Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
6713624
label
Richard Nixon's Place in History
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
6713624
sourceUrl
contentType
document
title
Richard Nixon's Place in History
citationUrl
collections
Gerald R. Ford's Material from the Writing of "A Time to Heal"
Interviews and Subject Files
subjects
Nixon, Richard M. (Richard Milhous), 1913-1994
History
Presidential personal matters
thumbnailUrl
largeImageUrl
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
6713624
coverageEndDate
logicalDate
1978-12-31
year
1978
coverageStartDate
dateQualifier
ca.
logicalDate
1977-01-01
year
1977
levelOfDescription
item
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
mediaId
ba098dcd55b0cca5
ocrText
President Gerald R. Ford's handwritten reflections, 1977 or 1978
Scanned from the collection Gerald R. Ford: Materials from the writing of A Time
To Heal at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library
While writing his autobiography, A Time to Heal (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), President
Gerald R. Ford composed a series of personal reflections on twenty-seven topics. What makes
these documents so unusual is not only their introspection but also their form. President Ford
recorded these observations by hand, writing in blue ball point on his favored yellow writing
tablets. He did not expend time and energy to polish and edit his writing, apparently planning to
do so when incorporating them into the book. Therefore occasional spelling or grammatical
errors or incomplete thoughts appear.
For each reflection the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library has scanned President Ford's
handwritten document and added a Library-produced transcription below to aid in reading the
reflection.
Copyright Notice
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of
photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United
States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections.
Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public
domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to
remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid
copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library.
Richard Nyons place in Hestory
Contengorning hastmans unti in one atmosphere
which insuratibly personal drawtons of people &
wents, including gnx Their own preferences & prejudices
Hustorans after the Lnc can be more anditical of
algetive and Inditionally give a more lalanced preture of
the playses 4 The scencio. Will future historians
write differenting of RN? The opertunity to stand lach,
looking at the whole rather than at one or more
event, looking at, decems rather than a preas conforence
comment may give future hustorians the freedom to
make some pages 3 the RN knd book better, other
payer more understand of others more disappointing.
To write for The future about & friend of 30 years of
wents one lived is most difficult. My own political Caren
concerted mughty with RNs. His began two years capher in
1946 when he answered an advertisement of than subming 2
Compersonal opponent for a Uderal Democrat. He voluntured
& Lon as an idealistec believer in The american somone
& political system. my am commenced in 1948 with a
similar dedication to our american Way and u.s headership
abroad. Our friendship began in January 1949 on The floor
The Hand of Representative when 2was Awrn in No a member of
the Compers, for most of the next three decates our
political paths crosel many times of our frendship grew.
His career was always more wille & Dramatic Than mine, both
the ups 4 downs, with the possible momenation noV.P. of as vension as PAYS.
2
In The case 7a friend one likes to think of write about
the achievements and The good qualities on which a
frankship is preducted. One of the strangest Tus of
our melationship was The pct that we came from middle
america, from families that suppored adversity During The
department in contrast with Those who were Loin with a
silver from in Their month. We respected one another
because we know each had Lome up the hard way
conomerally 4 politically We engryed each other because
we had similar interests in what most average Americans
like, forttall, Gaseball 4 the athletec contasts. Our
families were similar, a wonderful wife and fine
children . We understand of respected each thing ambition
in politics, his for the Pressdency, mene to be Speaker of
the Home. Our personal friendship was strengthened by the
strong delication to certain Romestic polices at home of Y. S,
Matership abroad.
This frunkship 2 hope data not then my perspective
as to what Mestory will his reard of RN. as a person one
what will be meal us accomplishments on failures. R.N.
has a brillient mind and a great sensitivity to the publics
political
mmd and a unique ability to analyze freegn pokay
a pet on
issues. Bag decisions on instters at home 4 about were
his cap 3 tea. On such matters he did extramely well-
his lattling average was He abhord details. Dedn't
like tobe lother of rather enjoyed pucking them of on his
substantes. The by poterine was his male he played
it well. as a realer 7 history of the
3
great characters on The scene he forgerately wanted to
achieve both for his country X handly.
with all his pottical experience before The public, both in
speaking of in press conformer, where he did very well
one would assume he was a self complaint eptravent.
