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40th Annual Convention of Round Table International, June 27, 1966
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4525960
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40th Annual Convention of Round Table International, June 27, 1966
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Gerald R. Ford Congressional Papers
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1966
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The original documents are located in Box D20, folder "40th Annual Convention of Round
Table International, June 27, 1966" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and
Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Digitized from Box D20 of The Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
SPEECH DELIVERED BY REP. GERALD R. FORD BEFORE THE 40TH ANNUAL CONVENTION OF
ROUND TABLE INTERNATIONAL ON JUNE 27, 1966.
In my substantive remarks this evening, I will discuss two cornerstonew
of our American political system and indicate my deep concern that each is
in some jeopardy in this crucial period in our national and global history.
There may be other fundamental American political concepts or principles
that are suffering from the serious erosion of an "imbalance in government,"
but I will limit my observations to the following:
1. The system of "checks and balances" in the federal government,
or the division of responsibilities between the Executive, the
Legislative and the Judicial branches;
2. The relationships between the federal government and the 50
states.
Each of these two cornerstones have contributed significantly to America's
Both of them
freedom and progress. AR Instr one are constitutionally ordained. Their
importance to the strength of our political fabric must not be underestimated.
The wide swing of political pendulums and public opinion, which oftentimes
creates an imbalance in government or on parts of it, must not destroy either
one of them.
The first cornerstone was built by the wise drafters of our federal
constitution under the theory of separation of powers. In those deliberations
in Constitution Hall almost 200 years ago they made an important decision to
give specific responsibilities to each branch of the national government...
to give each of them strength and authority, but I hasten to add not superiority
over anyone of the other. The finely tuned turned provisions in this historic document
GER
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-2-
were designed to be a lasting bulwark against the concentration of power in
the hands of one man, one group within our society or one segment of our
government.
The architects of the federal Constitution were understandably concerned
with concentrations of power and the tragic dangers that flow inevitably from
its misuse because most of them, or their forefathers, had fled from tyranny,
oppression and autocracy in Western Europe. They had suffered severe
privation and maximum danger to find and establish a new land of freedom.
Therefore, in the document for the governing of this newly-established nation
there had to be safeguards. Although it was obvious from their deliberations
that we should have s strong President heading the Executive branch, a
strong Congress representing the Legislative branch and a strong Judicial
branch headed by the Supreme Court, it was equally certain that in the
document there was woven the essential checks and balances predicated on
three co-equal branches of the government.
In my judgment, today we find an erosion of the power and prestige of
the jegislative branch, a change of the intended direction of the Judiciary
and an awesome build-up of strength and use of this power in the Executive
arm.
In this situation there is a modern-day parallel with the story of
David and Coliath, Congress, the Legislative branch, is David. The Executive--
the White House and all its agencies--is Goliath.
On the side of David are 535 elected officials--100 Senators, 435
Representatives--with a comparatively small number of employees representing
the American voters in each of the 50 states. The Legislative branch has a
relatively small operating budget compared with that of Goliath--the Executive
branch. Most importantly, however, those in the Congress regularly go to
GERAL
LIBRARY
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their constituents for approval or rejection. Their "record" is put "on the
line." Each member is responsive to the views, the opinions of those "back
home" they represent.
In contrast, the Executive branch today has over 24 million civilism
employees with an snnual payroll of approximately $17 billion. In addition,
there are about 2 million 800 thousand military personnel also under the
Commander-in-Chief. The current yearly payroll for those in uniform in the
Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines approximates snother $16 billion. The net
result--about 5 million 300 thousand employees under the Chief Executive--a
12-month payroll of over $33 billion and a total federal budget to be spent
by them for this year of $127 billion.
This vast arwy of employees working in the Executive branch of the
federal government is really isolated and immunized from the American voter.
Out of the vast buresucracy in the Executive branch only the President and
the Vice President put their records on the line at election time and than
only once every 4 years.
There is . growing apprehension that there is a potential and real
danger in the burgeoning power of the federal government's Executive branch
with all this menpower and such vast funds. Nowever, I have faith that the
minds of many of our people and the good judgment of Americans will cut down
Goliath to proper size by strengthening the power and presitge in the Congress.
Balance in this aspect of government will be restored.
