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Remarks before the Republican National Committee, February 23, 1968
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Remarks before the Republican National Committee, February 23, 1968
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The original documents are located in Box D23, folder "Remarks before the Republican
National Committee, February 23, 1968" of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press
Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. The Council donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Distribution: none
n affice Copy
REMARKS BY REP. GERALD R. FORD, R-MICH.
BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
February 23, 1968
Senator Dirksen, my colleagues in the Congress, members of the National
Committee and guests, it's a privilege and pleasure for me to be here. I want to
reciprocate as far as Ray is concerned. We in the House Leadership are deeply
grateful for his great contribution over the last three years to a stronger and
I'm sure a winning Republican Party.
Secondly, I want to express the House Leadership's appreciation to all of
you from the various states for the help and assistance that you gave us,
particularly in the victorious year of 1966. We made significant gains, as you
know. Your contribution to a net gain of 47 has made a tremendous difference in
the House of Representatives in the last 14 months. We're grateful for your help.
May I add a footnote; we're counting on your additional assistance between now and
November 1968.
I believe that 1968 is one of the most important election years in the
history of the United States. In the first place we have an opportunity to change
the administration, elect a Republican President and Vice President. Secondly,
we have an opportunity to make very significant gains in the United States Senate.
Thirdly, we have an opportunity to get a majority in the House of Representatives
on that fateful day in November of this year.
Obviously it's important to win the Presidency and to make those gains in
the Senate, but there is a special significance in winning a Republican majority
in the House of Representatives. Apparently 1968 is going to be a political year
where there will not be just the two parties contesting with one another. There
is the distinct possibility and probability that there will be a third or even
a fourth party in all or most of the states of the Union in the presidential
race. The net result is that under the Constitution of the United States the
election of the President for the next four years could be determined in the
House of Representatives in January of 1969.
Under the Constitution if no candidate for the Presidency gets a majority of
the electoral votes cast on November 5--and the magic number is 270--then the
election of the President goes into the House of Representatives. For that
reason it is especially important for us to make significant gains and get a
majority in at least 26 of the States of the Union because to be elected
(more) FORD LIBRARY
Digitized from Box D23 of the Ford Congressional Papers: Press Secretary and Speech File at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
-2-
president in such a contest a candidate must get a majority of the votes of the
50 States in the House of Representatives.
If the election were held in the present House of Representatives, a
Democrat would be elected because there are 29 States today with Democratic-
controlled delegations and 18 States where the Republicans have control of the
delegation. In three states--Oregon, Illinois and Montana--they are tied. Under
the Constitution those three States would lose their vote entirely, because if
this election does fall into the House each State casts one vote. The vote of
the five states with one congressman is as important as large states like
California, New York, Illinois, Ohio, etc. because the vote for President is cast
state by state.
Let me point out that we have certain states where the delegations are
controlled by one party or another by a margin of one.
We have 10 states where the margin is 1 vote; 4 of those are controlled by
the Democrats and 6 by the Republicans.
There are 17 states where the delegations are controlled by a margin of
2 congressmen; 11 such states are Democratic-controlled, 6 are Republican.
What I'm saying is that we must be cognizant of the need to protect the vote
of the people on November 5 to make certain that the House will reflect the views
of the Republican Party by having a majority on our side.
Some people will say that the 1968 presidential election won't be thrown into
the House, but let me point out that in 1948 it almost happened and there's a
similarity between 1948 and 1968, although there are some differences. In 1948
we had a Democratic President seeking re-election, Mr. Truman. He had a Wallace
on his left (former Vice President Wallace) and a McCarthy on his right (the late
Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin). In 1968 we could have a little different
situation. In 1968 the Democratic incumbent seeking re-election has a McCarthy
on his left and a Wallace on his right.
In 1948 a shift of less than 1 percent in 3 or 4 states would have thrown
the election into the House of Representatives. I think all of us here are
cognizant of the possibility of what might happen with at least a third and
possibly a fourth party in the race this year.
Now some people will say that that isn't too bad. But in the two instances
that we've had it happen in America, 1800 and 1824, the circumstances that
developed in the House of Representatives were not in the best tradition of the
United States. Let me quickly review what took place in those two instances
(more)
-3-
where the election of the President was determined in the House of Representatives.
