeal must be made to an
informed, civically militant electorate. In a democratic society like outs,
relief must come through an aroused public conscience that sears the conscience
of the people's representatives."
The National Federation of Republican Women can do much to nurture
an aroused public conscience involving more issues than the change
from
intended direction in the Federal Judiciary.
I urge you to spread the word of a need to strengthen the two-party
system, to be aware of a growing imbalance of power in the three branches
of government. You have the organization to help do the job for the good of
all America.
We have a lot of homework in maintaining and strengthening
in the Republican ranks.
uniteford BERALD
-more-
GOP women
-10-
There has been a lot of talk about a split in our ranks.
I will answer this by saying reunification is already under W av. The
division is less sharp in our party than among Democrats.
I question whether the differences in philosophies among Republicans
defined
are so
now that the Party can be described as having
three, four or any number of strong factions.
If I were to describe the majority of Republicans, I would
say that most believe in the high middle road of moderation.
Former President Eisenhower is to be applauded for his statement
that Republicans become again just Republicans. Therein lies our hope.
By organizing our strength, rallying our forces, creating
new ideas, showing that Republicans care about the people, and earning the
respect of America, we can expect victories in 1966 and a resurgence of
strength.
These are jobs for each of us to tackle. The time to start
is right now.
#
#
#
FORD d LIBRARY GERALD
Analysis of Responsibilities of
The Republican Party
David S. Broder *
What should Republicans be thinking about? The simplest answer is a
negative one -- not Lyndon Johnson. The normal instinct in any partisan is
to whack the opposition -- and that has- value, to be sure. Republicans in
Congress and the country have a responsibility to scrutinize, debate,
criticize, amend or oppose every Johnson initiative and program; the
functioning of democracy demands no less from an opposition party. But that
path is not the path to future victory. To the extent that Republicans focus
their thought primarily or exclusively on Lyndon Johnson and his programs, they
neglect their greater opportunity. The pace of history -- of social change --
will outrun any President. If the Republicans slow their pace to match that of
a Lyndon Johnson hobbled by the day-to-day burdens of office, they will forfeit
their greatest political advantage. Already, the issues and personalities of
the last election are slipping into irrelevancy. Nor is this surprising. The
personalities and issues that elected Dwight Eisenhower as President in 1952
did not dominate the choice of his successor in 1960. No more will Johnson or
Johnson's issues determine the choice of his successor.
New needs will have arisen -- new names come to the fore -- and the
country will be waiting for the party best prepared to answer the questions on
its mind then. To succeed, therefore, Republicans must set about now to think
constructively about those problems the Johnson Administration is least likely
to settle satisfactorily or remove from the area of debate. What are they ?
Let me mention five that seem to me to be candidates for serious attention.
Each of them is rooted in a fundamental trend that appears to me to be irreversible.
1. The first is the problem of a biracial society, established on the
fatal basis of master and slave, and now moving rapidly and inevitably toward a
condition of substantial -- not just legal -- equality. This is a problem
beyond just civil rights. This is a problem of overcoming, or at least
ameliorating, in a generation the accumulated injustices of a dozen generations.
The most difficult aspects of this problem -- in education, and housing and
employment -- have barely been touched. Ten days ago, the distinguished
Republican Attorney General of Massachusetts, Edward Brooke, said here that he
hoped to see some Republican proposals on balanced schools, on open housing, on
the roots of urban crime, and on other aspects of our revolution in race relations.
I say amen.
Presented by Mr. Broder, Political Analyst
and Columnist, in address to the League of Republican
Women of D.C. at the Mayflower Hotel, March 1, 1965.
Page 1 --
2. Second, there is the much discussed population boom -- the increase
in numbers and in the concentration of population in urban areas. Now, you
may be alarmed or complacent about the so-called population explosion. I
personally am not concerned about our capacity to cope with our increasing
numbers; that is the position a father of four boys has to take on this issue.