I am pleased to report that the Congress itself is conscientiously, and
I believe constructively, working toward that end. Early in 1965 a Joint
Mouse-Senate, bi-partisan committee was appointed to analyse our procedures,
our internal legislative structure, in fact, all aspects of the Legislative
branch. This study, these recommendations, should be most beneficial so that
FORD & LIBRARY 9FRA70
÷
Congress can and will do a better job--hopefully helping to re-establish its
proper place as a co-equal branch in our federal government.
Let me add a word on the relationship of the Legislative arm vin-a-vis
the Judicial branch. It is my judgment that today the Judicial branch is
to some unfortunate extent arbitrarily elbowing its way into spheres not
intended at the time the Constitution was drafted.
I subscribe to the views of the late Supreme Court Justice Felix
Frankfurter who so convinsingly espoused the philosophy of "judicial restraint."
I believe he also soundly raised an arm of caution to the courts suggesting
they might wisely stay out of the "thicket" of political matters relying in
such cases on the "ultimate sound judgment of the conscience of the woters.
Quite frankly, I favor a strong and firm attitude by our courts in those
areas where their "arm" can bring reason, order and respect for law to our
system.
In retrospect is it fair to ask: "Have the Frankfurter words of caution
been wrong?"
Another cornerstome in America's political fabric is the relationship
between our respective states and the national government. Those who met in
Constitution Mall in the City of Philadelphia represented sovereign states
or commonwealths. Their purpose was to put together a document for the new
nation that would permit the federal government to assume those responsibili-
ties essential for the national welfare such as the common defense, a postal
system and the like. Such powers were delegated, but to the soverign states
the traditional role of local government was retained.
In recent years there has been a growing abdication of this role and
these responsibilities with a corresponding expansion of the influence of
the federal establishment. The shrinking potency of the states can be
-5-
attributed in part to archaic state constitutions, inadequate sources of
revenue, and a lack of dynamic and resourceful leadership at the state level.
Whatever the cause, the result has been a federal octopus moving steadily
forward making vast inroads into the functions initially carved out for your
state and for mine. For example, today we find our states by-passed by
substantial federal funds controlled by multiplying federal officials going
directly to local communities. In many instances these substantial federal
arrangements also by-pase responsible local authorities.
The new pattern for the extension of federal control is most vividly
illustrated by the President's poverty program, but there is a similar trend
developing in the area of primary and secondary education. Under legislation
enacted by Congress in 1965 your state education officials can, and undoubtedly
will, be by-passed as the federal authorities gradually extend their
encroachment.
Fortunately many of our Governors, Democrats and Republicans, are
showing a growing concern. During the consideration of the poverty legis-
lation in 1965 thirpy-seven Governors objected strenuously to the elimination
of a provision in the law that gave to our Governors some control and respon-
sibility in the administration of the vast sums allocated to their states
for the attack on the problems of poverty.
In addition, citizens in many of our states appreciate the need for the
modernisation of state constitutions to meet the challenge of burgeoning
populations. Michigan's outmoded constitution was supplanted by one that
gives new and better tools to elected state officials. In my travels this
year to forty of our states, I note a realisation that the state constitutions
of the past are not adequate for the solution of the problems of the future.
Yes, I am convinced that we need not accept the inevitability of a bigger
federal government and a lesser role for our states. Dynamic leadership,
LIBRARY
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up-to-date constitutions, sufficient local revenue, combined with a resulution
to do the job at home, in your state and mine, can stem the drive to federalise
completely the republic.
Most of our citizens would agree with the late statesman Sir Winston
Churchill who said, "...democracy is the worst form of government except all
those other forms that have been tried from time to time."
There is an ever-growing realization that our system is the finest in
the history of mankind. We believe in our Constitution. Those wise men who
put it together almost 200 years ago created a historic document that has
made it possible for 13 poor, struggling colonies to grow to a Nation of 50
states that today is at the pinnacle industrially, agriculturally, militarily,
and more importantly spiritually.
In concluding, I recall a statement made by Benjamin Franklin the day
work was completed on our Constitution. He was asked, "What have we got--a
monarchy or a republie?" Franklin answered,"A republic--if you can keep it!"
The responsibility for the American people then...as it is now...is to
keep our Republic... to keep it strong, progressive, free. We have in the
past; we will in the future.
Thank you.
GERALD FORD LIBRARY