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DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Washington, D.C. 20520
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
CONFIDENTIAL
NSC-U/SM-55G
January 27,, 1975
TO:
The Deputy Secretary of Defense
The Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
The Deputy Secretary of the Treasury
The Under Secretary of Interior
The Under Secretary of Commerce
The Under Secretary of Transportation
The Chairman, Council on Environmental
Quality
The Director, National Science Foundation
The Administrator, Environmental Protection
Agency
The Administrator, Federal Energy
Administration
The Assistant to the President for
International Economic Policy
SUBJECT:
United States Policy on Antarctic Mineral
Resources
Attached are a draft memorandum for the
President and the report prepared by the Antarctic
Policy Working Group on United States Policy on
Antarctic Mineral Resources. Comments and/or con-
currence in the report may be telephoned to Mr.
Theodore Sellin, Department of State, 632-8997.
Agency positions on the options outlined in the
memorandum for the President should be provided in
writing. All comments' and agency positions should
be received by c.o.b. Tuesday, February 4, 1975.
Mathan E. sougher
Wreatham E. Gathright
Staff Director
Attachments:
As stated
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS-3
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: United States Policy on Antarctic
Mineral Resources
Pursuant to NSDM 263, the enclosed analysis has been
prepared concerning what the United States might wish to
seek or to avoid in discussions on an internationally
agreed approach to any commercial exploration and exploi-
tation of Antarctic mineral resources. The mineral
resources question is on the agenda of the Eighth Antarctic
Treaty Consultative Meeting, June 9-20, and will be
discussed at a preparatory meeting on February 24-26. This
memorandum presents policy options which the Under Secre-
taries Committee deem feasible, and also indicates the
degree of agencies support for each option.
Seven countries assert territorial claims in Antarctica;
certain claims overlap and some areas remain unclaimed. The
U.S. has not advanced a claim, has refused to recognize
others' claims, and has consistently maintained its jurid-
ical position on non-recognition of claims. The 1959
Antarctic Treaty largely sets aside the claims issue, pro-
vides a beneficial framework for international cooperation
in Antarctica, and prohibits military activities on the
continent. The Treaty does not refer to exploration and ex-
ploitation activities. Questions regarding the continued
viability of the Treaty regime will arise if commerical
resource operations commence.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
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Available data and scientific inference indicate that
oil and/or gas may be present in the Antarctic continental
shelf, although the difficulties and costs of production
in Antarctica suggest that commercial exploitation is un-
likely at least in the next decade. Hard minerals are
present on land, but their commercial exploitation is
unlikely in the forseeable future.
I.
NATURE OF AN INTERNATIONALLY AGREED APPROACH
Negotiation of a detailed resource regime is not
considered feasible at the present time, but substantial
steps can now be taken to develop an internationally agreed
decision-making competence to make necessary décisions when
and if needed in the future. Two options are presented:
OPTION 1 -- The U.S. should seek an agreement which
would recognize the right of all nations to undertake
mineral resource activity exclusively pursuant to their
national legislation.
This option is supported by (agencies).
OPTION 2 --- The U.S. should seek an agreement recog-
nizing the right of the U.S. and others to undertake mineral
resource activity in Antarctica, and subject to a special
mineral resource arrangement. Resource management, environ-
mental and other problems requiring international solutions
to achieve U.S. objectives could be resolved through new
decision-making procedures which give the U.S. sufficient
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
- 3 -
protection from adverse decisions, and basic agreed princi-
ples to constrain and guide decision-making.
This option is supported by (agencies).
In addition, the option is presented whether the U.S.
should first concentrate on prompt resolution of explora-
tion issues and basic conditions for exploitation, while
pursuing a more comprehensive settlement of exploitation
issues.
This option is supported by (agencies).
II. REGIME APPLICABLE TO OFFSHORE AREAS
This section addresses the relationship between a
special Antarctic resource regime and the International
Seabeds Resource Authority (ISRA) under negotiation in the
Law of the Sea Conference. Three options are presented:
OPTION A -- The U.S. should seek a special regime
for offshore seabed resources in Antarctica which guarantees
access for the U.S. and others to the area to which the
regime applies.
This option is supported by (agencies).
OPTION B -- The U.S. should seek the inclusion of
offshore mineral resources in Antarctica in the International
Seabed Area contemplated in the Law of the Sea negotiations.
This option is supported by (agencies).
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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OPTION C -- For the time being, the U.S. should
preserve the option of applying either the ISRA regime or
a special regime to offshore seabed resources in Antarctica.
This option is supported by (agencies).
III. MORATORIUM POLICY
Three options are presented concerning U.S. policy
toward commercial mineral resource activities until an
internationally agreed approach is achieved.
OPTION 1 --- The U.S. should continue its present
interim policy: while the U.S. is seeking an internationally
agreed approach, it will oppose actions by any other nation
directed towards commercial mineral resource exploration
and exploitation, and will urge other nations to join in
this interim policy. This policy would be kept under
continuing review.
This option is supported by (agencies).
OPTION 2 --- The U.S. should seek agreement among
Antarctic Treaty signatories to oppose for two years actions
by any nation intended to facilitate drilling in the con-
tinental shelf adjacent to Antarctica.
This option is supported by (agencies).
OPTION 3 --- The U.S. should discontinue its stated
policy of voluntary restraint and oppose any formal or
informal moratorium on commercial activities in Antarctica.
This option is supported by (agencies).
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
Annex B-NSDM 263 Response
XGDS (3)
PROPOSED ACTION PROGRAM FOR OPENING
NEGOTIATIONS ON MINERAL RESOURCES IN THE
ANTARCTIC TREATY FORUM
The options outlined in the foregoing NSDM 263 response
are intended to direct our negotiations toward a final result
which achieves the objectives identified in each. The tac-
tical question now is how to proceed with the negotiations
so as to maximize our ability to achieve our objectives.
The selection of any of these options does not necessarily
mean that the U.S. negotiators should expressly propose the
position for agreement among the twelve Antarctic Treaty
parties at this time. The discussion which follows outlines
possible U.S. tactics for the initiation of negotiations.
A. The Forum - The General Approach
The U.S. was the unquestioned leader in developing the
Antarctic Treaty, which has proved satisfactory from the
point of view of the Consultative Parties. Since then, the
degree of international cooperation in Antarctica has been
a model for the peaceful and mutually beneficial resolution
of international disputes. Our tactics should seek to build
upon and preserve whatever good will exists in this forum to
the extent this is compatible with our interests and objectives.
Because the Antarctic resources question is inscribed on
the agenda for the Eighth Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting,
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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June 9-20, substantive discussion will start there, although
the Consultative Parties may later decide to convene a
special diplomatic conference to deal with the subject. The
Antarctic Treaty consultative forum has traditionally seen
a notably straightforward and gentlemanly interchange among
participants with a substantial dependence on the United
States for forthcoming leadership if anything of signifi-
cance is to be achieved. However, the formal introduction
into the forum of a new and potentially contentious issue
suggests that the issue may stimulate a transition toward a
tougher negotiating style.
A tactical dilemma for the United States could be posed
even in the opening phases of the discussions. If previous
practice is followed, the U.S. should open the negotiations
with a fairly forthright statement of its desires. If, how-
ever, a more intractable mood might prevail in the forum, it
could be more appropriate to begin the negotiations with a
more restrained position to preserve as many negotiating
options as possible, at least until it is more readily appar-
ent how the resource question is to be handled.
Should the U.S. choose the more traditional approach,
we could seize the initiative and provide the leadership
expected of us by stating our views in general terms to
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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open negotiations. The possibilities of moulding a consensus
to match our interests might, however, be offset by the risk
of relinquishing bargaining chips prematurely. Should the
U.S. choose to take the more reticent stance, it is likely
that progress in the negotiations would be slower and more
drawn out. In this regard, growing interest in Antarctica
and increasing attention to the mineral resources issue may
add to the difficulties of the negotiation should these be
lengthy.
There are a number of negotiating steps which should be
explored to minimize the effects of this dilemma. For example,
other non-claimants with strong resource interest, such as
Japan or Belgium, may have very similar substantive objectives
to our own and perhaps even more compelling interests. We
could explore the possibility of identifying tactical partners
and of orchestrating tactics so that our tactical partners
advocate positions that are in our interest as well, while
the U.S. takes a more restrained position to conserve our
leverage. To this end, it may be desirable to consult with a
few carefully selected states prior to the June consultative
meeting to determine the potential for such an arrangement.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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Another approach would be for the U.S. to take a forthcoming
position on one or two issues of central importance to us,
such as utilizing the Antarctic Treaty structure so long as
our interests are served thereby, without foreclosing other
alternatives and while taking less forthcoming positions on
other issues.
In any event, our initial tactical objective should be
to get a negotiation moving while preserving our leverage to
the greatest extent possible. In pursuing this objective,
the U.S. delegation should bear in mind that, in addition to
the general good will that exists in the Antarctic forum,
other sources of bargaining leverage may include (1) the fear
that the U.S. will unilaterally undertake commercial activities
in Antarctica; (2) the fear of a United Nations takeover of
Antarctica in the form of the Law of the Sea deep seabeds
regime for offshore areas, or otherwise. Such leverage as
may exist must be used, if at all, with the utmost caution.
Nonetheless, the U.S. should not indicate that either even-
tuality is inconsistent with our ultimate substantive interests.
The degree to which each alternative, including a special Ant-
artic regime, furthers our interests, resource and other,
rather than any implicit value of one approach or another, is
the ultimate criterion. Hence, all approaches as they evolve
will have to be examined with the totality of U.S. interests
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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in view. The U.S. delegation should, therefore, not indicate
in initial negotiations that the U.S. views its substantive
interests as foreclosing either eventuality.
B. Objectives of the February 24-26 Preparatory Meeting
The preparatory meeting in Oslo in February will be
devoted to a discussion of the issues concerning the relation-
ship between offshore resources in Antarctica and the Law
of the Sea Conference. Representatives are generally expected
to discuss the coordination of tactics at the Law of the Sea
Conference among the twelve Antarctic Treaty Consultative
Parties, should the issue arise at the LOS Conference. Dis-
cussions among the twelve at the October, 1974 preparatory
meeting revealed agreement among those who spoke to the issue
that the twelve should oppose any move in the Law of the Sea
Conference to include offshore resources of Antarctica in the
deep seabed regime. The U.S., U.S.S.R., and others did not
speak to this issue.
Section II of the NSDM 263 Response (pp. 38-46) addresses
the substantive issues involved. Whichever option in that
analysis is selected, the U.S. delegation to the February
preparatory meeting should be authorized to commit the U.S.
(1) not to raise the issue of offshore Antarctic resources
at the Law of the Sea Conference and (2) to consult promptly
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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with the twelve in the event the issue is raised there by
others.
If the U.S. desires a special Antarctic regime for
offshore seabed resources (Option A), our tactical objective
at the February meeting should be to leave the impression
that the U.S. prefers to work within the Antarctic Consultative
framework so long as our interests are adequately protected.
If the U.S. prefers to extend the Law of the Sea deep seabed
regime (Option B) or no substantive position at this time
(Option C), our comments should be limited to avoid giving a
clear indication of our position. In any event, the U.S. may
wish to support a resolution of the Consultative Parties re-
lating to mineral resources. Such a resolution should not
entail any legal commitment, but should, in substance:
1. Reaffirm Article IV of the Antarctic Treaty relat-
ing to assertion and recognition of claims in the
area.
2. Call upon the signatories to seek an internationally
agreed approach to mineral resource activities in
Antarctica that takes into account the balance of
interests, i.e., the conflicting claims positions,
in the area.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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3. Resolve that mineral resource exploration and
exploitation should be compatible with the
Antarctic Treaty principles and programs.
4. Declare that all the signatories should be
entitled to engage in mineral resources explo-
ration and exploitation in any part of the
Treaty area except for those areas specifically
designated for other uses.
5. Call upon the signatories to study the environ-
mental implications of mineral resource explo-
ration and exploitation and to recommend suitable
measures.
It is not anticipated that such a resolution would be
unanimously agreed upon at the February meeting, but it
would seem that this approach would be an effective mechanism
to signal U.S. interests to the other parties, demonstrate
our willingness to continue working with them, and at the
same time preserve our negotiating options.
C. Objectives at the June Consultative Meeting
Among other things, the June Consultative meeting could
turn out to be nothing more than a general discussion of the
mineral resources issue, or it could mark the beginning of
tangible progress toward an internationally agreed approach
to the issue. It is impossible to forecast how others will
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Presidental Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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approach the meeting and the U.S. Delegation should there-
fore have flexibility to respond to the attitudes of others.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
NSDM 263 Response: U.S. Policy On Antarctic
Mineral Resources
CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Pages 1-9
Introduction
Page 1
I. Nature of an Internationally Agreed
Approach
Page 7
A. U.S. Interests at Stake
Page 7
B. The Nature and Economics of Commer-
cial Recovery of Antarctic Mineral
Resources
Page 17
C. Alternative Internationally Agreed
Approaches to Antarctic Mineral
Resources
Page 19
D. Scope of Immediate U.S. Objectives Page 35
II. Regime Applicable to Offshore Seabed
Resources
Page 38
III. Moratorium Policy
Page 47
Annex A. Preliminary Report on Consultations*
Annex B. Proposed Action Plan
*This Annex, distributed on November 22, 1974, to the
members of the USC, is not attached to this draft.
It will be included when the final report is submitted.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
NSDM 263 Response: U.S. Policy On
Antarctic Mineral Resources
Executive Summary
NSDM 263 directed the Under Secretaries Committee
to analyze what the U.S. might wish to seek or to avoid
in discussions on an internationally agreed approach to
any commercial exploration and exploitation of Antarc-
tic mineral resources, and requested a report on preli-
minary consultations and a proposed diplomatic and poli-
tical action program.
NSDM 263 further provided that it is the objec-
tive of the United States to ensure that, if undertaken,
commercial exploration and exploitation in Antarctica
do not disrupt implementation of the Antarctic Treaty or
become a cause for significant international discord; to
ensure that any exploitation is compatible with environ-
mental considerations and with U.S. obligations under the
Treaty; and to gain acceptance of an internationally agreed
approach to commercial resource activities which would
(a) permit free access to the Antarctic Treaty area; (b)
be without prejudice to and appropriately compatible with,
U.S. law of the sea interests; (c) provide for the pro-
tection of the Antarctic environment; and (d) preserve
rights under the Treaty of scientific research. It also
provided that while the U.S. is seeking an internationally
agreed approach, it should oppose actions by any nation
with the purpose of commercial exploration and exploi-
tation in Antarctica, and urge other nations to join the
U.S. in this interim policy.
Introduction:
The Eighth Antarctic Consultative Meeting to be held
June 9-20 in Oslo, will consider the issue of "Antarctic
resources--effects of mineral exploration." A preparatory
meeting will discuss the relationship between Antarctica
seabed resources and the current Law of the Sea negotia-
tions.
Seven countries have made territorial claims in
Antarctica; certain claims overlap and some areas remain un-
claimed. The U.S. has not advanced a claim. Along with
the Soviet Union and others, the U.S. has refused to recog-
nize the validity of any territorial claim, and has consis-
tently sought to protect its juridical position on non-
recognition of claims.
Reproduced at the Richard CONFI Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
XGDS (3)
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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Twelve states, including the seven claimant states
and the major non-claimants with Antarctic interests
(including the U.S., U.S.S.R., and Japan) are signa-
tories to the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. The Treaty has lar-
gely eliminated disputes arising out of the conflicting
claims situation. The Treaty has heretofore provided
a useful and mutually beneficial framework for inter-
national cooperation in Antarctica, while prohibiting
military activities on the continent.
The potential for exploitation of mineral resources
raises questions regarding the continued viability of
the Treaty regime should commercial resource operations
commence. In particular, should commercial mineral re-
covery occur, it may lead to discord between claimants
and non-claimants, or between competing claimants ,over
resource ownership.
I.
Nature of an Internationally Agreed Approach
A. U.S. Interests at Stake
U.S. interests underlying NSDM 263 may be stated
as follows:
1.
Preserve the viability of the Antarctic Treaty
and, in particular, the underlying arms control, inspec-
tion, freedom of scientific research, environmental pro-
tection and international cooperation features.
2.
Prevent Antarctica from becoming a source of inter-
national conflict.
3.
Ensure that any resource exploration and exploi-
tation is consistent with environmental considerations.
4.
Facilitate an increase in the global supply of
minerals resources, through
(a) Defining property rights to Antarctic mineral
resources;
(b) Ensuring reasonable conditions of investment
consistent with U.S. interests, including en-
vironmental protection.
5.
Ensure non-discriminatory guaranteed access by
the U.S. to all areas to which an Antarctic mineral re-
source regime may apply.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
XGDS (3)
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XGDS (3)
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6.
Ensure appropriate investment opportunity for U.S.
nationals.
B. Nature and Economics of Commercial Recovery
of Antarctic Mineral Resources
An interagency working group on this topic reached
the following conclusions:
Offshore areas - Available data and scientific infer-
ence indicate a good probability that oil and/or gas may
be present in the Antarctic continental shelf. U.S. firms
have indicated some interest in conducting exploratory work,
but none have indicated specific plans to do so. The diffi-
culties and costs of production in Antarctica suggest that
commercial exploitation is unlikely at least in the next
decade.
Manganese nodules of the Antarctic seabed have rela-
tively low metal content, and do not appear to be of com-
mercial interest in the forseeable future.
Land areas - Geological theory and scientific findings
indicate a strong likelihood that hard minerals, including
iron and coal, are present in the Antarctic land mass, but
suggest that petroleum is not. Commercial exploitation of
hard minerals appears unlikely in the forseeable future.
C. Alternative Internationally Agreed Approaches
to Antarctic Mineral Resources
This section seeks to refine the NSDM 263 directive
to seek an "internationally agreed approach."
It is concluded that the U.S. should not seek a de-
tailed regime establishing detailed rules and regulations
governing resource activities at this time. While the U.S.
has taken this general approach in the Law of the Sea nego-
tiations, the difference in the negotiating forum, the
lack of sufficient resources information, and the potential
for economic inefficiency that might result from such a de-
tailed system make it inappropriate in Antarctica.
However, substantial steps can now be taken to de-
velop an internationally agreed decision-making competence
which could make the necessary detailed decisions when and
if needed in the future. Any such procedure should assure
to the U.S. sufficient control over resource decisions
to protect U.S. interests. Different procedures might be
used to make resource policy decisions, and to implement
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executivel Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
XGDS (3)
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decisions once made.
1.
Competence for Resource Policy Decisions
Consideration was given to exclusive reliance on the
existing Antarctic Treaty consultative mechanism to make
resource policy decisions. This approach was rejected by
all agencies for the time being. The consultative process
employs the rule of unanimity which may prevent furtherance
of U.S. environmental and scientific interests. However,
this does not preclude use of the consultative forum for
negotiation of a resource regime.
OPTION 1: National Legislative Approach
The U.S. should seek an agreement which would re-
cognize the right of all nations to undertake mineral re-
source activity exclusively pursuant to national legis-
lation. Such an agreement should require each party to
are our teats
recognize rights granted by others only when the terms
and conditions of the domestic legislation are substan-
tially similar to its own legislation. The U.S., under
this option, would not rely on "agreed measures" of the
Consultative Meetings which would be incompatible with
our domestic legislation or would interfere with com-
mercial recovery operations conducted pursuant to such
legislation.
Proponents of Option 1 argue that this approach
would avoid potentially burdensome regulation by an
international body; would introduce competition among
the licensing states, giving each state an incentive to
adopt an optimal legislative regime; would create incen-
tives for states to seek the optimal level of pollution
and scientific activity; would offer the claimants greater
benefit from access to all of Antarctica than from access
to their claimed areas alone; and would allow bargaining
among firms to deal with other problems.
Opponents of Option 1 argue that it might be seen
as the functional equivalent of unilateral exploitation
and would be unacceptable to others; would effectively
require claimant states to permit exploitation under
foreign legislation in areas they regard as national
territory, an equivalent to renunciation of their claims;
could lead to serious international discord and set the
stage for a "U.N. Takeover" of Antarctica; would lead to
"flags of convenience" and inadequate protection of the
sensitive Antarctic environment; would lead U.S. firms to
seek foreign licenses to the detriment of U.S. environ-
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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XGDS (3)
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mental, balance of payments, and energy interests; would not
necessarily stabilize property rights; and would not solve
resource problems such as the common pool problem nor allow
orderly resolution of competing claims to resources.
OPTION 2: A New Decision-Making Competence
The U.S. should seek an agreement which would recog-
nize the right of the U.S. and others to undertake mineral
resource activity in Antarctica, subject to a special mineral
resource arrangement. Issues such as the mechanism for ac-
quiring rights to resources, resolving competing claims,
managing the common pool problem, and establishing and
enforcing standards to protect the environment would be
addressed with sufficient flexibility to avoid problems
that may be encountered with the existing consultative
mechanism or exclusive reliance on domestic legislation.
The U.S. should seek to emphasize reliance on balanced
decision-making procedures which give us sufficient pro-
tection from adverse decisions, and basic agreed principles
which constrain and quide the decision-making procedures.
Proponents of Option 2 argue that this approach pro-
vides realistic opportunities to avoid resurfacing under-
lying conflicts regarding territorial claims; would better
stabilize acquisition of property rights and facilitate
commercial resource exploration and exploitation; reduces
pressures on U.S. firms to operate under foreign legis-
lation and flags of convenience; best protects U.S. environ-
mental, scientific, strategic, and other interests; and
is consistent with the prior U.S. approach to Antarctic
policy.
Opponents of Option 2 argue that a new decision-making
procedure adequate to protect U.S. interests might also
have the power to impose discriminatory and potentially
burdensome regulations on mineral resource activities;
that it may not be possible to change the existing rule of
unanimity; and that the U.S. could unwittingly take a
position contrary to our interests without more detailed
consideration.
CONFIDENTIAL
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2.
Implementing Procedures
If Option 2 is selected, a number of alternative pro-
cedures to implement resources decisions and policies should
be explored. Some alternatives considered here include
implementation through the national legislation and prac-
tices of the Consultative Parties; implementation through
a single Party acting on behalf of the others with rotating
responsibility; and creation of an international technical
administration. It was concluded that it is premature to
decide who should implement resource policy decisions, and
that this issue should be kept under review.
3.
Compulsory Dispute Settlement
It is recommended that the U.S. should seek agree-
ment on binding compulsory third party dispute settlement
procedures regarding potential mineral resource activities
in Antarctica.
D.
Scope of Immediate U.S. Objectives
OPTION:
The U.S. should seek first to achieve a
prompt resolution of issues related to the
exploration phase of development and basic
conditions related to the exploitation phase,
while pursuing a more comprehensive settle-
ment of exploitation issues.
Supporters of this option argue that it simplifies
further negotiations by concentrating on the most imme-
diate problem; that exploration may suggest exploitation
is unlikely and that further negotiations are therefore
unnecessary and agreement on exploration may be possible
without addressing the underlying claims issue.
Opponents argue that firms would be less likely to
undertake exploration without a stable exploitation re-
gime; that firms wouldfacet uncertainties after explora-
tion as to when and under what conditions exploitation
could proceed; and that negotiation of an exploitation
system would be more difficult after the existence and loca-
tion of resources is confirmed.
II. Regime Applicable to Offshore Seabed Resources
This section raises the question of the relationship
between an Antarctic mineral resources regime and the
International Seabeds Resources Authority (ISRA) under nego-
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tiation in the Law of the Sea negotiations. This issue
raises highly complex legal problems. Three options are
presented:
OPTION A:
The U.S. should seek a special regime
for offshore seabed resources in Ant-
arctica which guarantees access for the
U.S. and others to the area to which the
regime applies
Proponents of Option A argue that the LOS deep seabed
resource regime will be the product of a highly politicized
negotiation, and is not a starting point for Antarctic
policy; that ISRA jurisdiction over Antarctic seabed re-
side
sources would force the claimants to assert vigorously
Other side
their claims to protect their juridical positions and that
a breakdown of the Antarctic Treaty could result; that
U.S. passivity on the issue or support for ISRA jurisdic-
tion would impair our ability to achieve our objectives
in the Antarctic forum; that it may be possible for the
U.S. to provoke ISRA to extend its own jurisdiction at a
later time if it becomes desirable to do so and the LOS
Treaty is ambiguous in this regard; and that freedom of
scientific research and preservation of the environment
would be better served by a special Antarctic regime.
OPTION B:
The U.S. should seek the inclusion of
offshore mineral resources in Antarctica
in the International Seabed Area
Proponents of Option B argue that a decision by the
LOS Conference that offshore areas of Antarctica are beyond
the limits of national jurisdiction is tantamount to a
global rejection of the territorial claims in Antarctica; that
the status of the high seas around Antarctica might be
better protected; that freedom of scientific research
and preservation of the marine environment are equally
important elements of our LOS objectives; and that an
LOS deep seabed resource regime might become effective
before any special Antarctic regime, thus expediting re-
source production.
OPTION C:
For the time being, the U.S. should pre-
serve the option of applying either the
ISRA regime or a special regime to off-
shore seabed resources in Antarctica
Proponents of Option C argue that we do not
have sufficient information on the nature of either regime
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to make an intelligent choice at this time; that potential
U.S. interests in the commercially attractive and eco-
logically sensitive living resources in Antarctic might
be compromised by selection of either Option A or B, and
that this study has not analyzed how the choice would im-
pact on these interests; that our non-resource interests
could be adequately protected either way; and that an LOS
deep seabeds regime might become effective and needed
technologies developed before a special regime is in place,
thus expediting resource production.
III. Moratorium Policy
OPTION 1: The U.S. should continue its present interim
policy: during the time the U.S. is seeking
an internationally agreed approach, it will
oppose actions by any other nation directed
towards commercial exploration and exploi-
tation of Antarctic mineral resources, and
will urge other nations to join in such an
interim policy. This policy should be kept
under continuing review.
Proponents of this option argue that it would dis-
courage licensing activities which are prejudicial to U.S.
non-recognition of territorial claims; would be subject to
change as circumstances warrant in the future; would not
necessarily delay prompt initiation of exploratory acti-
vities by U.S. firms, since we have no information that such
activities are contemplated; would allow the U.S. to oppose
others' actions prejudicial to our interests while retaining
our own freedom of action; and would increase the likeli-
hood that an adequate international approach competent to
protect the environment would be in place prior to the ini-
tiation of exploration and exploitation.
Opponents argue that this policy is potentially
self-perpetuating, since the U.S. may find it difficult to
retract from the policy during potentially protracted nego-
tiations; that it could delay exploration activities to the
detriment of our energy resources interests; and that it
could deny the U.S. information necessary for the develop-
ment of a wise resources policy.
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OPTION 2: The U.S. should seek agreement of the
Parties at the Eighth Consultative
Meeting to Oppose for 2 years actions by
any nation intended to facilitate drilling
in the continental shelf adjacent to
Antarctica.
Proponents argue that this policy would be accep-
table to the other Parties; could increase our bargaining
leverage; would permit preliminary exploration activities;
and might discourage environmentally dangerous drilling
activities.
Opponents argue that this policy might become self-
perpetuating; might impair U.S. credibility; might over-
play our negotiating leverage; might delay acquisition
of resources information necessary for the development
of a wise resources policy; and, to the extent explora-
tion is productive, might limit chance of an eventual claims
settlement.
OPTION 3: The United States should discontinue its
stated policy of voluntary restraint and
oppose any formal or informal moratorium
on commercial activities in Antarctica.
Proponents argue that this would allow exploration
and exploitation to proceed as quickly as market conditions
allow; that it would maximize any bargaining leverage de-
rived from the potential for unilateral action; that it would
prevent a "lock-up" of Antarctic resources at a time when
the U.S. is seeking new sources of energy; and that clai-
mant states are unlikely to issue exclusive licenses preju-
dicial to the U.S. claims position while negotiations are
underway.
Opponents argue that this policy could ultimately
preclude U.S. access to the energy and other resources of
Antarctica if unrestrained commercial activity ensues and
the Antarctic Treaty structure collapses; could harden the
positions of the other Parties, particularly of the claimants
in any negotiations; could stimulate the issuing of li-
censes to the deteriment of the U.S. position on non-
recognition of claims; could permit resources activities
to take place with inadequate flag-state environmental
safeguards; and could impair U.S. credibility.
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NSDM 263 RESPONSE: U.S. POLICY
ON ANTARCTIC MINERAL RESOURCES
The President directed in NSDM 263 that the Under
Secretaries Committee conduct a prompt analysis of what
the United States might wish to seek or to avoid in dis-
cussions on an internationally agreed approach to commer-
cial exploration for and exploitation of Antarctic mineral
resources. In addition, the President directed that a
report on preliminary consultations authorized by NSDM
263 and a proposed action plan outlining additional poli-
tical and diplomatic steps should be submitted before
further action is taken. The Report on Preliminary Con-
sultations, submitted earlier to the Under Secretaries
Committee, is at Annex A. The proposed action plan is
at Annex B.
I.
Introduction
The provisional agenda for the Eighth Antarctic
Treaty Consultative Meeting, to be held June 9-20 in
Oslo, Norway, raises the issue of "Antarctic resources --
effects of mineral exploration." This subject was dis-
cussed informally at the Sixth and Seventh Consultative
Meetings in 1970 and 1972. Discussions at the first
preparatory meeting for the Eighth meeting suggest that
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the issue will be dealt with in greater depth than at
any previous meeting. A second preparatory meeting will
be held February 24-26 to discuss the relationship be-
tween offshore seabed resources in Antarctica and the
Third U.N. Conference on the Law of the Sea, which re-
sumes in Geneva March 17 - May 10.
The potential for exploration and exploitation of
mineral resources in the Antarctic raises fundamental
questions regarding the continuation of the close inter-
national cooperation characteristic of activities under
the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. The Treaty itself is silent
on the question of resource activities and in the U.S.
view, does not prohibit such activities. However, the
Treaty largely set aside the difficult and potentially
divisive issue of territorial claims in Antarctica --
an issue which resurfaces in any serious discussion of
mineral resource development.
Seven countries have made territorial claims in
Antarctica; certain claims overlap, while some areas re-
main unclaimed. The U.S. has not advanced a claim, and
along with the Soviet Union and others, has refused to
recognize the validity of any territorial claims.
In 1948, the U.S. sought unsuccessfully to convene
a conference, in part to resolve the problem of claims in
Antarctica. Although that effort failed, the claimants
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and other States subsequently agreed that as part of the
International Geophysical Year (1958), any nation could
conduct scientific research in Antarctica without pre-
judice to the jurisdictional and juridical positions of
the Parties. In addition to the claimants, the U.S. and
four other countries carried out research activities in
the Antarctic during the IGY. Then, seeking to build upon
the successful IGY experience, the U.S. invited the clai-
mants and the other countries conducting research in
Antarctica to participate in the conference which produced
the 1959 Antarctic Treaty.
The Parties and claimants are identified in the follow-
ing table:
Original Parties
Claimant
Year of Claim
Argentina
YES
1942
Australia
YES
1933
Belgium
NO
-
Chile
YES
1940
France
YES
1942
Japan
NO
-
New Zealand
YES
1923
Norway
YES
1939
South Africa
NO
-
U.S.S.R.
