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21
any way threatened. In 1941, however, the
who have promised seizure and redistribution
funds of the German owners of coffee planta-
of land. These promises may effectively
tions were frozen, and following Guatemala's
arouse the Indians to class violence such as
entry into the war, the plantations themselves
occurred in 1948 at the town of El Tumbador,
were placed under government management.
in the rich San Marcos coffee region, where
After the 1944 revolution, the government also
rural Indian agricultural workers killed, with
seized the fincas of the high officials in Ubico's
their machetes, the mayor of the town-a
government, thereby raising the total num-
well-to-do landowner. This incident is of se-
ber of intervened plantations to around 110.
rious significance in Guatemala, for one of the
These plantations comprise 30 percent of the
greatest influences on the political and eco-
commercially productive agricultural land of
nomic attitudes of the property-owning upper
the country, and supply some 20 percent of
and middle classes is the persistent nightmare
the total coffee crop.
of Indian violence.
Although the final legal expropriation of the
d. Labor.
intervened plantations has not yet been ef-
fected, there is little doubt that they will be
The Indian population has always provided,
placed under full government ownership, in
and will continue to provide, the population
the name of the "national interest" or "social
pool from which workers are drawn according
necessity." These concepts symbolize the
to the needs of agriculture and industry. The
control of Indian labor has always been of pri-
Arévalo period, and are used as justification
mary interest to the Guatemalan entrepre-
for political action even as the concept of the
neur, particularly since the development of
good of the individual soul was used in the
days of the Conquest, or the concept of free
the coffee industry. Throughout Guatemalan
enterprise and private property was used by
history, various legal systems have been de-
Barrios. It is true that Arévalo's original defi-
veloped whereby the landowning aristocrat
nition of "spiritual socialism" is hardly mate-
was assured control over an adequate supply
rialistic, for in his own words, it is opposed to
of cheap (or unpaid) Indian labor. Although
materialistic socialism and concerns "psycho-
the Indian has usually been granted, in
logical liberation and spiritual integrity-the
theory, certain compensatory rights or privi-
satisfaction of the mind and will rather than
leges in keeping with the ideas of quid pro quo
the stomach." Nevertheless, it is clear that
held by the ruling class, he has, in practice,
Arévalo's supporters, and his opposition are
always been subject to forced labor, despite
concerned with material matters. Article 91
periodic revision or liberalization of labor laws.
of the Constitution, for example, provides that
Under the encomienda system of Colonial
steps be taken to eliminate from private own-
times, the labor force was composed of resi-
ership large areas of land that are standing
dent Indians, many of whom had been settled
idle, and the Expropriation Law of 9 Septem-
in more compact communities to simplify the
ber 1948 provides that any type of property, in
administrative problem for the conquerors.
order to satisfy a collective necessity, may be
Their labor was an obligation owed the land-
expropriated.