In 1800 Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr both had 73 electoral votes. It
became the responsibility of Alexander Hamilton, who was in the opposition party,
to make the decision as to which of those two men would be the President of the
United States. They actually had a total of 35 ballots in the House of
Representatives without a decision from February 11, 1801 until February 17.
Finally Hamilton threw his support to Thomas Jefferson.
All kinds of deals were proposed while the 35 indecisive ballots were taken.
Hamilton was in the unhappy role of choosing between two men he thoroughly
disliked. There was for him, however, but one choice, according to historians.
Burr was the Catiline of America, a man devoid of scruples and possessed of an
inordinate ambition and the boldness and daring necessary to give success to the
Jacobin system. Hamilton said in reference to Jefferson (and, I repeat, these
are Hamilton's words, not mine), "Jefferson at least had pretentions of character
though he was unscrupulous, not very mindful of the truth and was a contemptible
hypocrite.'
Despite those last observations concerning Thomas Jefferson, Alexander
Hamilton supported him, and Jefferson was elected President of the United States
on the 36th ballot.
When we turn to 1824 we find four candidates seeking the Presidency: Andrew
Jackson, John Adams, Crawford and Henry Clay. Jackson got the biggest popular vote
and he had the most electoral votes. But the election was thrown into the House
of Representatives because Jackson lacked a majority of the electoral vote. Again
we had a circumstance where propositions, schemes, deals were floating around
the Nation's Capitol. In this case Henry Clay gave his support to Adams in
exchange for appointment as Secretary of State. And so Adams became president
although Jackson had the largest popular vote and the greatest number of electoral
votes.
What I'm saying is that first we must try to avoid having to bring the
election to the House of Representatives. That could be accomplished by the
Republican candidate's getting more than the 270 electoral votes on November 5.
Secondly, in order to protect the Republican Party and its candidate for the
Presidency, but more importantly to make sure that the integrity of our political
system is maintained, I say that we must get a majority of the members of the
House of Representatives in November 1968. The magic number, as Bob Wilson told
(more)
-4-
you today, is a net gain of 31. I think we can get more. I'm optimistic--with
the kind of candidates that I see and the support they are getting from all of
you and the Party generally. It will be a great day for the country, the free
world and all mankind if we can convince the American people that it's in the best
interest of all of us to have a sweeping Republican victory this November.
Thank you very much.
###
REMARKS BY REP. GERALD R. FORD, R-MICH.
BEFORE THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE
February 23, 1968
Senator Dirksen, my colleagues in the Congress, members of the National
Committee and guests, it's a privilege and pleasure for me to be here. I want to
reciprocate as far as Ray is concerned. We in the House Leadership are deeply
grateful for his great contribution over the last three years to a stronger and
I'm sure a winning Republican Party.
Secondly, I want to express the House Leadership's appreciation to all of
you from the various states for the help and assistance that you gave us,
particularly in the victorious year of 1966. We made significant gains, as you
know. Your contribution to a net gain of 47 has made a tremendous difference in
the House of Representatives in the last 14 months We're grateful for your help.
May I add a footnote; we're counting on your additional assistance between now and
November 1968.
I believe that 1968 is one of the most important election years in the
history of the United States. In the first place we have an opportunity to change
the administration, elect a Republican President and Vice President. Secondly,
we have an opportunity to make very significant gains in the United States Senate.
Thirdly, we have an opportunity to get a majority in the House of Representatives
on that fateful day in November of this year.
Obviously it's important to win the Presidency and to make those gains in
the Senate, but there is a special significance in winning a Republican majority
in the House of Representatives. Apparently 1968 is going to be a political year
where there will not be just the two parties contesting with one another. There
is the distinct possibility and probability that there will be a third or even
a fourth party in all or most of the states of the Union in the presidential
race. The net result is that under the Constitution of the United States the
election of the President for the next four years could be determined in the
House of Representatives in January of 1969.