NO
-
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Original Parties
Claimant
Year of Claim
United Kingdom
YES
1908
United States
NO
-
The Treaty is open to signature by any member of
the United Nations, and six countries have subsequently
acceded to it: Czechslovakia, Denmark, The Netherlands,
Poland, Romania and the German Democratic Republic. The
Treaty establishes a periodic consultative meeting in
which the original twelve signatories are entitled to
participate. An acceding country may participate only if
it "demonstrates its interest in Antarctica by conducting
substantial scientific research activity there." Presently,
only the original twelve are qualified for participation
in consultative meetings.
In addition to questions regarding the underlying
claims situation, the prospect of commercial activity
in Antarctica raises questions regarding the continued
viability of the Antarctic Treaty, which reflects the
basic purposes for which the United States initially pro-
posed it. Article I establishes that Antarctica shall
be used for peaceful purposes only. Article II establishes
freedom of scientific investigation in Antarctica, and
Article IV seeks to eliminate controversies arising out
of territorial claims asserted in Antarctica by freezing
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the delicate claims situation for the duration of the
Treaty (i.e., until at least 1995). Article VI expressly
preserves the status of all high seas in the Treaty area.
Other provisions establish practical means to accomplish
these objectives. They establish rights of inspection in
all areas of Antarctica by designated observers to ensure
that no military activities take place; broad sharing of
scientific data; exchange of scientific personnel; and
notification of all expeditions to and within Antarctica
to promote the widest cooperation in scientific endeavors;
and the creation of a consultative mechanism for considering
measures in furtherance of the principles and objectives
of the Treaty. Several provisions of the Treaty have
served as a precursor to important provisions in other
international instruments. For example, the Treaty marked
the first formal cooperative endeavor with the Soviet Union,
the first agreement to broad inspection rights by the
Soviet thion, and the first time all nuclear explosions
(including so-called peaceful nuclear explosive devices)
were banned.
The interest in potential exploitation of mineral
resources in Antarctica therefore raises questions re-
garding the compatibility of the Treaty regime, including
the accommodation of underlying claims, with commercial
mineral recovery operations even though commercial
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exploitation is not likely to occur at least in the next
decade. Specifically, the issue of territorial claims
in Antarctica is raised in importance by the potential for
commercial recovery operations. If there are minerals to
be recovered in the claimed areas, the claimants are
likely to claim them and seek to exclude others. The
structure of agreed international access to Antarctica
embodied in the Treaty was limited to scientific inves-
tigation and inspection to verify that Antarctica is being
used for peaceful purposes.
This report is limited to questions related to
exploration and exploitation of mineral resources in
Antarctica. Questions related to exploitation of living
resources, such as krill in offshore areas, are outside the
scope of the present study.
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I.
Nature of an Internationally Agreed Approach
A.
U.S. Interests at Stake
The Statement of Policy approved in NSDM 263 established
the objectives to be pursued by the United States in dis-
cussions on Antarctic mineral resources. These objectives
are:
--
to ensure that any commercial exploration or ex-
ploitation does not disrupt implementation of the
Antarctic Treaty, and does not become a cause of
significant international discord;
--
to ensure that any exploitation is compatible with
environmental considerations and with U.S. Antarctic
Treaty obligations;
--
to gain acceptance of the concept of an internationally
agreed approach for any commercial exploration and ex-
ploitation of Antarctic mineral resources, which
-- would permit free access by the U.S. and other
nations to all parts of Antarctica, except for
areas otherwise reserved;
-- would be without prejudice to, and compatible
with the U.S. law of the sea interests;
-- would preserve rights under the Antarctic Treaty
for scientific research; and
-- would protect the Antarctic environment.
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Accomplishment of these objectives in discussions
on establishing an internationally agreed approach requires
understanding of the underlying U.S. interests regarding
Antarctic mineral resources. These interests may be stated
as follows:
1.
Preserve the viability of the Antarctic Treaty,
and in particular the underlying arms control, inspection,
freedom of scientific research, environmental protection,
and international cooperation features.
The Antarctic Treaty was developed largely at the
instigation of, and through the leadership of, the United
States. It has provided a viable regime for the orderly
and mutually beneficial scientific exploration of Antarctica;
for preventing the militarization of Antarctica; and for
the protection of the unique Antarctic environment. It
has limited the potential for international conflict arising
out of the overlapping territorial claims made by certain
of the parties, and out of the disputes between claimant
and non-claimant states (such as the United States). The
Treaty has reduced the potential for new territorial claims.
Overall, the Treaty and the activities which have progressed
pursuant thereto have been a model of international coopera-
tion.
The Treaty effectively bans all military activity in
Antarctica, except for logistical support for other activities.
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This includes the use of nuclear explosives. The inspec-
tion features of the Treaty help to assure the compliance
of all parties with this important prohibition.
The Treaty assures freedom of scientific research,
and its provisions for notice and exchange of scientific
information assure the maximum dissemination and useful-
ness of the scientific information gathered. The scien-
tific information gathered to date has been of particular
value in obtaining a basic understanding of the geo-
physical characteristics of Antarctica (resulting in the
discovery of potentially significant mineral resources),
of the wealth of marine productivity in Antarctic waters,
and of the fundamental climatic influence of the Antarctic
on world weather systems. In addition, Antarctica is a
unique scientific laboratory because it is an unoccupied
continent which remains largely unaffected by man's acti-
vities and provides a means of determining man's impact
on the world environment, among other things.
The Antarctic Treaty, and measures taken in its
implementation, have largely worked to the benefit of the
United States. The U.S. has a clear interest in assuring
its continued peaceful and mutually beneficial implemen-
tation.
2.
To Prevent Antarctica from Becoming a Source
Of International Conflict.
The United States has a clear interest in avoiding
international conflict arising from mineral resources
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activities, or from any other issue, in Antarctica. A
major potential source of discord is the conflicting position
of the Antarctic Treaty Parties with regard to claims, and
regarding overlapping of claims made by some claimant states.
The Antarctic Treaty has helped prevent conflict on claims
issues since 1961 by freezing the claims of the Parties,
while otherwise accommodating the conflicting juridical
positions of claimant and non-claimant states.
In pursuing an internationally agreed approach, the
United States should therefore seek to avoid any measures
which would raise disputes between claimant and non-claimant
states, or between states making conflicting claims. The
U.S. should pursue measures which contribute to an accommo-
dation of conflicting claims positions, consistent with our
interests, or which would reduce their significance.
In particular, the U.S. should seek measures to prevent
conflicts of jurisdiction from arising through any conduct
of mineral exploration and exploitation activities under
circumstances which could raise unsettled jurisdictional
issues.
3.
To ensure that any resource exploration and
exploitation is consistent with environmental considerations.
The Antarctic environment is uniquely productive,
fragile, and interrelated with the global ecosystem. A
major oil spill on ice or water which remained for a long
period would change the insulation, albedo, and thermal
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balance properties of contaminated areas. In light of
the growing evidence that Antarctic circumpolar currents --
both oceanic and atmospheric -- are driving forces for the
world's weather patterns and ocean circulation, that possi-
bility is of major global concern.
The surface waters of Antarctica are the most pro-
ductive in the world. (The Antarctic ocean area, only
1/20th of the surface area of the world's ocean, accounts
for 1/5th of the total oceanic production of biologic
material.) The deep ocean water of all major oceans
(except the Arctic) is formed in the Antarctic. Conse-
quently, the fertility of Antarctic water is a major
contributing factor to the productivity of commercial
fisheries and other ocean-based resources throughout the
world. For example, the Humboldt Current, which supports
the anchovy and guano industry of Peru and Chile, ori-
ginates in and derives its fertility from Antarctic waters.
The food chain in the Antarctic is extremely simple,
consisting basically of phytoplankton to krill to fish and
ocean mammals. Plankotonic animals are much more vulnerable
to oil spills than those which swim about. In such a
simple ecosystem, the destruction of one member of the food
chain can devastate all higher members, which in the case
of Antarctica, include the innumerable seabirds, marine
mammals, and commercial fish that annually feed in Antarctica
and move north into temperate and tropical waters.
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In addition to direct toxicity to phytoplankton, an
oil spill would also reduce productivity by decreasing the
amount of light for photosynthesis beneath the water sur-
face. If a spill occurred in the spring or summer plank-
ton bloom (the only time commercial activities would be
possible in many areas), the effects on higher organisms
could be especially severe since the Antarctic growing
season is so short. Moreover, cold temperatures would pro-
long adverse impacts by greatly retarding the biological
degradation of oil. These considerations make it impor-
tant to ensure that any measures in the Antarctic do not
cause significant harm to the environment.
The foregoing interests are operative whether or
not mineral resources exploration and exploitation take place.
However, in the development of an internationally agreed
approach for Antarctic mineral resources, a number of addi-
tional U.S. interests are relevant. Certain of these
interests underly the present policy objectives of the U.S.,
ennunciated in NSDM 263, which provides that the inter-
nationally agreed approach permit free access by the United
States and other states to all parts of Antarctica except
those specifically reserved (i.e., "specially protected
areas" which are set aside for special controls because of
their unusually sensitive ecology and unique scientific
value). Although certain of these interests may be closely
linked they constitute separate logical points which may
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In addition to direct toxicity to phytoplankton, an
oil spill would also reduce productivity by decreasing the
amount of light for photosynthesis beneath the water sur-
face. If a spill occurred in the spring or summer plank-
ton bloom (the only time commercial activities would be
possible in many areas), the effects on higher organisms
could be especially severe since the Antarctic growing
season is so short. Moreover, cold temperatures would pro-
long adverse impacts by greatly retarding the biological
degradation of oil. These considerations make it impor-
tant to ensure that any measures in the Antarctic do not
cause significant harm to the environment.
The foregoing interests are operative whether or
not mineral resources exploration and exploitation take place.
However, in the development of an internationally agreed
approach for Antarctic mineral resources, a number of addi-
tional U.S. interests are relevant. Certain of these
interests underly the present policy objectives of the U.S.,
ennunciated in NSDM 263, which provides that the inter-
nationally agreed approach permit free access by the United
States and other states to all parts of Antarctica except
those specifically reserved (i.e., "specially protected
areas" which are set aside for special controls because of
their unusually sensitive ecology and unique scientific
value). Although certain of these interests may be closely
linked they constitute separate logical points which may
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be served in varying degrees by different conceivable
Antarctic resources regimes.
4. Facilitate an increase in the global supply
of mineral resources.
Given the long-term prospects for rising global de-
mand for mineral resources, any new, economically viable
source of supply available to the world market should help
maintain the flow of needed minerals at reasonable prices.
Therefore, consistent with the other United States interests,
any resources regime sought by the United States should
facilitate to the greatest possible extent an increase
in global supply at competitive prices. In addition to the
objective of "access" established by NSDM 263, certain
other conditions are necessary to facilitate the investment
required to further this interest. These include (1) well-
defined property rights to potential mineral resources; and
(2) reasonable conditions of investment, consistent with
U.S. interests, including environmental protection. The
U.S. should avoid the creation of a decision-making procedure
with competence to impose price or production controls for
such reasons asraising prices and restricting output for
economic or political purposes.
(a) Define property rights to Antarctic resources.
Antarctica is presently considered by the United
States to be terra nullius, the land of no one. The U.S.
does not recognize the validity of any of the seven claims
to territory that have been made, has made no claim itself,
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and is precluded from doing so while the Antarctic Treaty
is in force. Other Parties may not perfect their claims
by effective occupation while the Treaty is in force.
The result is a legal vacuum. Under the U.S. posi-
tion of non-recognition of claims, persons wishing to ex-
plore and exploit Antarctic resources could acquire ex-
clusive rights as against their fellow nationals under the
domestic laws of their State, but these exclusive rights
would not be legally effective against nationals of other
States unless the other State agreed.
From the point of view of the claimant states, the
situation is, of course, different. It is reasonable to
assume that claimant states would assert the right to confer
exclusive rights to explore and exploit mineral resources
within their claimed territory; may seek to exclude others;
and may seek to enforce these assertions through appro-
priate means. As an added and complicating factor, in one
potential hydrocarbon area, the Weddell Sea, three claimants
have overlapping claims to the adjacent land mass.
This uncertain legal situation contributes to an un-
attractive investment climate in Antarctica. In light of
this situation, the United States should seek, in the
development of any internationally agreed approach,
conditions which would stabilize the acquisition of property
rights for potential investors in mineral exploration and
exploitation activities.
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(b) Ensure reasonable conditions of investment,
consistent with U.S. interests, including environmental
protection.
In addition to providing security and stability of
rights to explore and exploit, the United States should
seek to ensure that any internationally agreed approach
ensures reasonable conditions of investment, consistent
with U.S. interests, including environmental protection.
It is axiomatic that the heavier the financial and other
burdens imposed on potential operators through the workings
of the agreed international approach, the higher the cost
of doing business becomes. As cost rises, the incentive
to invest in Antarctic mineral exploration and exploi-
tation decreases in relation to other investment alter-
natives. Even an internationally agreed resource system
with well-defined property rights may be unattractive
if the potential investment and operating requirements
imposed through the workings of the internationally agreed
approach are high or are uncertain.
This point is of particular importance in view of
the very high potential costs of Antarctic resources opera-
tions, whatever the resource system adopted. Severe
climatic conditions, high transportation costs, and the necessity
of developing sophisticated and expensive extraction
technologies will make Antarctic resources operations very
costly. These high costs, coupled with the uncertainties
of the nature and extent of Antarctic hydrocarbon and other
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mineral resources, suggest that the U.S. should seek to
minimize any additional financial and other costs that
might be required by an internationally agreed approach.
5.
Ensure non-discriminatory guaranteed access by
the U.S. to all areas to which an Antarctic mineral re-
source regime may apply.
NSDM 263 directs that the policy of the United States
shall be to seek acceptance of an internationally agreed
approach which should "permit free access by the U.S.
and other nations for exploration purposes to any part of
the Antarctic Treaty area, except those areas specifi-
cally designated for other uses." " This policy reflects
the U.S. interest in assuring that access to any area subject
to an internationally agreed approach shall be inter-
nationally guaranteed through appropriate measures, and
that any mechanism which might be devised for assuring
exclusive rights shall operate in a completely non-dis-
criminatory fashion. There are two underlying reasons
for this. First, the U.S. should avoid foreclosing areas
of potential mineral wealth from development by U.S.
firms. Second, non-discriminatory access is important
to avoid strengthening the validity of territorial claims
in the Antarctic.
6.
Ensure availability of Antarctic mineral resources
to the U.S. market.
The U.S. should seek an internationally agreed approach
which would ensure that Antarctic mineral production could
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be available to U.S., as well as other markets. This
could have an effect on our balance of payments posi-
tion and help satisfy our energy needs in the case of
hydrocarbons.
7.
Ensure appropriate investment opportunity for
U.S. nationals.
As has been pointed out, the U.S. has an interest in
eliminating possible conditions which may make an investment
in Antarctic mineral resources exploration and exploitation
unattractive. Similarly, the U.S. should ensure that any
internationally agreed approach ensures investment oppor-
tunities to U.S. nationals on a non-discriminatory basis.
B. The Nature and Economics of Commercial Recovery
of Antarctic Mineral Resources
The Report of the Economic Subpanel of the Antarctic
Resources Study Panel
outlines the state of
present knowledge of the nature of mineral resources pro-
duction of these resources. The following conclusions
were reached as a result of this study:
LAND AREAS: Geological theory and scientific findings
indicate a strong likelihood that significant deposits
of hard minerals are present in the Antarctic land mass,
but a small likelihood that this is true for petroleum.
Although hard mineral occurrences have been discovered,
the economics of prospecting, extraction and transportation
in the land areas are such that no commercial exploita-
tion of hard minerals appears likely in the forseeable
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future. Among the mineral occurrences noted, only
iron and coal have actually been found in quantity. How-
ever, the grade and location of the iron and coal have,
to date, made it uneconomical for exploitation even in
the case of coal for local use.
OFFSHORE AREAS: (1) Manganese nodules -- the metal content
of manganese nodules declines progressively with distance
from the equator, and those on the Antarctic seabed have
significantly less metal content than nodules found else-
where. They are therefore considered not to be of commer-
cial interest for the forseeable future.
(2) Hydrocarbons -- The scientific data
so far accumulated as interpreted by geological inference,
as well as some seismic data, indicate a good probability
that quantities of oil and/or gas may be present in the
Antarctic continental shelf. Two core samples in different
sites have suggested the possible presence of hydrocarbon
deposits. Representatives of some U.S. firms have indi-
cated an interest in commercial geophysical exploration,
but none have indicated specific plans. However, the
combination of water depth, ice conditions, severe
weather, transportation costs and short annual working
time appear to imply production costs of such magnitude
that commercial exploitation on the Antarctic continental
shelf is thought to be unlikely in at least the next decade.
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C. Alternative Internationally Agreed Approaches
to Antarctic Mineral Resources.
This section seeks to refine the NSDM 263 directive
to seek an "internationally agreed approach". There are
few precedents for the creation of an internationally agreed
approach to mineral resources activities in an international
area such as Antarctica. The Law of the Sea negotiations
relating to deep ocean mining, the Treaty on Outer Space,
the 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty, and the regime of the high
seas are among the few relevant sources of experience.
The U.S. experience in the current Law of the Sea
negotiations at Caracas in 1974 may be of particular interest.
The U.S. sought international agreement at the Caracas
session on a detailed regime for the exploration and ex
ploitation of seabed resouces beyond the limits of national
jurisdiction. The chief characteristic of detailed re-
gime would be agreement on detailed rules and regulations
governing the relevant resource activities as part of the
formal agreement among the interested states. The purpose
of such an approach would be to set forth authoritatively
and as soon as possible, the nature of the resource regime
so as to reduce uncertainties that can deter potential
investors, to minimize the possibilities of unpredictable
or undesirable changes in the system which could render
commercial activity unprofitable or leave discretion in a
decision-making body that can be used to cartelize the
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industry. Such rules and regulations would set forth the
mechanism for acquisition of exclusive rights to minerals,
the size of the block which could be developed, a mechanism
for ensuring diligence, guarantees regarding access to the
resources, enforcement provisions, and various other pro-
visions.
Our espousal of this approach in the Law of the Sea
context has been premised in part on a fear that the inter-
national organization to be created by that forum would
use any discretion to discriminate against U.S. firms or
indirectly impose price or production controls on deep
ocean mining. These fears, in turn, resulted from the
domination of the Law of the Sea forum by developing
countries eager to exercise direct and effective control
over the "common heritage of mankind" and the strong in-
fluence on land-based producers of the minerals found on
the deep ocean floor. These factors are not present in
the Antarctic forum at this time.
This suggests that a detailed regime may not be
necessary to protect U.S. interests in Antarctica mineral
resource interests. It is also questionable whether it is
desirable to attempt to negotiate a detailed resource
regime from an economic point of view, since detailed nego-
tiations would risk a regime which does not maximize eco-
nomic efficiency. Furthermore, an intelligent detailed
regime which would permit commercial recovery operations
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to occur cannot be developed in the absence of substantial
additional information on the nature and economics of Ant-
arctic mineral resources. For these reasons, it appears
that the U.S. should avoid the negotiation of a detailed
international resource regime at this time.
The conclusion that development of a detailed regime
is not appropriate at this time does not mean that sub-
stantial steps cannot be taken towards an internationally
agreed approach which would advance U.S. interests. In-
stead of attempting to negotiate a detailed resources re-
gime, the U.S. could seek an agreement which establishes
the processes or mechanisms which will have the competence
to make such decisions as are necessary as the need arises
and as better information is available. Such agreement
should stabilize the legal and political uncertainties,
by accommodating the conflicting juridical positions of
claimants and non-claimants, through mutually acceptable
legal framework for mineral resources activities in Antarctica.
It should also assure to the United States sufficient
protection in the making of future resource decisions to
protect our interests.
Exclusive reliance upon the existing consultative
mechanism as described in Article IX of the Antarctic Treaty
would be one way to assign the competence to make future
resource decisions. This mechanism consists of periodic
consultative meetings of all of the original signatories
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(i.e., the U.S., U.S.S.R., U.K., France, Japan, Argentina,
Chile, Australia, New Zealand, Belgium, Norway and South
Africa). States who later accede may become eligible to
participate in the meetings if they conduct substantial scien-
tific research activity in Antarctica, although none have
yet become eligible. "Measures in furtherance" developed
at the consutlative meetings are recommended to the re-
spective governments. These measures become effective
and legally binding when approved by all consultative parties.
The Antarctic Treaty consultative mechanism is extant
and is a functioning process familiar to the Parties. It
provides a forum for the consideration of the relevant
issues without additional negotiations to establish another
decision-making processs.
However, the consultative mechanism as presently
structured is not conducive to making some needed re-
source management and other decisions. The rule of unani-
mity, in particular, appears to be unworkable for at least
some decisions. A single state could veto measures
the U.S. desires, including international environmental
standards and needed resource management decisions. While
the U.S. could, on the other hand, veto measures that are
not in our interest, the potential for deadlock is high.
Thus, exclusive reliance on the existing consultative mecha-
nism could lead to international discord and disrupt imple-
mentation of the Antarctic Treaty through the resurfacing
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of claims if resource activities proceed faster than
necessary agreed measures are adopted. Accordingly, it
is recommended that the U.S. should avoid exclusively
relying upon the consultative mechanism as presently con-
stituted for future resource decisions.
The following options address alternative ways of
allocating the basic competence to make resource policy
decisions such as the acquisition of rights to resources,
resolution of competing claims, managing the common pool
problem, environmental protection, accommodation of scien-
tific interests if they conflict with resource interests, and
prevention of frivolous claims to resources. Considera-
tion is then given to alternative measures for the im-
plementation of decisions once they are made through the
decision-making process. Consideration is given as well to
the possible desirability of a compulsory dispute settle-
ment mechanism to check abuses of the decision-making pro-
cess. The section concludes with consideration of whether
to limit our efforts at this stage to resolving issues
relating only to the exploration for Antarctic mineral
resources, or whether to address both problems relating
to both exploration and exploitation.
1.
Competence for Resource Policy Decisions.
(a) National Legislative Approach
An "internationally agreed approach" does not
necessarily imply that the U.S. should seek the creation of
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a powerful international organization which would con-
trol mineral resource activities in Antarctica. At a
minimum, an "internationally agreed approach" could con-
ceivably include control of resource activities exclusively
by states with reciprocal recognition of the legitimacy
of the respective legislative regimes of the Consultative
Parties and others. Revenues generated pursuant to such
legislation could be made available to national scien-
tific and environmental agencies for projects in Ant-
arctica.
Option 1:
The U.S. should seek an agreement which would recog-
nize the right of all nations to undertake mineral re-
source activity exclusively pursuant to national legis-
lation. Such an agreement should require each party to
recognize rights granted by others only when the terms
and conditions of the domestic legislation are substan-
tially similar to its own legislation. The U.S., under
this option, would not rely upon "agreed measure" of the
Consultative Meetings which would be incompatible with
our domestic legislation or would interfere with commer-
cial recovery operations conducted pursuant to such
legislation.
PROS:
--
Would avoid potentially burdensome regulation by an
international body by relying exclusively upon
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national legislation.
--
Claimant states would have an incentive to seek
greater benefit from access to all of Antarctica
than from their claimed areas alone and may be
willing to agree to this approach.
The proximity of the hard-line claimants to Ant-
arctica gives them an incentive to allow access to
their claimed territory by others on the basis of
others' domestic legislation, because they might
benefit most from the refining and consuming stages
of development.
--
The use of systems of national legislation should
produce competition for the licensing of commercial
activities, thus encouraging each state to establish
commercially viable legislative schemes so that it
may take the advantages of being the licensing state.
--
Since the U.S. and U.K. would probably be the first
to promulgate rules for the protection of the en-
vironment and accommodation of science, others would
have an incentive to promulgate substantially similar
rules so as to gain recognition of their legis-
lation by the U.S. and U.K. At the same time, all
participating states would have an incentive to
seek an "optimal" level of pollution and scien-
tific activity since to maintain higher standards
than other states have would induce firms to go
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elsewhere for resource rights.
--
So-called "flags of convenience" are not a problem
but a means of competition among states which re-
sults in optimal regulation of an industry.
--
Conflicting claims to resources could be re-
solved by the market through unitization agree-
ments. Operators also have an incentive to handle
the common pool problem through bargains struck among
themselves.
CONS:
---
It is unrealistic to expect states with such di-
verse resource philosophies as the U.S., U.S.S.R.,
France, Australia, Chile and Argentina to promul-
gate "substantially similar" legislation, leading
to non-recognition of rights and international dis-
cord.
--
Since this will be perceived to be the functional
equivalent to unilateral exploitation, the seven
claimant states cannot be expected to agree to allow
any state to exploit (solely under its own national
legislation) in the claimed territories since this
would be tantamount to a renunciation of the terri-
torial claims. The claimants would not be able
to save face with respect to their juridical posi-
tions, and international discord might therefore
ensue.
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--
The incentive claimant states have to seek greater
benefit from access to resources in claimed areas
is an argument for any internationally agreed approach
and does not distinguish this option from others.
--
Benefits which may accrue to hard-line claimants
because of their proximity to Antarctica gives them
an incentive to agree to any internationally agreed
approach and does not distinguish this option from
others.
--
Exclusive reliance upon incentives is an inaccurate
prediction of the political and resource decisions
to be made by other states.
--
Exclusive reliance upon incentives will not assure
protection of all U.S. interests in Antarctica, in-
cluding resource, scientific, environmental and
political interests.
--
Competition among the licensing states would result
in:
-- U.S. firms operating under foreign legislation
in order to avoid stringent U.S. requirements
thus depriving the U.S. of an alternative
secure source of supply for our energy and
other resource needs;
-- "Flags of convenience" with low environmental
standards and inadequate protection for scien-
tific research; and
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-- A risk that foreign legislation will require
that profits remain overseas, with resulting
harm to our balance of payments position.
--
This would not stablize the acquisition of property
rights to Antarctic resources because:
--
The validity of exclusive rights granted pur-
suant to national legislation would depend
entirely upon their recognition by other inter-
ested states;
-- The U.S. could not assert their independent
validity as a matter of international law;
--- Significant international discord would re-
sult if, for example, Chile refused to recognize
rights granted by the U.S. in the Chilean
claimed territory and accordingly sought to
exclude U.S. firms from exercising those
rights; and
-- Production of Antarctic minerals would there-
fore not be facilitated.
--
Our experience suggests that it is unrealistic to
rely on bargains between firms to manage the common
pool problem or resolve conflicting claims to valuable
resources.
--
The international discord and resurfacing of claims
which would result from this policy could set the
stage for a "U.N. Takeover" of Antarctica and force
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the U.S. to seek its objectives in a larger and
less favorable forum.
--
This would be a major shift in the overall U.S.
policy on Antarctica and could undermine the totality
of our interests in the region.
(b) A New Decision-Making Competence
The U.S. could seek an international agreement to
create a new decision-making competence tailored to the
needs of an Antarctic mineral resources regime. This alter-
native contemplates an agreement which would both establish
a new decision-making procedure and commit the claimants
and non-claimants to the principle of non-discriminatory
access to all parts of the continent (except specially
protected areas). Such a settlement would have to provide
a means for claimants to continue to assert their under-
lying claims without interfering with commercial recovery
operations while protecting our juridical position as well.
OPTION 2:
The U.S. should seek an agreement which would
recognize the right of the U.S. and others to undertake
mineral resource activity in Antarctica subject to a
special mineral resource arrangement. Issues such as
the mechanism for acquiring rights to the resources,
resolving competing claims, managing the common pool
problem, and establishing and enforcing standards
to protect the environment would be addressed with suffi-
cient flexibility to avoid problems that may be en-
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countered with the existing consultative mechanism or
exclusive reliance on domestic legislation. The U.S.
should seek to avoid the rule of unanimity as the exclu-
sive means for decision-making since a single state could
veto measures that are in the U.S. interest. The U.S.
should seek to emphasize reliance on balanced decision-
making procedures which give us sufficient protection
from adverse decisions and basic agreed principles which
constrain and guide the decision-making procedure. It is
the overall protection derived from the relationship
between agreed principles and decison-making procedures
which should be the criterion.
PROS:
--
Provides realistic opportunities to avoid resur-
facing the underlying conflict between non-claimants
and claimants, a necessary condition for avoiding
international discord.
--
Would better stabilize the acquisition of property
rights to resources and thereby facilitate an increase
in the global supply of hydrocarbons and, poten-
tially, other minerals.
--
Reduces pressure on U.S. firms to operate in Ant-
arctica under foreign legislation and thereby
--
provides better assurance of an alternate
secure source of supply of any resources in
Antarctica for the United States;
--
could strengthen our balance of payments position;
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-- does not encourage the use of "flags of con-
venience" to avoid environmental standards
and other conditions of exploitation.
--
Allows active participation by the U.S. in decisions
which affect our interests instead of relying on
incentives which may or may not work to the U.S.
advantage.
--
Is consistent with our general international approach
to Antarctica and thus reinforces, rather than de-
tracts from, other U.S. objectives served by the
Antarctic Treaty.
--
Provides flexibility until relevant information
becomes available to permit a precise assessment of
U.S. interests and realistic specific negotiating
possibilities.
CONS:
--
A decision-making procedure with adequate power to
take effective action to protect the environment
and accommodate science might also have the power
to impose potentially burdensome regulations on mineral
resource activities.
--
Since it may not be possible to reach agreement within
any Antarctic Treaty forum to adopt a voting mechanism
other than the rule of unanimity, we might not achieve a
balanced arrangement that gives the U.S. sufficient
protection.
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--
Without a more detailed analysis of the specific
details of this approach, we could unwittingly
commit ourselves to a position contrary to our
interests.
2.
Implementing Procedures.
If it is decided that resource policy decisions
should be made by some new decision-making procedure
(Option 2), the question arises of how the resource policy
decisions should be implemented. Under a domestic legis-
lation system (Option 1), all policy and implementing
competence would rest with the respective states. There
are at least three alternatives for implementing policy
decisions -- (a) respective national administration; (b)
rotating national administration; or (c) an international
technical commission. The following discussion of im-
plementing mechanisms is not intended to authorize any
commitment by the U.S. to one or another of these alter-
natives.
Administration of the resource system by each par-
ticipating state would minimize the potential for dis-
criminatory treatment of U.S. firms at this level. However,
resource decisions could be inconsistently administered
with resulting disputes between participating states.
Agreed measures could thus be "watered down" by national
authorities, with particular harm to our environmental
interests in Antarctica.
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Secondly, administration of the system could be
made the responsibility of a single participating state,
acting on behalf of the others, with the responsibility
rotating periodically among the participating states.
This would hopefully minimize the potential for dis-
crimination since each state will be subject to discrimi-
nation more often than it will be able to discriminate.
It avoids creating an international organization or relying
on varying national competences, but lacks continuity
and could be inefficient.
Finally, an international technical commission
could provide continuity, expertise and non-political
implementation of resource policies decided by states.
However, it is questionable whether such a new inter-
national organization is necessary. Furthermore, it
could be expensive, unresponsive and uncontrollable.
The resolution of this issue depends, in part, upon
the characteristics of the resource system to be admin-
istered. Moreover, the attitudes of others are of central
importance in deciding among the alternatives. Accor-
dingly, it is recommended that this issue be kept under
review as our policy on Antarctica mineral resources de-
velops.
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3.