In truth he who shey, in some respects a loner. His
platform capabilities were The result of his recognition
that Is meddl in the political arena he had to train humilf
to do a good job before The public. His france determination,
his ambition, his alle mind resulted in a public political
capablity to achieve national nice.
most for have personality quicks or flaws
that seldom surpace they are contribut on are never
upplacted Lg atterts. R.N. was a terribly proud men +
he detested weakness in himilf of in others. In provate,
seldom if wet in pullic, be would speak desperaping
of there he felt were soft on uppolient He neber
thought of homself as one in this category. His attatude
d actions vis are Watergate reflect this product.
His pride of Public toughness plus his detest for Those
who were weah in insurents in peril overcame his
family taught traits 8 night of wrong. Within all 8
use due have a publicy of hanking of parts I and
character of perometity. in AN's and the flaw in &
bellimt mind temporarily - June 1972 - overcome his
Pride & desgnst with wintness compounded the problem.
uphrunging of his jerdgment One the course was set his
4
Historians mading of the first 20 ylars 8
RNs political career will find scareiting a hint
of dramatic foreign policy moves he would initiate
word of action who an tough handliner against the
upon becoming President. 4ntil 1970 RN. by
Peoples Republic of think of the N.S.S.R. from 1946 to
the second year in his Administration the RN. clip file
Khausher and many pro-Taurm and ants - mon Speeches.
will show among the famms kather delate with
Those incifents in his cancer will be fortnotes in The
pages of history The headhis and intertance will
with the Smit Union to detente best examplefried
involve his grand strateging to move from the cold was
by SALT I, the pint space effort, and the sheemerrus
authoral and technical whanges. Historians will
forever speciate how This "cold-war warner 2 the
50's +60's could move with so smoothly of dramatically
the MSSRI. The consensus will be that he saw
to a policy of many agreements of accords with
The big pacture in a world strategy The new ties
with the Smit Unim were possible because the haders
in the HSSR. were deeply concerned with developments
in the PRC, especully with mon of Chons growing
antagrism toward a fromer friend of ally.
On The other side The coin RN., as President,
will neceive high marhs for his initiative with The The
PRC. He spotted a manual distruct of fear on
Sovet them
the part of mav of chon - the long standing border
5
despute was meal, the mistreatment of Mar in The
605 Tell was not forgotten and the danger of Sout
on their minds, like a shirled surgeon RN. mhet
beganing in the Pacific Basin was constantly
to take advantage of this new development in PFC +
Smit relations
The result was a recognition in the Capitals
of the world that the 4.5. was the deplomatic master
in The international scene. The prestyl of The
U.S. catapulted to The peah deopite the Tragic
retuck in Victnam.
and from the Tremindous new leverage
U.S. had achived in U.S. -USSR 4 U.S.-PFC relations
21st century historeans will descein The dramatic
4 Third world nations. american involvement in
shift in attitudes on The part of Wiston European allis
Vettum had undernt our prestige 4 leadership role
working Critiam was prequent and hand to take.
of to some iptent to the PFC. RNS investives at the
Many old friends 4 metals wire drifting is the Smith
highest revels with Brezhhner of mas differed This
trend of exacted a new formation for Y.S. action on
broad inharnational fronts
6
have The glitter of his foreign policy initiation
D omestically, RN's pages of history will not
although a member of the reforms he smght at
least laid the ground work for misignmt action
by his succession m the white Home of fater
Congress
Wilfare reform had been a growing political
issue of for good mam. time The depression The
1930's well intentroned politicians had added one welfare
desabled + the agent were overwhehned with social
layer on top of another so aid to the poor the
workers and bureaucrate ned-tape and The tappayer
was swamped by entr. In 19 RN met
this complex and highly issue head by
proposing to scrap vertically all yrsting welfare programs
with the help of then Complessmon within mills, Charman of
+ substituting in their place his Family writance Program.
the Home Committee on Ways of means, it passed The
Home 8 Representations twice, once in 1970 of again in
1971 In each instance the 4.5 Anite refused to net
became of a condition 2 Anote liberals who behaved the
Unifits you too restructive of Anste constructions who
contained Ther payments as Tro generms.