Under the Constitution if no candidate for the Presidency gets a majority of
the electoral votes cast on November 5--and the magic number is 270--then the
election of the President goes into the House of Representatives. For that
reason it is especially important for us to make significant gains and get
majority in at least 26 of the States of the Union because to be elected
BFORD LIBRARY
(more)
-2-
president in such a contest a candidate must get a majority of the votes of the
50 States in the House of Representatives.
If the election were held in the present House of Representatives, a
Democrat would be elected because there are 29 States today with Democratic-
controlled delegations and 18 States where the Republicans have control of the
delegation. In three states--Oregon, Illinois and Montana--they are tied. Under
the Constitution those three States would lose their vote entirely, because if
this election does fall into the House each State casts one vote. The vote of
the five states with one congressman is as important as large states like
California, New York, Illinois, Ohio, etc. because the vote for President is cast
state by state.
Let me point out that we have certain states where the delegations are
controlled by one party or another by a margin of one.
We have 10 states where the margin is 1 vote; 4 of those are controlled by
the Democrats and 6 by the Republicans.
There are 17 states where the delegations are controlled by a margin of
2 congressmen; 11 such states are Democratic-controlled, 6 are Republican.
What I'm saying is that we must be cognizant of the need to protect the vote
of the people on November 5 to make certain that the House will reflect the views
of the Republican Party by having a majority on our side.
Some people will say that the 1968 presidential election won't be thrown into
the House, but let me point out that in 1948 it almost happened and there's a
similarity between 1948 and 1968, although there are some differences. In 1948
we had a Democratic President seeking re-election, Mr. Truman. He had a Wallace
on his left (former Vice President Wallace) and a McCarthy on his right (the late
Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin). In 1968 we could have a little different
situation. In 1968 the Democratic incumbent seeking re-election has a McCarthy
on his left and a Wallace on his right.
In 1948 a shift of less than 1 percent in 3 or 4 states would have thrown
the election into the House of Representatives. I think all of us here are
cognizant of the possibility of what might happen with at least a third and
possibly a fourth party in the race this year.
Now some people will say that that isn't too bad. But in the two instances
that we've had it happen in America, 1800 and 1824, the circumstances that
developed in the House of Representatives were not in the best tradition of the
United States. Let me quickly review what took place in those two instances
(more)
-3-
where the election of the President was determined in the House of Representatives.
In 1800 Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr both had 73 electoral votes. It
became the responsibility of Alexander Hamilton, who was in the opposition party,
to make the decision as to which of those two men would be the President of the
United States. They actually had a total of 35 ballots in the House of
Representatives without a decision from February 11, 1801 until February 17.
Finally Hamilton threw his support to Thomas Jefferson.
All kinds of deals were proposed while the 35 indecisive ballots were taken.
Hamilton was in the unhappy role of choosing between two men he thoroughly
disliked. There was for him, however, but one choice, according to historians.
Burr was the Catiline of America, a man devoid of scruples and possessed of an
inordinate ambition and the boldness and daring necessary to give success to the
Jacobin system. Hamilton said in reference to Jefferson (and, I repeat, these
are Hamilton's words, not mine), "Jefferson at least had pretentions of character
though he was unscrupulous, not very mindful of the truth and was a contemptible
hypocrite."
Despite those last observations concerning Thomas Jefferson, Alexander
Hamilton supported him, and Jefferson was elected President of the United States
on the 36th ballot.
When we turn to 1824 we find four candidates seeking the Presidency: Andrew
Jackson, John Adams, Crawford and Henry Clay. Jackson got the biggest popular vote
and he had the most electoral votes. But the election was thrown into the House
of Representatives because Jackson lacked a majority of the electoral vote. Again
we had a circumstance where propositions, schemes, deals were floating around
the Nation's Capitol. In this case Henry Clay gave his support to Adams in
exchange for appointment as Secretary of State. And so Adams became president
although Jackson had the largest popular vote and the greatest number of electoral
votes.
What I'm saying is that first we must try to avoid having to bring the
election to the House of Representatives. That could be accomplished by the
Republican candidate's getting more than the 270 electoral votes on November 5.
Secondly, in order to protect the Republican Party and its candidate for the
Presidency, but more importantly to make sure that the integrity of our political
system is maintained, I say that we must get a majority of the members of the
House of Representatives in November 1968. The magic number, as Bob Wilson told
(more)
*4-
you today, is a net gain of 31. I think we can get more. I'm optimistic--with
the kind of candidates that I see and the support they are getting from all of
you and the Party generally. It will be a great day for the country, the free
world and all mankind if we can convince the American people that it's in the best
interest of all of us to have a sweeping Republican victory this November.
Thank you very much.
###