Compulsory Dispute Settlement
The question also arises whether the United States
should seek some form of compulsory dispute settlement
mechanism as part of an overall settlement. The Antarctic
Treaty encourages but does not require, the settlement
of disputes through third party adjudication. Disputes
could arise in the event resource activities proceed
regardless of which of the preceding options is selected.
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Compulsory third party dispute settlement contemplates
a specific international agreement to resolve disputes
through the International Court of Justice, arbitration,
inquiry or other appropriate judicial procedure, unless
the parties to the dispute otherwise agree. Such an
obligation with respect to Antarctic mineral resource
activity would help avoid international discord by en-
couraging the peaceful settlement of disputes. It
would aid in assuring non-discriminatory treatment of all
participating states and would promote a stable invest-
ment climate by assuring ultimate non-political resolu-
tions of disputes. It is recognized that this would be
an additional negotiating burden and that the U.S. could
be bound by adverse decisions.
Nonetheless, it is recommended that the U.S. seek
agreement on binding compulsory third party dispute
settlement procedures regarding disputes arising from
mineral resource activity in Antarctica, provided that
any dispute settlement machinery should not have juris-
diction to adjudicate the underlying claims situation
directly or indirectly. This last proviso is arguably
required by Article IV and XI of the Antarctic Treaty.
D. Scope of Immediate U.S. Objectives.
The U.S. faces a complex and difficult negotiation
concerning Antarctic mineral resources. The information
needed to resolve the many political, legal, and eco-
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nomic issues in a manner best suited to protect the
full range of U.S. interests is sparse. Commercial
exploration of Antarctic mineral resources has not
commenced an it is impossible to predict with cer-
tainty when, if ever, exploitation will occur.
Thus, the attempt to fashion an intelligent re-
source regime is handicapped by a lack of data which
could be produced by commercial exploration. At the
same time, the uncertainties arising from a confused
legal and political situation deter firms from explora-
tion activities. Stabilization of the situation insofar
as the exploration phase of development is concerned
would arguably lessen disencentives to exploration and
produce the information which is needed to make informed
decisions respecting (1) whether an exploitation regime
os needed at all, (2) if so, how it should be structured.
OPTION
The U.S. should first seek to achieve a prompt
resolution of issues related to the exploration phase
of development and basic conditions related to the exploi-
tation phase, while pursuing a more comprehensive settle-
ment of exploitation issues.
PROS:
--
Simplifies the task by focusing our efforts on the
most immediate need.
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--
Since exploration may lead to the conclusion that
exploitation would not be economic, we may avoid
a difficult and risky resource negotiation.
--
An agreement on exploration may be feasible without
addressing the difficult underlying claims issue.
CONS:
--
Firms would be less likely to commence commercial
exploration if a stable exploitation regime is not
in place as well.
Firms would face uncertainties after completing
exploration as to when and under what conditions
exploitation could proceed.
If substantial mineral resources are confirmed,
the negotiation on the exploitation phase will be
much more difficult.
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II. Regime Applicable to Offshore Seabed Resource
If mineral exploitation occurs in Antarctica, it is
anticipated that it will first occur on the continental
margin. The issue for the United States is whether these
offshore resources should be included in the international
regime for seabed resources beyond the limits of national
jurisdiction being negotiated in the Law of the Sea Conference
(LOS) or whether these resources should be subject to a
special regime negotiated within the Antarctic Treaty frame-
work.* This issue will be discussed by the Consultative
Parties at the February Oslo Precom for the purposes of
coordinating strategy, if possible at the Geneva LOS Session.
All representatives except the United States indicated a
desire to maintain the special competence of the Antarctic
Treaty regime south of 60° south latitude, except high seas,
as provided in Article VI of the Treaty, at the October
Precom as set forth in the Annexed Report.
Under international law, an argument can be made for
either result insofar as the resources of the continental
shelf (i.e. hydrocarbons) are concerned. Since the U.S.,
U.S.S.R., and other states do not recognize any coastal
sovereign on land in Antarctica, it may be argued that no
State exercises the "sovereign rights"for the purpose of
exploring and exploiting the natural resources of the
*The word "regime" does not necessarily imply the creation of
a new international organization.
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continental shelf addressed in the 1958 Convention on the
Continental Shelf and recognized in customary international
law. It may follow that the offshore seabed resources are
in the area beyond national jurisdiction and, therefore,
aresubject to the regime of the high seas or any new inter-
national seabed regime negotiated as part of the Law of the
Sea Treaty. It must be noted that since the U.S. does not
recognize "national jurisdiction" in Antarctica, the global
consensus to apply the seabeds regime to all seabeds areas
"beyond the limits of national jurisdiction" quite literally
extends to the seabed of Antarctica and the U.S. could be
put in an awkward position in resisting ISRA jurisdiction
in offshore areas of Antarctica.
On the other hand, it may be argued that these resources
appertain to the land mass and may be subject to a special
Antarctic regime. The land areas may, in principle, become
subject to sovereignty, and the International Court of
Justice has said that coastal States exercise rights to
continental shelf resources because the shelf is a natural
prologation of the continental land mass. The position that
we can exploit "Antarctic resources" under a special
Antarctic regime constructed by the treaty parties must
proceed - not from the widely accepted principles of the
International Law of the Sea - but from a position that
Antarctica is amenable to something akin to sovereign control
by the Treaty nations as against all other States of the world.
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By adopting the position that the twelve Antarctic
signatories have legal competence to exclude ISRA, we might
weaken our juridical position as against the Antarctic
claimants. The claimants could assert that the competence
to exclude ISRA is based upon their sovereign jurisdiction
over continental shelf resources; the US rejoinder would be
based on the rather narrow point that while none of the
twelve exercise sovereignty, Antarctica is potentially
subject to sovereign jurisdiction. For this reason, the US
might need to press for open access to resources as an aspect
of agreement among the twelve that the international seabed
regime does not extend to Antarctica.
On the other hand, an effort to use the threat of an
"LOS takeover" to achieve access would present its own
tactical disadvantages. The other Antarctic nations may
react with hostility to access for the US and may seek to
make either of the two regimes less attractive to the US.
There is a further question as to the extent of the
areas subject to either potential regime, since very large
areas of the ice could be argued to be legally subject to
either land or sea regimes.
CONF IDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
-41-
The issue here is in part choice between two resources
regimes -- the Law of the Sea regime for the international
seabed area, which is in process of negotiation with critical
issues still to be decided; and a special Antarctic resource
regime which remains to be negotiated from the beginning.
The Law of the Sea regime has been under negotiation
for four years. The international seabed resource system
may be primarily oriented toward exploration and exploitation
of the manganese nodules of the deep seabed. Since different
legal measures may be desirable for commercial recovery of
nodules and hydrocarbons, the international seabed resource
regime will either contain an agreed framework for later
determining the conditions for hydrocarbon development in the
international area, if there are any, or the regime for nodule
mining will be adapted insofar as possible. Thus, the nature
of the international seabed regime as it affects the offshore
resources of Antarctica in many ways is as much an unknown as
a special regime for Antarctic mineral resources.
On the other hand, we are at the beginning of an Antarctic
mineral resource negotiation. The alternatives for what the
United States should seek or avoid are discussed on Part I.
The other Consultative Parties appear to be, in varying
degrees, amenable to some form of internationally agreed
approach. In the case of some claimant states, it is unclear
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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whether this attitude, which is a shift from previous
emphasis on their claims, is temporary and due to their fear
of a "U.N. takeover" in the form of ISRA jurisdiction to
offshore resources in Antarctica, or whether the shift is
the more stable product of a desire to preserve the Antarctic
Treaty and will last beyond the conclusion of a Law of the
Sea Treaty.
Each of the following options is presented subject to
the NSDM 263 directive that an internationally agreed approach
should "be without prejudice to and appropriately compatible
with U.S. Law of the Sea interests".
OPTION A
The U.S. should seek a special regime for offshore
seabed resources in Antarctica which guarantees access for
the U.S. and others to the Area to which the regime applies.
OPTION B
The United States should seek the inclusion of off-
shore mineral resources in Antarctica in the International
Seabed Area.
OPTION C
For the time being, the U.S. should preserve the options
of applying either the ISRA regime or a special regime to
offshore seabed resources in Antarctica.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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Arguments in Favor of Option A
--Deep seabed regime and machinery being negotiated
in the LOS Conference will be the product of a long, hard
and highly politicized negotiation. This is not a reasonable
starting point for an Antarctic mineral resource policy.
--From an economic point of view, we are bound to
come out better in a resource negotiation among Antarctic
nations since producing nations and developing countries will
not dominate the forum.
-ISRA jurisdiction to the low-water mark would force
the claimants to assert vigorously their claims to protect
their juridical positions.
--ISRA jurisdiction could lead to a breakdown of the
Antarctic Treaty with resulting harm to the full range of
U.S. interest.
--Most Antarctic Treaty signatories strongly fear a
"U.N. takeover". U.S. passivity on the issue (Option C) or
support for ISRA jurisdiction to the low-water mark (Option B)
would meet a hostile reception from these states, could threaten
continued cooperation under the Treaty, and would impair our
ability to achieve our objectives in the Antarctic community.
--If at a later time it becomes apparent that U.S.
interests are better served under the Law of the Sea regime,
it is possible that we may be able to provoke the ISRA to
extend its own jurisdiction to the low-water mark in Antarctica
if the LOS Treaty remains ambiguous in this regard.
CONF IDENTIAL
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XGDS (3)
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--Strong environmental protection measures, preservation
of freedom of scientific research and cooperation in scien-
tific research, and preservation of the non-military status
of offshore areas covered by the Antarctic Treaty could be
protected in an Antarctic resource negotiation.
Arguments in Favor of Option B
--A decision by the Law of the Sea Conference that off-
shore Seabed resources in Antarctica are beyond the limits of
national jurisdiction and,therefore, subject to the International
Seabed regime is tantamount to a global rejection of the
territorial claims in Antarctica.
--The legal status of the high seas around Antarctica
would be better protected.
--Freedom of scientific research and ISRA jurisdiction
to control pollution from international seabed resource
activities are equally important elements of our Law of the
Sea position.
--An LOS deep seabed regime might become effective and
needed technologies developed before a special Antarctic
regime is in place, thus expediting resource production.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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Arguments in Favor of Option C
--We do not have enough information on the nature of
the deep seabed regime or, even more so, a special Antarctic
regime to make an intelligent choice as to which regime best
serves our resource interests.
--Potential U.S. interests in the commercially attractive
and ecologically sensitive living resources in Antarctica
might be compromised by the selecion of either Option A or B.
This study has not analyzed how the choice would impact on
these interests.
--Our non-resource interests could be adequately
protected either way so long as the Antarctic Treaty is
preserved.
--An LOS deep seabed regime might become effective and
needed technologies developed before a special Antarctic
regime is in place, thus expediting resource production.
If Option A above is approved, a further issue arises.
The resource jurisdiction of the ISRA could stop at 60° south
latitude, thus reserving all areas covered by the Antarctic
Treaty to the Antarctic Treaty Regime, or the resource
jurisdiction of ISRA could stop at the seaward edge of the
continental margin, 200 miles, or whatever the limits of
national jurisdiction are in other parts of the world. The
status of the water column and non-resource uses of the
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XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
-46-
seabed south of 60° would not be affected by either alterna-
tive.
From a legal point of view, it would be difficult to
justify the view that ISRA jurisdiction stops at 60° south
latitude unless the Law of the Sea Treaty expressly so pro-
vides. To seek such a result, however, would raise the issue
of Antarctica in the LOS forum and risk losing control of the
negotiation. Moreover, the notion that littoral states can
change the legal status of adjacent high seas could weaken
our ability to resist such moves in other regions, such as
the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace efforts. Accordingly, it is
recommended that the U.S. seek the same delimitation between
areas of national and international jurisdiction in Antarctica
as we seek for other parts of the world.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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III. Moratorium Policy
The Policy Statement approved by NSDM 263 contains
the following with respect to mineral exploration and
exploitation activities pending the outcome of a mineral
resource negotiation:
"During the time the United States is seeking an
internationally agreed approach, the United States will
oppose actions by any nation with the purpose of commer-
cial exploration and exploitation of Antarctic mineral re-
sources and will urge other nations to join the U.S. in
such an interim policy."
The Policy Statement further directed that this posi-
tion be re-evaluated periodically in light of the progress
of any negotiations, actions by other countries, and con-
tinuing economic and technological assessments to be pro-
vided by a subcommittee of the Under Secretaries Committee.
Consideration of alternative U.S. policies towards a
moratorium raises difficult questions of competing U.S.
interests. Alternative moratorium policies may tend to
protect U.S. interests in avoiding the surfacing of terri-
torial claims and in avoiding international discord, but
they may do so at potential cost to other U.S. interests
in acquiring necessary resource information and in stimu-
lating eventual production of Antarctic resources if that
should prove possible.
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XGDS (3)
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The United States has opposed a formal moratorium
in the past while virtually all other Consultative Parties
have supported some form of moratorium. Our position has
been based primarily on the belief that a moratorium tends
to perpetuate itself and thus delays the development of tech-
nologies and information about resources necessary for in-
telligent policy decisions. This also could delay the day
when resources are available for consumption.
In implementation of the NSDM 263 policy, the U.S.
team at the October, 1974 preparatory meeting for the
Eighth Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting stated that
the United States continues to be opposed to a moratorium
but for the time being as a matter of policy the U.S. will
also oppose actions by any nation for the purpose of mineral
exploration or exploitation and hopes that others will do
the same. It was noted that this policy would be kept
under review in light of the actions of other nations as
well as other relevant facts. This policy of voluntary
restraint was quickly agreed to by all present. At the
same time, an interagency working group has continued to
develop our economic and technological assessments of U.S.
and foreign capabilities.
The October preparatory meeting revealed substantial
apprehension as to U.S. intentions; it may be that the
absence of any substantive U.S. position on mineral resource
activities was interpreted by many as confirmation of their
fears that we intend to undertake unilateral exploration
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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and exploitation activities. The conditional nature of
the U.S. policy statement in October, i.e., that we would
keep this policy under review in light of the actions of
other nations and other relevant facts, keeps the longer-
term fear of unilateral action alive.
The moratorium issue may come up again at the Eighth
Consultative Meeting in June, 1975, or we may wish to raise
it. In the past, many Consultative Parties have pressed for
a binding moratorium on mineral exploration or exploitation.
The United States opposed such a recommendation of the Con-
sultative Meeting (which must act unanimously). Several
agencies of the United States Government question whether
the "voluntary restraint" policy approved by NSDM 263 or any
other moratorium policy is in the national interest. Others
have carefully considered the desirability of a "time
certain moratorium" limited to certain activities, such as
two year moratorium on drilling which could only be extended
with the express agreement of the United States and all other
Consultative Parties.
It would probably be a simple matter to achieve
agreement on some form of moratorium at the Eighth Consul-
tative Meeting should we desire to do so. For differing
reasons, a moratorium would serve the interests of other
participating states. The claimant states would be relieved
of the fear of unilateral exploitation by the U.S. or others
in their claimed area; the U.K., Norway, New Zealand, and
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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Australia would appear to welcome an international obliga-
tion to refuse requests for exploration licenses that they
have received; others would welcome a moratorium because it
represents a minimal commitment to an internationally agreed
approach and would relieve, for a time, fears that uni-
lateral mineral resource activities will provoke a re-
surfacing of claims and destroy the Antarctic Treaty.
A major concern to the United States is the extent
to which any moratorium may become a self-perpetuating
policy which will remain in effect when it no longer serves
U.S. interests. A formal, agreed moratorium which is
open-ended as to time is the most susceptible to self-per-
petuation. A policy of voluntary restraint (which may be
characterized as a moratorium) permits greater flexibility
for the United States to change its position in light of
changing circumstances. Another possibility affording a
measure of flexibility to meet changing circumstances is a
time-certain moratorium, explicitly limited as to its dura-
tion.
Assessment of U.S. moratorium policy also requires
appreciation of the anticipated character of any mineral
resources exploration in Antarctica. Representatives of
some U.S. firms have indicated an interest in commercial
geophysical exploration, but none has indicated specific
plans. Exploration would consist of two phases (1) seismic,
gravity and magnetic testing and, (2) after analysis thereof,
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
-51-
test drilling. The first phase of exploration would probably
take about one year while up to two additional years would
be needed to evaluate the data and decide whether to pro-
ceed to exploratory test drilling. Exploratory drilling by
commercial firms could only occur with present technologies
in the shallower areas of the continental shelf.
It should also be noted that these latter types of
exploration are virtually indistinguishable from scien-
tific research, except in termsof the intentions of the
explorer, and would be compatible with the Antarctic Treaty's
emphasis on promoting scientific research. On the other
hand, available evidence indicates that large petroleum
spills, from e.g., accidents during exploratory oil dril-
ling operations, could have long-term major impacts on
the ecosystem, as could operations that introduced new
chemicals into the soil, water or atmosphere. The most
serious impact would result if alien materials were re-
leased into the two major circulation systems -- the oceans
and the atmosphere -- or if the existing life pattern were
changed, both for resident species and for wide-ranging
species of fish and other marine life which rely on the
Antarctic during part of their migratory cycle. At the
present time, drilling on the Antarctic continental shelf
by U.S. firms would be subject to no environmental con-
trols other than those imposed voluntarily by the companies.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon-Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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OPTION 1: Maintain Present Policy
The U.S. should continue its present interim policy.
During the time the U.S. is seeking an internationally agreed
approach, it will oppose actions by any nation directed
towards commercial exploration and exploitation of Ant-
arctic mineral resources, and will urge other nations to
join in such an interim policy. This policy will be kept
under continuing review.
PROS:
-- Would discourage claimant states from issuing licenses,
which would strengthen their juridical positions and pre-
judice the U.S. claims position, in the claimed areas.
--
This is an interim and conditional policy, which is
not necessarily self-perpetuating. The policy can be
changed if circumstances so warrant; its interim and con-
ditional nature was described at an informal meeting during
the October 1974 Preparatory Committee Meeting.
--
Would not necessarily delay prompt initiation of ex-
ploratory operations by U.S. firms, since our best infor-
mation is that U.S. companies have no immediate plans for
exploration activities, and we have no basis to forecast
when exploration activities will occur.
---
This policy allowsus to oppose actions by others,
such as the U.K., which may be prejudicial to our interests,
while retaining substantial flexibility as to our own policy.
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XGDS (3)
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--
Several claimants have been approached by private
companies seeking exploration licenses, and this policy
provides a basis for the claimants to refuse such re-
quests without raising the overall claims issue.
--
This policy accurately indicates U.S. interest in
an internationally agreed approach, and not unilateral
action. However, it does not foreclose subsequent uni-
lateral action, and thus preserves any negotiating leverage
that the threat of unilateral action may provide.
--
This policy reflects voluntary restraint by the
U.S., but might be made legally enforceable against poten-
tial operators by other Parties, particularly the clai-
mants, under their domestic law.
--
This policy increases the likelihood that an agreed
approach competent to provide adequate environmental pro-
tection will be in place prior to initiation of explora-
tion and exploitation activities.
CONS:
--
This policy may be the most potentially self-per-
petuating; despite its announced interim character, the
U.S. may find it difficult to retract the policy during
potentially protracted negotiations in the face of pres-
sures to continue it until international agreement is
reached.
--
In 1972, prior to our present policy, the U.S.
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XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
-54-
informally discouraged the interest of a U.S. company
in undertaking exploratory work; and this policy could
further delay exploration activities to the detriment 6f
our energy resources interests.
--
A moratorium, continued until agreement is reached
or otherwise, may deprive the U.S. of resource informa-
tion necessary for the development of a wise resource policy.
--
As U.S. firms could interpret this policy to be a
U.S. Government policy to discourage exploration and ex-
ploitation for an indefinite period of time, they might
make financial commitments to activities in other areas
which would delay eventual exploration and exploitation
in Antarctica.
--
This policy does not ensure prevention of environ-
mental damage resulting from exploration and exploitation
activities which may conceivably occur even in the pre-
sence of a voluntary restraint policy.
OPTION 2: A Voluntary Time Certain Limit on Drilling
The U.S. should seek agreement of the parties at the
Eighth Consultative Meeting to oppose for 2 years actions by
any nation intended to facilitate commercial drilling in
the continental shelf adjacent to Antarctica. The U.S.
should make clear that any such agreement could not be
extended without unanimous agreement of all Consultative
Parties. This would be policy of voluntary restraint,
not necessarily legally binding on the Parties or their
nationals.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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PROS:
-- While a partial retraction from our stated policy, this
policy would probably be acceptable to the Consultative Parties.
-- Could increase our bargaining leverage over the existing
moratorium policy, since the policy change could be interpreted
as an indication that the U.S. is ready to undertake preliminary
exploration unilaterally; may therefore encourage early progress
in the negotiations.
-- Would permit preliminary exploration activities, other than
drilling, to begin and could facilitate gathering of resource
information necessary for the development of a wise resources
policy.
-- Since preliminary exploration activities other than drill-
ing may require more than two years for completion and evalua-
tion, this policy is unlikely to cause delay in acquiring nec-
essary resources information.
-- Is not necessarily self-perpetuating, since the policy
could not be extended beyond two years without the affirmative
agreement of the U.S.
-- This policy might discourage environmentally hazardous
drilling in ecologically sensitive offshore areas, allowing
time to better assess environmental risks and to determine
what special controls are necessary.
CONS:
-- This policy may potentially become self-perpetuating;
despite its fixed duration, any limitation on drilling may be
extended in response to political pressures.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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-- A partial retraction from our announced interim policy of
voluntary restraint could damage our credibility in the Antarctic
community, even though we have made clear the provisional char-
acter of our prior policy.
-- May be seen as an indication that the U.S. is ready to under-
take unilaterally commercial exploitation short of drilling;
this could overplay our leverage and produce a backlash, partic-
ularly by claimants.
-- This policy or its extension could delay acquisition of
information necessary for development of a wise resources policy
and for any eventual production of hydrocarbons.
-- To the extent this policy may facilitate successful explor-
ation activities, it may make a comprehensive settlement of
claims issues more difficult.
-- This policy would not limit the potential for claimants
to issue licenses for exploration, to the detriment of the
U.S. position on non-recognition of claims.
OPTION 3 - No Moratorium
The United States should discontinue its stated policy
of voluntary restraint and oppose any formal or informal mora-
torium on commercial activities in Antarctica.
PROS:
-- This would allow commercial exploration and exploitation
to proceed as quickly as market conditions allow.
-- Would maximize any bargaining leverage incentive that the
threat of unilateral action may provide.
-- Would prevent a "lock-up" of Antarctic resources for an
Reproduced at the Richard CONFIDENTIAL Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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-- A partial retraction from our announced interim policy of
voluntary restraint could damage our credibility in the Antarctic
community, even though we have made clear the provisional char-
acter of our prior policy.
-- May be seen as an indication that the U.S. is ready to under-
take unilaterally commercial exploitation short of drilling;
this could overplay our leverage and produce a backlash, partic-
ularly by claimants.
-- This policy or its extension could delay acquisition of
information necessary for development of a wise resources policy
and for any eventual production of hydrocarbons.
-- To the extent this policy may facilitate successful explor-
ation activities, it may make a comprehensive settlement of
claims issues more difficult.
--- This policy would not limit the potential for claimants
to issue licenses for exploration, to the detriment of the
U.S. position on non-recognition of claims.
OPTION 3 - No Moratorium
The United States should discontinue its stated policy
of voluntary restraint and oppose any formal or informal mora-
torium on commercial activities in Antarctica.
PROS:
-- This would allow commercial exploration and exploitation
to proceed as quickly as market conditions allow.
-- Would maximize any bargaining leverage incentive that the
threat of unilateral action may provide.
-- Would prevent a "lock-up" of Antarctic resources for an
Reproduced at the Richard CONFIDENTIAL Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
indefinite period of time through -57- continuation of a moratorium
at a time when the U.S. is seeking new sources of energy.
-- Claimant states are unlikely to issue exclusive licenses
prejudicial to the U.S. claims position while negotiations are
underway.
-- Should commercial exploration be undertaken during the
period an internationally agreed approach is under negotiation,
this policy could spur a successful negotiated settlement.
-- The conceivable range of moratorium policies would probably
not be legally binding, and would not ensure restraint by others;
other options therefore leave open the possibility of exploratory
activities by others which may place the U.S. at a disadvantage.
- If the U.S. position on voluntary restraint is not changed
at this time, it will be much more difficult to change in the
future.
Should commercial exploration be undertaken while an inter-
nationally agreed solution is being sought, the U.S. will have
a more precise understanding of the extent of commercial in-
terest in the area, thus allowing us to better formulate a wise
resource policy.
CONS:
-- This policy could ultimately preclude U.S. access to the
energy and other resources of Antarctica if unrestrained com-
mercial activity ensues and the Antarctic Treaty structure
collapses.
-- This policy could be perceived as an announcement that
the U.S. will exploit unilaterally, and could therefore harden
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon CONFIDENTIAI Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
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the positions of the Parties so that little meaningful progress
could be made on an internationally agreed approach.
-- Might overplay our leverage and produce a backlash by claimant
states, who might emphasize the need to protect their juridical
positions rather than the need for an agreed accommodation.
-- Could stimulate claimants to issue licenses, to the detriment
of the U.S. policy on non-recognition of claims, or with attendant
risks of political discord.
-- Would allow environmentally dangerous drilling to take place
on the Antarctic continental shelf with sole reliance on flag
state controls, if any, for environmental protection.
-- To the extent this policy may facilitate successful explor-
ation activities, it may make a comprehensive settlement of
claims issues more difficult.
-- A full retraction of our stated interim policy of voluntary
restraint could severely damage our credibility in the Antarctic
community.
-- Since we have no specific knowledge of plans for commercial
mineral resources activities in the near future, we should not
expose ourselves to the potential political costs of opposition
to an international moratorium; we can move to opposition to a
moratorium at some later time of circumstances require.
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS (3)
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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DOC
RECD
LOG NBR
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SUBJECT: 4/sm 55 G ST EX SEC U.S. Policy on Cintriction TS sensitiv
Mineril Resources
INTERNAL ROUTING AND DISTRIBUTION
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UNITED NATIONS
REFER TO
FOR:
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ECONOMIC
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PROGRAM ANALYSIS
DUE DATE:
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COMMENTS: (INCLUDING SPECIAL INSTRUCTIONS)
CONGRESSIONAL
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OCEANS POLICY
usom 39A Comments provided to
Indep
NTELLIGENCE
state action completed.
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NBC-74-21
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)
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
WH
6607
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Washington, D.C. 20520
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
CONFIDENTIAL
NSC-U/SM-55H
October 1, 1975
TO:
The Deputy Secretary of Defense
The Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
The Deputy Secretary of the Treasury
The Under Secretary of the Interior
The Under Secretary of Commerce
The Under Secretary of Transportation
The Chairman, Council on Environmental
Quality
The Director, National Science Foundation
The Director, Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency
The Administrator, Environmental Protection
Agency
The Administrator, Federal Energy
Administration
SUBJECT: United States Antarctic Policy and Program
The Under Secretaries Committee has been
requested to undertake a review of our political,
economic (including resources), national security
and scientific objectives in the Antarctic and to
consider appropriate program levels and management
arrangements for their attainment. This study
should take into account past reviews and policy
decisions, and, particularly, any changes in our
interests, programs, and agency responsibilities
relative to the Antarctic. The terms of reference
for this review are contained in the attached
memorandum.
Addressees are requested to advise Mr. Theodore
Sellin, Department of State, 632-8997, of the name
of their representative on the working group.
CONFIDENTIAL
GDS
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CONFIDENTIAL
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The review, together with a draft Memorandum for
the President, should be available for circulation
to the Membership no later than Friday, October 24.
hurth E Anthony
Wreatham E. Gathright
Staff Director
Attachment:
As stated
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
5516
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
CONFIDENTIAL
7519341
COPIES TO:
September 30, 1975
S/P-
(ACTIPEMORANDUM FOR
NSC-DESK
RF-ws
CHAIRMAN, NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
SUBJECT:
United States Antarctic Policy and Program
Guidance for the US policy and programs in the Antarctic was stated
in NSDM 71 and NSDM 263. Since this guidance was issued, there has
been a growing international interest in the living and non-living
resources of the Antarctic, an increase in the level of Antarctic activity
on the part of several Antarctic Treaty nations, and a steady increase
in US Antarctic Program support costs.
In view of these developments, the Under Secretaries Committee, with the
assistance of the Antarctic Policy Group, is requested to undertake a review
of our political, economic (including resources), national security and
scientific objectives in the Antarctic and to consider appropriate program
levels and management arrangements for their attainment. This study
should take into account past reviews and policy decisions and, particularly,
any changes in our interests, programs, and agency responsibilities relative
to the Antarctic. The study should, inter alia, address the following:
1. The nature and extent of present and foreseeable future US political,
economic, security and scientific interests in the Antarctic Treaty
area;
2.
US objectives in the Antarctic and under the Antarctic Treaty;
3. The nature of the US presence and an assessment of the activities
connected with that presence required to protect and further national
interests and rights and achieve national objectives in the Antarctic,
together with an estimation of any international and domestic conse-
quences of terminating US activities in the Antarctic;
4. The political utility and national security purpose of a military
presence in the Antarctic under the terms of Article 1 of the
Antarctic Treaty;
CONFIDENTIAL/GDS
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CONFIDENTIAL
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5. The makeup and level of the planned and proposed US Antarctic
program, its funding and management arrangements.
The review should set forth options with respect to US presence, level
of activity and funding and management arrangements, together with
their advantages and disadvantages, and agency views and recommendations.
For the purposes of this review, the NSC Under Secretaries Committee
should also include representatives of the Departments of Treasury,
Interior, Commerce and Transportation, the National Science Foundation,
the Federal Energy Administration, the Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency, the Office of Management and Budget, and the Council on
Environmental Quality.
The report of the Under Secretaries Committee should be forwarded not
later than November 10, 1975, for the President's consideration.
Kissinger
VII
at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
DOC
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LOG NBR
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SUBJECT: U/SM-055H Terms of reference for study
on US antarctic Policy q proflams
INTERNAL ROUTING AND DISTRIBUTION
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INTELLIGENCE
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Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED, NSC 75-22
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
7379
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Washington, D.C. 20520
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
CONFIDENTIAL
NSC-U/SM-55I
Novmeber 5, 1975
TO:
The Deputy Secretary of Defense
The Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Deputy Secretary of the Treasury
The Under Secretary of the Interior
The Under Secretary of Commerce
The Under Secretary of Transportation
The Chairman, Council on Environmental
Quality
The Director, National Science Foundation
The Director, Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency
The Administrator, Environmental Protection
Agency
The Administrator, Federal Energy
Administration
SUBJECT: United States Policy and Program for
Antarctica
Attached for your comment and/or concurrence
are a report and draft Memorandum for the President
on the above subject. Editorial and minor sub-
stantive changes may be telephoned to Mr. Theodore
Sellin, Department of State, 632-8997. Members of
the Committee are requested to address comments on
the options or major substantive changes to the
Chairman in writing. Your response is requested
by c.o.b. Wednesday, November 12, 1975.
menth E. Mather
Wreatham E. Gathright
Staff Director
Attachments:
As stated
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS-3
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
DRAFT
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
CONFIDENTIAL
NSC-U/DM-
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: United States Policy and Program
for Antarctica
NSC Memorandum of October 1, 1975 requested the Under
Secretaries Committee, with the assistance of the Antarctic
Policy Group, to review U.S. political, economic (including
resource), national security, and scientific objectives in
Antarctica and to consider appropriate program levels and
management arrangements to attain their achievement. The
requirement for the review stems from a growing interest in
living and non-living resources of the Antarctic, an increase
in the level of Antarctic activity by other Antarctic Treaty
nations and a steady increase in U.S. Antarctic Program
support costs. This memorandum presents the results of the
review, which is attached, together with options and agency
comments.
