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J. 333305-M N
Galley 161
UNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF
has just been sent to me, runs counter to this concept, and, as far
as I can understand it, sets up an economic control within each
of the three or four separate military zones without taking account
of the existing nationalized transport system and without prior
provision for common utilization of the food surpluses, most of
which will be in the Russian zone, and of coal, all of which will be in
the British and Russian zones. These are only examples of problems
that must be faced.
There are two other considerations that I believe should not be
lost sight of. One, that contradictory basic regulations in the separate
zones are likely to lead to serious friction between the Allied forces of
occupation and would encourage the Germans to try to play one Ally
against another. Two, sinco we have insisted in the Surrender
Instrument that the signatory Powers are "acting in the interests of
the United Nations", we have taken on a trustee obligation to other
European United Nations which we will fail to discharge unless we
get agreement, for example, on freezing of property until equitable
arrangements can be made to protect the rights of our other Allies to
restitution and reparation.
I hope I may have an opportunity to discuss these problems with
you when we meet.
Sincerely,
JOHN GILBERT WINANT
Matthews Files
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Winant) to the Secretary
of State
[Excerpts]1
1 For other portions of this letter, see post, p. -
SECRET
LONDON, January 28, 1945.
DEAR ED, Since I have not had an opportunity to see you, there are
two matters that I would like to bring to your attention before the
coming Conference.
The other matter I want to take up with you has to do with the
European Advisory Commission. I am enclosing a copy of a letter
which I am sending to the President,2 and also a copy of an Economic
2 Supra.
Directive which I received this week from the Department and was
told to present to the Commission. If you read it you will find that
3 Not printed.
it is in contradiction with the position of the State Department as it
relates to Germany, according to the most recent policy statement,
which I am also enclosing. This latter paper is in line with the posi-
tion taken informally by the Russians and the British in the Advisory
Commission.
The proposal in the Economic Directive forwarded to me is so con-
trary to the Russian position and to that of the British that I am post-
poning introducing it into the Commission until I have had an oppor-
tunity to talk with the President. If I did introduce it, the Russian
Government might fail to confirm either the Control Machinery
Agreement or the Protocol on Zones of Occupation recommended by
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"ocrText": "J. 333305-M N\nGalley 161\nUNCORRECTED GALLEY PROOF\nhas just been sent to me, runs counter to this concept, and, as far\nas I can understand it, sets up an economic control within each\nof the three or four separate military zones without taking account\nof the existing nationalized transport system and without prior\nprovision for common utilization of the food surpluses, most of\nwhich will be in the Russian zone, and of coal, all of which will be in\nthe British and Russian zones. These are only examples of problems\nthat must be faced.\nThere are two other considerations that I believe should not be\nlost sight of. One, that contradictory basic regulations in the separate\nzones are likely to lead to serious friction between the Allied forces of\noccupation and would encourage the Germans to try to play one Ally\nagainst another. Two, sinco we have insisted in the Surrender\nInstrument that the signatory Powers are \"acting in the interests of\nthe United Nations\", we have taken on a trustee obligation to other\nEuropean United Nations which we will fail to discharge unless we\nget agreement, for example, on freezing of property until equitable\narrangements can be made to protect the rights of our other Allies to\nrestitution and reparation.\nI hope I may have an opportunity to discuss these problems with\nyou when we meet.\nSincerely,\nJOHN GILBERT WINANT\nMatthews Files\nThe Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Winant) to the Secretary\nof State\n[Excerpts]1\n1 For other portions of this letter, see post, p. -\nSECRET\nLONDON, January 28, 1945.\nDEAR ED, Since I have not had an opportunity to see you, there are\ntwo matters that I would like to bring to your attention before the\ncoming Conference.\nThe other matter I want to take up with you has to do with the\nEuropean Advisory Commission. I am enclosing a copy of a letter\nwhich I am sending to the President,2 and also a copy of an Economic\n2 Supra.\nDirective which I received this week from the Department and was\ntold to present to the Commission. If you read it you will find that\n3 Not printed.\nit is in contradiction with the position of the State Department as it\nrelates to Germany, according to the most recent policy statement,\nwhich I am also enclosing. This latter paper is in line with the posi-\ntion taken informally by the Russians and the British in the Advisory\nCommission.\nThe proposal in the Economic Directive forwarded to me is so con-\ntrary to the Russian position and to that of the British that I am post-\nponing introducing it into the Commission until I have had an oppor-\ntunity to talk with the President. If I did introduce it, the Russian\nGovernment might fail to confirm either the Control Machinery\nAgreement or the Protocol on Zones of Occupation recommended by"
}