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- 2 - "NATIONA& ARCHIVES AND RECORDS authority as a possible addition to the Taft-Hartley procedure and specifically rejected this course of action. Thus the majority con- clusion is, to a considerable extent, based upon the questionable premise that Congressional action taken in a peacetime period (not to mention the anti-labor attitude of the 80th Congress) can limit the scope of action by the President in a subsequent period when inter- national tensions place entirely different demands upon the President in protecting the national interest. 3. Justices Frankfurter, Burton, Jackson and Clark place great emphasis upon the fact that the Congress had prescribed methods by which national emergency disputes were to be handled -- (Taft-Hartley) or by which property was to be seized in the national interest (Selective Service "seizure" or condemnation under Defense Production Act authority.) Not one of these Justices, however, stated that any of these procedures would have met the needs of the situation facing the President on April 8. The court majority, therefore, has developed the questionable theory that once the Congress has legislated in an area in which the President might otherwise have had inherent power to act, the President is powerless to take temporary action to save a situation even though the prescribed legislative course is patently inadequate. 4. When Justice Jackson was Attorney General, he gave an opinion which every one has regarded as authority for the action taken by the President in seizing the steel mills. This opinion was given by Attorney

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    "ocrText": "- 2 -\n\"NATIONA&\nARCHIVES AND\nRECORDS\nauthority as a possible addition to the Taft-Hartley procedure and\nspecifically rejected this course of action. Thus the majority con-\nclusion is, to a considerable extent, based upon the questionable\npremise that Congressional action taken in a peacetime period (not to\nmention the anti-labor attitude of the 80th Congress) can limit the\nscope of action by the President in a subsequent period when inter-\nnational tensions place entirely different demands upon the President\nin protecting the national interest.\n3. Justices Frankfurter, Burton, Jackson and Clark place great\nemphasis upon the fact that the Congress had prescribed methods by\nwhich national emergency disputes were to be handled -- (Taft-Hartley)\nor by which property was to be seized in the national interest (Selective\nService \"seizure\" or condemnation under Defense Production Act authority.)\nNot one of these Justices, however, stated that any of these procedures\nwould have met the needs of the situation facing the President on\nApril 8. The court majority, therefore, has developed the questionable\ntheory that once the Congress has legislated in an area in which the\nPresident might otherwise have had inherent power to act, the President\nis powerless to take temporary action to save a situation even though\nthe prescribed legislative course is patently inadequate.\n4. When Justice Jackson was Attorney General, he gave an opinion\nwhich every one has regarded as authority for the action taken by the\nPresident in seizing the steel mills. This opinion was given by Attorney"
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