A policy to maintain an "active and influential"
presence in Antarctica was called for in a 1970 NSC
Study, is also set forth in NSDMs 71 and 263 (annexed to
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS 3
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
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the review) and is deemed to remain valid today. This policy
to maintain an "active and influential" U.S. presence in
Antarctica was
reaffirmed in a directive of yours
as recently as May 20, 1975. All agencies involved in the
current review concur that probable future developments in
the Antarctic require that such a presence be sustained if
U.S. interests are not to be seriously harmed.
The review states the following principal findings:
1. The Antarctic Treaty has admirably served U.S.
political, scientific, environmental and security interests
in the Antarctic Region. It can also help protect our
possible future resource interests in the area through the
establishment of a satisfactory resource regime. The Treaty
Parties, various other countries in the United Nations General
Assembly and Law of the Sea forum, U.S. and foreign industry
and environmental groups, have shown an increasing interest
in Antarctic resources and the consequences of their possible
exploration and exploitation. Their efforts to influence an
Antarctic resource regime will place increasing strains on
the Treaty system. The strength of the Treaty will be
directly related to the level of the U.S. presence in Antarctica
and thus to the leadership role of the U.S. among Treaty
nations.
CONFIDENTIAL
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2. The U.S. negotiating position in discussions with
other Antarctic Treaty parties on an international Antarctic
resource regime, which are expected to begin in the near
future, will be seriously eroded if the level of U.S. activity,
and corresponding U.S. presence and influence, declines
appreciably.
3. The Soviet Union has increased its Antarctic activity
and thus its role in Antarctic affairs and will, if present
trends continue, replace the U.S. as the preeminent nation
on the Continent.
4. The Antarctic Treaty prohibits measures of a military
nature and nuclear testing in Antarctica, except that
military personnel and equipment can be used to support
scientific research. The Treaty allows inspection to
verify compliance with the disarmanent aspects of the Treaty. While
the Soviet Union does not exercise its right to inspect, the
United States does so on a regular basis. This right is an
important precedent and its exercise requires the capability
to reach all foreign stations in the Antarctic.
5. While prohibited military activities by U.S. or the
Soviet Union in the Antarctic are considered unlikely, it is
desirable that the military continue to provide support for
the U.S. Antarctic program. This military support provides
unparalleled flexibility of operations in Antarctica and
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
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underscores the importance the U.S. attaches to the Antarctic.
6. Scientific research continues to the principal
expression of U.S. interest in Antarctica. At present two
coastal stations and two inland stations, one of which is
located at the South Pole, are utilized for the United States
Antarctic Research Program. The extent and location of
research activities, including the siting of a station at the
South Pole, are determined not only by scientific consideration
but also by legal and political considerations to protect and
advance the totality of U.S. interests in Antarctica.
7. If current funding levels are not increased, rising.
program costs will force a dimunition of U.S. activity in
Antarctica.
8. Present budget and management arrangements are
unsatisfactory and have led to increasing difficulties which
can result in reduced U.S. activity in Antarctica.
9. If funding levels are such as to require
the U.S.
to withdraw from the South Pole and other inland stations,
there would be an inducement for others, particularly the
Soviet Union, to occupy the prestigious South Pole location,
perhaps even utilizing parts of the U.S. facilities.
The group conducting the review was asked to develop
options on levels of funding and options for management
arrangements for the U.S. Antarctic program.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
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Five options are set forth on levels of activity in
Antarctica ranging in costs from #3.5 million to $60 million.
All agencies agree that the U.S. should maintain a
presence at least at the present level of $45 million - Level
III. As reflected in subsequent discussion of agency com-
ments, several agencies believe that the U.S. level of activity
in Antarctica should be increased. This view is held, in part,
because some resource assessment and environmental appraisal
can be conducted at Level III, but significant resource
assessment and environmental appraisal takes place only at
Levels IV and V.
If Level I is selected as the appropriate level of U.S.
activity in Antarctica, administration and funding problems
will be inconsequential and no further decision is required.
Under Level II, Department of Defense (DOD) involvement
would not be so significant as to require decisions clarifying
administrative and budgetary arrangements. Should it be
concluded that either Level III, IV, or V is appropriate to
protect and advance U.S. interests, decisions with respect
to management and funding problems are required.
With respect to management options, the group considered
alternational arrangementsincluding those set forth in the.
1970 NSC Study, and concluded that the following three options
represent viable alternatives at this time:
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CONFIDENTIAL
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Option 1. National Science Foundation (NSF) is assigned the
sole responsibility to manage and budget for all U.S.
Antarctic activities, and for overall national program manage-
ment. Department of Defense (DOD) and Department of Trans-
portation (DOT) are required to provide requested support on
a cost reimbursable basis and to assure the continuing
availability of essential components and the ability to
augment them.
This option closely correlates to the present arrange-
ment. Several problems that are at the core of the current
management and budget dilemma, which in turn was the genesis
of this review, would remain. They are: a) The size of the
Antarctic Program costs in relation to the basic science
mission and total budget of the NSF; b) The requirement
for a small civilian agency to justify the budget for opera-
tional Navy units; and c) The separation of responsibility
to provide funding from the authority to exercise control
over operations and safety. Successful implementation of this
option might require a separate appropriation from Congress,
and would require a revision of previous decisions on manage-
ment arrangements.
Option 2. DOD and DOT are responsible for funding and manage-
ment of respective logistic support components and operations
while NSF is responsible for funding and managing the science
program.
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Under this option, DOT would fund and manage all ice-
breaker support and associated operations as identified.
DOD would have the assigned mission to provide and to manage
and budget for all other logistics. NSF would have similar
responsibility for science.
Each agency's assigned mission responsibility would be
reflected in appropriate budget line items requiring corres-
sponding management and cost justification. Overall program
management is jointly conducted by a subgroup of the APG* made
up of representatives of the three assigned agencies.
Option 3. NSF is responsible for funding and managing the
science program and NSF is required to fund and manage a
portion of the logistic support. DOT is responsible for fund-
ing and managing icebreaker support and associated operation
as identified. DOD will have the assigned mission for the
remainder. Suboptions are:
Suboption A - NSF will fund all costs for operation of
DOD units while deployed in the Antarctic Program and DOD
will fund all other costs except those assigned to bot.
This suboption is a logical division of the program in
that DOD would determine all criteria for manning levels, train-
ing, and operations of DOD units while not deployed to
Antarctica.
*Antarctic Policy Group
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Suboption B - NSF would reimburse DOD for logistics
directly in support of specific scientific projects.
This suboption would tie NSF reimbursement only to
logistic costs directly in support of specific scientific
projects.
Suboption C - NSF would reimburse DOD for all costs by
the Naval Support Force, Antarctica organization, and DOD
would fully fund all operations and training by the air
support squadron.
This suboption offers an organizational division that
is consonant with the full time management of Antarctic
program functions performed by the staff of the Naval Support
Force.
Because the line dividing costs in any of the suboptions
under Option 3 cannot be clear and unambiguous, selection of
option 3 would require an additional elaboration by OMB of
the precise definition of the costs chargeable to NSF, DOD,
and DOT.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
U.S. Policy And Program for Antarctica
Contents
Page
I. Introduction
1
A. Policy Guidance
2
B. The Antarctic Resources Question
2
II. U.S. Presence in Relation to the Activities
of Others
4
A. Military Implications of Antarctica
4
B. The U.S. Antarctic Program
5
1. Objectives of the United States
6
Antarctic Research Program (USARP)
2. The Current U.S. Antarctic Program
7
C. Other Aspects of the U.S. Presence
8
D. The Antarctic Programs of Other
8
Treaty Nations
E. International Interest in Antarctica
9
F. Activities of Non-Consultative Parties
10
to the Treaty and Non-Parties
III. Level of Activity and Arrangement for
12
Management and Funding for a U.S. Antarctic
Program
A. Options for Program Levels for U.S.
12
Antarctic Operations
B. Management Options
25
Appendices:
A. Juridical Positions of the Antarctic
Treaty Parties
B. U.S. Interests and Objectives in Antarctica
C. OMB Circular A-51 (Revised)
D. Recent Antarctic Program Trends of
Antarctic Treaty Nations
Annexes:
1. NSDM 71
2. NSDM 263
3. NSC Memorandum of May 20, 1975
4. Summary of 1970 NSC Study - U.S. Program
in Antarctica
CONFIDENTIAL
XGDS
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
U.S. Policy And Program For Antarctica
NSC Memorandum of October 1 requested the
Under Secretaries Committee, with the assistance
of the Antarctic Policy Group to review U.S.
political, economic security and scientific objec-
tives in the Antarctic and to consider appropriate
program levels and management arrangements for their
attainment. The Memorandum called for presentation
of options with respect to U.S. presence and level
of activity in Antarctica and the necessary funding
and management arrangements, together with their
advantages and disadvantages and each agency's
views and recommendations thereon. The review
takes place in the context of the steady rise in
support costs which calls into question the
U.S. Antarctic program at a time of growing
national and international interest in the resources
of the Antarctic and of increased levels of activ-
ity by other Antarctic treaty nations.
I. Introduction
Maintenance of the Antarctic Treaty and the
Antarctic Treaty system is a basic U.S. policy
objective. The Treaty and the consultative mechanism
it created have been the instrumentsthrough which the
United States has sought the satisfaction of its
political, security, environmental, scientific, and
economic objectives in Antarctica. Similarly, the
preservation of our position that Antarctica is not
subject to the sovereignty of any state is necessary
for the protection of U.S. interests. It is only
so long as Antarctica remains an international area
that the United States will be free to pursue its
national interests there. (See Appendix A)
The Treaty offers a sound and very successful
framework for pursuing political, security, scien-
tific and environmental interests. The Treaty,
however, did not address the question of a legal
framework for the potential commercial exploitation of
Antarctic resources. As the United States and
other Antarctic nations have begun to define their
economic interests in Antarctic resources, and
signs appear that the United Nations may take an
interest, the issue of an international legal regime
for resource activities becomes linked to the con-
tinued viability of all other U.S. interests and
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
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objectives, and especially the basic objective of
maintenance of the Treaty.
A. Policy Guidance
General policy guidance for U.S. activities in
Antarctica is contained in two NSDM's--No. 71 of 1970
and No. 263 of 1974. In NSDM 71 the President decided
that the Antarctic presence should continued at a level
which maintains an "active and influential" presence in
Antarctica and which is responsive to U.S. scientific,
economic and political objectives. An "active and in-
fluential" presence in Antarctica has in the past been
determined to be, among other things, year-round manning
of both coastal and inland stations on the Continent.
NSDM 263 reiterated the policy and added that the United
States be prepared to augment such a presence as appro-
priate. The policy directives in NSDM 263 were recently
reaffirmed in an NSC Memorandum to the Chairman of the
Under Secretaries Committee dated May 20, 1975.
The nature of an "active and influential" presence
in Antarctica, thus, is limited to the achievement of
U.S. interests in Antarctica. U.S. interests and objec-
tives have been identified in above directives and are
summarized in Appendix B. An "active and influential"
presence in Antarctic is not anend in itself but a means
of achieving U.S. objectives in Antarctica. The basic
purpose of this review is to reassess this concept in
light of recent developments affecting U.S. interests.
These recent developments fall into three categories:
national and international attention to the potential
of Antarctic resources and possible legal regimes for
their exploitation; the level of U.S. presence and
activities in Antarctica relative to those of other
interested nations; and the costs associated with con-
tinuing U.S. activities at this or higher levels.
B. The Antarctic Resources Question
In a world increasingly short of energy and food,
the possibility that Antarctica and the Southern Ocean
may offer hydrocarbon and protein resources in commer-
cially exploitable quantities has gained the attention
of the Antarctic Treaty partners and other nations. In
fact, the resource question has become one of the most
important and possibly divisive issues for the future of
the Antarctic Treaty system, and a major component in
the policies of Treaty Parties.
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Data on the resource potential in Antarctica are
limited and the full extent of that potential is yet
to be established. Based on scientific studies of the
geological origins of Antarctica and some geophysical
surveys undertaken there, it is believed that there
are hydrocarbon deposits in areas of the Antarctic con-
tinental shelf which may become commercially exploitable.
In addition, the Southern Ocean surrounding the Antarctic
continent has the highest biological productivity of
any marine area of the world. It supports a large stand-
ing crop of krill, a small shrimp like crustacean, as
well as stocks of squid, fish, whales, seals and marine
birds.
The level of U.S. presence and activity in Antarc-
tica bears upon our ability to further evaluate our
resource interests there. It directly affects our capa-
city to determine and assess both the living and non-
living resource potential of Antarctica and the Southern
Ocean and the impact upon the Antarctic environment of
possible resource exploitation.
The extent and geographic dispersion of U.S.
presence in Antarctica is also closely linked to the
intensity with which we are perceived to maintain our
juridical position on territorial claims and access to
resources and, therefore, to our political and nego-
tiating position in resolving the resource question.
It is U.S. policy to seek an international arrangement
for dealing with any commercial exploration and exploita-
tion of Antarctic mineral resources. The development
of such an arrangement, an issue which could not be
resolved when the Antarctic Treaty was negotiated, will
be an extremely difficult and delicate task. U.S.
ability to achieve an acceptable resource regime is a
function of our commitment to a full and active program
in the Antarctic. For instance, it is likely that any
significant reduction in our presence would limit our
ability to influence the resource negotiation to our
advantage.
With regard to living resources, growing interest
in krill and other living resource stocks in the Antarc-
tic clearly signal that international arrangements will
be needed to provide for rational management and conser-
vation. Even if the U.S. never engages in actual exploi-
tation of such stocks, we will need to protect our inter-
ests in preservation of the unique ecosystem of the
region. For this reason, and in order to protect our
juridical position in the Treaty area, it is in U.S.
interest to participate fully in development and imple-
mentation of any such international arrangements.
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II. U.S. Presence in Relation to the Activities of
Others
A. Military Implications of Antarctic
The history of the Antarctic has been unique in
an almost total lack of military operations there other
than those associated with logistic functions is support
of national scientific programs. Increasing budgetary
constrain and a narrowing of U.S. defense interests
to areas of significant strategic importance makes it
unlikely that the Antarctic continent will develop as
a locus for U.S. military activity, either of a research
and development nature or an operational nature. In
the foreseeable future its inhospitable climate for both
man and equipment and the provisions of the Antarctic
Treaty are formidable constraints on the use of the
Treaty area for U.S. offensive military operations.
These considerations may not apply to Argentina.
Nonetheless, the military feature of our logistic
support is a traditional and accepted means of making
the U.S. presence felt. It gives the U.S. a logistic
flexibility and reach in the area which is presently unequalled
by other countries and establishes U.S. ascendancy on
the Continent in a manner which no other support capa-
bility could ensure. An in-place military component,
even though unarmed and modest as it is, clearly provides
operational capability which no other country has should the
Antarctic become the scene or object of discord.
The U.S. military presence in Antarctica also
serves the political purpose of maintaining U.S. lever-
age on other countries to seek solutions to Antarctic
problems in the context of the Treaty framework, ensur-
ing that U.S. interests are accommodated in arriving at
these solutions, and contributing to the ability of the
U.S. to take a dominant leadership role in Antarctic
affairs.
If economically recoverable petroleum (or other
minerals) should be found on the Antarctic continent
or in Antarctic waters, the U.S. would insist on a
right of access. However, if an international approach
cannot be agreed upon, the U.S. could elect to exploit
unilaterally since we believe it to be our legal right
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CONFIDENTIAL
-5-
to do so. If U.S. military is in the proximity in
credible numbers, albeit unarmed and in a science
support role, the likelihood of harassment of our
commercial operations by claimant nations could be
significantly diminished.
On the other hand, the removal of the U.S. military
presence could signal reduced U.S. interest in Antarctica
and could result in an erosion of our effective role in
Antarctic affairs. Such an action could, therefore, be
counterproductive to the full range of U.S. interests.
Moreover, once terminated, any reestablishment of U.S.
military presence, even though for science support,
might be seen as a ruse by the U.S. to introduce a
military force as a guarantor for commercial operations
to follow. This could cause major political problems
for the U.S.
B. The U.S. Antarctic Program
NSDM 71 established the National Science Foundation
as the agency responsible for funding and management of
the U.S. Antarctic Program, and for the maintenance of
the "active and influential" presence. The resulting
OMB Circular A-51 (revised) details the responsibilities
of NSF to include funding of logistic support activities
except where such services are funded by the Departments
of Defense or Transportation or other agencies. NSF is
further authorized to draw on logistic support capabili-
ties of government agencies on a mutually agreed reim-
bursement or non-reimbursement basis or to use commer-
cial or other capabilities if they are most cost
effective. (See Appendix C.)
The cost of NSF's activities in Antarctica will
rise from approximately $30 million in FY 1976 to $45
million in FY 1977. Of this, about 90 percent will be
for logistical support to maintain the U.S. presence.
Under present budgeting practices, spiraling logistics
costs threaten to force significant curtailment of the
U.S. Antarctic Research Program (USARP), a course of
events which would result in a significant reduction or
absence of a viable U.S. presence on the Continent.
This U.S. presence in Antarctica centers on the
National Science Foundation's scientific research program
at the present time. The extent and location of these
scientific research activities are only determined in
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-6-
part by scientific considerations. The opening of a
station at the South Pole at a construction cost of
$6 million was not justified by scientific considera-
tions alone. Other relevant factors included the pres-
tige and leadership of manning a year-round station
at the South Pole where six of the seven territorial
claims meet.
1. Objectives of the United States Antarctic Research
Program (USARP)
The objective of the United States Antarctic
Research Program (USARP), the science component of the
U.S. program is to support the research necessary to
acquire a full understanding of the complex and inter-
related characteristics of this polar continent and
their interrelationship with the rest of the world.
The Antarctic is geographically isolated but it is now
known to be geologically similar to other southern
hemisphere continents and to have an extremely important
influence and interaction with the global atmospheric
and oceanic systems. The accumulation of ice contains
a record of the earth's past climate, and the isolation
of the continent provides a natural laboratory for the
sutdy of variation in atmospheric composition and dis-
tribution of pollutants.
The exploration phase of research was followed by
a broad assessment of biological, geological, meteoro-
logical, glaciological, and atmospheric components of
the Antarctic environment. We are now entering a phase
of research directed toward analysis of specific pro-
blems in the various disciplines. The survey of the
seas around Antarctica continues. These research efforts
to date have provided basic data essential to solving
special scientific problems as they relate to the
Antarctic specifically and to the understanding of the
role of the Antarctic in the total earth environment.
NSF is charged with the responsibility for all
aspects of developing and implementing an integrated
U.S. program for Antarctica. Resource assessment and
environmental appraisal will continue to be a component
of the long range program.
The assessment of resources has just begun. The
necessity to increase our knowledge of these resources
is recognized and will be an essential element of USARP
in the coming years.
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The Antarctic environment is unique. The possibility
of resource development and exploitation requires a care-
ful analysis of the effects of such activity on this
environment. An assessment of these possible environ-
mental effects is acknowledged as a necessary component of
the continuing U.S. program in Antarctica.
Underlying these objectives and related to the NSF
responsibility of managing a national program in Antarc-
tica, are the policy objectives and our responsibilities
for international cooperation and information exchange.
In this regard, the exchange program for scientists in
Antarctica takes on special significance. The summer
and winter placement of U.S. scientists at stations
of other countries, including Soviet stations, not only
greatly enhances the scientific cooperation called for
by the Antarctic Treaty, but provides an informal but
no less effective on-going means of verification of
Treaty compliance by others. Likewise, foreign scien-
tists at U.S. stations perform the same function.
2. The Current U.S. Antarctic Program
The United States operates four year-round stations
in Antarctica. McMurdo, the logistic hub for support of
all other stations except Palmer, is the largest with
an average summer population of 800 and a winter popu-
lation of less than 50. Pole and Palmer Stations are
smaller, each having a winter population of 20 or less.
Siple Station is a very compact remote installation with
a winter population of only 5. It has been operated in
the summer since 1969 and became a year-round station in
1973. In addition to the stations, there are two
research ships; the R/V Hero, operated as part of the
Antarctic Peninsula and Palmer Station program, and the
Islas Orcadas (formerly USNS Eltanin) now operated by
the Argentine Navy on which the U.S. program is allocated
100 days per year for oceanographic research in the
Southern Ocean. Other research vessels from the academic
fleet have operated south of 60°S, particularly in the
Drake Passage area. During the austral summer, field
camps may be established at verious locations or. the
continent to support research activities.
Air support consists of five ski-equipped LC-130
aircraft (only 3 are currently operational) and 7 UHIN
helicopters. Movement to and from the continent is by
Military Airlift Command charter flight (C-141 or com-
mercial charter). In addition, during the past three
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-8-
seasons, Twin Otter aircraft, either chartered from
civilian operators or operated by the British Antarctic
Survey, have been used on the Ross Ice Shelf.
Icebreaker support has consisted of two icebreakers
deployed south of 60°S for about 75 days each year and
have been utilized to open the channel through the sea
ice to McMurdo and for scientific work.
Two cargo ships, one dry cargo (USNS Pvt. John R.
Towle) and one tanker (USNS Maumee) visit McMurdo
each year.
C. Other Aspects of the U.S. Presence
U.S. presence is augmented by periodic inspections
under ACDA auspices in accordance with Article VII of
the Treaty. The U.S. has carried out four inspection
tours of bases maintained in Antarctica by other Treaty
parties. The purpose of inspections is to verify that
the activities of other Treaty parties are carried out
in full compliance with Treaty terms, and in particular
that such activities are for peaceful purposes and that
no weaponry testing, military manuevers or any other
such military activity takes place within the Treaty
area. Article VII, like several other of the Treaty
terms, has become a precedent for certain arms control
agreements which similarly provide for verification,
e.g. the Outer Space Treaty and the Seabed Treaty.
A reduction of the U.S. presence would inhibit
capabilities for inspections, especially those of inland
stations.
A removal of the U.S. presence, and specifically
the abandonment of U.S. stations, would have other nega-
tive aspects of a geopolitical consequence. Were the
U.S., for example, to close the new and prestigious
South Pole station, there is reason to believe that
the Soviet Union and possibly others, would seriously
contemplate taking it over, and the U.S. would have no
legal means to prevent it. Additionally, if any claim-
ant nation, such as UK, France or Argentina, were to
replace the U.S. at the South Pole station it would have
the effect of reinforcing its claim, with attendant neg-
ative political consequences for U.S. interests.
D. The Antarctic Programs of the Other Treaty Nations
Nine other Treaty nations regularly conduct research
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-9-
at permanent stations, in the field, and from ships
within the Treaty area. Most of these national programs
have not changes appreciably in size during the last
decade. The exception is the Soviet Union, whose strong
long-term upward trend in the scale of their program
activity contrasts sharply with this overall picture.
The USSR seems to have been the first country to have
committed program resources in recognition of the eco-
nomic potential of Antarctica. (See Appendix D.)
The Antarctic programs of most of the other Treaty
nations have been subject to close management and budge-
tary review during the last several years. Partly in
response to this pressure, several -- and possibly all
-- national programs have increasingly been justified
on the basis of immediate and potential economic bene-
fits to be derived. At the same time there has been a
growing worldwide awareness of the area's potential
living and mineral resources. Taken together, these
factors have caused a detectable shift in Antarctic pro-
gram priorities, and they may have prevented a deemphasis
of Antarctic research.
There is no evidence that any country has yet con-
ducted mineral exploration with purely commercial intent.
Geological research has been basically scientific in
nature, although several countries note that their goal
is to lay the groundwork for future economic resource
surveys. This later theme seems to be more prevalent
in the last several years. The most dramatic increase
in reconnaissance geological surveys occurred in the
1971-72 Soviet expedition when a four-year field program
was begun in the Australian claimed territory. This
field program is being transferred to an area within
the Argentine and British claims during the present
summer season.
Although there has been no commercial mineral
activity, several countries, including the U.S. have received
inquiries from petroleum and mining firms seeking infor-
mation on the Antarctic legal situation or actual
licenses to operate within Antarctica. In all cases
this commercial interest was reportedly discouraged.
E. International Interest in Antarctica
Antarctica is increasingly gaining the attention
of international organizations and countries which have
not hitherto demonstrated an active interest in the area.
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This interest is stimulated by interlinked concerns
about the environment, resources, and, to some extent,
desires to internationalize the Antarctic for broader
political reasons. At the current session of the of
the UNGA, for example, the stage was set for an ini-
tiative next year by Sri Lanka for a resolution extend-
ing UN jurisdiction to Antarctica. Such a move by the
UN could tacitly recognize the territorial claims to
the detriment of the U.S. position on the continent.
The twelve Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties have
long opposed any UN involvement in Antarctica, in part
because of the potential for disruption of the delicate
balance of political and juridical positions of the
twelve.
1975 also saw the inscription, for the first time,
of an item on Antarctica in the United Nations's Environ-
mental Program's (UNEP) planned activities.
The reaction of the Treaty signatories was uniformly
negative. The item was removed. A UK aide memoire
to all treaty signatory capitals, expressing a view
held in many of those capitals, characterized the UNEP
plans as either "ignorant meddling or a conscious
attempt by the UNEP Secretariat to usurp the functions
and responsibilities of all those nations who are active
in, and knowledgable about, the area, who are signatories
to the Antarctic Treaty."
F. Activities of Non-Consultative Parties to the
Treaty and Non-Parties
Seven countries have acceded to the Antarctic
Treaty since it was signed on December 1, 1959. They
are: Poland (1969) ; Czechoslovakia (1962) ; Denmark (1965) ;
Netherlands (1967) ; Romania (1971) ; German Democratic
Republic (1974) ; and Brazil (1975) None has conducted
the substantial scientific activity in Antarctica to
qualify it for consultative status under Article IX,
para 2 of the Treaty, i.e. the right to participate in
the periodic Consultative meetings, although nationals
of all or most have participated in expeditions of
various of the twelve treaty signatories. Of the seven,
only Brazil--whose accession appears to have been keyed
to an effort to participate in the 1975 Eighth Antarctic
Treaty Consultative Meeting, may be seriously consider-
ing a science program which would give it consultative
status.
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Brazil's accession is of significance primarily
because its membership in the treaty presumably puts
to rest the apprehensions of other Treaty parties,
particularly Chile, Argentina and the UK, that Brazil
might assert a territorial claim in Antarctica, since
such action is prohibited by the Treaty.
pnisoqqo
Non-party activity in the Treaty Area has so far
been limited to the field of living marine resources.
The Federal Republic of Germany is deploying a research
vessel to Antarctica this year to survey krill and
other marine living resources and there are indications
that South Korea is interested as well.
Broadening of the membership in the treaty has
the obvious advantage of widening international accept-
ance of its regime as a legitimate and viable instru-
ment. However, an increase in active members of the
Treaty would also introduce an increased potential for
friction among the Treaty partners, especially at a
time when contentious resource questions are coming
to the fore.
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-12-
III. Level of Activity and Arrangement for Management and
Funding for a U.S. Antarctic Program
There is disagreement among concerned agencies which focuses
on the overall funding and management of the U.S. Antarctic
Program and the role of agencies involved. The opposing
contention may be stated in brief as:
(1) In the absence of a formally assigned military
mission in the Antarctic, DOD antarctic logistic support
components and their operations exist only to support the
NSF program and their total costs must be reimbursed on a
year round basis; and
(2) NSDM-71 and OMB Circular A-51 (revised) assign
mission responsibility to DOD as well as to other agencies
for joint conduct of a national program for Antarctica, and
that DOD therefore has an associated funding responsibility
such as budgeting the costs of assuring the continuing
availability of essential support components.
It is essential that there be a conclusive resolution of this
question, for it may be foreseen that in the absence of an
assigned DOD mission to provide and manage logistic operations
in Antarctica these functions will probably be forced by
budget and management realities to be retrenched and civilian-
ized, and that this change will be irreversable. Further, the
question must be resolved within the context of the desired
administrative arrangement and level of activities of the U.S.
program in Antarctica. Therefore, descriptions of alternative
activity Levels and management system are presented below,
with Management Options presented in the subsequent Section IV.
A. Options for Program Levels for U.S. Antarctic Operations
The level of U.S. activity in the Antarctic during the
years since the 1970 study, as expressed by the scientific
program, has fluctuated as it reacted to budgetary levels.
The support costs for the United States Program in Antarctica
are basically fixed costs that are affected only slightly by
an increased science program activity. Conversely, if there
are budget cuts or restrictions it is the science program
activity that is cut the most as the fixed costs, the logistics,
cannot be greatly reduced.
In the 1970 study, seven levels of activity were considered.
The price tag on these varied from $7.0 million to $42.0 million
(expressed in 1970 dollars). The level recommended was Level V,
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or a continuation of the then existing level of activity.
The cost attached to this level of activity consisted of
components funded at that time by NSF, DOD, and DOT.
For the purposes of this study, five levels of activity
have been considered. Level III of this study equates to
Level V of the 1970 study and to FY 75 level of activity.
The costs are given in FY 77 dollars as identified by the
agencies involved (NSF, DOD, and DOT).
Level I ($3.5 million) can be accomplished with DOT and
civilian contractor support of the NSF science activities.
This level involves no year round manned stations, no heavy-
lift aircraft, little if any international science cooperation,
and no ability to inspect inland stations of other countries.
noo
Level II ($23.5 million) adds two year round coastal stations
and helicopter support at McMurdo. DOD support for the McMurdo
operation is desirable but not essential. At this level,
science activities could be expanded some but they would be
limited in geographical scope. Little, if any, resource
assessment, either of living resources or mineral resources,
would be possible. No ability to inspect inland stations
of other countries. Little if any international exchange
possible.
Level III ($45.0 million) relates to the average level of
U.S. activity the past five years (see discussion, page
and includes two coastal and two inland stations manned
year round). Token resource assessment is possible under
present guidelines which call for a balanced science program.
Heavylift aircraft capability is essential to support the
inland stations and requires a logistical support base at
McMurdo, New Zealand, etc. International exchange and
cooperation at present level.
Level IV ($53.0 million) requires the same logistic base as
Level III but provides funding for maximum utilization of
that base by the science activity. A leased research vessel,
suitable for polar work, is added and could be utilized for
resource assessment on the continental shelves and in the
seas around Antarctica (both living and mineral resources).
A greatly increased international exchange program would be
possible.
Level V ($60.0 million) increases the logistic base by adding
additional air elements and a new station. At this level a
concentrated effort on resource assessment in addition to the
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-14-
balanced science program would be possible. A network of
automatic stations would be deployed at preselected sites
on the Continent.
At Levels III, IV, or V DOD participation in operation and
management of the logistic system is essential. This is
true from an operational and cost-efficiency point of view.
(In section II.A. above the national interest value and
political utility of military presence were discussed.)