It is interesting to mate that the matoric mel
by President Carter to protrate his welfare refrom
pactage is meanly identical with The works, phoses 4
2
arguments 2 RN.. at This writing the details f the
Center proposal have not yet been spelled out but
the same obstacles are raining Their engly hand in
The Empers & elsewhere. Cost to the U.S. Treasury
is a major factory The work requirement is another.
The contributions, by state of local units of government,
if amy, will be an issue, The vested interests such
as The social wohen tolday will be a problem.
Whatever the fate of The Custon proposal, RN. deserves
with for his Ground initiative trand meaningful of
constructive welfare reform.
Amie The mid-1950s there has been a
federal government to states, local simits 7 government
multiplication of categorical aid programs from The
& to industrial city The anotives have been good,
a med charted in most cases but method of delivery
who costly in tax dollars, inefficient because 2
Washington & undermined local control. RN. necognized
in that it put to much control in the hands of
burequerate layering and inflepribulity and dangerous
the whenes 3 catigorial grants of the stough of
the bloc grant approach, He grabbed the ball
with a proposal to substante a bloz grant program
in aid to cities in place 2 The 7 traditional programs
7 unban renewal, model who & 5 others. with
the outstanding support of Then see of HUD, James Jynn
Congress inatil a the grant program intetted the
8
The 4 categment grant programs into one with a
Community Divelopment act which consolidated
hold harmless feature for 3 years. The results
have been a phenomenal succiss Sec. of HUD
Carla Wills in 1976 should that the time for
precessing a utis application for frunds wastriducal
from months to - the pages in a
city application were reduced from - to -
This allustration should be the best
withen that The bloc grant approach is sound
in imeqt it saves time, tab dollars 4 green
greater control + discrition at The local level. This
straubted me to askcommend to the Engrees in
1975 four additional the grant portrams 0. Compers
didn't neigond favority despite the "mess chants"
and other sound amount but The the grant
program a nym initiative is rught, it's time maybe
be here, + if so RN The wish.
School designation, because of us. hyrond
Cant decemons, was an emotional issue by 1969,
not so much m the south but Thrumy more So
in monthern industrial atc. administration
produced the farst comprehensive report with sperfe
recommendations for a more Like handul approch of
Mith aid to help but school district.
The Awan Administration who castegated by extraments
9
on both sides R. The usive but a sober
analysis Ind this study 4 its necommendations
a better approach to This contravisial now by
it lack the ground work for
the counts, The federal effective departments
local School districts of The public generally.
Richard Nixon's place in History
Contemporary historians write in one atmosphere which inevitably involves personal
observations of people & events, including their own preferences & prejudices. Historians after
an era can be more analytical & objective and traditionally give a more balanced picture of the
players & the scenario. Will future historians write differently of RN? The opportunity to stand
back, looking at the whole rather than at one or more event, looking at major decisions &
speeches rather than a press conference comment may give future historians the freedom to make
some pages of the RN era look better, other pages more understood & others more disappointing.
To write for the future about a friend of 30 years & events one lived is most difficult. My own
political career coincided roughly with RN's. His began two years earlier in 1946 when he
answered an advertisement of those seeking a Congressional opponent for a liberal Democrat.
He volunteered & won as an idealistic believer in the American economic & political system.
My own commenced in 1948 with a similar dedication to our American Way and U.S. leadership
abroad. Our friendship began in January 1949 on the floor of the House of Representatives when
I was sworn in as a member of the Congress. For most of the next three decades our political
paths crossed many times & our friendship grew. His career was always more visible &
dramatic than mine, both the ups & downs, with the possible nomination as V.P. & ascension as
Pres.
