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principles to which we adhere.
This we should do through the example which we
set, and in general by supporting legitimate initiatives in international
organizations to establish these precepts as universal standards of conduct.
32. Private United States investments in Latin America discover, develop,
produce and facilitate acquisition by the United States of strategie materials;
contribute to the economic development of the Latin American countries and
their ability to purchase United States goods; and promote United States
influence and power. It is therefore our policy to:
a. Protect the legitimate rights of United States investments in the
area, defending them against abuses and discrimination which are the product of
extreme nationalismo Our efforts to discharge this duty must take into account
that, for the reasons already explained, our bargaining power is not unlimited
and that foreign governments have, because of their jurisdiction over United
States investments within their territories, considerable power to react to our
attempts to exert pressure. Nevertheless there are many occasions where it is
feasible to negotiate for the removal of discriminatory measures on a
quid pro quo
basis; 22 and where this is not feasible, it.is often possible to
make
21
It
is
not
expected
that
Latin
American
democracies
will
ever
adhere
strictly
to anglo-saxon forms or that they will have standards identical with ours.
Furthermore, we recognize that while dictatorships set in motion violent
forces and invite instability, in the present state of world affairs
revolutionary governments are apt, like Peron and Arevalo, to observe the
form in order to destroy the substance of democratic processes. As already
observed they sometimes invite irresponsibility which not only makes it
difficult for us to obtain the cooperation which we need but precipitate
economic crises which in turn produce more unrest and instability.
22
For example, there are good prospects of the passage by the Brazilian Con-
gress of a Free Market Bill which would remove certain restrictions on
remittances of profits by American companies; the introduction of this bill
followed long negotiations in which the remittance problem was related to
certain development loans which Brazil wanted. Again, we are now negotiat-
ing with Brazil for the removal of restrictions against U.S. shipping lines
in exchange for the Department's support of U.S. legislation allowing them
to
purchase
coastal
shipping
which
they
need.
Another
example
is
Venezuelan
civil aviation restrictions which currently appear to have been solved by
agreement (the negotiation followed threat of reprisals against LAV).
and
INFORMATION
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"ocrText": "-25-\n21/\nprinciples to which we adhere.\nThis we should do through the example which we\nset, and in general by supporting legitimate initiatives in international\norganizations to establish these precepts as universal standards of conduct.\n32. Private United States investments in Latin America discover, develop,\nproduce and facilitate acquisition by the United States of strategie materials;\ncontribute to the economic development of the Latin American countries and\ntheir ability to purchase United States goods; and promote United States\ninfluence and power. It is therefore our policy to:\na. Protect the legitimate rights of United States investments in the\narea, defending them against abuses and discrimination which are the product of\nextreme nationalismo Our efforts to discharge this duty must take into account\nthat, for the reasons already explained, our bargaining power is not unlimited\nand that foreign governments have, because of their jurisdiction over United\nStates investments within their territories, considerable power to react to our\nattempts to exert pressure. Nevertheless there are many occasions where it is\nfeasible to negotiate for the removal of discriminatory measures on a\nquid pro quo\nbasis; 22 and where this is not feasible, it.is often possible to\nmake\n21\nIt\nis\nnot\nexpected\nthat\nLatin\nAmerican\ndemocracies\nwill\never\nadhere\nstrictly\nto anglo-saxon forms or that they will have standards identical with ours.\nFurthermore, we recognize that while dictatorships set in motion violent\nforces and invite instability, in the present state of world affairs\nrevolutionary governments are apt, like Peron and Arevalo, to observe the\nform in order to destroy the substance of democratic processes. As already\nobserved they sometimes invite irresponsibility which not only makes it\ndifficult for us to obtain the cooperation which we need but precipitate\neconomic crises which in turn produce more unrest and instability.\n22\nFor example, there are good prospects of the passage by the Brazilian Con-\ngress of a Free Market Bill which would remove certain restrictions on\nremittances of profits by American companies; the introduction of this bill\nfollowed long negotiations in which the remittance problem was related to\ncertain development loans which Brazil wanted. Again, we are now negotiat-\ning with Brazil for the removal of restrictions against U.S. shipping lines\nin exchange for the Department's support of U.S. legislation allowing them\nto\npurchase\ncoastal\nshipping\nwhich\nthey\nneed.\nAnother\nexample\nis\nVenezuelan\ncivil aviation restrictions which currently appear to have been solved by\nagreement (the negotiation followed threat of reprisals against LAV).\nand\nINFORMATION"
}