There are certainly some elements of the logistics program
that could be contracted to civilian sources, in addition
to the contractor operations which already exist. However,
the time constraints imposed by this study have precluded
the opportunity to obtain realistic estimates of cost for
this mode of operation. There are some vital elements,
such as the intra-continental (ski LC-130) airlift and ice-
strengthened supply ships, that are uniquely a DOD capability.
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LEVEL I
TOKEN PRESENCE
Costs (Thousands of dollars) ;
a) Science
$ 1,100
b) Support
2,350
Total $ 3,450
Major Elements:
USCG Icebreaker for 90 days
R/S Hero for year round operations
Program:
One USCG icebreaker would deploy below 60°
south latitude for a 90 day period each
austral summer. Approximately 10 scientists
deploy with the icebreaker to conduct a
small multidiscipline marine and terrestrial
science program. Helicopters and small boats
would allow landings at research sites in the
coastal areas of Antarctica. Inspection of
foreign stations, to verify treaty compliance,
could be conducted as required. The R/S Hero
will operate in her present mode on a year round
basis, but without the resources normally
available to her at Palmer Station.
Significant Impacts:
Abandonment of all stations.
Would evidence greatly reduced U.S. interests
in Antarctica.
Possible takeover by Soviet Union and other
countries of U.S. assets.
No scientific support for resource assessment.
Minimal marine and terrestrial research projects
at coastal locations.
No inter-continental or intra-continental airlift.
Limited inspection capability at foreign coastal
stations only.
Very limited international cooperation, if any.
No significant environmental monitoring
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LEVEL II
MARGINAL PRESENCE
Costs (Thousands of dollars) ;
a) Science
$ 3,000
b) Support
20,500
Total $23,500
Major Elements:
McMurdo Station
Palmer Station
2 USCG Icebreakers for 90 days each
R/S Hero
UHIN Helicopters at McMurdo
Charter cargo ships and/or charter aircraft
Program:
At this level we can maintain two coastal stations
on a year round basis and conduct a productive, but
geographically confined science program during the
austral summer season.
McMurdo Station and Palmer Station would operate year
round at the current winterover level. The notable
addition at this level would be the UHIN helicopter
support at McMurdo for a four to five month period
during the austral summer.
As many as 125 scientific personnel could participate
in a variety of field projects in and around McMurdo,
at Palmer Station, and aboard the icebreakers and the
R/S Hero.
Transportation of personnel and supplies would be
accomplished using a mixture of charter ships and
aircraft for intercontinental transport.
Significant Impacts
Appearance of substantially reduced U.S. interests
in Antarctica.
Possible takeover by the Soviet Union or others of
South Pole station.
No significant scientific support for resource
assessment.
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-81-
Productive, but geographically confined research 111
program, at coastal locations only.
No intra-continental airlift.
10
No inland stations.
Limited inspection capability at foreign coastal
stations only.
Opportunities for international cooperation increased
over Level I but still limited. NO winter over
exchange scientist.
No significant environmental appraisal.
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LEVEL III
ACTIVE
RESENCE
Costs (Thousands of dollars) :
a)
Science
$ 100
41
100
b) Support
Total
$45
100
Major Elements:
McMurdo Station
South Pole Station
Siple Station
Palmer Station
2 Icebreakers for 90 days each
R/S Hero
5 LC-130 Ski Aircraft
5 UHIN Helicopters
1 Twin Otter (Leased)
Charter cargo ships and charter aircraft
Islas Orcadas (100 days)
Program:
This level will allow about 200 hundred scientists
and technicians to conduct field research at c variety
of field sites during the austral summer seasor UHIN
helicopters can provide support in and around weMurdo
and LC-130 aircraft and a leased Twin Otter car support
field research at remote field sites around the continent.
R/S Hero can operate on a year round basis, and in con-
sort with Palmer Station, can support a variet: of
marine and terrestrial research projects in the Antarctic
Peninsula during the austral summer.
This level will allow a contribution of approx:mately
one half million dollars to the operation of the Islas
Orcadas. The 100 days of research time will be used
to support multidisciplinary marine research a:med at
completion of the circum-Antarctic Survey.
Significant Impacts
Reflects no change in U.S. interests in Antarctica.
:
Limited scientific support for resource assessment.
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-19--0S-
Productive multidiscipline research program at
two coastal and two inland stations, at a
number of field locations and aboard two ocean
research platforms augmented by an icebreaker
research platform. Compares to FY 75 program level.
Inter-continental and intra-continental airlift
FY 75 level.
Four (4) permanent stations (2 inland).
Inspection capability at foreign coastal and inland
stations.
International cooperation greatly increased over
Level II. Winter over exchange scientist program
possible.
No substantive environmental appraisal.
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to
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LEVEL IV
EXPANDED PRESENCE
Costs (Thousands of dollars):
a) Science
$ 9,000
b) Support
44,000
Total $53,000
Major Elements:
McMurdo Station
South Pole Station
Siple Station
Palmer Station
2 USCG Icebreakers for 90 days each
R/S Hero
5 LC-130 Ski aircraft
5 UHIN Helicopters
1 Twin Otter (Leased)
1 Research Ship (Leased)
Charter cargo ships and charter aircraft
Islas Orcadas (100 days)
Program:
This level will allow for an increase in scientific
activity over Level III by the maximum utilization of
available support resources complemented by the use of
a leased research ship.
The program at this level can support about 250
scientists and technicians in the field during the
austral summer season. The field activities will be
much the same as in Level III, but airborne remote
sensing and mapping will be substantially increased,
and a marine seismic survey of preselected areas will
commence using the leased survey ship. In addition,
the upgrading of existing facilities and the design
of new facilities will proceed.
Significant Impacts
Reflects a slight increase in overall U.S. interests
in Antarctica and Antarctic resources.
Research program increased over Level III by maximum
utilization of available support capability.
Upgrading of existing facilities and design of new
facilities will occur.
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СОИ
-21-
Inter-continental and intra-continental airlift
will increase to accommodate increase in number
of scientific personnel.
Inspection capability at foreign coastal and inland
stations.
000 International cooperation increased over Level III.
Increased capability for environmental appraisal.
000
Leased research ship will allow seismic surveys for
resource assessment.
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CONFIDENTIAL bejoelessiq
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
-22-
LEADING PRESENCE
LEVEL V
Costs (Thousands of dollars):
a) Science
$ 11,000
b) Support
49,000
Total $ 60,000
Major Elements:
McMurdo Station
South Pole Station
Siple Station
Palmer Station
New Station
2 USCG Icebreakers for 90 days each
R/S Hero
5 LC-130 ski aircraft
5 UHIN Helicopters
2 Twin Otters
1 P-3 aircraft (Seasonal augment)
1 Research Ship (Leased)
Charter cargo ships and charter aircraft
Islas Orcadas (100 days)
Program:
This level will allow for the expansion of research
activities and the commencement of sophisticated
remote sensing surveys required to adequately assess
the earth and ocean resource potential of the antarctic.
Airborne remote sensing and mapping will increase sig-
nificantly. Pending construction of a new polar survey
ship which will commence at this level, the utilization
of available leased platforms will be employed more
extensively than at Level IV.
The upgrading of facilities will continue. New research
laboratories will be constructed at McMurdo, and a new
research station will be started.
The air operations capability will be expanded with the
purchase of two intermediate ski-equipped aircraft
(e.g., Twin Otters).
A network of unmanned observatories will be placed at
preselected sites throughout Antarctica.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
-23-AS-
.2.U
ЗѴӀТАИЯЗТЈА
Significant Impacts
Reflects substantial increase in U.S. interests
regarding all aspects of Antarctica.
обтимом
Significant increase in resource assessment.
Research program further expanded over Levels III
and IV by increase in remote sensing and mapping
activities.
Inter-continental and intra-continental airlift
increased over Level IV to accommodate increase
in airborne remote sensing program.
Four (4) permanent stations (2 inland) Start well
design/construction of a new inland station.
Inspection capability at foreign coastal and inland
stations.
Significant increase in environmental appraisal.
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JAITMEGIAMOO
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CONFIDENTIAL
-24-
ALTERNATIVE PROGRAM LEVELS FOR U.S. ANTARCTIC OPERATIONS
LEVEL I LEVEL II LEVEL III LEVEL IV LEVEL V
McMurdo
X
X
X
X
South Pole
X
X
x
Siple
X
X
X
Palmer
X
X
X
X
New Station
X (1)
Icebreakers
X
X
X
X
X
R/S Hero
X
X
X
X
X
LC- 130s
X
X
X
UHIN Helos
X
X
X
X
Twin Otter
X
X
X
(Leased)
Twin Otter
X
P-3 Aircraft
X (2)
(Leased)
Charter cargo
X
X
X
X
ships and
aircraft
Islas Orcadas
X
X
X
Research Ship
X
X
(Leased)
New Research
X (1)
Ship
(1) Start design and procurement/construction.
(2) Aircraft augment for remote sensing
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CONFIDENTIAL
-25-
B. Management Options
Under the terms of the Antarctic Treaty, all signatories
including those with territorial claims agreed that any
other signatory could utilize any portion of the Antarctic
Treaty area for scientific purposes. While the Treaty does
not prohibit other activities in the Treaty area, except
for nuclear weapons, the territorial claimants are not bound
by the Treaty to accept presence for activities other than
science. Therefore, to the extent that U.S. interests in
Antarctica require a presence, the justification for such
presence is the conduct of scientific investigations.
The 1970 study considered six alternative management plans:
Management/Funding Plans
From the 1970 NSC Study
Plan A
- Pre-1972 arrangements; DOD management
and budgeting of logistics, NSF for
science.
Plan B -
Same except DOD support costs fully
reimbursed by NSF.
Plan C -
NSF assigned overall program management
and funding drawing on other agencies'
support on a mutually acceptable reimburs-
able or nonreimbursable basis. (selected
for decision in 1971).
Plan D -
Transfer budget and funding for logistics
to another (third) agency.
Plan E - NSF fund both science and logistics using
commercial sources.
Plan F -
Establish an Antarctic Commission to
administer the total program.
Plan C was selected as the best alternative at that time.
The implementation of this Plan required revision of OMB
Circular A-51. NSF was to budget for both science and support
programs to support university and federal agency research
programs, to draw upon other government agencies for logistic
support on a mutually acceptable reimbursable or nonreimburs-
able basis, and to use commercial support when cost effective.
Reproduced at the Richard CONFIDENTIAL Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
-26-
NSF and DOD do not agree on the interpretation of NSDM 71
and 263 and on the intent of OMB Circular A-51 (Revised)
The option selected in the 1970 study, Plan C, was a
realistic and workable funding arrangement. However, over
time, the practice has evolved into what essentially was
Plan B. The 1970 decision was interpreted by OMB Circular
A-51 (Revised) and required reimbursement for direct support
costs previously identified in DOD budgets as Deep Freeze.
However, since that time, indirect costs of support not
previously indentified by DOD as being part of the Deep
Freeze budget have been transferred to the NSF budget. Thus,
all costs including such items as the off-season costs of
personnel and rotation and training, costs of supporting the
air base where the support squadron is homeported, etc., are
being transferred to NSF. This transfer of all costs direct
and indirect, associated with DOD logistic support for the
U.S. Antarctic Program is justified by DOD on the basis that
there is no DOD mission in Antarctica and, absent a directive
to provide support, DOD assets committed to the U.S. Program
will be eliminated. In addition, DOD considers that it is
under constraints placed by the House Appropriations Committee
not to use DOD funds for the Antarctic Program (See Attachment
Plan C and the enabling OMB Circular involved an initial budget
base transfer of $19.3 million from DOD to NSF. In the ensuing
years, additional support elements have been identified by DOD
and approved by OMB as fully reimbursable by NSF. In FY 76,
an addition of $3.5 million was made, and for FY 77, an addi-
tional $5.1 million will be transferred. In the meantime, the
original $19.3 million has increased because of inflation to
about $26.0 million despite significant reduction in the support
services provided by DOD. The result of these events has been that
the budget responsibility for the total U.S. program in Ant-
arctica has become a disproportionate part of the budget for NSF.
As a result of the shift in funding arrangements, NSF, a small
civilian agency, finds itself in the anomalous position of being
totally responsible for the budget justification and funding for
Navy units.
While the present arrangements are unsatisfactory, nevertheless
it is apparent that the capability to sustain and to be pre-
pared to augment an active and influential presence in Ant-
arctica requires the depth and flexibility of DOD resources.
While it might be possible to restructure a portion of this
level of capability and base it on commercial services, such
restructuring would result in an unnecessary duplication of an
already available national resource. The withdrawal of the DOD
elements would have a detrimental effect on the U.S. presence
in Antarctica.
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-27-
The analysis and definition of six alternative management
plans (Plans A through F) as presented in the 1970 review
failed to foresee several crucial eventualities. First,
the "mutually agreeable reimbursable or nonreimbursable"
basis for NSF use of essential support components from
other agencies has evolved to the extreme of full reimburse-
ment to DOD. Clearly this was not the intent of the recom-
mendation made by the 1970 study. This has caused an
untenable management anomaly in which a small civilian agency
is totally responsible for budget justification and funding
for an operational Navy squadron; a squadron that is required
to respond to the administrative and operational control of
a military chain of command.
At the same time, it would be equally infeasible for the
NSF to fully function in the role of operational and adminis-
trative authority over a military unit. For example, this
would have NSF prescribing the mission and tasks for the
squadron and establishing criteria for manning training,
employment, etc. While these elements are the justification
for funding, they are inseparable from the military purview.
It should be noted that this full reimbursement situation
is exactly that defined as Plan B in the 1970 study; a plan
rejected in the report of that study.
Options
If Level I is selected as the appropriate level of U.S.
activity in Antarctica, administration and funding problems
will be inconsequential and no further decision is required.
Under Level II, DOD involvement would not be so significant
as to require decisions clarifying administrative and budgetary
arrangements. Should it be concluded that either Level III,
IV, or V is appropriate to protect and advance U.S. interests,
decisions with respect to management and funding problems are
required.
There are three options: NSF serves as the sole budgetary
source of funds for all U.S. activities in Antarctica, funding
for all antarctic support activities is borne by DOD and DOT,
or DOD and DOT are required to bear a portion of the costs.
Option 1.
NSF is assigned the sole responsibility to manage and budget
for all U.S. antarctic activities, and for overall national
program management. DOD and DOT are required to provide
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CONFIDENTIAL
-28-
requested support on a cost reimbursable basis and to
assure the continuing availability of essential components
and the ability to augment them. Civilian contractors
could be used when cost effective.
(At Level III: NSF $45.0M, DOD $0.0M, DOT $0.0M;
at Level IV: NSF $53.0M, DOD $0.0M, DOT $0.0M).
Discussion:
This option involves several problems that are at the core
of the current management and budget dilemma, which in turn
was the genesis of the current review. They are: a) The
size of the Antarctic Program costs in relation to the basic
science mission and total budget of the NSF; b) The require-
ment for a small civilian agency to justify the budget for
operational Navy units; and c) The separation of responsibi-
lity to provide funding from the authority to exercise con-
trol over operations and safety.
It may be possible for the budget problem to be resolved by
use of a separate appropriation that could be the subject
of special oversight by appropriate entities of the Congress,
OMB, and the National Science Foundation.
With respect to the other problems it is important to review
the previous decision on management arrangements and the sub-
sequent developments.
Moreover, this difficulty can be expected to lead to a further
diminished role and possible exclusion of DOD participation,
as indicated by the trend since 1971. Meanwhile, the capa-
bility to sustain and to be prepared to augment an active and
influential presence in Antarctica requires the depth and
flexibility of DOD resources in logistics, management, and
related functions.
Option 2.
DOD and DOT are responsible for full funding and management
of respective logistic support components and operations while
NSF is responsible for funding and managing the science pro-
gram. Overall program management is jointly conducted by a
subgroup of the Antarctic Policy Group made up of representatives
of the three assigned agencies.
(At Level III: NSF $5.0M, DOD $38.5M, DOT $1.5M;
at Level IV: NSF $9.0M, DOD $42.5M, DOT $1.5M).
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-29-
Discussion:
Under this option, DOT would fund and manage all icebreaker
support and associated operations as identified. DOD would
have the assigned mission to provide and to manage and budget
for all other logistics. NSF would have similar responsibility
for science.
The budget problem would be solved under this option as
each agency would have an assigned mission responsibility
reflected in appropriate budget line items and requiring
corresponding management and cost justification.
The program management subgroup of the APG would be composed
of NSF, DOD, and DOT representatives. In order to assure
continuity in the overall program and to continue to manifest
scientific research as the principal public and international
expression of U.S. interest in the Antarctic, NSF will chair
this management subgroup.
Option 3.
NSF is responsible to fund and manage the science program.
In addition, NSF is required to fund and manage a portion
of the logistic support, DOT is responsible to fund and
manage icebreaker support and associated operations as
identified, and DOD will have the assigned mission to fund
and manage the remainder of logistic support.
Suboption A. - NSF will fund all costs for operation
of DOD and DOT units while deployed in the Antarctic Program
and DOD will fund all other costs, except those assigned to
DOT.
(At Level III: NSF $34.5M, DOD $9.0M, DOT $1.5M;
at Level IV: NSF $42.5M, DOD $9.0M, DOT $1.5M).
Suboption B. - NSF would reimburse DOD only for
logistics directly in support of specific scientific
projects.
(At Level III: NSF $6.1M, DOD $37.4M, DOT $1.5M;
at Level IV: NSF $10.1M, DOD $41.4M, DOT $1.5M).
Suboption C. - NSF would reimburse DOD for all costs
by the Naval Support Force, Antarctica organization, and DOD
would fully fund all operations and training by Antarctic
Development Squadron Six (VXE-6).
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CONFIDENTIAL
-30-
(At Level III: NSF $32.7M, DOD $10.8M, DOT $1.5M;
at Level IV: NSF $40.2M, DOD $11.3M, DOT $1.5M).
DILE
Discussion:
As in all the other options, the APG would provide policy
direction. The APG subgroup for exercise of program manage-
ment would also be appropriate under this option and it
would be chaired by the NSF.
Suboption A is a logical division of the program in that DOD
would determine all criteria for manning levels, training,
and operations of DOD units while not deployed to Antarctica.
Program costs reimbursed by NSF would be only those for deployed
operations in Antarctica.
Suboption B would tie NSF reimbursement only to logistics
costs directly in support of specific science projects.
Suboption C offers an organizational division that is
consonant with the full time management of antarctic program
functions performed by the staff of the Naval Support Force.
Another variation could be generated by interchanging the two
units in suboption C.
Because the line dividing costs in any of the suboptions
under option 3 cannot be clear and unambiguous, selection
of option 3 would require an additional elaboration by OMB
of the precise definition of the costs chargeable to NSF
and to DOD.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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Appendix A
CONFIDENTIAL
JURIDICAL POSITIONS OF THE
ANTARCTIC TREATY PARTIES
to
Seven countries had made territorial claims in
Antarctica prior to signature of the Antarctic Treaty.
These were Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, New
Zealand, Norway, and the U.K. The claims of three of
these countries, Argentina, Chile and the U.K., overlap
and conflict in certain portions of Antarctica.
The United States has not recognized claims of
territorial sovereignty asserted by any country over
any portion of Antarctica. At the same time, the United
States has not made a claim itself, and has consistently
reserved all its basic historic rights in Antarctica.
All states with territorial claims in Antarctica,
as well as the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan
Belgium and South Africa, constitute the twelve signatory
parties to the Antarctic Treaty. Article IV of the
Antarctic Treaty sets aside the claims issue in the
interest of international cooperation for the duration
of the Treaty, or until 1995. Thus, for the purposes
of activities under the Treaty, disputes and interna-
tional discord which would otherwise result from the
incompatible juridical positions of the interested states
are avoided. For other activities, such as exploitation
of mineral resources and the marine living resources
of the Southern Ocean, it can be expected that the States
concerned would react to such activities in accordance
with their respective juridical positions on territorial
claims, i.e., would seek to exclude others from conducting
such activities in their claimed territory and adjacent
maritime zones of coastal State competence.
The Antarctic Treaty is thus the framework within
which the U.S. and others pursue their national interests
in the Antarctic. Article I establishes that Antarctica
will be used for peaceful purposes and prohibits any
measures of a military nature, including establishing
bases, conducting military maneuvers, weapons tests, or
nuclear explosions of any kind, although the use of mili-
tary personnel for logistical support and other peaceful
purposes is permitted. Articles II and III establish
freedom of scientific investigation in Antarctica and
encourage international cooperation in the conduct thereof.
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A
CONFIDENTIAL
2.
Other provisions preserve the status of high seas
around Antarctica, prohibit the dumping of nuclear
waste within the Treaty area, establish the right
of each Consultative Party to carry out inspections
in all parts of the continent to verify compliance
with, inter alia, the demilitarization provisions of
Article I, and establish a consultative mechanism
through which the twelve original signatory parties
recommend measures in furtherance of the principles
and objectives of the Treaty, including environmental
protection measures.
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CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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Appendix B
CONFIDENTIAL
U.S. INTERESTS AND OBJECTIVES IN ANTARCTICA
Existing directives on U.S. Antarctic Policy provide
adequate expression of U.S. interests in Antarctica applic-
able to the present and foreseeable future. These interests
are summarized below under three headings: political and
security, environmental and scientific, and economic.
1.
Political and Security
-- Ensure that activities in Antarctica serve
peaceful purposes only;
-- Prevent Antarctica from becoming a scene or
object of international discord;
-- Continue the model of cooperative and harmonious
international relations which has developed among interested
states in relation to Antarctica.
-- Continue the demilitarized and nuclear explo-
sion free status of Antarctica, including the ban on
weapons tests and the guaranteee of full inspection rights
established by the Antarctic Treaty;
--- Ensure continued U.S. access to all areas of
Antarctica and the Southern Ocean for peaceful purposes,
and, conversely, prevent any other state from denying such
access to the U.S. or its nationals on the basis of terri-
torial claims or otherwise;
-- Preserve any basis of a U.S. claim to terri-
torial sovereignty that existed prior to the entry into
force of the Antarctic Treaty.
2. Environmental and Scientific
-- Protect and maintain the sensitive and unique
Antarctic environment, including the treaty prohibition on
depositing nuclear waste in the Treaty area.
--Increase understanding of the role Antarctica
scientific processes play in phenomena of global signifi-
cance, including geological, geophysical, meteorological
and oceanographic processes.
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2.
-- Increase scientific understanding of global
processes, the nature of which can be illuminated by
evidence available in Antarctica as, for example, global
dispersal patterns of man-introduced pollutants, and
magnetospheric data.
Continue freedom of scientific investigation
in Antarctica and cooperative dissemination of data
gathered, in accordance with the Treaty.
-- Increase base-line data and information on
marine and terrestial areas included within the Antarctic
Treaty.
3. Economic
A.
Living Resources
--- Increase knowledge of the living resource
potential of Antarctica.
-- Preserve U.S. access to living resources,
should we choose to commercially exploit certain species.
-- Conserve and preserve the marine birds,
marine mammals and fisheries stocks of Antarctica and the
Southern Ocean.
--
Participate in the development and imple-
mentation of management schemes for living resources,
whether or not the United States engages in their commer-
cial exploitation.
B. Non-Living Resources
-- Increase knowledge of the non-living
resource potential of Antarctica.
-- Ensure non-discriminatory access by the
United States to all areas of Antarctica except those
areas specifically designated for other uses.
--
Ensure that any mineral resource explora-
tion and exploitation is consistent with environmental
considerations.
--
Facilitate an increase in the global
supply of resources, through:
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CONFIDENTIAL
3.
(i) defining property rights to
Antarctica mineral resources.
(ii) ensuring reasonable conditions
of investment consistent with U.S. interests,
including environmental protection.
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Appendix C
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20503
CIRCULAR NO. A-51
Revised
TO THE HEADS OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS AND ESTABLISHMENTS
SUBJECT: Planning and conduct of the United States program
in Antarctica
1. Purpose. This Circular provides the basis for the
planning, funding, management, and conduct of the United
States program for Antarctica. This revised Circular
replaces and rescinds Circular No. A-51, dated August 3,
1960.
2. Assignment of responsibility.
a. The Antarctic Policy Group shall continue to serve
as the policv quidance DOGV for The TOTALITY OI U.S. acrivi-
ties under the Antarctic Treaty. The Antarctic Policy Group
will review each year's operations plan for Antarctica on a
schedule coordinated with the budget cycle. Antarctic
Policy Group membership shall consist of the Secretary of
State (Chairman) ; the Director of the National Science
Foundation; the Secretary of Defense; or their designees,
and representatives of such other agencies as may be invited
by the Chairman to participate on an ad hoc basis. The
Interagency Antarctic Committee shall serve as a coordinating
organization for the Antarctic Policy Group. Committee
membership shall include representatives of all agencies
having significant interests or program activities in
Antarctica, as determined by the Policy Group. The Antarctic
Policy Group may establish such additional subsidiary
committees as may be necessary to facilitate the work of the
Group.
b. The National Science Foundation shall:
(1) Be responsible for all aspects of developing and
implementing an integrated U.S. program for Antarctica,
except for responsibilities specifically assigned to other
agencies by this Circular or by the Antarctic Policy Group.
(2) Fund the entire U.S. program in Antarctica,
including logistic support activities, except where such
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2
services are funded by the Department of Defense or the
Department of Transportation in accordance with the pro-
visions of C. and d. below, or by other agencies as
determined by the Office of Management and Budget.
(3) Continue to fund university or other non-Federal
research programs and all Federal agency scientific programs
insofar as they pertain to Antarctica.
(4) Draw upon the logistic support capabilities of
government agencies on a mutually agreed reimbursement or
non-reimbursement basis, or use commercial or other support
and management capabilities where these are determined to be
cost effective.
(5) Designate a Senior United States Representative
in Antarctica.
(6) Serve as the clearinghouse and source of infor-
mantion regarding the existence and location of Antarctic
records. files, documents. and mans maintained within the
various executive agencies and non-governmental organizations.
(7) In consultation with the Department of State,
coordinate and arrange for the conduct of cooperative
scientific programs with other nations participating in
Antarctica research under the terms of the Antarctic Treaty.
C. The Department of Defense shall:
(1) Plan and carry out logistic support requested by
the National Science Foundation, and such other programs and
functions as may be requested by the Foundation or the
Antarctic Policy Group, and in this connection assure the
continuing availability, on a mutually acceptable reimburse-
ment or non-reimbursement basis, of essential logistic
support components.
(2) Fund and procure all aircraft required to
provide the logistic support or perform other programs or
functions requested pursuant to paragraph C. (1). Procure
other essential logistic support components for the U.S.
program for Antarctica on a mutually acceptable reimburse-
ment or non-reimbursement basis.
(3) Through the Commander of the military support
force, exercise operational management and control, including
(No. A-51)
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3
the determination of safety and feasibility, over logistic
support and other programs and functions in Antarctica
assigned or requested pursuant to paragraph C. (1) above
and make all reasonable efforts to provide the support
necessary to fulfill the objectives of the U.S. Antarctic
program.
d. The Department of Transportation shall fund ice-
breaker services requested by the National Science Founda-
tion for the U.S. program in Antarctica through fiscal
year 1972. Funding responsibilities for icebreaker services
rendered in support of the U.S. Antarctic program after
fiscal year 1972 shall be in accordance with arrangements
mutually agreed upon by the Department of Transportation,
the National Science Foundation, and the Office of Manage-
ment and Budget. The Department of Transportation shall
make all reasonable efforts to assure the availability of
icebreaker services as requested by the National Science
Foundation for the Antarctic program.
e. The Department of State is responsible for the
formulation of foreign policy and the provision of foreign
policy direction relating to the development and implemen-
tation of an integrated U.S. program for Antarctica; for
the conduct of foreign relations regarding Antarctica; and
for legal matters relating to the interpretation and imple-
mentation of the Antarctic Treaty.
3.
Relations between the National Science Foundation and
other organizations in carrying out an integrated U.S.
program for Antarctica.
a. Executive Departments and agencies shall cooperate
with the National Science Foundation in fulfilling its
responsibilities for the U.S. Antarctic program, and shall
appoint agency representatives to advisory committees as
may be requested by the Director of the National Science
Foundation.
b. Federal agencies interested in scientific or other
activities for Antarctica, either to be conducted by their
own staffs or by other agencies and personnel, should inform
the National Science Foundation of their interests and of
those aspects of proposed activities which might be included
in the U.S. scientific program to be developed and funded by
the Foundation. The Foundation shall make allocations to
Federal agencies and grants and contracts to non-Federal
organizations for scientific and logistic support activities
(No.A-51)
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4
it deems necessary and appropriate to the conduct of the
U.S. program in Antarctica.
C. The National Science Foundation shall advise the
Department of Transportation, or other appropriate agencies,
of the program plans for Antarctica in sufficient time and
in sufficient detail so that the required supporting
programs may be developed on an orderly basis. The
Departments of Defense and Transportation, and other appro-
priate agencies shall in turn consult and collaborate with
the National Science Foundation and keep it fully informed
regarding all aspects of program support planning and
operations for which they have been assigned responsibility.
The Departments ої Defense and Transportation or other
appropriate agencies shall present to the National Science
Foundation statements covering the actual and estimated
costs of their support for the Antarctic Program. These
statements shall cover the past, current and budget years
and shall be submitted at an agreed time each year as
necessary to meet the Federal budget requirements.
GEORGE P. SHULTZ
DIRECTOR
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(No. A-51)
Appendix D
RECENT ANTARCTIC PROGRAM TRENDS
OF ANTARCTIC TREATY NATIONS
Introduction
The programs of most of the Antarctic Treaty nations have
been subject to close management and budgetary review during
the last several years. Partly in response to this pressure,
several -- and possibly all -- national programs have
increasingly been justified on the basis of immediate and potential
economic benefits to be derived. At the same time there has been
a growing awareness that Antarctica may have the potential to
partially satisfy the increasing world demands for food, energy,
and possibly, hard mineral resources. Taken together, these
factors have caused a detectable shift in Antarctic program
priorities, and they may have prevented a deemphasis of Antarctic
research.
The discussion that follows sketches the general status and
trends of the Antarctic programs of selected countries. Separate,
detailed, attention is given to activities and policies related
to mineral exploration. The choice of countries examined (USSR,
Argentina, Australia, and Chile) is somewhat arbitrary, but is
meant to provide a general perspective on major developments.
The strong long-term upward trend in the scale of the Soviet
program contrasts sharply with the overall picture (Fiqure 1 and 2).
The USSR seems to have been the first country to recognize the
economic potential of Antarctica and to have committed program
resources accordingly.
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Several countries not treated in detail -- France, Japan,
and South Africa -- also conduct respectable Antarctic programs;
the latter two carry out significant geological research. The
United Kingdom also deserves comment; its program in the
Antarctic Peninsula area is scientifically more productive,
particularly in geology, than those of Argentina and Chile
combined. Furthermore, British Antarctic planning documents
as early as 1970 recognized the need to assess the area's food,
and secondarily, mineral resources.
This study does not reveal that any country has yet conducted
mineral exploration with purely commercial intent. Geological
research has been basically scientific in nature, although several
countries note that their goal is to lay the groundwork for future
economic resource surveys. This later theme seems to be more in
evidence in the last several years. The most dramatic increase in
reconnaissance geological surveys occurred in the 1971-72 Soviet
expedition when a four-year field program was begun around the
Amery Ice Shelf in the Australian claimed territory. This field
program is being transferred to an area within the Argentine and
British claims during the present summer season.