In the case of a friend one likes to think & write about the achievements and the good qualities
on which a friendship is predicated. One of the strongest ties of our relationship was the fact that
we came from middle America, from families that suffered adversity during the depression in
contrast with those who were born with a silver spoon in their mouth. We respected one another
because we knew each had come up the hard way economically & politically. We enjoyed each
other because we had similar interests in what most average Americans like, football, baseball &
other athletic contests. Our families were similar, a wonderful wife and fine children. We
understood & respected each others ambition in politics, his for the Presidency, mine to be
Speaker of the House. Our personal friendship was strengthened by the strong dedication to
certain domestic policies at home & U.S. leadership abroad.
This friendship I hope does not blur my perspective as to what history will record of RN as a
person or what will be noted as his accomplishments or failures. R.N. has a brilliant mind, a
great sensitivity to the public's political mood and a unique ability to analyze & act decisively on
foreign policy issues. Big decisions on matters at home & abroad were his cup of tea. On such
matters he did extremely well - his batting average was excellent. He abhorred details. Didn't
like to be bother & rather enjoyed pushing them off on his subordinates. The big picture was his
role & he played it well. As a knowledgeable reader of history & the great characters on the
scene he desperately wanted to achieve both for his country & himself.
With all his political experience before the public, both in speaking & in press conferences,
where he did very well one would assume he was a self confident extrovert. In truth he was shy,
in some respects a loner. His platform capabilities were the result of his recognition that to
succeed in the political arena he had to train himself to do a good job before the public. His
fierce determination, his ambition, his able mind resulted in a public political capability to
achieve national office.
Most of us have personality quirks or flaws that seldom surface. They are controlled or are never
exploited by others. R.N. was terribly proud man & he detested weakness in himself & in others.
In private, seldom if ever in public, he would speak disparagingly of those he felt were soft or
expedient. He never thought of himself as one in this category. His attitude & actions vis-à-vis
Watergate reflect this paradox. His pride & public toughness plus his detest for those who were
weak in moments in peril overcame his family taught traits of right & wrong. Within all of us
we have a pulling & [unrecognized word] of parts of our character & personality. In RN's case
the flaw in a brilliant mind temporarily - June 1972 - overcame his upbringing & his judgment.
Once the course was set his pride & disgust with weakness compounded the problem.
Historians reading of the first 20 years of RNs political career will find scarcely a hint of
dramatic foreign policy moves he would initiate upon becoming President. Until 1970 RN by
word & action was a tough hardliner against the People's Republic of China & the U.S.S.R.
From 1946 to the second year in his Administration the RN clip file will show among the famous
kitchen debate with Khrushchev and many pro-Taiwan and anti-Mao speeches. Those incidents
in his career will be footnotes in the pages of history. The headlines and substance will involve
his grand strategy to move from the cold war with the Soviet Union to détente best exemplified
by SALT I, the joint space effort, and the numerous cultural and technical exchanges. Historians
will forever speculate how this "cold-war warrior of the 50's & 60's could move so smoothly &
dramatically to a policy of many agreements & accords with the USSR. The consensus will be
that he saw the big picture in a world strategy. The new ties with the Soviet Union were possible
because the leaders in the USSR were deeply concerned with developments in the PRC,
especially with Mao & Chou's growing antagonism toward a former friend & ally.
On the other side of the coin RN, as President, will receive high marks for his initiative with the
PRC. He spotted a meaningful distrust & fear of the Soviet Union on the part of Mao & Chou -
the long standing border dispute was real, the mistreatment of Mao in the 60's was not forgotten
and the danger of Soviet hegemony in the Pacific Basin was constantly on their minds. Like a
skilled surgeon RN moved to take advantage of this new development in PFC [PRC] & Soviet
relations.
