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mitments to a joint policy in Germany as expressed in the London Agreements, the
French authorities are being obliged to make fundamental changes, both political and
economic, in their occupation policies.
3.
FRENCH POLICY AND THE LONDON AGREEMENTS.
French policy in the zone of occupation reveals the traditional French economic
and security interests in regard to Germany. A broader view has developed out of
compromises required to effect agreement with five other Western Powers on a joint
policy for Germany, problems of Western European Union, European Recovery, and
the role of France in the East-West conflict. The above factors, the pressure of US
influence, and the course of events in Berlin will continue to modify some aspects
of the traditional French approach to "the German problem." The London Agree-
ments provide the basis for an estimate of the extent to which these factors will affect
French policy.
a.
Development of a Joint US-French Policy.
The final report on the London Talks covers seven points: (1) association of
Benelux countries in policy regarding Germany; (2) international control of the Ruhr;
(3) protection of Foreign Interests in Germany; (4) evolution of the Political and Eco-
nomic Organization of Germany; (5) Trizonal Export/Import Policy; (6) provisional
Territorial Arrangements; and (7) security. The twenty-three pages, including An-
nexes and Appendices, are the product of four months of slow and painful negotiations
and of concessions on the part of both the US and France. The bitterest controversy
centered around the provisions for: (1) the political organization of Germany; (2)
security against future German aggression; (3) the provisional territorial arrange-
ments (for possible changes in western frontiers of Germany) ; and (4) the establish-
ment of the International Authority for the Ruhr.
b. US Concessions.
The final agreements represent substantial concessions to the French desire
for guarantees against a German military, political, or industrial rivival which would
endanger France's place on the continent. As the price of adherence to trizonal
fusion and the establishment of a western German Government, France demanded
and obtained agreement that: (1) the Constitution to be drawn up by a German Con-
stituent Assembly should be based on the principle of a "decentralized Federal Gov-
ernment" rather than on a more centralized government, as desired by the US and
UK; (2) the method of the election of the delegates to this Assembly should be deter-
mined by the Laender themselves (thus permitting the French to avoid in their zone
popular elections which they considered an imeptus to German nationalistic feeling) ;
(3) sweeping provisions should be made for all types of security control, including dis-
armament, demilitarization, and control of industry, inspection and enforcement of
these measures through a Military Security Board, agreement on a "long" period of
occupation, and security measures following the occupation period; (4) a working
5
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"ocrText": "mitments to a joint policy in Germany as expressed in the London Agreements, the\nFrench authorities are being obliged to make fundamental changes, both political and\neconomic, in their occupation policies.\n3.\nFRENCH POLICY AND THE LONDON AGREEMENTS.\nFrench policy in the zone of occupation reveals the traditional French economic\nand security interests in regard to Germany. A broader view has developed out of\ncompromises required to effect agreement with five other Western Powers on a joint\npolicy for Germany, problems of Western European Union, European Recovery, and\nthe role of France in the East-West conflict. The above factors, the pressure of US\ninfluence, and the course of events in Berlin will continue to modify some aspects\nof the traditional French approach to \"the German problem.\" The London Agree-\nments provide the basis for an estimate of the extent to which these factors will affect\nFrench policy.\na.\nDevelopment of a Joint US-French Policy.\nThe final report on the London Talks covers seven points: (1) association of\nBenelux countries in policy regarding Germany; (2) international control of the Ruhr;\n(3) protection of Foreign Interests in Germany; (4) evolution of the Political and Eco-\nnomic Organization of Germany; (5) Trizonal Export/Import Policy; (6) provisional\nTerritorial Arrangements; and (7) security. The twenty-three pages, including An-\nnexes and Appendices, are the product of four months of slow and painful negotiations\nand of concessions on the part of both the US and France. The bitterest controversy\ncentered around the provisions for: (1) the political organization of Germany; (2)\nsecurity against future German aggression; (3) the provisional territorial arrange-\nments (for possible changes in western frontiers of Germany) ; and (4) the establish-\nment of the International Authority for the Ruhr.\nb. US Concessions.\nThe final agreements represent substantial concessions to the French desire\nfor guarantees against a German military, political, or industrial rivival which would\nendanger France's place on the continent. As the price of adherence to trizonal\nfusion and the establishment of a western German Government, France demanded\nand obtained agreement that: (1) the Constitution to be drawn up by a German Con-\nstituent Assembly should be based on the principle of a \"decentralized Federal Gov-\nernment\" rather than on a more centralized government, as desired by the US and\nUK; (2) the method of the election of the delegates to this Assembly should be deter-\nmined by the Laender themselves (thus permitting the French to avoid in their zone\npopular elections which they considered an imeptus to German nationalistic feeling) ;\n(3) sweeping provisions should be made for all types of security control, including dis-\narmament, demilitarization, and control of industry, inspection and enforcement of\nthese measures through a Military Security Board, agreement on a \"long\" period of\noccupation, and security measures following the occupation period; (4) a working\n5"
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