Although there has been no commercial mineral activity, several
countries have received inquiries from petroleum and mining firms
seeking information on the Antarctic legal situation or actual
licenses to operate within Antarctica. In all cases this commercial
interest was reportedly discouraged. Most recently, a Texas
exploration company has contacted several large petroleum companies
and the governments of Australia, the USSR, and the United States
to seek circum survey.
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
S squard
SCIENCE 70 ЯЗамии
.Я.г.г.и
ЬЕВГОИИЕГ
011
001
00
NUMBER OF WINTER PERSONNEL
08
or
280
oa
02
260
OP
240
OF
.2.U
U.S.S.R. REDICE
os
220
01
200
AT
sr
or
Ba
да
pael
STARY
180
160
язммиг 70 язамии ЗАЯЗА
OOSI
140
0011
0001
Number of Personnel
120
ARGENTINA
000
100
008
U.S.
80
.00a
Я.2.2.U
AUSTRALIA
60
UNITED KINGDOM
008
CHILE
40
FRANCE
JAPAN
SOUTH AFRICA
20
NEW ZEALAND
68
70
72
74
76
1964
66
START
Years
- 3 -
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NUMBER OF WINTER SCIENCE
Figure 2
110
PERSONNEL
U.S.S.R.
100
90
80
70 ЯЗАМИИ
70
NUMBER OF PERSONNEL
60
50
40
30
U.S.
20
10
1964
66
68
70
72
74
76
YEARS
AVERAGE NUMBER OF SUMMER PERSONNEL
1200
1100
1000
900
U.S.
800
NUMBER OF PERSONNEL
700
600
U.S.S.R.
500
400
300
200
100
65-66
67-68
69-70
71-72
73-74 74-75
63-64
YEARS
- 4 -
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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USSR
Status and Trends
The USSR's Antarctic program appears to have stabilized
and matured, following a period of uncertainty and then rapid
expansion during the 1960's (Figures 1 and 2). Most of this
past expansion as well as the present mix of scientific programs
can be traced to decisions reached during a major policy study
in 1966 and out of refinements based on annual reviews. Published
program objectives emphasize research that will yield practical
benefits, particularly from marine and mineral resources, and
from meteorological and geophysical forecasting.
/
Soviet expeditions are sponsored by an Interdepartmental
Committee of the Academy of Sciences. The primary organizational
and research role is performed by the Arctic and Antarctic
Scientific Research Institute (AANII) under the Hydrometeorological
Service. AANII's Antarctic budget is believed to be about $US
10 million. Additional research and logistic support is provided
by several dozen other organizations from government ministries
and the Academy of Sciences. These later organizations apparently
absorb all or part of the direct costs of air transportation,
mapping, geology, rocket sounding, aerology, marine biology, ocean-
ography, satellite geodesy, and a number of other programs.
- 5 -
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to
The twenty-first Soviet Antarctic Expedition (SAE), 1975-76,
is expected to be slightly larger in size but similar in scope
to the last four expeditions. For the sixth consecutive year
the USSR will probably man six year-round stations. A new
summer-only station will also be established on the Filchner
Ice Shelf to support field work in the surrounding area. It
replaces a similar camp that was operated for four years on
the Amery Ice Shelf. Attempts to open a new station, Russkaya,
on the coast of Marie Byrd Land have been at least temporarily
shelved (see map, page 9).
New construction and the rebuilding of old facilities is
underway or planned for all of the year-round Soviet stations.
Bellingshausen, at the tip of the Antarctic Peninsula, has been
more than doubled in size during the last few years. At both
- 5a -
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Mirnyy and Vostok most of the older, obsolete buildings are
being replaced. Furthermore, Novolazarevskaya station is expected
to be completely relocated and rebuilt at a new location in
coming years.
Ship and aircraft capabilities are also being improved.
This year the USSR's Arctic and Antarctic Scientific Research
Institute (AANII) has acquired a new icebreaking research/transport
ship, with a displacement of 14,000 tons, to replace the old
flagship of its Antarctic operations. Two other large research/
passenger ships, strengthened for ice operations, have been
obtained since 1967. Rounding out the fleet are two rented cargo
ships.
A notable weakness in the Soviet program is the lack of
long-range air transport capability to shuttle personnel to
and from the Continent. At present some expedition scientists
are flown as far as Australia where they are picked up by ship
for the final leg of the trip. The Soviets have announced that
they plan to eliminate this problem, and reportedly are building
an airstrip near Molodezhnaya for heavy aircraft. They have also
shown interest in purchasing C-130 transport aircraft from the
US to meet this need.
Mineral Interests
The USSR has made no attempt to exploit Antarctica's
mineral resources to date, and has proposed that all "Antarctic
countries" confine themselves in the coming decade to basic
geological research. The Soviets have called for a moratorium
- 6 -
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on the issuance of commercial prospecting licenses throughout
the continent and they seem particularly eager to delay or
prevent Western oil and gas exploration on the continental
shelf. Their longer-range intent is indicated, however, by
the magnitude of their geological exploration program, the
largest and most explicitly resource-oriented in Antarctica.
Geological research, including as an explicit goal the
discovery of mineral resources has been an important component
of each of the Soviet Antarctic Expeditions. The current
five-year plan, 1971-75, states that the present geological
task is to map the continent on the basis of geological, gravi-
metric, and magnetic surveys in order to determine its mineral-
resource potential.
Commentaries by leading Soviet geologists almost invariably
refer to Antarctica's rich mineral resources and to the inevi-
tability of eventual exploitation. At the conclusion of a
recent expedition, the leading Soviet Antarctic geologist
announced the discovery of a very large and high quality iron
ore deposit, which he claimed "confirms forecasts about the
potential mineral wealth of the continent." He also stated
that the 30-meter-thick ice overburden "is no obstacle to
modern mining technology." Remarks such as these, however,
are frequently tempered by estimates that commercial exploi-
tation will not begin for another 10 or 20 years.
During their 20 annual expeditions the Soviets have carried
out geological and geophysical surveys over most of the major
exposed rock areas of East Antarctica, particularly in the
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mountains of Queen Maud Land and Enderby Land and around the
Amery Ice Shelf (see map, following page). In addition, by
the assignment of Soviet scientists to the programs of other
nations and the recent construction of new stations, the Soviets
have had the opportunity to geologically assess areas throughout
Antarctica.
Soviet surveys have identified a number of mineral occurrences
and deposits in East Antarctica, but none of them have been
of high enough quantity or quality to overcome the projected
high cost of extraction. The most significant of these occurrences,
which range from minute concentrations of molybdenum to large
deposits of coal and iron, are located on the map.
Perhaps the most noteworthy of the resources thus far identified
is the iron ore deposit south of the Amery Ice Shelf; it extends
120 kilometers, measures over 1,000 meters in thickness, and
contains up to 42 percent iron.
Geological research at sea has also been carried out during
nearly every expedition. As a result perhaps as many as 1,000
bottom samples and cores and some tens of thousands of kilometers
of magnetic, gravity, and seismic profiles along ship tracks
to the continent and along its coasts have been acquired.
The Soviets have also provided funding to enable them to par-
ticipate in deep drilling aboard the US ship Glomar Challenger.
Before 1971 the Soviet geological program on land was
carried out by detachments usually comprised of four to ten
geologists and geographers, supported by a flight crew and two
- 8 -
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Soviet Stations and Exploration in Antarctica
Soviet station
US station
Other station
Major area c' Soviet explorat on
Soviet Mineral Discoveries
SOUTH ATLANTIC
Be Beryl
Gr Graphite
Mi Mica
Fe Iron
OCEAN
Q Quartz
C Coal
Mo Molyodenum
Antarctic
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S Africa
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Arg
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USSR
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Bellingshausen)
LAND
(Molo chonya)
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WEDDELL
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Arg
SEA
US (Palmer)
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OUTH
UK
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Arg
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UK
mers Ice Six:
USSR
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SOUTH
US(Sip)
US (South Pole)
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120
SOUTH
PACIFIC
USSR (Leningradskaya)
OCEAN
0
500
1000
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or three small aircraft. The geological work was closely
integrated with seismographic, gravimetric, aerial photographic,
geodetic, and aerial magnetic and mapping surveys.
Under the current five-year plan the scope of this activity
has been considerably expanded. During the last four expeditions
the Soviets operated a large field camp on the edge of the
Amery Ice Shelf. Manned by a party of over 100 aviators,
geologists, geophysicists, and mapping personnel, the Amery
camp and 5 to 10 outstations served as a base for geological-
geophysical survey teams working in an area of about 300,000
km². Aircraft assigned to the field party usually included
two IL-14's, two AN-2's, and two large MI-8 helicopters.
Published reports on the first two of these expeditions
note the coverage of more than 100,000 km² by aerial photography
and aerial magnetic surveys. Aerial magnetic surveys totaled
about 40,000 kilometers of flight lines. Ground magnetic
and gravity measurements were made at more than 200 points.
One expedition completed a 400-mile seismic traverse, with
16 stations.
Detailed findings of these reconnaissance surveys have
not yet been published, but summary reports note the discovery
of a number of minerals, including iron, coal, berylium, and
copper sulfide. Most of the publicity has been given to the
large iron ore deposits on the Amery Ice Shelf, mentioned
above. This year (1975-76) the Soviets will move their summer
field program to Druzhnaya, a base to be established on the
- 10 -
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edge of the Filchner Ice Shelf along the Weddell Sea. Pre-
expedition announcements suggest that the operation will be
modeled after the one conducted from the Amery base. The
proposed program is expected to continue for five years, during
which all of the area within about 500 kilometers of Druzhnaya,
including the Pensacola Mountains, will be surveyed.
The Pensacola Mountains have been identified by US geologists
as the most promising location for hard minerals in Antarctica.
The Soviet geologist who will head Druzhnaya Base claims that
the work area is one of the "planets richest geological provinces."
Parts of it, he states, are analogous to ore-bearing zones
of Siberia, South Africa, and the South American mountains,
and the Weddell Sea continental shelf, he believes, is a potential
oil and gas reservoir. In an attempt to negate any suggestion
of Soviet commerical intent, he comments that "the expedition
does not have commercialaims," but instead will be "a scien-
tific study of the continent, designed to protect mineral
resources for future generations."
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ARGENTINA
Status and Trends
Argentina operates six year-round and two seasonal stations
in its claimed Antarctic territory. During the last 10 years two
stations have been closed and two new stations opened. The
number of personnel at the bases has also apparently remained
fairly stable, although detailed information about recent expeditions
is not available because Argentina has failed to provide required
activity reports since 1973.
All Argentine Antarctic activities are controlled and supported
by the military services, with civilian participation in science
projects. Although the main program emphasis seems to be effective
territorial occupation, activities at the stations and on summer
field expeditions encompass the normal range of Antarctic research
subjects and include meteorology, geophysics, glaciology, geology,
mapping, and oceanography. Oceanographic capabilities were
enhanced last year by transfer of the US research ship Eltanin
to the Argentine Navy for Antarctic operations.
Argentina's logistic capabilities are extensive in the
Peninsula area. At least four helicopters and five small, fixed-
wing aircraft operate from six of the research stations and from
two transport ships. Continued improvement of a large airfield
that was started at Marambio in 1969 allows wheeled C-130 transports
to operate in the Argentine Antarctic year-round.
- 12 -
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Political and public attention to Antarctica within Argentina
has noticeably increased in the last few years. Government
officials and the press have exhibited apprehension over the
Antarctic resource issue and Argentina's ability to maintain its
claimed sovereign rights in the area. In 1974 Argentina proclaimed
the 22nd of February of each year as the Day of the Argentine
Antarctic. Later that year, in December, President Isabel Peron
personally flew over the Antarctic and made a strong speech
reaffirming Argentina's sovereignty in its sector.
Mineral Interests
Argentine expeditions have traditionally included participation
of a few geologists for general reconnaissance work on the Antarctic
Peninsula and surrounding islands. The last available Argentine
information report indicated that regional geological studies were
being expanded in 1973.
Late in 1974 an agreement was signed between the Government's
Under Secretary for Minerals and several Antarctic organizations,
calling for the Economy Ministry to finance geological studies
on the Antarctic Peninsula. The work is intended to identify areas
for more detailed mineral prospecting.
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AUSTRALIA
Status and Trends
Australia's research program is carried out at three stations
that have been in continuous operation since the mid-1950's.
One station was completely rebuilt in 1969 and another is currently
being reconstructed. Scientific activity at stations conforms to
the traditional Antarctic emphasis on weather and upper atmosphere
physics. Summer field activities center around geology, glaciology,
and mapping.
Australia's role in Antarctica is presently the subject of some
debate within the Government and the scientific community. Controversy
has focused on administrative arrangements and specific program goals,
as both the Government and the opposition parties believe Australia's
long-term national interest requires an active scientific program.
Annual appropriations (about $4.7 million, US) have remained
nearly static for the last several years. The resulting toll of
inflation has prompted consideration being given to closing one of
the stations. The recent surge in national and international interest
in Antarctica suggests, however, that funding is more likely to be
increased.
Mineral Interests
Between 1969 and 1974, Australia conducted a modest, but
respectable, geological reconnaissance and mapping program in the
Prince Charles Mountains, west of Amery Ice Shelf. Each year a
field party consisting of about 15 to 25 persons was dispatched;
typically it included three or four geologists, a geophysicist,
three or four surveyors, and seven or eight aviators. Three
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helicopters provided field transportation and a small fixed-wing
aircraft was used for aerial survey work. In addition to collecting
rock samples and establishing control surveys, the field parties
made five to ten geomagnetic and gravity observations each season.
On the basis of data collected in this program, a geological
monograph and 1:250,000 geological maps are being prepared. Published
reports do not indicate that minerals with economic potential were
either searched for or found.
This year (1975-76) the geological field program is being
shifted west into Enderby Land. Apparently it will continue there
for at least several years at approximately the scale of previous
work in the Prince Charles Mountains.
Australia has a negligible capability for geological or
geophysical surveys offshore in Antarctica. Its two ships, both
resupply vessels, are equipped only to take depth soundings.
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CHILE
Status and Trends
Chile operates three year-round and several summer stations
within its claimed territory on the Antarctic Peninsula. The
total effort, in terms of active stations, number of wintering
and seasonal personnel, and ship support, has apparently not
changed appreciably in the last 10 years. The Navy, Air Force,
and Army each operate a station, with the Navy providing all
logistic support. Scientific activities, other than those
associated with meteorology and hydrography, are planned and
conducted by the Chilean Antarctic Institute, which supports
about 20 scientists and technicians on the peninsula during
the summer season.
The total Chilean Antarctic budget was approximately $US 5.8
million in 1971; only $US 80,000 was allocated to the Antarctic
Institute science program. At that time a new five-year plan
called for a tripling of science activities, in support of pure
science, and later, economic prospecting. It is not possible
to determine whether the proposed increases were approved, because
Chile has not met its obligations to exchange Antarctic information
since 1973.
Mineral Interests
Chile has carried out only minor geological research in
Antarctica, almost exclusively in the vicinity of its stations
around the tip of the Antarctic Peninsula. Emphasis has been on
improving the understanding of regional geology. In a typical
season 2 to 3 geologists have collected rock samples in the area.
- 16 -
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The current five-year plan, for 1972-1976, called for completion
of the basic scientific survey and geological mapping of the South
Shetland Islands by 1974. In following years economic geology
groups would evaluate the mineral resources of that area, and the
Antarctic Peninsula as well. According to the plan, mineral prospecting
was to become the main scientific interest by 1975 or 1976, but infor-
mation is lacking on current activities. begnedo
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- 17 -
E S
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CONFIDENTIAL
July 10, 1970
WIC
Annex 1
AH
National Security Decision Memorandum 71
10B
TO:
The Secretary of State
BOOK
The Secretary of Defense
The Secretary of Commerce
The Secretary of Interior
The Secretary of Transportation
The Director, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
The Director, Office of Management and Budget
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Director, National Science Foundation
The Director, Office of Science and Technology
SUBJECT: United States Antarctic Policy and Program
The President has reviewed the memorandum forwarded by the Chairman
of the NSC Under Secretaries Committee on May 28, 1970, which contains
a statement of objectives in Antarctica and recommendations regarding.
appropriate program levels and responsibility for management of the
program.
Considering United States interests in Antarctica, the President has
decided that the Antarctic program should be continued at a level which
maintains an active and influential United States presence in Antarctica
and which is responsive to United States scientific, economic and political
objectives. The President has noted and, subject to normal budget
review processes, approved the estimated annual budget level anging
from $29 - $34 million.
Noting the request of the Department of Defense regarding budgeting
responsibility, the President hereby directs preparation for the orderly
and efficient transfer of the program to the National Science Foundation
whereby the Foundation shall:
1.
Budget for the entire United States national program in Antarctica,
including the funding of logistic support activities;
2.
Continue to fund university research and federal agency programs
related to Antarctica;
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3.
Draw upon logistic support capabilities of government agencies
on a mutually acceptable reimbursement or non-reimbursement
basis; and
1.
Use commercial support and management facilities where these
are determined to be cost effective.
In undertaking the transfer of responsibility, it is understood that an
increase in the National Science Foundation budget is not intended to
cause a net increase in the total Federal budget since the Foundation
will be assuming budget items for logistic support currently carried
by the Department of Defense and the Department of Transportation.
Present program responsibilities assigned under Bureau of the Budget
Circular A-51 shall remain in effect during the course of the transfer of
responsibilities and, subject to consultations, the Fiscal Year 1972 budget
shall serve as the target for transfer of budget responsibility to the
National Science Foundation. To insure the orderly transfer of program
responsibilities, changes in responsibilities for operational management
and safety of operations shall be coordinated through the Antarctic Policy
Group.
In the course of the transfer of responsibilities, the Department of
Defense shall maintain the Fiscal Year 1970 level of Antarctic logistic
support. The Department of Defense shall thereafter assure the avail-
ability, on a mutually acceptable reimbursement or non-rcimbursement
basis, of essential logistic support components.
The President has instructed that the Director of the National Science
Foundation and the Office of Management and Budget, in coordination
with other agencies and offices where necessary, hold appropriate dis-
cussions with the principal Members of Congress concerned and submit
a progress report no later than June 21, 1971, for his consideration.
they A. Kinn
Henry A. Kissinger
:c: The Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff
ONFIDENTIAL
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library. DECLASSIFIED
Annex 2
7414035
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 2050G
CONFIDENTIAL/XGDS(3)
July 29, 1974
National Security Decision Memorandum 263
TO:
The Secretary of the Treasury
The Secretary of Defense
Copies to:
The Secretary of the Interior
;/P (Action)
The Secretary of Commerce
i/S
The Deputy Secretary of State
/S-S
The Director of Central Intelligence
'eam C
F
The Director, Federal Energy Administration
(ek)
The Director, National Science Foundation
The Chairman, Council on Environmental Quality
SUBJECT:
U.S. Policy on Antarctic Mineral Resources
The President has reviewed the NSC Under Secretaries Committee
(USC) report regarding United States policy on Antarctic mineral
resources, as forwarded by the USC Chairman on April 26, 1974.
The President has approved the attached statement of United States
policy, and has authorized preliminary consultations with other Parties
to the Antarctic Treaty to gain acceptance of the idea that there should
be an internationally agreed approach to the issues of commercial
exploration for and exploitation of Antarctic mineral resources.
These exploratory consultations should be designed so as to preserve
the U.S. interests detailed in the USC report and in no way prejudice
any options regarding the possible nature and scope of international
mechanisms, understandings, or agreements pertaining to Antarctic
mineral resources. The Department of State, in coordination with the
other interested agencies, will be responsible for the conduct of these
consultations.
In addition, the President has directed the Under Secretaries Committee
to conduct a prompt analysis of what the United States might wish to seek
or to avoid in any later discussions on establishing an internationally
agreed approach.
CONFIDENTIAL/XGDS(3)
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2
CONFIDENTIAL/XGDS(3)
A report on the preliminary consultations, and a proposed action
program outlining what diplomatic and political steps might be taken
to accomplish the substantive recommendations should be forwarded
for the President's consideration prior to the undertaking of any
further actions in this area.
A.
Henry A. Kissinger
Attachment
cc: Assistant to the President for International
Economic Policy
Counselor to the President for Economic Policy
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CONFIDENTIAL/XGDS(3)
CONFIDENTIAL/GDS
Statement of United States Policy on Antarctic Mineral Resources
It is the objective of the United States:
To ensure that, if undertaken, commercial exploration and
exploitation in Antarctica are carried out in a manner that
does not disrupt the implementation of the Antarctic Treaty
as long as it is in effect, and does not become a cause for
significant international discord.
To ensure that any exploitation of Antarctic mineral resources
is compatible with environmental considerations and with United
States obligations under the Antarctic Treaty.
To gain acceptance of the concept that there should be an inter-
nationally agreed approach for any commercial exploration
and exploitation of Antarctic mineral resources, which should
at the same time (a) permit free access by the U.S. and other
nations for exploitation purposes to any part of the Antarctic
Treaty area except those areas specifically designated for
other uses; (b) be without prejudice to and appropriately com-
patible with United States law of the sea interests; (c) provide
for the protection of the Antarctic environment; and (d) preserve
the rights under the Antarctic Treaty of scientific research.
During the time that the United States is seeking an internationally agreed
approach, the United States will oppose actions by any nation with the
purpose of commercial exploration and exploitation of Antarctic mineral
resources, and will urge other nations to join the U.S. in such an interim
policy. At the same time, however, the United States will continue as
feasible and appropriate within the present scientific program to determine
the mineral resource potential of Antarctica more accurately. (This
position will be reevaluated periodically in light of the progress of any
negotiations, actions by other countries, and continuing economic and
technological assessments of United States and foreign capabilities to
be provided by a Subcommittee of the Under Secretaries Committee.)
The United States will continue to maintain and be prepared to augment as
appropriate an active and influential presence in Antarctica in keeping with
its present and future scientific, economic (including resource potential),
political, and security interests in Antarctica.
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1481
Annex 3
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
7510393
XR. 7504882
CONFIDENTIAL
May 20, 1975
MEMORANDUM FOR
OPIES TO:
CHAIRMAN, NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
F (CWM)
/P (ACTION)
SUBJECT:
U.S. Policy on Antarctic Mineral Resources
The President has reviewed your memorandum of March 10, 1975,
regarding U.S. Policy on Antarctic Mineral Resources, and has noted
the views of the various agencies that contributed to the report. The
President has decided that:
1.
We should work with our Antarctic Treaty partners toward an inter-
nationally agreed arrangement for dealing with commercial exploration
and exploitation of the mineral resources of the Antarctic, based on the
principles established in NSDM 263. We should explore possible
mechanisms including consideration of a new decision-making procedure
which, inter alia, avoids the present rule of unanimity.
2.
We should look toward a special regime for offshore mineral resources
of the Antarctic, However, this could be reconsidered if warranted by
developments in the Law of the Sea Conference or by discussions with
our Antarctic Treaty partners.
3.
We should continue our present interim policy of urging nations to
refrain from commercial exploration and exploitation, pending an
internationally agreed approach. Our interim policy would be
reexamined if other parties to the Antarctic Treaty were to undertake
precipitate action or if the prospects for arriving at an internationally
agreed approach were determined to be remote.
4.
The action plan called for in NSDM 263, including appropriate tactical
positions, should be developed by the Antarctic Policy Group. The
Group should also make more detailed examinations of the principles
and alternative organizational and legal approaches applicable to a
possible internationally agreed arrangement, the environmental
consequences of exploration and exploitation and mechanisms for
minimizing such consequences, U.S. interests in the living
resources in Antarctic waters, and other relevant matters. For these
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CONFIDENTIAL
2
A2J0383
purposes, the Antarctic Policy Group should include representatives
of all interested agencies. Major unresolved policy issues should be
reviewed by the Under Secretaries Committee.
Following the June Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting and other
appropriate consultations, a report should be submitted by the USC to the
President on the prospects for reaching an acceptable agreement and recom-
mendations for next steps.
TUOY
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Henry A. Kissinger
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CONFIDENTIAL/GDS
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CONFIDENTIAL
Annex 4
National Security Council Study
U.S. Program in Antarctica
Summary Recommendations
Background
The President has directed the Antarctic Policy Group to prepare a study of
current and long-term interests, objectives and programs in Antarctica. The
directive states that the study should: 1) Consider and analyze the major
issues; 2) Consider alternative programs and related support activities;
3) Examine administrative arrangements for the U.S. Antarctic Program; and,
4) recommend any changes in the assignment of organizational responsibility
which will benefit the program.
This study seeks to analyze the issues related to U.S. interests and
objectives in Antarctica as well as the implications for U.S. policies and
programs. It also offers recommendations regarding an appropriate program
level and suitable administrative and support arrangements.
United States policy for Antarctica was last reviewed at the National
Security level in 1960.
U.S. Policy With Regard to Antarctica
Long Range U.S. Objectives and Interests: In view of the size of Antarctica,
its influence upon the earth's environment, the provisions of the Antarctic
Treaty and the advantages to the United States of its continued peaceful
development, long-term U.S. objectives and interests in the Antarctic
area can be summarized as follows:
Maintain the viability of the Antarctic Treaty through the preservation
of harmonious international relations in Antarctica;
Share in any benefit to be derived from Antarctica and prevent any use
of the area which is against United States interests and prejudicial
to the stability and peace of the region;
Encourage the peaceful development of Antarctica through scientific
research and appropriate commercial and economic activities;
Preserve freedom of access and free conduct of any peaceful activity
under established uniform rules, including the conservation and
regulation of exploration and exploitation of natural and living
resources;
Maintain a suitable presence in Antarctica which continues to provide
leadership in the development of the area and furthers the develop-
ment of a permanent international arrangement for Antarctica, or one
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which could be used as a basis for making concrete territorial
claims in the event the Antarctic Treaty should become ineffective;
Protect such rights as the United States may have acquired by discovery,
exploration, occupation, development and use of the area prior to the
entry into force of the Antarctic Treaty, and assure the continued
right of the United States to discover, occupy, develop and use the
area under terms of the Antarctic Treaty;
Promote the free exchange of information about plans and activities
including data and results of such activities.
Immediate U.S. Objectives: Implement the Antarctic Treaty including the
exercise of the right of inspection, scientific cooperation, and ex-
change of information;
Develop through the Treaty Consultative process suitable rules to
govern all kinds of activity in Antarctica with particular emphasis
on conservation, jurisdiction and economic exploitation;
Develop parallel and complementary international agreements for the
conservation and regulation of the exploitation of resources in the
high seas south of 60° south latitude;
Continue scientific investigation of Antarctica, and the uses to which
Antarctica may be put, for the benefit of the U.S. and mankind,
emphasizing the influence of the area upon worldwide environmental
effects, the presence and extent of living and non-living resources,
and Antarctica as a laboratory to monitor environmental changes, long
and short term, natural and man made;
Continue to encourage scientific cooperation between Antarctic Treaty
nations and the specialized agencies of the U.N. and with non-govern-
mental scientific associations and organizations;
Encourage U.S. commercial and economic activities in Antarctica which
are consistent with the provisions of the Antarctic Treaty and
complement other U.S. objectives;
Improve the present methods of accountability in the reporting of plans
and activities by Treaty signatories and acceding countries;
Establish laws and regulations for exercising jurisdiction over U.S.
nationals and their activities in Antarctica.
Extent of Geographic Interest in Antarctica and Nature of Program: United
States objectives encompass the entire region south of 60° south latitude.
However, U.S. activities concentrate on the area lying between 30° west
longitude westward to 150° east longitude with additional scientific
requirements in Queen Maud Land, Wilkes Land, and in the oceans surrounding
Antarctica.
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Scientific research continues for the foresecable future to be the principal
U.S. activity. Antarctic research up to the present has developed a datum of
basic environmental findings of worldwide as well as regional significance.
It offers a. unique yardstick for measuring worldwide environmental changes.
It affords a basis for logical advancement of research into studies related
to global monitoring of environmental conditions and trends and to the
assessment of resource potential for possible future development. Related
activities, including those of U.S. commercial enterprises, are encouraged
and accommodated insofar as they are compatible with scientific activities
and objectives and so long as they are consistent with the provisions of the
Antarctic Treaty and its development. In all activities, and particularly
scientific activities, the United States fosters international cooperation
with other countries active in Antarctica, including the use of U.S.
logistic capabilities, as available, to support scientific programs of
mutual interest and other activities determined to be in the national
interest. The United States likewise encourages other nations to contri-
bute logistic support to cooperative programs.
The Functioning of the Antarctic Treaty: The Antarctic Treaty, which is the
result of an initiative taken by the United States, was signed in Washington,
D.C., on December 1, 1959 by representatives of Argentina, Australia, Belgium,
Chile, France, Great Britain, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa, the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the United States. It entered
into force on June 23, 1961. After the expiration of thirty years from the
date of entry into force (1991), the Treaty may be reviewed at the request of
any contracting party and modifications and amendments to the Treaty may be
offered at that time.
The Treaty provides that the Antarctic shall be used for peaceful purposes,
and that military personnel or equipment may be used for scientific research
or any other peaceful purpose. The Treaty further provides for a unilateral
inspection system to determine compliance with the Treaty. The Treaty calls
for free access to the area for scientific purposes, for the free exchange of
data, results and information about planned activities, and the exchange of
scientists between expeditions.
The Treaty freezes the question of previously asserted rights and claims to
territorial sovereignty in Antarctica, and provides that no acts or activities
carried out while the Treaty is in force will hereafter constitute a basis
for a claim. (Neither the U.S. nor the U.S.S.R. has asserted any claim in
Antarctica to territorial sovereignty, but claims by seven other nations
include 80% of the physical territory in Antarctica.) The Treaty prohibits
nuclear explosions and the disposal of radioactive waste material in
Antarctica. The Treaty further provides a means by which the signatory
parties and any other parties conducting substantial, independent activities
in Antarctica may meet together to consult on problems of mutual concern and
recommend measures to governments by which to further the principles and
purposes of the Treaty.
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The Antarctic Treaty has accomplished several of the principal long term
U.S. objectives in Antarctica and has served U.S. interests well in the
last ten years. It has become a landmark in modern treaty-making by the
channeling of regional conflicts into productive international research
activity under a system of free inspection. It has served as a model for
the Space Treaty, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Test Ban
Treaty. However, several critical issues including the exploration and
exploitation of mineral resources and matters related to jurisdiction over
persons and activities in Antarctica lie before the Treaty parties for
consideration. These issues are the core of the basic disagreement between
the nations which claim territorial sovereignty over certain portions of
Antarctica and those which do not recognize such sovereignty. The effec-
tiveness of the Treaty will be gauged by the ability of the Treaty parties
to resolve these issues. An amicable solution of these problems is a long-
term United States objective. Presence and continuing U.S. leadership will
be required to achieve this objective.
Furthermore, as the Antarctic Treaty requires the unanimity of all signatory
parties to consult together and to recommend measures in furtherance of the
Treaty, the U.S. encourages other signatory countries to continue their
participation in the Treaty. The U.S. continues to exercise its rights of
inspection and encourages other countries to do likewise. The United States
endeavors to develop through the Antarctic Treaty uniform rules of procedure
to regulate activities in Antarctica, including the exploration, conservation,
and exploitation of living and natural resources. The United States exerts
efforts to ensure compliance with such measures by any country which may
carry out programs in Antarctica.
