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I saw Mr. Molotov in the course of this San Francisco visit, and discussed
the forthcoming negotiations at some length. I told him that I hoped that the
Moscow meeting might be kept as short as possible, and that we might confine our
efforts to agreement on principles, leaving the details to be determined later,
in Germany, where the first-hand information would be available, and where
facilities for study and action would be better.
Molotov reacted sharply to this expression, and was quite forceful in his
opposition. He was determined, he said, that there be strict adherence to the
Yalta agreement that the Reparations Commission do its work in Moscow, and he
would not hear anything to the contrary.
He asked my opinion as to the Russian demand that the total of reparations
from Germany be set at $20 billion, half of this to go to Russia. I told him
that I did not see how $20 billion worth of reparations could be gotten out of
Germany, but that I would quite naturally abide by former President Roosevelt's
agreement that this figure be the basis of discussion.
My failure to embrace his $20 billion premise obviously irritated him.
He made it very clear that he was extremely eager to get the Allied Commission
on Reparations into action speedily. Speaking of the great need of the Soviet
Union for goods of all kinds, he accused the United States and Britain of
"Stalling" in the matter of reparations.
As a matter of fact, the British were stalling. I talked in San Francisco
with Anthony Eden, then the Britsh foreign minister, and he admitted to me
quite freely that he was trying to delay the reparations discussions for the
reason that His Majesty's Government felt that certain other economic fundamentals
needed settlement first.
But there could be no more delays now. The meeting date had been set -- for
June 21, 1945, at Moscow. The chips would soon be down.
-4-
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"ocrText": "I saw Mr. Molotov in the course of this San Francisco visit, and discussed\nthe forthcoming negotiations at some length. I told him that I hoped that the\nMoscow meeting might be kept as short as possible, and that we might confine our\nefforts to agreement on principles, leaving the details to be determined later,\nin Germany, where the first-hand information would be available, and where\nfacilities for study and action would be better.\nMolotov reacted sharply to this expression, and was quite forceful in his\nopposition. He was determined, he said, that there be strict adherence to the\nYalta agreement that the Reparations Commission do its work in Moscow, and he\nwould not hear anything to the contrary.\nHe asked my opinion as to the Russian demand that the total of reparations\nfrom Germany be set at $20 billion, half of this to go to Russia. I told him\nthat I did not see how $20 billion worth of reparations could be gotten out of\nGermany, but that I would quite naturally abide by former President Roosevelt's\nagreement that this figure be the basis of discussion.\nMy failure to embrace his $20 billion premise obviously irritated him.\nHe made it very clear that he was extremely eager to get the Allied Commission\non Reparations into action speedily. Speaking of the great need of the Soviet\nUnion for goods of all kinds, he accused the United States and Britain of\n\"Stalling\" in the matter of reparations.\nAs a matter of fact, the British were stalling. I talked in San Francisco\nwith Anthony Eden, then the Britsh foreign minister, and he admitted to me\nquite freely that he was trying to delay the reparations discussions for the\nreason that His Majesty's Government felt that certain other economic fundamentals\nneeded settlement first.\nBut there could be no more delays now. The meeting date had been set -- for\nJune 21, 1945, at Moscow. The chips would soon be down.\n-4-"
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