But I think it is plain even now that when people are packed in as densely as
they are in our area, the limits on their freedom are going to be greater than
they were in my youth or yours. I live in Arlington County, and I spend a good
deal of my leisure time arguing with government officials who want to build
bridges or highways or interchanges over my house. The bridge-builders and
highway-builders are not going to cease and desist; nor are the school-improvers,
the planners and the dozens of other government menwho are intruding on my life;
most of them are engaged in meeting legitimate needs. But if our notion of
freedom is going to maintain any significance under this increasing web of
government regulation, I have got to feel that I am not just a pawn in the
bureaucrats' hands. This is essentially a problem in Federalism, in the
distribution of responsibility and power among the levels of government, to keep
as many decisions at the closest possible level to the citizens. It is a
terribly complex problem. Many of our existing units of government are outmoded;
others badly need to be refurbished if they are to be made useful. But it is
the sort of problem Republicans traditionally have interested themselves in.-
Republicans of all stripes have a commitment to make Federalism work, to find
significant roles for state and county and local government. Now, in their
leisure, they have an opportunity to undertake the major rethinking of the New
Federalism that is badly needed.
3 and 4. Next, I would mention a pair of problems related to a less well-
known trend in our population. America's postwar population boom had two
principal causes. One was the baby boom. The other was the elongation of life
or decrease in the death rate, attributable to medical advances. These two
factors not only pushed up the population curve; they changed its shape. In the
past decade, for the first time since we became a nation, there were more Americans
under 21 and over 65 than there were between 21 and 65. In technical jargon, this
is called the dependency ratio. What this means is that there are more unproductive
persons -- youngsters and oldsters -- than working-age people.
That fact -- and not some diabolical design -- is why NO hear endlessly in
Congress about the problems of youth, chiefly education, and of old age, chiefly
medical care. These problems are going to endure. They will not be wished away.
They are, quite literally, built into our population curve. Today, their solutions
are not in sight. Despite the sloganeering on all sides of the aid-to-education
and medicare debates, the problems involved are extremely difficult. We face a
major national policy decision in the area of broadened aid to private and
parochial schools. We face an equally significiant decision on the best way to
finance and administer social services -- including medical services -- for the
elderly. These problems demand constructive solutions. I know of no one who
believes the current proposals before Congress in these two areas are more than
a first effort.
GERALD
Page 2 --
5. Fifth and finally, I would mention the changing nature of our
world relations. Obviously, they are far beyond the scope of any discussion
we could launch today. But if men far more expert and informed than I am do
not wholly misread the signs, what we face is a world we can no longer dominate
in every detail by our might, but one from which we cannot withdraw, either.
If this is so, Americans confront the task of deciding what sort of a world we
can abide -- how far our real interests extend, what we can do to secure them,
and how much leeway we can grant those others who are claiming insistently that
they, too, will have a voice in the future of the planet.
I do not say, as some do, that America's position in the world is worse
today than ever before; I do not believe that is ture. But I do say that I
have never known a time when America was involved in as many situations --
from the United Nations to the Congo to Viet Nam and on around the globe --
where the true interests of our ccuntry were as badly explained and as badly
understood as they are today. We need a great debate on foreign policy. There
has been none, really, since the late Senator Taft argued the issue when NATO
was created 16 years ago. Republicans should take the lead in provoking a new
one.
Here, then, are five things Republicans would be well-advised to think
about: A path through the final, difficult stages of our transition to a
genuinely equal, biracial society; a redefinition of federalism and a
revitalization of state and local government; long-term programs -- not
temporary expedients -- for the education of our youth and the care of our
elderly; and a reexamination of American foreign policy in the light of the
dramatic changes that have occured since Republicans last held national
responsibility.
For better or worse, the Republicans are now the party at leisure. They
have the opportunity to examine these problems dispassionately. It would be
well for the country if the Republicans seized the opportunity. And, unless I
miss my guess, there is a reward, beyond Lyndon Johnson's power to deny, waiting
the party that does come up with answers to these questions.
FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
Page 3 --
Speech outline for: National Federation of Republican Women, March 29, 1965
Theme: "We Must Earn Our Way."
Describe position of the GOP today: Outnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress
Not just loyal opposition.
constructive alternatives.
What must be done:
A. Organize our strength: Ray Bliss brings strong leadership to
National Committee discuss GOP Coordinating Committee and
its goals: 1. To broaden the a dvisory base on national party policy.
2. Set up task forces to study problems.
3. Stimulate communication among members of party.
B. Rally our forces.
discuss need for women to continue good work
and to get others to join
work hard during off-election year
tell the Republican story everywhere.
C. Come forth with new ideas needproposal S that are salable in
political market place
discuss the GOP task forces.
D. Need for two-party system. talk of over-balance of power
E. Show that Republicans care about people Discuss GOP health
care plan education proposal alternative Appalachia bill.
F. Must earn respect and trust of America...
build up a record of
doing something, not just fighting Dem Administration
more
Speech outline for GOP Women
-2-
fight growing centralization of power in Wahington... make
people aware that "government big enough to give us everything we
want is big enough to take from us every thing we have." !!
convince voters that Republican Party "is the political vehicle
by which they can exhibit their independence."
Conclusion:
Repeat
We must organize our strength
We must rally our forces
We must come forth with new ideas
We must restore the strong two-party system
We must show that Republicans care about people
We must earn the respect and trust of America
"The political climate in the past has turned rapidly. If we
follow the guidelines I have discussed today, we can expect
victories in 1966 and a resurgence of strength."
# # #
nudy raise I
In my remarks during the Republican State of the Union appraisal,
referred to a deeply heald conviction that education is the answer to
many of our social and economic problems. This, of course, is a national
conviction as old as our Republic and shared by a substantial majority
of citizens of both major political parties.
As a Nation we have led the world in progress toward universal
educational opportunities. Our progress has continued and accelerated
in recent years, even without taking into account the activities ** of
1958
the Federal Government. In 1989 our Gross National Product was $445 billion
of which we spent 3.6 percent on education. By 1962 the GNP had increased
to $555 billion, and we were spending well over 5 percent on education.
Using stable 1961-62 dollars as a measure, in the decade between the
Fall of 1953 and the Fall of 1963, our national investment in all levels
of education, school and college, public and private, more than doubled
to a total of nearly $33 billion.
In 1964, this Nation spent almost $40 billion on education, representing
6.3 percent of our gress National Product. Such an investment, viewed from
a mere decade before, was a wild dream. It has been a miracle wrought by
the free will of the American people, e xpressed in every State and community.
And there is not a single index of education, whether it is school housing,
pupil-teacher ratios, curriculum innovations, teacher and faculty salaries,
educational attainment of the population, and so forth, that fails to
reflect this massive financial commitment.
During these years much attention has been focussed upon contributions
of the Federal Government. This is extraordinary in a sense, because in
the course of all this vast growth, and with proliferating Federal programs,
the Federal share of educational expenditures has never risen above
five percent. Clearly, and without in any way diminishing the importance
of Federal programs, the miracle I have described was not wrought in
Washington.
FORD & LIBRARY OFFALD
2
The Federal Government has in fact played an important role in
educational development throughout our history, beginning with the
Northwest Ordinances of 1789 (?)
During the administration of Abraham Lincoln the first of the historic
Land Grant College Acts became law and the establishment of our system
of State universities was commenced. This was expanded in 1890. In 1917
we commended a national effort to encourage vocational education in the
public schools, and this was enlarged in 1946. Then came the G.I. Bill
and a surge of college enrollments that is still growing.