A review of the implementation of the Antarctic Treaty and of scientific
activities which have been carried out there clearly suggests the ubiquitous
character of U.S. activities in Antarctica which has given the United States
its position of leadership. This has been made possible largely by air
support capability developed by the Naval Support Force. The degree to which
the U.S. influences the future development of Antarctica and international
cooperation depends upon the extent to which the U.S. pursues scientific,
logistic, and other activities which provide flexibility of operation and
access to a wide and varied area in Antarctica. The use, whenever possible,
of automatic stations and satellites to obtain synoptic data required for
research and for environmental monitoring will enhance this effort. Support
of such activities requires staging areas in Antarctica and on continents
adjacent to Antarctica.
Activities of Other Countries: An analysis of the activities of other
countries in Antarctica indicates that five countries--France, Japan, Great
Britain, New Zealand and the Soviet Union--have programs which show growth in
geographic extent, rapid development of scientific sophistication and increase
in logistic support capability. Soviet activities continue steadily to
expand around the entire continent, and Soviet research vessels have been
very active in the Southern Oceans.
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Four countries--Argentina, Australia, Chile and South Africa--have main-
tained relatively constant levels of activity, but they have made capital
investments in new facilities which indicate a long term intent to remain
in Antarctica. Two countries--Belgium and Norway--have been unable to
maintain continuous activities, but both countries have participated
actively in the Treaty forum and reiterated their long range interest in
Antarctica. None of the acceding parties--Czechoslovakia, Denmark, The
Netherlands, and Poland--nor any other country, has carried out substantial,
independent expeditionary activities in Antarctica.
Scope of Program: During the past five years, the U.S. Antarctic Program
has been maintained nearly at a constant level of effort. The average
annual expenditure has been $33.0 million. This includes funding for
certain capital investments such as research vessels and permanent
structures which include part of the replacement facility for the station
at the South Pole. Of this annual average, the National Science Foundation
program has been $7.5 million, the Department of Defense support effort
$18.4 million, with an additional icebreaker support cost of $7.1 million
which has been funded totally for the last four years by the Department of
Transportation. The actual FY 1970 Department of Defense budget was $17.1
million. However, FY 1971 request to Congress was $13.2 million. This
reduction of $4 million in operating funds will necessitate closing Byrd
and Pole Stations as soon as operating conditions permit, placing McMurdo
Station in essentially a caretake status, and curtailing intracontinental
flights. This reduction will require cancellation of 80% of the previously
planned and funded scientific programs on the Antarctic continent in 1970-71.
In considering alternative programs and related support activities, seven
major program levels ranging in total cost from $7 million to $42 million
annually have been examined in light of U.S. policy objectives in Antarctica.
In examining these alternative program levels and corresponding related
support activities, it may be seen that current program costs relate closely
to several basic building blocks in the science programs, logistic systems
and construction. (See page 6, Table ⑉ Costs of Science Programs, Logistic
Systems and Antarctic Construction.)
(1)
LEVEL I
A peripheral continental program and
transportation of all cargo and personnel
to Antarctica by ship
$7.0 million
LEVEL II
A peripheral continental program with
limited local helicopter support, and
transportation of all cargo and per-
sonnel to Antarctica by ship
$7.5 million
At the lowest program levels, for example, research activities which take
place at the edges of the continent at McMurdo Station, Palmer Station,
(1)
Underlining indicates additional activities at each level
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TABLE - COSTS OF SCIENCE PROGRAMS, LOGISTIC SYSTEMS
AND ANTARCTIC CONSTRUCTION
(average based on annual expenditures FY 66-70
in millions of dollars)
1
NSF
USN
COGARD
TOTAL
Coastal Stations
1.2
2.8
2.4
6.4
Hallett, McMurdo
Palmer & Hero
Construction (and
.5
3.6
1.2
5.3
Capital Investment)
Other Ground Support
.0
8.9 (12.7)²
2.4
11.3 (15.1) 2
for Air Operations
Air Operations, Manned
3.2
3.1
1.1
7.4
Inland Stations, Field
Operations
Eltanin
2.6
.0
.0
2.6
7.5
18.4
7.1
33.0
I The annual cost of icebreakers is pro-rated to the various activities
supported--station resupply and delivery of aviation fuel, construction
materiél, etc.
2 Approximately $2.0m of Line 1 and $1.8m of Line II under USN relate
directly to the capability to sustain air operations, hence should be
combined with the $8.9m "Other Ground Support" to provide an indication
of the expense to Navy to maintain this capability.
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Hallett Station (summer only) and on board the research vessel, Mero, can
be supported as a self-custaining scientific and logistic unit at costs
between $6 million and $7 million. At this level, the United Statesm
would maintain a symbolic presence with little leadership potential,
limited scientific capability with emphasis on ocean related research,
slight capability to monitor environmental conditions, limited capability
to support international cooperative programs, and no capability to pursuer
activities in the interior of Antarctica.
B
.8.U
LEVEL III
A peripheral continental program with limited
local helicopter support, a year-round oceano- notjeje
graphic program in the Southern Oceans, and
a limited program of intercontinental air
support between New Zealand and Antarctica
$15 million
PREVIS
LEVEL IV
A peripheral continental program with local
helicopter support, a year-around oceano-
graphic program in the Southern Oceaus,
air support for field activities on the
continent, and a limited program of inter-
continental air support between New Zealand
$18 million
and Antarctica
B
LEVEL
V
A program with coastal and interior stations
including South Pole Station, with local
helicopter support, a year-around oceano-
graphic program in the Southern Oceans,
support capability on the continent with
the possibility of additional semi-permanent
station locations to meet scientific requirements,
regular intercontinental air support between New
Zealand and Antarctica during the austral
$32 million
summer
For a safe, reliable and efficient air operation staging into Antarctica
and one encompassing diversified intracontinental air operations, it has been
necessary to develop an air support complex as a staging base for inter and
intracontinental flights. The presently existing manned inland stations
serve a dual role as ancillary staging bases as well as scientific stations.
The cost to the Antarctic Program of this air support complex is about $12
million annually. With the availability of the air support complex an
additional $7.5 million provides research activities and their related
which adds an oceanographic component to the program at a cost of $2.6
support. The research vessel, Eltanin, represents an additional system
million
a
year.
The analysis indicates that the achievement of salient U.S. science program
objectives and U.S. policy objectives occurs only after the commitment has
been made to an air logistics system capable of supporting operations in
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the continental interior. Maintenance of the U.S. programs at the South
Pole and Byrd Stations, the conduct of field research throughout the continent,
aerial mapping, remote sensing, and the placement of automatic stations to
supplement the manned station network all require air support. The ins]
capability of the United States is facilitated by aircraft operations
they provide the only means to carry out inspection of activities in the
interior of Antarctica, and because they provide the capability to mount
inspections on short notice. In conclusion, it is not until Level V that
the U.S. can pursue a balanced research program (including the wide-ranging
field activities which have given the U.S. scientific leadership), maintain
station in the interior of Antarctica (including the South Pole Station),
support non-scientific activities in the national interest, and carry out
programs in cooperation with other countries.
LEVELS VI/VII
A program of coastal and interior stations
similar to Level V with greatly increased
air support capability, additional
permanent and semi-permanent stations,
and an additional air route via South
America to the Antarctic
$37-$42 million
Increase beyond the present level of science activity and its support in
Antarctica would include the cost of additional manned stations around the
coast or in the continental interior. The highest program level would also
include the establishment of a second intercontinental air route with its
attendant aviation support complex through South America to the Antarctic
Peninsula. Such levels of expenditure would result in redundancy in terms
of scientific return, would arouse some concern among other Treaty nations
that the U.S. was seeking to dominate Antarctica, and might encourage com-
petition rather than cooperation from the Soviet Union and other nations.
The selected program levels have encompassed planned funding for specific
capital investments such as the replacement facility at the South Pole.
However, in the future, specific capital investments may require additional
line item appropriations. These figures do not include periodic adjustments
which may be necessary because of inflation and salary increases. Also, no
provision has been made for the various and considerable one-time costs which
would be incurred in a major change in program level in either direction.
Administrative Arrangements: The Department of Defense has stated a desire to
"begin planning for an orderly and efficient phasedown of the DOD partici-
pation in Antarctic activities and the concomitant transfer of the logistic
funding and operating responsibility to a more appropriate agency. Further-
more, the Subcommittee on Defense Appropriations of the Appropriations
Committee of the House of Representatives has stated with respect to the
Antarctic logistic support program--that, "if additional funding was needed
to support high priority research and tests, it should be sought from other
governmental programs in support of scientific research. At the same
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time the logistic support budget was reduced in FY 1971 by approximately
$4 million.
Six alternative management Plans have been reviewed:
Plan A. Continuation of present arrangements under Bureau of the
Budget Circular A-51, with Antarctic Policy Group direction.
This Plan continues the existing management arrangement for the U.S.
Anterctic program as set forth in Bureau of the Budget Circular A-51 of
August 3, 1960, which assigns management and budgetary responsibility for
U.S. scientific activities to the National Science Foundation and assigns
management and budgetary responsibility for logistic support of U.S.
scientific and other activities to the Department of Defense. This arrange-
ment has worked well and served U.S. interests and objectives for a decade.
In that period U.S. Antarctic scientific programs under the direction of
the National Science Foundation have advanced significantly. These
scientific advances have been based in large measure on the logistic support
capabilities developed by the Department of Defense.
However, the review of priorities has placed the non-defense oriented
Antarctic logistic support function in competition with programs directly
related to the mission of the Department of Defense. The prospects of
maintaining an adequate DOD budget level for Antarctica are very dim,
particularly in light of current Defense priorities and budget restrictions
as well as Congressional views on DOD non-mission oriented activities.
Plan B. Continuation of present arrangements as in Plan A with exception
of funding arrangements. Support funding to be budgeted by the
NSF, reimbursing DOD.
This Plan continues to present arrangement except that NSF would assume the
budgeting responsibility vested in the Department of Defense and maintain the
present Navy logistic capability by reimbursing the Department of Defense.
This arrangement has the advantage of continuing the present functioning
management system. However, the National Science Foundation would find
difficulty in presenting, justifying and defending what is in effect the
operational budget for another agency before the Congressional committees
responsible for the authorization and appropriations of the Foundation.
Plan C. NSF to budget and fund for both science and support programs
with policy direction by the Antarctic Policy Group; to
continue to support university and Federal agency research
programs; to draw upon other government agencies for logistic
support on a mutually acceptable reimbursable or non-reimbursable
basis; to use commercial support when cost effective.
This Plan provides an alternative arrangement designed to overcome the
budgeting problems for DOD and NSF which Plans A and B present. It has an
added advantage of facilitating the development of selected comercial support
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of scientific activities. Analysis has shown that 3. selected mixture of
commercial support and government agency support may be cost effective.
However, it represents a major departure from the present system and will
require phaseover of budgeting responsibility and monagement functions.
20
prevent disruption of the on-going science program OF an unplanned áis-
continuation of U.S. presence in Anterctica, a transition phase beginning
with a continuation of the present management arrangements and moving in an
orderly sequence to implementation of Plan C should be adopted. The tran-
sition phase will provide NSF the opportunity to plan for the assumption of
the additional budgetary and management responsibility and at the same time
provide continuity of present authority during the transition phase.
Plan D. Transfer budgeting and funding responsibility for logistic
support to an agency other than NSF; NSF to budget and fund
science program with policy direction by the Antarctic Policy
Group.
This Plan offers a further alternative solution to budgeting for the U.S.
Antarctic Program. However, the transition problems are increased.
Designating total logistic support responsibility to an agency other than
DOD or NSF will require development of a new management capability. While
other departments have participated in Antarctic programs by carrying out
scientific programs coordinated and funded by NSF, as well as specific
logistic support functions under the overall direction of the DOD, no other
Department has an overall operational familiarity with the Antarctic program.
Plan E. NSF funds for both science and support programs, utilizing
commercial support and management facilities for logistic
support with policy direction by the Antarctic Policy Group.
In this Plan consideration is given to an entirely commercially supported
program in Antarctica. Analysis showed that the estimated costs of such a
system, sufficient to support a significant presence in Antarctica, are
high. Furthermore, two vital elements of the support system cannot be
provided ry this arrangement in the foreseeable future or without very large
capital investments--large ski-equipped aircraft, and ice-strengthened ships
and icebreakers.
Plan F. Establishment of an Antarctic commission to administer support
for science programs and development of other potential
Antarctic programs.
This Plan offers a further alternative budgeting arrangement. It requires
new legislation and thus an indefinite transition period during which a
program would have to be maintained in accordance with another arrangement.
It does not, therefore, offer an immediate budgetary alternative. Subject to
the provisions of the legislation, a commission might offer as more efficient
and responsive arrangement. Commission legislation proposed in the past,
however, has been considered to duplicate existing agency authorities, to
isolate 1 tarctic programs from related program activities in other areas
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
-11-
of the world, and to complicate interagency coordination. In terms of
routine policy formulation the Antarctic Policy Group is considered to be
a simple, immediately available, and responsive arrangement.
In evaluating these alternative management and funding arrangements, one
fundamental assumption has been made: This is, any transfer of budgeting
and funding responsibility from another agency to the National Science
Foundation will be accompanied by a corresponding increase in the NSF
budget estimates to accommodate the additional Antarctic logistic support
costs. It is further assumed that Congress will appropriate the necessary
funds over and above and in addition to the annual appropriation requested
by NSF for its annual authorized programs and appropriated by the Congress
for those purposes. The success of this arrangement hinges upon the con-
currence and support of Congress. It is apparent that the Appropriations
Committee holds the view that an agency which is responsible for Antarctic
scientific programs ought to budget the Antarctic logistic support costs.
It is less clear that the Congressional Committees would view with cor-
responding approbation the assumption by the National Science Foundation of
this responsibility. However, there is no reason to suppose that it would
not be favorably received, particularly when it is pointed out that the
change does not involve a net change in the Federal budget.
Recommendations
In light of the foregoing discussion, the following recommendations concern-
ing program level and management are made:
Recommendation No. 1: In order to achieve U.S. objectives in Antarctica,
it is recommended that the U.S. Antarctic Program be maintained at a level
which continues U.S. leadership and supports scientific programs and other
activities in Antarctica. Maintenance of a program at approximately the
present average annual level would accomplish these objectives.
Recommendation No. 2: It is recommended that the National Science Foundation
budget for the United States science and support programs in Antarctica; that
the Foundation continue to fund university research and Federal agency pro-
grans; that the Foundation draw upon the logistic support capability of
government agencies on a mutually acceptable reimbursable or non-reimbursable
basis; and that the Foundation use commercial support and management facili-
ties where these are determined to be cost effective (Pian C).
Recommendation No. 3: It is recommended that responsibility for program and
operational management and for safety of operations in Antarctica should
initially remain as they are set forth in Bureau of the Budget Circular A-51
of August 3, 1960. However, with the transfer of various operational responsi-
bilities to other agencies or commercial organizations, it may be desirable to
make corresponding transfers of the responsibility for operational management
and safety. To ensure that the transfer of these responsibilities is done
in an orderly manner, the Department of Defense, the National Science
Foundation, and other interested agencies would recommend such changes to
the Antarctic Policy Group for consideration.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
DOC
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OCEANS POLICY
INTELLIGENCE
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Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
575-600
6822
u/sm 56
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
MICROFILM DATA
WASHINGTON
DO
February 18, 1970
INIT
DATE
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SECRET
ACTION
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MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER
TO
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M.
Rusk
WHC
FROM:
Robert
Behr
SUBF
SUBJECT: U.S. Cooperation in the Uranium Enrichment Field
The Under Secretaries Committee will meet at 4:00 P.M. on February 19th
to consider an interagency paper (Tab B) on U.S. Cooperation in the
Uranium Enrichment Field.
BACKGROUND
With the growing demand throughout the world for production of electrical
power by means of nuclear reactors, there is a parallel demand for
nuclear material to fuel these reactors. This fuel is obtained by a process
known as uranium enrichment. Two techniques are normally used --
gaseous diffusion and the gas centrifuge process. Gaseous diffusion
involves very large plant facilities and consumes great quantities of
electricity in its operations. Conversely, gas centrifuges can be housed
in smaller plants and need relatively less electricity. Hence, centrifuges
can be operated clandestinely and could present problems from the stand-
point of nuclear weapons proliferation.
The present U.S. policy is to classify enrichment technology and to
withhold it from other countries. We have sought to reduce incentives
to develop enrichment facilities abroad by supplying U-235, under stable,
attractive conditions, to countries that accept bilateral or multilateral
safeguards.
This approach has delayed the construction of foreign facilities. Outside
of the Communist Bloc, only France and the U.K. have enrichment plants.
Our policy has also produced economic advantages for the U.S. in the form
of significant returns in foreign revenues.
There are, however, several factors which suggest that a new policy
may be warranted:
-- The industrially advanced countries have been rapidly shifting
to nuclear power for generating electricity. This trend is expected to
accelerate in the future. The projected demand, both domestic and
foreign can be met by existing and planned U.S. capacity until the late
1970's. After that new capacity will have to come on line.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
SECRET
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-- Several foreign countries have become concerned about their
total dependence on the U.S. for nuclear fuel. They are attracted by
both the prospect of lessening this dependence and the commercial
possibilities of exporting fuel and nuclear reactors. It is almost
certain that enrichment plants will be built abroad -- with or without
U.S. help. The British, Dutch and Germans have already reached
agreement on a tripartite project based on the gas centrifuge process.
-- We have a strong incentive to rationalize our plans with the
Western Europeans so that our enrichment capacity is fully utilized
until their plant comes into operation. We both wish to avoid over-
commitments and, between now and the late 1970's, the cheapest in-
cremental enrichment capacity can be achieved through planned improve-
ments to U.S. gaseous diffusion facilities.
-- By providing U.S. gaseous diffusion technology to selected
countries we could possibly inhibit the spread of centrifuge technology
which, from the standpoint of proliferation, is a serious concern. (No
advanced nation with strong incentives -- military, political or commer-
cial -- can be permanently deterred from developing centrifuge enrichment
facilities, but the high capital investment that is required could perhaps be
reduced and diverted to gaseous diffusion by a genuine U.S. offer to co-
operate.)
-- Accession to the NPT has led several signatory nations to indicate
that their willingness to foreswear the acquisition of nuclear weapons
should remove the basic reason for excluding them from access to
enrichment facilities.
DISCUSSION
The interagency paper develops three policy options with respect to the
question of whether we should modify our policy toward cooperation in
enrichment technology. These options are as follows (and are summarized,
along with pro and con arguments, at Tab A).
-- Cooperation in the gaseous diffusion field alone.
-- Cooperation in both the gaseous diffusion and gas centrifuge fields.
-- Maintain our present policies.
The study favors the first option -- cooperation in the gaseous diffusion
field alone, and the Under Secretaries Committee will be asked to recom-
mend that option to the President. The proposal for implementing the
first option is summarized as follows: Beginning in early 1970, the U.S.
SECRET
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
SECRET
- 3 -
would explore the possibility of cooperating with the Commission of the
European Communities, the six community countries and the United
Kingdom in building a multinational diffusion plant in Western Europe.
The U.S. would agree, under mutually acceptable conditions, to make
available comprehensive, up-to-date diffusion technology, on a classi-
fied basis and subject to agreement on matters pertaining to plant and
personnel security. The plant and its product would be subject to mutually
acceptable safeguards. The U.S. would be compensated for the use of its
technology and would seek agreement on a time schedule leading to plant
operation toward the end of the 1970's. We would be prepared, if requested,
to discuss the possibility of similar cooperation with other friendly countries,
including Australia, Canada and Japan. No information on U.S. gas centri-
fuge technology, as distinguished from gaseous diffusion technology, would
be transferred in the process.
COMMENT
I consider the interagency study and the proposed recommendation to the
President to be essentially sound. There are, however, several areas
wherein the study could be strengthened. These are:
-- The President desires that, in due course, AEC gaseous diffusion
plants should be transferred to private industry. The study recognizes
this objective, but does not analyze in sufficient depth the impact of relaxing
our control over export of gaseous diffusion technology on the plan to
transfer the AEC plants to the private sector. What, for example, would
be the effect of increasing U.S. Western European enrichment capacity
on the price private industry is prepared to pay the U.S. government for
the plants? It can be argued that, if the U.S. market is shrunk by added
European capacity, industry will reflect this situation in the form of
lower bids.
-- There is only a limited discussion of the possibility of attracting
Japan, Canada and Australia into a West European venture.
-- The study would be better balanced if it contained sections on the
advisability of close regional control over stocks of processed weapons
grade material and on the desirability of negotiating international agree-
ment on the export and control of centrifuge technology.
RECOMMENDATION
This should not be a controversial paper. Unless you have strong
SECRET
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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SECRET
- 4 -
reasons for wishing to attend the Under Secretaries Committee meeting,
you may find it more profitable to spend your time on other matters. I
will attend the meeting in your stead unless advised to the contrary.
HAK to attend
Behr to accompany HAK
Behr to attend for HAK
SECRET
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
U.S. POLICY OPTIONS
I.
Cooperation in the Gaseous Diffusion Field Alone
A. Advantages
1. It would provide the Europeans and others with an
attractive alternative to exclusive development of the gas
centrifuge process.
2. It would assure that these efforts are undertaken on a
classified basis and under adequate safeguards.
3. It would encourage the Europeans and others to construct
their plants on a time scale that would assure maximum use of
existing U.S. capacity.
4. It would enable the U.S. to obtain reasonable compensation
for the use of U.S. technology and a U.S. voice in the continuing
management of the project, including its export policies. This
would preserve important economic benefits for the use of our
technology, which could otherwise be diminished or lost through the
construction of an independent foreign enrichment capacity.
5. It would help us create a more favorable climate for the
scale of U.S. reactors and equipment abroad.
6. It could serve to strengthen EURATOM as an institution which
in turn could strengthen the overall movement towards greater
European unity.
B. Disadvantages
1. It might be regarded by some of the European nations involved
as interference with their efforts to achieve a degree of independence
from the U.S. in the enrichment field.
2. The Europeans might find it preferable, given their interest
in the gas centrifuge, if we evidenced a willingness to cooperate in
both the gaseous diffusion and gas centrifuge fields. Since we are not
prepared to be forthcoming in meeting such a request, the tripar-
tite countries might regard our offer as a ploy to delay and perhaps
subvert their decision to proceed in the development of the centrifuge
process. There also might be suspicions that we are holding back
cooperation in the gas centrifuge field because we have achieved an
important technological breakthrough.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
- 2 -
3. There would be an additional risk that U.S. gaseous
diffusion technology might fall in the hands of countries that
might wish to use it for military purposes. This would be true
even if our cooperation were handled on a classified basis.
4. The Europeans conceivably might not be successful in
their efforts to construct a viable and economically competitive
enrichment plant without our support. Hence our assistance might
serve to accelerate their ability to displace our enrichment services
in the European market.
5. Although many countries would benefit from the existence
of more than one source of enriched uranium, we expect to co-
operate with only a limited number of countries that are able to
meet our conditions. Our proposal would not enhance NPT acceptance
in countries not benefiting from U.S. assistance, and as noted it
could prove to be especially troublesome in the case of Japan.
II.
Cooperation in Both the Gaseous Diffusion and Gas Centrifuge Fields
A. Advantages
1. It would be more flexible and would permit cooperation with the
Europeans in the technology of their choice, which they would be able
to make in full knowledge of where the U.S. technology stands in both
fields. (Countires with high power costs and uncertain demands for
U-235 may prefer the centrifuge process because of its lower
electricity requirements and because it can be constructed in modest
plant increments.)
2. Some of the arguments favoring U.S. participation in a
diffusion plant appear to apply equally to participation in a centrifuge
effort. For example, since we probably enjoy a technological lead
over the Europeans in the centrifuge field, we might be able to obtain
adequate financial returns for a U.S. contribution. Moreover, since
the centrifuge process presents greater proliferation risks than
diffusion, it could be argued that it would be all the more important
for the U.S., through cooperation, to exert a significant control over
foreign developments in this field.
B. Disadvantages
1. The central and very serious disadvantage of this alternative
is that the U.S. would directly contribute to the dissemination of
centrifuge technology and perhaps hasten its application, with the
attendant increased risk of proliferation.
2. One of the major objectives of a U.S. initiative at this time
would be to offer foreign countries an alternative to the development
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
CONT document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
- 3 -
of centrifuge technology in the hope that they might make their
major investments in the diffusion field.
III. Maintain Our Present Policies
A. Advantages
1. It is still possible that the Europeans and others will not be
able to muster the resources to build a large enrichment plant. Even
with the necessary political will and financial investment, it may take
them several years to realize their ambitions. Given this uncertainty,
it might be in our interests not to cooperate but to compete aggressively
for the foreign market for enrichment services.
2. As already noted, any program of U.S. cooperation, even if
conducted on a classified basis, would add to the risk that U.S.
information might fall into the hands of nations desiring to use it
for military purposes.
3. Unless we were prepared to cooperate with everyone (which
is not proposed) we might encounter adverse reactions from those
nations not included in our offer.
4. Cooperation in the development of foreign enriching capabilities
might complicate the transfer of AEC diffusion plants to private industry
that the President has defined as an ultimate goal. However, the
attractiveness of these plants for private investment may not, in any
event, depend heavily on the potential foreign market for enriched
uranium because of the probability that other nations will develop an
independent capability with or without U.S. help.
B. Disadvantages
1. The foregoing arguments ignore the basic fact that several
countries are firmly resolved to acquire some independent enrichment
capability with or without U.S. assistance. Moreover, there is every
reason to expect they will be successful even if they have to pay a
substantial premium in the process.
2. The knowledge required to produce plutonium is unclassified
and is widespread and there are large quantities of plutonium throughout
the world with more being created daily. Maintaining a restrictive
policy in regard to our diffusion process would therefore not preclude
any industrialized country seriously determined to do so, from
producing a nuclear bomb.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
- 4 -
3. The period of U.S. monopoly in the uranium enrichment field
is rapidly drawing to a close. For the U.S. to remain aloof from
foreign developments in this field will not turn back the technological
clock, nor will it decrease for any meaningful period of time the risks
of further weapons proliferation inherent in the continuing peaceful
exploitation of the atom. Rather, it might result only in the forfeiture
of an opportunity to use our present technological superiority in an
effort to gain important economic and security benefits for the
United States.
Whether the U.S. could actually gain a degree of control over the
security arrangements of a cooperative venture that would justify
releasing classified information to a group of foreign partners, and
whether other countries can be induced to invest in a diffusion plant
rather than continuing to concentrate their investment exclusively in
the centrifuge field, are questions that can only be answered through
serious negotiations with the countries concerned.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
ASSM71
folder
7006822
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
use
WASHINGTON
NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
CONFIDENTIAL
January 24, 1970
SECRET ATTACHMENT
NSC-U/SM 56
TO:
The Deputy Secretary of Defense
The Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
The Director, United States Information Agency
The Under Secretary of Commerce
The Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission
The Director, U.S. Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency
The Science Advisor to the President
Mr. James R. Schlesinger, Assistant Director,
Bureau of the Budget
SUBJECT: US Cooperation in the Uranium Enrichment Field
The attached paper proposing a modification in our
current policy concerning cooperation with foreign
countries in the field of uranium enr chment has been
developed jo Intly by the Atomic Energy Commission and
the Department of State.
The subject matter is also being considered as part
of the study being conducted pursuant to NSSM 71.
However, early in the NSSM 71 study 11: was recognized
by the Interdepartmental Political itary Group that
the study on enrichment technology which was then already
underway should continue and that its conclusion need not
await complemion of the NSSM 71 study
CONFIDENTIAL
SECRET ATTACHMENT
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
-2-
The subject matter of the attached study is in
itself of some significance and the course of action
proposed should, if it is approved, be implemented in
the near future to be of maximum benefit to US interests.
I am therefore circulating the paper for early USC
consideration.
En-
Elliot L. Richardson
Chairman
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
537
NSC-U/SM 56
CONFIDENTIAL
SECRET ATTACHMENT
NSC Under Secretaries Committee
MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT: A Program for International Cooperation
in the Uranium Enrichment Field
Summary and Recommendations:
I. Recommendations:
The Under Secretaries Committee recommends that
subject to your approval, and following appropriate
consultations with the Joint Committee on Atomic
Energy, the United States modify its long-standing
policy of not cooperating with other countries in
the uranium isotope enrichment field. Specifically,
we recommend that at the appropriate time and in
accordance with the negotiating strategy recommended
in the attached paper, the Department of State and
the AEC initiate explorátory talks with certain West
European allies and the Commission of the European
Communities on the possibility of the United States
assisting the Europeans construct a multinationally
owned and operated gaseous diffusion plant that would
be located in Western Europe.
We would report the results of these talks
together with further recommendations to the National
Security Council as soon thereafter as possible.
Moreover, the actual implementation of any modifica-
tion of our present policy would be contingent upon
the execution of a suitable agreement or agreements
for cooperation with the countries involved, which
would require Presidential approval and review by
the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy in accordance
with statutory procedures.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
- 2 -
II. Summary:
A. The Proposal
The proposal for cooperation which we recommend
can be summarized as follows: Beginning in early 1970,
the US would explore the possibility of ccoperating
with the Commission of the European Communities, the
six community countries and the United Kingdom in
building a multinational diffusion plant in Western
Europe. The US would agree, under mutually acceptable
conditions, to make available comprehensive, up-to-date
diffusion technology, on a classified basis and
subject to agreement on matters pertaining to plant
and personnel security. The plant and its product
would be subject to mutually acceptable safeguards.
The US would be compensated for the use of its
technology and would seek agreement: on a time
schedule leading to plant operation toward the
end of the 1970's. We would be prepared, if
requested, to discuss the possibility of similar
cooperation with other friendly countries, including
Australia, Canada and Japan. No information on
US gas centrifuge technology, as distinguished
from gaseous diffusion technology, would be trans-
ferred in the process.
The advantages and disadvantages of this
proposal, including alternative courses of action,
are discussed in detail in the attached paper. The
principal factors that have influenced our recommenda-
tion are summarized below.
B. Determination of Foreign Countries to Build
Their Own Capacity
1. During the next two decades there will be
a substantial growth in the use of nuclear power and
enriched uranium throughout the world.
2. A number of countries, particularly in
Western Europe, are determined to acquire independent
enrichment capabilities.
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
- 3 -
3. Great emphasis is being placed abroad on
developing the gas centrifuge process of enriching
uranium, which is a serious cause of concern from
a proliferation standpoint. The centrifuge is
particularly susceptible for use in clandestine
operations because the plant can be small and can
have relatively low requirements for electricity,
as contrasted with gaseous diffusion technology.
The UK, the Netherlands and Germany are in the final
stages of developing a tripartite centrifuge project
aimed at achieving a modest production capability
in the mid-1970's.
C. Possibility of Influencing Developments
Abroad
Through a policy of cooperation we might influence
developments abroad to serve US economic, political
and nonproliferation interests.
1. We could provide our allies with an attractive
alternative to committing the lion's share of their
investment resources to rapid development of the
centrifuge process. Our proposed plan for cooperation
would not seek to obstruct the tripartite project
because we recognize its political importance and
view a multinational centrifuge project as preferable
to several independent national efforts. Nevertheless,
we believe it would be mutually beneficial to offer the
Europeans an additional option for satisfying their
enrichment: ambitions. (See Annex A, for estimated
cost data on a European diffusion plant.)