lord in return for his protection, the privilege
Large landowners, therefore, now feel that
of living upon his land, and the benefit of spir-
their holdings are in jeopardy-not particu-
itual guidance by the Church. Additional
larly because of the letter of the law, but be-
labor required for harvesting and other work
cause the framers of the laws hold to the phi-
was later obtained through a system of com-
losophy that the Indian (whether tribal or
pulsory labor by mandamientos or reparta-
not) deserves to be a member of the collectiv-
mientos (theoretically involving remunera-
ity, to be considered when matters of the "col-
tion) which continued until the end of the
lective necessity" are involved. Moreover, the
nineteenth century. However, the manda-
government has actively furthered organiza-
miento system, by which laborers were forcibly
tion of Indian workers into articulate groups,
recruited by the governmental authorities and
and has countenanced agitation among In-
sent wherever their services were needed (in
dian farm laborers by irresponsible leaders
response to a payment by the landowner) was
ECRET
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"ocrText": "SECRET\n21\nany way threatened. In 1941, however, the\nwho have promised seizure and redistribution\nfunds of the German owners of coffee planta-\nof land. These promises may effectively\ntions were frozen, and following Guatemala's\narouse the Indians to class violence such as\nentry into the war, the plantations themselves\noccurred in 1948 at the town of El Tumbador,\nwere placed under government management.\nin the rich San Marcos coffee region, where\nAfter the 1944 revolution, the government also\nrural Indian agricultural workers killed, with\nseized the fincas of the high officials in Ubico's\ntheir machetes, the mayor of the town-a\ngovernment, thereby raising the total num-\nwell-to-do landowner. This incident is of se-\nber of intervened plantations to around 110.\nrious significance in Guatemala, for one of the\nThese plantations comprise 30 percent of the\ngreatest influences on the political and eco-\ncommercially productive agricultural land of\nnomic attitudes of the property-owning upper\nthe country, and supply some 20 percent of\nand middle classes is the persistent nightmare\nthe total coffee crop.\nof Indian violence.\nAlthough the final legal expropriation of the\nd. Labor.\nintervened plantations has not yet been ef-\nfected, there is little doubt that they will be\nThe Indian population has always provided,\nplaced under full government ownership, in\nand will continue to provide, the population\nthe name of the \"national interest\" or \"social\npool from which workers are drawn according\nnecessity.\" These concepts symbolize the\nto the needs of agriculture and industry. The\ncontrol of Indian labor has always been of pri-\nArévalo period, and are used as justification\nmary interest to the Guatemalan entrepre-\nfor political action even as the concept of the\nneur, particularly since the development of\ngood of the individual soul was used in the\ndays of the Conquest, or the concept of free\nthe coffee industry. Throughout Guatemalan\nenterprise and private property was used by\nhistory, various legal systems have been de-\nBarrios. It is true that Arévalo's original defi-\nveloped whereby the landowning aristocrat\nnition of \"spiritual socialism\" is hardly mate-\nwas assured control over an adequate supply\nrialistic, for in his own words, it is opposed to\nof cheap (or unpaid) Indian labor. Although\nmaterialistic socialism and concerns \"psycho-\nthe Indian has usually been granted, in\nlogical liberation and spiritual integrity-the\ntheory, certain compensatory rights or privi-\nsatisfaction of the mind and will rather than\nleges in keeping with the ideas of quid pro quo\nthe stomach.\" Nevertheless, it is clear that\nheld by the ruling class, he has, in practice,\nArévalo's supporters, and his opposition are\nalways been subject to forced labor, despite\nconcerned with material matters. Article 91\nperiodic revision or liberalization of labor laws.\nof the Constitution, for example, provides that\nUnder the encomienda system of Colonial\nsteps be taken to eliminate from private own-\ntimes, the labor force was composed of resi-\nership large areas of land that are standing\ndent Indians, many of whom had been settled\nidle, and the Expropriation Law of 9 Septem-\nin more compact communities to simplify the\nber 1948 provides that any type of property, in\nadministrative problem for the conquerors.\norder to satisfy a collective necessity, may be\nTheir labor was an obligation owed the land-\nexpropriated.\nlord in return for his protection, the privilege\nLarge landowners, therefore, now feel that\nof living upon his land, and the benefit of spir-\ntheir holdings are in jeopardy-not particu-\nitual guidance by the Church. Additional\nlarly because of the letter of the law, but be-\nlabor required for harvesting and other work\ncause the framers of the laws hold to the phi-\nwas later obtained through a system of com-\nlosophy that the Indian (whether tribal or\npulsory labor by mandamientos or reparta-\nnot) deserves to be a member of the collectiv-\nmientos (theoretically involving remunera-\nity, to be considered when matters of the \"col-\ntion) which continued until the end of the\nlective necessity\" are involved. Moreover, the\nnineteenth century. However, the manda-\ngovernment has actively furthered organiza-\nmiento system, by which laborers were forcibly\ntion of Indian workers into articulate groups,\nrecruited by the governmental authorities and\nand has countenanced agitation among In-\nsent wherever their services were needed (in\ndian farm laborers by irresponsible leaders\nresponse to a payment by the landowner) was\nECRET"
}