These were all historic actions, but in a sense the most comprehensive
Federal interest in education at all levels the was expressed by President
Eisenhower in his 1958 recommendations which were the basis for the National
Defense Education Act. The Eisenhower measure struck at critical deficiencies
and key areas at almost every level of education. While often described
as an effort to improve the teaching of science and mathematics, it was far
more comprhensive. It includes funds for upgrading counselling and guidance
work in the schools, for large-scale **** testing programs, for increasing
the number of fully-prepared college faculty, for vastly improving our
studies of so-called "rare" languages (meaning they were rarely
the U.S
taughty although spoken by by hundreds of millions of people in critical
areas of the world), and for similar purposes.
It was in 1958 also that we accelerated all of the educational programs
of the National Science Foundation, with particular emphasis upon those
designed to improve the skills of elementary and high school teachers.
In 1959 President Eisenhower also recommended and urged the approval of
a bill to provide Federal funds for the construction of college classrooms.
Unfortunately, this was not acted upon until 1963, but it is now of crucial
importance in meeting the explosion in college enrollments. It was also in
1963, with strong bi-partisan support, that the National Vocational Education
Acts were modernized and expanded in funding authorizations. Together with
the th Manpower Training and Development Act of 1962 -- another completely
bi-partisan measure -- this formed a very strong Federal effort to help
prepare people for available jobs in the ec onomy of the 1960's.
GERALD
Through 1963, marking the First Session of the 88th Congress, the
Federal interest in education had been expressed through carefully
conceived legislation involving a bi-partisan effort. Even then however,
it was becoming evident that the Federal role in education was somewhat
ill defined and bogged down in overlapping responsibilities and duplication
of effort.
in June of 1963
In a report issued/by Congresswoman Edith Green, Democrat of Oregon,
and Chairman of a special subcommittee of the Education and Labor Committee,
it was pointed out that 42 seperate Federal agencies were involved in
administering education programs. The number today is probably 45.
There are multiple duplications of effort in such fields as teacher
education, educational research, undergraduate assistance, graduate
education, education of handicapped and disadvantaged students, programs
for school dropouts, and manpower training, to cite but a few key areas.
Recent legislation has added vastly to the confusion, with the
multiplicity of poverty programs introducing an almost chaotic note.
Carefully drawn Federal programs, which recognize State and local
responsibilities and work within them, and which strike directly at
crucial problems, can make a constructive contribution to all that we
are doing in our schools and colleges. But confused and hastily drawn
Federal acts that strike out in all directions at once can seriously
undermine the work of educational institutions, and can complicate
or defeat constructive efforts to solve educational problems.
I think that the task of making sense out of recent legislation in
this field is one of the major tasks confronting the Congress.
School Assistance
The Elementary and Secondary/Act of 1965 , quite candidly, is
a mish-mash of programs and purposes. It has serious defects which
were recognized on all sides at the time of enactment, but which the
Administration stubbornly insisted upon including. Let me be specific
on this point.
Title I of that bill authorizes grants to local school districts
school
to be used in/ programs designed for students handicapped by poverty.
But these funds do not go just to school districts that are inadequately
FORD
financed. They go to school districts in the wealthiest counties in America,
LIBRARY
where the schools and their programs, 10110 including those for culturally
deprived children, are generally the best that money can buy. If the Federal
funds were unlimited, this might be defended, but the practical result is
that the effort is spread thinly, and probably so thin as to have little
genuine impact on the problem. What cannot be defended is that the
formula for distributing the funds is so arranged that the ten wealthiest
counties in the Nation -- having about 32,000 impoverished children --
receive twice as much money as the ten poorest counties having an
equal number of impoverished children. Moreover, the wealthy counties are
large ones where poor children represent a very small part of the school
population. The poor counties are small ones in which the poor children
often represent a majority of the children in school.
This could have been corrected by a simple amendment sponsored by
Congresswoman Green and supported from our side of the aisle, but the
amendment was opposed by the Administration and was defeated.
The remaining five titles of the bill are totally unrelated
to the needs of economically and culturally deprived children. They
extend the Federal arm deep into school program and curriculum planning,
into the provision of textbooks, and into supplemental educational
services at the local level. In the process, they virtually ignore State
responsibilities in education.
