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(CPM No. 3(Revised)
9
be permitted to determine the form of ownership of industries of
national importance while the Laonder and local governments would
be fres to take decisions regarding the omership of industries of
less than national significance, provided that in each case deci-
sions were taken in accordance with democratic procedures. It
would be highly desirable to obtain agreement on a uniform industrial
deconcentration and decartelization program throughout Germany,
and, despite the failure to reach quadripartits agreement on this
in the past, it might not be impossible to reach an accord if the
implementation of euch a program were left to a German government
with quadripartite supervision.
Seventh: it would be necessary to obtain agreenent on who
S.
TRUMAN
would pay for the outside assistance which would be required to
"NATIONAL
ARCHIVES AND
enable a unified Germany to become self-sustaining on a tolerable
RECORDS
SERVICE"
standard of living. In the past, the United States has insisted
that (a) "the first-charge principle, " i.e. the principle that the
proceeds of exports be used in the first instance to pay for @S-
sential imports, be applied throughout Germany, (b) all occupying
powers share in the cost of supplying Germany to the extent that
German export proceeds are insufficient to pay for needed imports;
and (c) any eventual German export surplus should be used first to
recoup any past outlay on Germany by any of the occupying powers.
The French and Soviet Governments, on the other hand, have maintained
that Germany's trade could and should be balanced immediately, have
disavowed any responsibility for past deficits and-have not abided
by "the first-charge principle." We probably cannot expect the
Soviet Union and France, any more than the United Kingdom, to make
more than a token contribution to the support of a unified Germany.
As long as the other occupying powers abstain from exploiting German
resources
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"ocrText": "(CPM No. 3(Revised)\n9\nbe permitted to determine the form of ownership of industries of\nnational importance while the Laonder and local governments would\nbe fres to take decisions regarding the omership of industries of\nless than national significance, provided that in each case deci-\nsions were taken in accordance with democratic procedures. It\nwould be highly desirable to obtain agreement on a uniform industrial\ndeconcentration and decartelization program throughout Germany,\nand, despite the failure to reach quadripartits agreement on this\nin the past, it might not be impossible to reach an accord if the\nimplementation of euch a program were left to a German government\nwith quadripartite supervision.\nSeventh: it would be necessary to obtain agreenent on who\nS.\nTRUMAN\nwould pay for the outside assistance which would be required to\n\"NATIONAL\nARCHIVES AND\nenable a unified Germany to become self-sustaining on a tolerable\nRECORDS\nSERVICE\"\nstandard of living. In the past, the United States has insisted\nthat (a) \"the first-charge principle, \" i.e. the principle that the\nproceeds of exports be used in the first instance to pay for @S-\nsential imports, be applied throughout Germany, (b) all occupying\npowers share in the cost of supplying Germany to the extent that\nGerman export proceeds are insufficient to pay for needed imports;\nand (c) any eventual German export surplus should be used first to\nrecoup any past outlay on Germany by any of the occupying powers.\nThe French and Soviet Governments, on the other hand, have maintained\nthat Germany's trade could and should be balanced immediately, have\ndisavowed any responsibility for past deficits and-have not abided\nby \"the first-charge principle.\" We probably cannot expect the\nSoviet Union and France, any more than the United Kingdom, to make\nmore than a token contribution to the support of a unified Germany.\nAs long as the other occupying powers abstain from exploiting German\nresources"
}