The result was a recognition in the Capitals of the world that the U.S. was the diplomatic master
in the international scene. The prestige of the U.S. catapulted to the peak despite the tragic
setback in Vietnam.
Aside from the tremendous new leverage U.S. had achieved in U.S.-USSR & U.S.-PFC [PRC]
relations 21ˢᵗ century historians will discern the dramatic shift in attitudes on the part of Western
European allies & third world nations. American involvement in Vietnam had undercut our
prestige & leadership role worldwide. Criticism was frequent and hard to take. Many old
friends & neutrals were drifting to the Soviets & to some extent to the PFC. RN's initiatives at
the highest levels with Brezhnev & Mao diffused this trend & created a new foundation for U.S.
action on broad international fronts.
Domestically, RN's pages of history will not have the glitter of his foreign policy initiatives,
although a number of the reforms he sought at least laid the ground work for subsequent action
by his successors in the White House & later Congresses.
Welfare reform had been a growing political issue & for good reason. Since the depression of
the 1930's well intentioned politicians had added one welfare layer on top of another so aid to
the poor, the disabled & the aged were overwhelmed with social workers and bureaucratic red-
tape and the taxpayer was swamped soaring costs. In19 RN met this complex and highly
emotional issue head-on by proposing to scrap virtually all existing welfare programs &
substituting in their place his Family Assistance Program. With the help of then Congressman
Wilbur Mills, Chairman of the House Committee on Ways & Means, it passed the House of
Representatives twice, once in 1970 & again in 1971. In each instance the U.S. Senate refused to
act because of a coalition of Senate liberals who believed the benefits were too restrictive &
Senate conservatives who condemned the payments as too generous.
It is interesting to note that the rhetoric used by President Carter to promote his welfare reform
package is nearly identical with the words, phrases & arguments of RN. At this writing the
details of the Carter proposal have not yet been spelled out but the same obstacles are raising
their ugly head in the Congress & elsewhere. Cost to the U.S. Treasury is a major factor. The
work requirement is another. The contributions & control by state & local units of government,
if any, will be an issue. The vested interests such as the social worker lobby will be a problem.
Whatever the fate of the Carter proposal, RN deserves credit for his broad initiative toward
meaningful & constructive welfare reform.
Since the mid-1950s there has been a multiplication of categorical aid programs from the federal
government to states, local units of government & to individual citizens. The motives have been
good, a need existed in most cases but method of delivery was costly in tax dollars, inefficient
because of bureaucratic layering and inflexibility, and dangerous in that it put too much control
in the hands of Washington & undermined local control. RN recognized the weaknesses of
categorical grants & the strength of the bloc grant approach. He grabbed the ball with a proposal
to substitute a bloc grant program in aid to cities in place of the 7 traditional programs of urban
renewal, model cities & 5 others. With the outstanding support of then Sec of HUD, James Lynn
Congress enacted a bloc grant program entitled the Community Development Act which
consolidated the 7 categorical grant programs into one with a hold harmless feature for 3 years.
The results have been a phenomenal success. Sec. of HUD, Carla Hills in 1976 showed that the
time for processing a city's application for funds was reduced from
months to
. The
pages in a city application were reduced from
to
.
This illustration should be the best evidence that the bloc grant approach is sound in concept - it
saves time, tax dollars & gives greater control & discretion at the local level. This stimulated me
to recommend to the Congress in 1975 four additional bloc grant programs. Congress didn't
respond favorably despite the "mess charts" and other sound arguments but the bloc grant
program, a Nixon initiative is right, it's time maybe be here, & if so RN deserves the credit.
School desegregation, because of US Supreme Court decisions, was an emotional issue by 1969,
not as much in the south but growing more so in northern industrial cities. The RN
administration produced the first comprehensive report with specific recommendations for a
more even-handed approach & with federal aid to help local school districts. The Nixon
Administration was castigated by extremists on both sides of the issue but a sober analysis of this
study & its recommendations will show it laid the ground work for a better approach to this
controversial issue by the courts, the federal executive departments, local school districts & the
public generally.