The poverty program is in many areas chaotic, and this may be a
charitable judgment. In the educational field it is very badly planned.
Much of that attempted is desireable, such as "Operation Head Start"
for pre-school youngsters who have no preparation normally received in the
home environment. Yet this type of effort should be carried out in a
systematic fashion by the U.S. Office of Education, working through the
regular State and local school systems. It should be coordinated with
the regular school program and subject to local determination and control.
The Congress urgently needs to remedy this kind of confusion.
poverty
Similarly, such/programs as the neighborhood youth corps and the
job corps need to be meshed with our national efforts in vocational
education and manpower retraining. Unless there is close coordination,
with a maximum use of our limited training job-training personnel, we
are going to produce thousands of youth in these programs who are not
GERALD R.FORD LIBRARY
S.
equipped for available jobs, thus plunging them farther into a climate of
defeat and despair. This would be a personal tragedy in every instance
and a social tragedy of major proportions.
The Congress can correct shortcomings, abuses, and confusion in
Federal programs if it will exercise its independent judgment in such
matters. It has an inescapable responsibility to do so.
What is more, the Congress can propose imaginative and effective
programs to mobilize all our resources to overcome educational problems.
One such proposal, made by Republicans in both Houses, is the Human
Investments Act. It would give tax credits to private business and
industry to offset the costs of private training programs for the unskilled
and unemployed. Right now, according to Mr. Sargent Shriver, the most
effective job corps camps we have are those operated by private industry
on a contract basis. This effort could be increased a thousand-fold
with a very small Federal cost and with no direct Federal involvement.
Even Congressman Adam Clayto n Powell, who ram-rodded the existing
poverty program through the Congress jast as the President required,
has recognized its inadequacy. In a speech in Harlem of January 21, 1966,
he charged that all these programs were uncoordinated and declared, "All
we need are jobs ...we are going to change the legislative image of the
War on Poverty this years to place the emphasis on job creation and
on-the- job training. Many of these cultural and social frills are going
to be cut out."
It remains to be seen whether such promises are kept.
GERALD
Natronal Coration of Regablis
April 2, 1965
Young gop-Baton gop- april 2
Republicans in the House who are faced with overwhelming opposition
party voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have
at least five major duties and responsibilities.
First: we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide
our Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within
FORDO : LIBRARY 070839
the framework of fiscal responsibility and the Constitution.
Natl GOP Women
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Secondly, we should support the Administration when it is right,
oppose it when it is wrong, at the S ame time presenting
constructive alternative proposals for legislation.
Thirdly--- our duty is to expose any failures of the present
Administration to keep promises made during the 1964
election campaign.
CERALD REGIST
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Fourth responsibility work to establish a strong two-party
system to overcome the imbalance of
Dower in the legislative, executive,
and judicial branches.
Fifth---we must work with dedication and zeal to maintain and to
strengthen unity in the Republican ranks.
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EXPAND ON--- supporting Administration, opposing it, and constructive
alternatives.
Viet Nam
Voting rights
Medicare
EXPAND ON--- exposing failures of Administration:
1966 budget is $216 billion, not less than $100 billion
EXPAND ON--- Two-party system. over-balance of power now.
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Conc lude:
High middle road of moderation
Earn respect to win victories in 1966
#
GERALD LIGHARY R. FORD
Address by Rep. derald R. Ford
to the National Federation of Republican Women
March 29, 1965
Republicens in Congress who are faced with overwhelming opposition
party voting power and an awesome strength in the executive branch have at
least five major duties and responsibilities.
First--- we must exert our influence in a positive manner to help guide
our Nation toward freedom, security, peace and well-being within the framework
of fiscal responsibility.
Secondly, we should support the Administration when it is right, oppose
it when it is wrong, at the same time presenting constructive alternative
proposals for legislation.
Our third duty is to expose any failures of the present Administration
to keep promises made during the 1964 election campaigh.
The fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong two-party system,
which would overcome the imbalance of power in the legislative, executive
and judicial branches.
Finally, we must work with dedication and seal to maintain and to
strengthen unity in the Republican ranks.
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FORD & LIBRARY GERALD
GOP women
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How do we accomplish these goals? What has been done so far?
What are the guidelines for action in the future?
Work is well under way to exert our influence in a positive menner
in Congress. It started with the establishment of a planning and research group
of Republicans headed by Rep. Charles E. Goodell of New York.
Currently seven task forces are researching in depth, seeking
facts, figures and a wide range of data in six areas: agifuulture, economic
opportunity, voting rights, Congressional reform and Minority staffing,
education and NATO-Western Europe problems.
On a beadder base, The Republican Coordinating Committee has
embarked on a three-goal mission tos
1. Broaden the advisory base on national party policy.
2. Set up task forces to study and make recommendations
for dealing with the problems confromaing the people
of our Nation.
3. Stimulate communication among members of the party and
others in developing accommon approach to the nation's
problems.
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GERALD
GOP Women
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The Coordinating Committee consists of elevel members of the
Joint Senate-House Republican Leadership, the five living Republican
nominess for President, and five representatives of the Republican
Governors Association.
Our second responsibility as members of Congress is a three-pronged
one, as I see it.
You know that Republican joint leadership supported the
Administration in stepping up strikes against Communist supply lines
and bases in Viet Name. We have publicly stated that we favor measured,
meaningful military steps in that troubled area of Southeast Asia.
You see, we cannot accept the statement that the duty of the
party out of power is to merely oppose. This outlook is too narrow and
too negative.
It is difficult to oppose--with any real meaning-when we are
outnumbered 2 to 1 in Congress. We will, however, point out mistskes
made by the Administration when it is wrong in our opinion.
Forexample, we believe there are some mistakes---and perhaps honest
ones--
in the proposed bill on voting rights, wheih followed in the
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wake of the President's message to a joint session of Congress.
The Administration bill would violate the Constitution by blocking
certain
the rights offstates to decide the qualifications of voters in both Federal
and state elections.
The first article of the Constitution gives states the authority to
decide the qualifications of voters.
Under a somethat complex formula in the Adminsitration's proposed bill,
Federal authorities would have the right to abolish voter qualifications and
to supervise voter registration.
In actual practice, the formula wouldapply only to Alabama, Louisiana,
Georgia,
Mississippi,
South Carolina and Virginia.
Another provision would require a persons registered by federal authories
a ballot
to
cast "at least once during three consecutive years while listed," which
amounts to ordering a citizen to either vote or lose his franchise.
Also under the law the President asked Comgress to slam bang throughry
through, illiterate citizens in the six southern states I mentioned XXXXXX
a
moment ago would have more rights voting rights than a similar person would have
in New York.
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Complicated formulas and percentages spawned at the federal
level and contained in the Administration's proposed voting rights law
are unfair to some states and violate the Constitution.
Meamwhile, Republicans are working on constructive alternatives
to the President's voting rights bill. It is a tough, demanding and
complicated job. The Administration's bill also is undergoing extensive
investigation by the Judiciary committee.
At this point, I can say that Republicans in the House will
support legislation to achieve maximum registration and voting by the target
date of 1966.
There may be bi-partism support of a voting rights bill, which
would be the result of both Republican and Democratic thinking. One thing
is certains Republicans in the House refuse to be stampeded into rubberpetamping
the Administration's version of a bill.
The widely-publicised "medicare" scheme of the Administration is another
example of requiring prompting not only opposition by Republicans, but an
alternative measure.
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The weaknesses in the Administration's medicare plan are
obvious. They include insufficient coverage and skyrocketing psyroll
taxes for every worker.
The Administration's plan is based on an increase in the
social security payroll tax on all employees, employers, and self-employed
persons, which would place a greater burden on those less able to pay.
It is a complusory, regressive, tax plan.
The Republican alternative proposal offers more liberal coverage
and gives people a choice of participating. It is entirely voluntary.
You will read and hear of other Republican proposals in the
weeks and months shead. They will come from research, analysis and
some of the finest minds in the country representing many facets of
our economic, social, financial and other areas.
Earlier, I listed smong our duties that of
expesing failures of the Administration to keep campaign promises.
You willrecall that the President virtually pledged to provide
America with historical bounty----- golden prosperity
GER ABVS 817 FORD
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with two chickens in every pot and three cars in every garage. He insisted
that we would have more of everything without paying more taxes.
It was with bright and brassy fanfare that the President
unveiled his proposed 1966 budget, trumpeting to the nation that it is less
than $100 billion.
The truth is the budget totals more than $126 million, when the
cash budget and new obligational authority to spend government money
are
lumped together.
It follows that the national debt has increased by $10 million
in just two years to an all-time high of $318 billion.
The President promised to help ease the burden in pockets of
poverty. His Appalachia bill ignored many parts of the Nation faced with
economic distress. Omitted from the bill, whichmass sailed through Congress
with a strong wind blowing from the White House, were suchares as the
upper Great Lakes Region, the Ozark Mountain country.
A "epublican proposed bill would have helped depressed areas
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Our fourth responsibility is to work toward a strong
two-party system, which is bedrock assurance that our Democracy will survive,
prosper, grow and help others in the world to accept their role in the society
offree nations.
Hand-in-hand with a strong two-party system is a balance in the
three branches of government.
I see disturbing signs of slow erosion in the power of the legislative
branch, a build-up of towering strength in the executive arm, and a change
from the intended direction in the Federal Indiciary.
When the balance of power in Congress is steeply tilted by an
over-whelming majority in one political party, the system of checks and balances
is endangered. This becomes ever more serious when the executive branch is
dominated by the same party.
It can be said that the Federal Judiciary's function is to interpret
the Constitution and the laws.
There is evidence that the Judicial Branch is arbitrarily flailing
and pushing its way with courtly dignity to new positions of authority, disregardin
GERAL
the wise indicial restraint made bv the late Justice Frankfurter and others.
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When the Supreme Court ordered states to respportion on the
"one-man, one-vote" concept, Justice Frankfurter in a dissenting opinion
was critical of anassumption by the Court of "destructively novel judicial
power."
Justice Frankfurter said "in this situation, as in others of like
nature, appeal for relief does not belong here. Appeal must be made to an
informed, civically militant electorate. In a democratic society like outs,
relief must come through an aroused public conscience that sears the conscience
of the people's representatives."
The National Federation of Republican Women can do much to nurture
an aroused public conscience involving more issues than the change from
intended direction in the Federal Judiciary.
I urge you to spread the word of a need to strengthen the two-party
system, to be sware of a growing imbalance of power in the three branches
of government. You have the organisation to help do the job for the good of
all America.
We have a lot of homework in maintaining and strengthening unity
in the Republican ranks.
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There has been a lot of talk about a split in our ranks.
I will answer this by saying reunification is already underway. The
division is less sharp in our party than among Democrate.
I question whether the dif erences in philosophies among Republicans
defined
are so withholds definied now that the Party can be described as having
three, four or any number of strong factions.
If I were to describe the majority of Republicans, I would
say that most believe in the high result middle road of moderation.
Former President Eisenhower 1s to be applauded for his statement
that Republicans become again just Republicans. Therein lies our hope.
By organising our strength, rallying our forces, creating
new ideas, showing that Republicans care about the people, and earning the
respect of America, we can expect victories in 1966 and a resurgence of
strength.
These are jobs for each of us to tackle. The time to start
is right now.
#
#
GERALD R
TEXT
NAT'L FED. OF 60P
WOMEN
MAR. 29, 1965
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U.S.
OFFICE OF THE MINORITY LEADER
Herald R. Ford
PUBLIC DOCUMENT
M.C.
OFFICIAL BUSINESS
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GERALD