2. We might induce other countries to delay
their production plans for several years (until the
late 1970's) so that US production capacity would be
fully utilized before other large scale new production
comes on line. We also should coordinate our enrich-
ment plans with the Europeans and others to reduce
the prospect that new enrichment capacity will be
under-utilized to a significant degree.
3. We have had repeated indications that Europeans
and others would welcome our cooperation in the gaseous
diffusion field. Moreover, the European Commission
(EURATOM) has recommended that the Community explore
both the diffusion and centrifuge processes before
making major investment decisions. Our proposal would
CONFIDENTIAL
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONF IDENTIAL
- 4 -
be responsive to these desires. There also is evidence
that the program we are proposing could improve the
prospect of U.S. reactor sales to Western Europe,
particularly in France. We also recognize that
there might be some adverse reactions to our proposal
abroad. We believe these can be minimized, perhaps
eliminated, by adopting an appropriate negotiating
strategy.
4. The program of cooperation could strengthen
the Commission of the European Communities and, as
a consequence, our efforts in support of European
integration.
5. An early and comprehensive offer of US
assistance in the diffusion field could have a
beneficial effect in inducing certain key countries
(such as Germany) to ratify the NPT, because it
would represent a significant liberalization in US
foreign nuclear policy, and would add credibility
to past US expressions of willingness to help parties
to the NPT in the field of peaceful uses. (On the
other hand since we expect to cooperate with only
a limited number of countries that are able to meet
our conditions, our proposal would not enhance NPT
acceptance in countries not benefiting from US
assistance and could prove to be especially trouble-
some in the case of Japan should it not be possible
due to legal considerations for us to satisfy in
some way Japan's aspirations in the enrichment field.)
6. WE believe our proposal would provide the
US with a number of other political and economic
benefits. We are anxious to assure that foreign
enrichment programs are effectively safeguarded and
that the plants and products are used only for peace-
ful programs. We believe the US might gain a greater
voice in these matters through constructive association
with foreign enrichment plants than by continued
non-participation. Moreover, we would plan to obtain
significant revenues from our technology as well as
a meaningful, continuing voice both in the management
of the plant and its export policies.
D. Related Issues
We have also considered the following related
issues which merit special attention:
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
- 5 -
1. Whether Our Cooperation Should be Limited To
States That Sign the NPT
We believe US cooperation preferably should be
extended to those interested non-huclear weapon
states in Western Europe that have signed the NPT.
We would not imply that ratification of the NPT
is a sine qua non for our cooperation, but we would
express the view to our prospective partners that
our ability to complete and execute cooperative
arrangements would be greatly facilitated if they
signed and ratified the Treaty.
France, which will probably not sign the
Treaty, would not be excluded for reasons discussed
in detail in the attached paper.
2. Implications for our Relations with Other
Countries
While the immediate proposal relates to coopera-
tion in the gaseous diffusion field with Western
European allies, it must be recognized that, if this
is undertaken, cooperation with other friendly countries
such as Canada, Australia and Japan would be difficult
to refuse if they could meet our general conditions.
While any such cooperative projects would have to be
considered case by case on their merits, we would
expect the following conditions to apply inter alia:
(a) Our assistance would be furnished on a classified
basis; (b) We would consider associating ourselves
only with well conceived projects of serious intent
where the prospects of adequate financing are high
and where the return to the United States in
terms of revenues and influence appeared to warrant
the provision of US technology; (c) We would give
preference to multilaterally controlled and owned
ventures; and (d) We would insist that the enrichment
plant and its products be subject to safeguards
in conformity with the NPT. Furthermore, since our
cooperation would take place pursuant to one or more
civil agreements, we would seek a guarantee that the
plant and its product would be used only for peaceful
purposes. Moreover, any US restricted data would be
furnished only to authorized personnel, under strict
security control, and on a need to know basis for use
in the cooperative project.
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3. The Implications of the Foregoing Proposal
on the Disposition of the AEC Gaseous
Diffusion Facilities
The Administration has decided that there should
be no disposal of AEC diffusion plants for the time
being, but that transfer to private industry is the
ultimate objective. The benefits to the US of the
cooperative program outlined above are independent of
whether US enrichment facilities are publicly or
privately owned. In the event of private ownership,
the operators of the US facilities could have a direct
role in the implementation of the cooperative program.
4. Negotiating Strategy
A proposed negotiating strategy forms an integral
part of our recommendations and is spelled out in
Part V of the paper. However, both the timing and
manner of exploratory conversations with the Europeans
and consultations with other countries would be subject
to continuous review by the AEC and the Department of
State.
Chairman,
The Under Secretaries Committee
Elliot L. Richardson
Under Secretary of State
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A Program for International Cooperation in
the Gaseous Diffusion Field
I. Background and Discussion
A. Present U.S. Policy
It is United States' policy to classify information
on isotope enrichment technology, and to withhold it from
other countries, on the premise that the threat of nuclear
weapons proliferation increases as the number of enrich-
ing facilities throughout the world increases. (In the
post World War II period, the only exception to this
policy was a limited exchange on the centrifuge process
with the United Kingdom between 1960 and 1965.) We have
sought to reduce incentives to develop enriching facili-
ties abroad by supplying U-235, under stable and attrac-
tive conditions, to countries that accept bilateral or
multilateral safeguards.
This approach has delayed the construction of for-
eign enrichment facilities: outside of the Communist Bloc,
only France and the United Kingdom have enrichment plants
of modest production scale. It has also resulted in po-
litical and economic advantages for the United States, in-
cluding significant returns in foreign revenues.
B. Need for a New Policy
Several factors suggest that a change in policy is
now warranted.
1. During recent years, several industrially ad-
vanced countries have been rapidly shifting to the use of
nuclear power for generating electricity. This trend is
expected to accelerate in the future. It has been esti-
mated that by the year 1980 approximately 320,000 mega-
watts of nuclear power will be installed throughout the
world. This would constitute roughly 13% percent of
a total installed capacity of 2,400,000 megawatts.
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Enriched uranium is the preferred fuel for the
nuclear reactors used to generate electricity and the
only fuel for commercial reactors of US design, which
enjoy predominant market acceptance in many nations
of the world.
The projected demand, both domestic and foreign,
for enriched uranium can be met by existing and planned
US capacity until the late 1970's. However, by that
time additional new capacity will have to come on line.
2. Because of the growing use of enriched uranium
reactors, several foreign countries are seriously con-
cerned about their total dependence on the US for this
nuclear fuel. Despite attractive US fuel supply
policies, they are worried about the certainty of future
supplies and about the possibility, however remote,
that the US might use its monopoly position at some
time to achieve political or economic objectives to
which they may not subscribe. Several countries are
also strong.. attracted by the commercial possibilities
of an enrichment plant, both as source of fuel and as
a step towards the export of fuel and reactors. It is
nearly certain that some new foreign enrichment capacity
will be built in Europe and possibly in Japan and
Australia, even if the costs of the product exceed US
enrichment prices. (Some countries believe they ulti-
mately might meet or better the current US price of
$26 per kilogram of separative work.)
The British, Dutch and Germans have reached agreement
on a tripartite project to establish a modest production
capability in Western Europe by the nid-1970's based on
the gas centrifuge process. * The Commission of the
European Communities has proposed that the EURATOM member
states undertake pilot projects on both the gaseous
diffusion and the gas centrifuge processes, SO that they
* By the mid 1970's, the centrifuge plant at Capenhurst
is expected to reach a capacity of 200 tons sw/year and
the one at Almelo in the Netherlands 100-150 tons sw/year.
About 100 tons of the ultimate output of the two plants
is expected to be available by the year 1972. This com-
pares with the US diffusion plant capacity of 17,000 tons
sw/year.
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can make a major investment decision on a large scale
enrichment plant by the mid-1970's. Outside of Europe,
Australia and Japan have serious R&D programs under way,
primarily in the centrifuge field, and Canada has ex-
pressed a strong interest in building a gaseous diffusion
enrichment plant in its northwest provinces. (A survey
of current foreign programs and plans is included in
Annex B.)
3. We have a strong incentive to rationalize our
own enrichment plans with those of the Western Europeans
with the view of assuring that our enrichment capacity is
fully utilized before a major European plant comes into
operation. (It would take the Europeans approximately
six years to construct a major gaseous diffusion or gas
centrifuge plant from the time of a firm decision.) This
would suggest a European target of the late 1970's, since
currently planned US capacity will be sufficient to meet
all domestic and foreign needs until that date. If a
major European plant comes into operation as little as
two or three years prior to that date, the US could
suffer a significant loss of revenues.* However, after
the late 1970's further increases in our domestic demand
should serve to offset any losses we might suffer in the
foreign market. The Europeans should have an interest in
coordinating their plans with ours since we both wish to
avoid any over-commitments and the cheapest incremental
enrichment capacity in the world between now and the late
1970's can be achieved through currently planned improve-
ments in the USAEC's gaseous diffusion capacity.
4. From the standpoint of proliferation, the develop-
ment of the centrifuge process is a cause of serious con-
cern. Unlike the massive diffusion plants which require
enormous inputs of electricity and large building com-
plexes, the centrifuge process lends itself to clandestine
operation. Small cascades could be installed in small
buildings or warehouses and could be operated to produce
significant amounts of weapons-grade uranium without use
of a heavy load of electricity to signal their existence.
* Our estimated annual sales of enrichment services under
current price and technical conditions to West European
nations (France and the UK excluded) in millions of
dollars, follows: CY 1976-$117; CY 1977-$148; CY 1978-
$176; CY 1979-$197; CY 1980-$234; TOTAL $872.
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4 : I
Gaseous diffusion plants, in contrast, can be designed
to produce only low enriched material that would be
unsuitable for use in nuclear weapons.
For these and other reasons, the United States has
strictly limited the dissemination of information on
advances in centrifuge technology. We have a formal
agreement with the UK and informal agreements with the
Dutch and the Germans to limit access to centrifuge in-
formation according to a common classification guide
prepared by the USAEC. These agreements do not preclude
technical cooperation among the parties, so long as the
common guidelines are respected.
The United States has not opposed the German,
Dutch and British efforts at tripartite cooperation in
this field because we have felt that a multi-national
project, with a built-in "adversary" element of control
is preferable to three independent national developments.
which would otherwise be likely to energe. Moreover,
we have recognized the political importance of the pro-
ject to our allies and have been sympathetic to the
British interest in forging closer ties to the Continent.
The three governments have indicated that their project
agreement will include assurances against non-prolifera-
tion, including adequate safeguards on the plants and the
U-235 they will produce.
We remain concerned, however, about the possible pro-
liferation of such facilities around the world, especially
if centrifuge machines and/or centrifuge technology were
to be exported on an unrestricted commercial basis to non-
nuclear-weapons states.
We are not under any illusion that access to U.S. dif-
fusion technology by itself would prevent any country with
a strong military, political or commercial motive from de-
veloping centrifuge enrichment facilities if they decide to
and are capable of doing so. However, the main thrust of
resource investment, especially in industrially advanced
countries, might well be diverted to yaseous diffusion tech-
nology by a cenuine U.S. offer to cooperate.
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5. A policy of U.S. cooperation in the diffusion field
might improve the prospects for U.S. reactor sales in Wes-
tern Europe, particularly France. It would also provide
the U.S. with a number of other political and economic bene-
fits including a greater voice in safeguards on a foreign
plant and its product, significant revenues for our tech-
nology, and a continuing voice in management and export
policies.
6. The Non-Proliferation Treaty has led several sig-
natory, or potential signatory, nations to indicate that
their willingness to relinquish the right of acquiring nu-
clear weapons should remove the basic reason for excluding
them from access to uranium enrichment technology. They
also believe that such access would be a reasonable con-
cession for the nuclear weapons states to make.
Non-nuclear weapons countries that adhere to the NPT
will commit themselves to accept international safeguards
on their peaceful nuclear activities. The Treaty, however,
imposes no constraints against building uranium enrichment
plants, provided the required safeguards are applied to
such plants and their products.
An offer of U.S. assistance in the diffusion field
might favorably influence certain key countries (such as
Germany) in deciding on NPT ratifiction, because it would
represent a significant liberalization in U.S. foreign nu-
clear policy, and would add credibility to past U.S. ex-
pressions of willingness to help parties to the NPT in the
field of peaceful uses.
II. U.S. Policy Options Cooperation in the Gaseous
Diffusion Field Alone
The U.S. appears to have two basic policy options;
(a) cooperation with the Europeans and perhaps others in
the gaseous diffusion field alone, or in both the dif-
fusion and gas centrifuge fields; or (b) continuation of
our present policy of non-cooperation.
A. Cocperation in the Diffusion Field
This approach would have the following features:
1. Countries included in the initial offer. The
United States would undertake informal, exploratory talks
with the member states of EURATOM (France, West Germany,
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6 I I
Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg), the United
Kingdom and the Commission of the European Communities,
aimed at the construction of a multinational gaseous dif-
fusion plant in Western Europe that would come into oper-
ation in the late 1970's.
Our initial proposal would include these allied na-
tions because they are the most advanced in the enrichment
field and are the most determined to establish independent
facilities. Other Western European countries might be in-
cluded subsequently.
Because it appears that France will not be a party
to the Limited Test Ban Treaty and the NPT, and because
France is a nuclear weapons power, including France in a
cooperative project presents special problems. We
expect that the guarantees and protections referred to
on page 5 of the summary would be effective. They would
include a limitation providing that US restricted data
could be used only on the cooperative project. (Moreover,
France already has in our opinion sufficient enrichment
capacity to satisfy the requirements of its weapons program.)
Notwithstanding this fact, however, it must be recognized
that the French diffusion plant at Pierrelatte might
benefit indirectly from French access to US diffusion
technology should French participants in the cooperative
project pass on information about the US technology in-
volved to Pierrelatte, To. the extent that there is
risk that this might occur, it is possible that US parti-
cipation in the cooperative project could give rise to an
exception to NSAM 294. NSAM 294 (attached at Annex C)
is directed against US assistance in the development of a
French nuclear weapons capability. (The policy set forth
in NSAM 294 is currently under review under the terms of
NSSM 71 of August 14, 1969.)
Furthermore, the US has provided enriched uranium to
France (through EURATOM) for use in French civil nuclear
programs. We believe including France in the coopera-
tive project is essential to its success because if
France were excluded, EURATOM would probably have to be
ruled out as a participant as well. (Some high level
French officials have indicated informally that US cooper-
ation with a European gaseous diffusion plant would be
welcome.)
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2. US Contributions. We would expect our coopera-
tion and the plant operations to take place on a classi-
fied basis in accordance with mutually agreed classi-
fication standards. The precise degree of technical assist-
ance the US would provide the project, as well as the com-
pensation it would receive, would be subject to negoti-
ation. We anticipate, however, that when the exchange was
implemented, the US would furnish its partners comprehen-
sive, up-to-date information on its gaseous diffusion pro-
cess and technical advice and assistance in design, con-
struction and operation of the plant.
One particularly sensitive item is barrier manufactur-
ing technology. We recognize that the Europeans will wish
to acquire their own barrier manufacturing capability, either
initially or for later barrier replacements and plant ex-
pansion. Any cooperative venture which does not result in
a truly independent European capability, that is, facili-
ties which can be operated, maintained, and, if necessary,
expanded hout further US involvement, would not meet
European objectives and would be unacceptable. In con-
sidering this matter, it must be recognized that the
Europeans are unlikely to undertake a major financial
commitment to build a gaseous diffusion plant (which would
entail some reorientation away from the centrifuge) unless.
they were assured of the provision of comprehensive US
technology, which is the most advanced in the world. Access
to US barriers would be of great assistance to technically
competent people who were trying to develop an independent
capability. Accordingly, we would not rule out the possi-
bility of providing the Europeans barrier manufacturing
data if it appeared to be an important element in the ne-
gotiations and if we were assured of an equitable return.
One method would be to offer to provide the Europeans US
manufactured barriers for the first plant and transfer
barrier manufacturing technology at a later date.
3. Quid Pro Quo. In return for its assistance, the
U.S. would nter alia, expect to receive financial compen-
sation for the information it provides and a continuing
voice in the project's management and control, including
export policies. We would expect that the plant and its
products would be subject to safeguards arrangements and
physical and personnel security policies mutually satis-
factory to the parties concerned. Finally, we would seek
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8 I I
to reach agreement on a time schedule which would lead to
full plant operation when the present and projected U.S.
capacity is no longer adequate to meet both domestic and
and foreign demand for enriched uranium.
4. Timing. Cooperation would be carried out in
several phases. During the first phase we would assess
with our prospective partners the attractiveness of dif-
fusion technology in the European context, the optimum
plant size, its location and other planning requirements.
In the second phase, perhaps beginning in late 1972, we
would provide detailed US design data. (European agree-
ment to go ahead on this basis undoubtedly would depend
on an early, firm US commitment on the general scope and
degree of assistance we would provide at a later date.)
The final phase, construction and operation of the plant,
would occur in the late 1970's.
5. Cooperation with Additional Countries. Without
taking the nitiative, the U.S. would be prepared to con-
sider entering into similar cooperative efforts with other
friendly countries, on a case-by-case basis, if they could.
meet our basic general conditions. These would include
conducting the cooperation on a classified basis, evidence
that the project was well conceived and likely to achieve
adequate financial support, an adequate return for the pro-
vision of U.S. technology, and assurance that the plant and
its products would be under adequate safeguards. Prefer-
erence would be given to projects organized on a multi-
lateral basis. If Australia, Canada and Japan could meet
these requirements, we would consider partnership with
them. Japan, however, might have difficulty meeting these
conditions because of its legal inhibitions against clas-
sifying atomic energy information. This could present us
with a serious problem since next to Europe, Japan is
likely to have the most legitimate interest in its own
enrichment plant.
As a practical matter, the number of cooperative
arrangements with other countries would be very limited
because of the sizeable investment required for gaseous
diffusion plants.
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B. Advantages. The principal arguments favoring
this approach may be summarized as follows:
1. It would provide the Europeans and others
with an attractive alternative to exclusive development
of the gas centrifuge process;
2. It would assure that these efforts are under-
taken on a classified basis and under adequate safeguards;
3. It would encourage the Europeans and others to
construct their plants on a time scale that would assure
maximum use of existing U.S. capacity;
4. It would enable the U.S. to obtain reasonable
compensation for the use of U.S. technology and a U.S.
voice in the continuing management of the project, in-
cluding its export policies. This would preserve impor-
tant economic benefits for the use of our technology,
which could otherwise be diminished or lost through the
construction of an independent foreign enrichment ca-
pacity;
5. It would help us create a more favorable climate
for the sale of U.S. reactors and equipment abroad;
6. It could serve to strergthen EURATOM as an in-
stitution which in turn could strengthen the overall
movement towards greater European unity.
C. Disadvantages
1. It might be regarded by some of the European
nations involved as interference with their efforts to
achieve a degree of independence from the U.S. in the
enrichment field.
2. The Europeans might find it preferable, given
their interest in the gas centrifuge, if we evidenced a
willingness to cooperate in both the gaseous diffusion
and gas centrifuge fields. Since we are not prepared to
be forthcoming in meeting such a request, the tripar-
tite countries might regard our offer as a ploy to delay
and perhaps subvert their decision to proceed in the de-
vélopment of the centrifuge process. There also might be
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10 I I
suspicions that we are holding back cooperation in the
gas centrifuge field because we have achieved an import-
tant technological breakthrough.
3. There would be an additional risk that U.S.
gaseous diffusion technology might fall in the hands of
countries that might wish to use it for military pur-
poses. This would be true even if our cooperation were
handled on a classified basis.
4. The Europeans conceivably might not be success-
ful in their efforts to construct a viable and economi-
cally competitive enrichment plant without our support.
Hence our assistance might serve to accelerate their
ability to displace our enrichment services in the Euro-
pean market.
5. Although many countries would benefit from the
existence of more than one source of enriched uranium,
we expect to cooperate with only a limited number of
countries that are able to meet our conditions. Our
proposal would not enhance NPT acceptance in countries
not benefiting from US assistance, and as noted it
could prove to be especially troublesome in the case of
Japan.
D. Anticipated Foreign Reactions
Whether the possible advantages of this alterna-
tive outweigh the possible disadvantages is related in
large part to the reaction that might be expected from
other countries.
1. The Commission of the European Communities. The
EC Commission has implied that it would welcome a US
proposal to cooperate in the diffusion field. It would
mesh neatly with the Commission's own proposal to bring
large scale enrichment facilities into operation towards
the end of the next decade.
2. France. France has proposed at the Hague Summit
that a European isotope separation plant be established.
France would probably be attracted by the US proposal
because its experience and investment in diffusion tech-
nology would give it a place of leadership in the co-
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operative project. On the other hand the French may
resent our proposal if they still hope their own
diffusion technology should provide the basis for
European cooperation.
3. The Tripartite Countries. The Dutch, German
and British reactions are likely to be mixed since they
may view it as hostile to their own plans to pursue the
gas centrifuge and they may be hesitant to get involved
in an additional European enrichment venture. Moreover,
these three countries, especially the Netherlands, are
unlikely to abandon their currently planned efforts in
the centrifuge field. On the other hand, given the
developmental state of their gas centrifuge technology
they might on reflection welcome the more proven option
that we would propose in deciding on the nature of the
large scale enrichment capacity that Europe should con--
struct. We know, for example, that a number of German
interests would favor this type of cooperation with the
US. Since our offer of cooperation would include these
three countries, we would serve to minimize an impression
that we are taking an initiative solely hostile to their
tripartite centrifuge efforts.
Also, the British might be uneasy about any proposal
that would embroil their bid to enter the Community in an
overt intra-Community debate about how to proceed in the
enrichment field. However, if the tripartité project be-
comes a divisive element in the UK accession debate, the
UK and some EC countries might use a well-timed US pro-
posal as a means of reaching a. compromise solution to the
enrichment question.
4. Belgium and Italy. Both Bolgium and Italy have
evidenced a keen interest in discussing possible partici-
pation with the tripartite project and have already had
informal conversations with the three countries. The
Belgians and Italians would probably favor the US option
as another means of getting into the enrichment business
with their Common Market partners on a more equal footing.
5. Japan and Australia. These countries can be
expected to want to benefit from any change in US policy
and would surely insist on treatment comparable to their
European competitors. Moreover it is basic US Government
policy to treat Japan and Australia whenever possible on
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12 I I
an equal footing with our NATO allies. The possiblity
of the uncontrolled dissemination of US classified data
through cooperation with Japan must be taken into account,
however, because of Japan's legal prohibition against
national security classification.
6. Canada. We are exploring with Canada the possi-
bility of moving towards a common energy policy with
respect to oil, natural gas, coal, electricity and
uranium. We already have extremely close ties with Canada
in the nuclear field.
Canada has expressed interest in cooperating with
the United States in constructing a diffusion plant.
Given this interest, our close economic and political
ties with Canada, and the importance of uranium to the
Canadian economy, failure to make some provisions for
Canada in any scheme for cooperation in the enrichment
field would be greatly resented in Canada and could be
detrimental to US-Canadian relations.
7. The USSR. Soviet propaganda has reflected dis-
pleasure towards the tripartite centrifuge project. The
USSR might react similarly to any US proposal to cooperate
in the enrichment field which includes the FRG.
In reality, however, the Soviets are likely to feel
easier about a German project in which we exert influence
than in an independent one. They are also not likely to
have a basis for serious concern since our proposal is
aimed at deferring construction of a major foreign enrich-
ment capacity and providing the Europeans with an alterna-
tive to exclusive development of the centrifuge process.
In any case we should not let the prospect of continued
Soviet attacks against the FRG deter US cooperation in
the enrichment field.
8. European Countries Not Included and the LDC's.
The reactions of European countries not included in an
initial US proposal to cooperate and of most less developed
countries would probably not be hostile, or present in-
surmountable obstacles to implementing this plan for
cooperation. The financial and technological investment
in a diffusion plant is so great that only the most
industrially advanced countries could seriously consider
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participation with the United States in this field.
Moreover, other countries might see a more diversified
source of supply as in their interest. It should also
be noted that the NPT strongly encourages parties to
cooperate with other nations in the peaceful nuclear
field but lows them the discretion of determining
whether or not it is in their interest to do so.
III. US Policy Options - Cooperation in Both the
Gaseous Diffusion and Gas Centrifuge Fields
The US could offer (under terms comparable to those
outlined above) to cooperate with the West Europeans and
others in both the diffusion and centrifuge fields instead
of in the diffusion field alone. Under this option we
would provide our partners with a comprehensive, current
picture of where US technology stands in both fields,
and we would then consider actively assisting the
Europeans in the process or processes they deemed most
suitable. This might include extensive cooperation in
either field or in both, depending on the foreign pro-
grams that develop.
A. Advantages
This approach would have the following advantages:
1. It would be more flexible and would permit co-
operation with the Europeans in the technology of their
choice, which they would be able to nake in full know-
ledge of where the U.S. technology stands in both fields.
(Countries with high power costs and uncertain demands
for U-235 may prefer the centrifuge process because of
its lower electricity requirements and because it can
be constructed in modest plant increments.)
2. Some of the arguments favoring U.S. participa-
tion in a diffusion plant appear to apply equally to par-
ticipation in a centrifuge effort. For example, since we
probably enjoy a technological lead over the Europeans
in the centrifuge field, we might be able to obtain ade-
quate financial returns for a US contribution. Moreover,
since the centrifuge process presents greater proliferation
risks than diffusion, it could be argued that it would be
all the more important for the U.S., through cooperation,
to exert a significant control over foreign developments
in this field.
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B. Disadvantages
1. The central and very serious disadvantage of this
alternative is that the U.S. would directly contribute to
the dissemination of centrifuge technology and perhaps
hasten its application, with the attendant increased risk
of proliferation.
2. One of the major objectives of a U.S. initiative
at this time would be to offer foreign countries an alter-
native to the development of centrifuge technology in the
hope that they might make their major investments in the
diffusion field.
C. Comment
In the event the U.S. offer to cooperate in the
diffusion field alone were rejected and the Europeans ap-
peared intent on proceeding with a major gas centrifuge
production plant, we would always have the opportunity
of reviewing our various options. But, at this time,
we recommend that no information on U.S. centrifuge tech-
nology, including cost data, be transferred to any other
country or organization.
IV. U.S. Policy Options-Maintain Our Present Policies
The arguments for and against this approach are
as follows:
A. Advantages
1. It is still possible that the Europeans and
others will not be able to muster the resources to build
a large enrichment plant. Even with the necessary politi-
cal will and financial investment, it may take them several
years to realize their ambitions. Given this uncertainty,
it might be in our interests not to cooperate but to com-
pete aggressively for the foreign market for enrichment ser-
vices.
2. As already noted, any program of US cooper-
ation, even if conducted on a classified basis, would add
to the risk that US information might fall into the hands
of nations desiring to use it for military purposes.
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3. Unless we were prepared to cooperate with
everyone (which is not proposed) we might encounter ad-
verse reactions from those nations not included in our
offer.
4. Cooperation in the development of foreign
enriching capabilities might complicate the transfer
of AEC diffusion plants to private industry that the
President has defined as an ultimate goal. However, the
attractiveness of these plants for private investment may
not, in any event, depend heavily on the potential foreign
market for enriched uranium because of the probability that
other nations will develop an independent capability with
or without US help.
B. Disadvantages
1. The foregoing arguments ignore the basic
fact that several countries are firnly resolved to acquire
some independent enrichment capabilı with or without US
assistance. Moreover, there is every reason to expect
they will be successful even if they have to pay a substan-
tial premium in the process.
2. The knowledge required to produce plutonium
is unclassified and is widespread and there are large
quantities of plutonium throughout the world with more being
created daily. Maintaining a restrictive policy in regard
to our diffusion process would therefore not preclude any
industrialized country seriously determined to do so, from
producing a nuclear bomb.
3. The period of U.S. monopoly in the uranium en-
richment field is rapidly drawing to a close. For the U.S.
to remain aloof from foreign developments in this field
will not turn back the technological clock, nor will it de-
crease for any meaningful period of time the risks of fur-
ther weapons proliferation inherent in the continuing
peaceful exploitation of the atom. Rather, it might re-
sult only in the forfeiture of an opportunity to use our
present technological superiority in an effort to gain im-
portant economic and security benefits for the United States.
Whether the U.S. could actually gain a degree of
control over the security arrangements of a cooperative ven-
ture that would justify releasing classified information to
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
16 I I
a group of foreign partners, and whether other countries
can be induced to invest in a diffusion plant rather than
continuing to concentrate their investment exclusively in
the centrifuge field, are questions that can only be an-
swered through serious negotiations with the countries con-
cerned.
V. Conclusion
A. After considering the foregoing three alterna-
tives, we conclude that the first, namely, cooperation in
the gaseous diffusion field would be preferable. This
conclusion, however, is based on approval of the fol-
lowing negotiating strategy.
B. Negotiating Strategy
1. Timing
Subject to continuous review by the Department
of State and the AEC, preliminary talks would begin in the
early spring of 1970. By that time the Dutch, British
and Germans will have a better idea of whether or how the
tripartite centrifuge project may be expanded to include
other countries. The effect of the project on the
Community's enrichment plans and the effect that a US
proposal micht have on UK accession negotiations with the
Community also should be clearer. Moreover, by the early
months of 1970 the new German government will be in a
better position to respond to a U.S. initiative, and Japan
will probably have signed the NPT. Given the importance
that the tripartite project has to the United Kingdom's
accession interests, we would approach the United Kingdom
before we approached our other prospective partners. We
would, after preliminary discussions with the British,
begin any initial consultations with the Commission of
the Europear Communities.
2. Approach
We would indicate in initial contacts that U.S.
cooperation in the diffusion field is not conditioned upon
European abandonment of research and development of the
centrifuge process. We would stress that we believe cooper-
ation in the diffusion field could be mutually advantageous
and that it is worth serious study by the Europeans as one
option they may want to consider in deciding upon an enrich-
ment program.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
17 ! 1
The Europeans can be expected to inquire whether
it is possible that future U.S. enrichment plants might in-
volve the gas centrifuge and whether it would make sense
for Europe to embark on a gaseous diffusion program if such
a possibility exists. They may also ask whether the U.S.
would be prepared to cooperate with them in centrifuge
development either additionally or in place of the dif-
fusion process. Should such questions arise, we would
indicate that the USAEC has no current intention of bring-
ing the centrifuge into commercial application in the U.S.
prior to the late 1970's, that the USAEC's centrifuge pro-
gram is developmental in nature, and that we are reluctant
to cooperate with any countries in this field given the
sensitivity of the technology. Moreover, we would stress
that the diffusion process is the one most perfected tech-
nologically and that our offer represents the product of
a major investment and of 25 years' experience. Further,
we would point out that a U.S. option could be supplemen-
tary to European enrichment studies in the centrifuge
field already underway and would in no way deprive them
of the opportunity to assess the relative advantages of.
both techniques. We believe these are convincing argu-
ments. If, however, our offer were rejected because cen-
trifuge information is not included, or if the Europeans
elected to pursue only the centrifuce route, we would have
to review the situation in the light of these circumstances.
3. Other Countries
In the event other countries, particularly Japan,
Australia, and Canada, express an interest either in as-
sociating themselves with a U.S.-European venture or ex-
ploring the possibility of some form of bilateral cooper-
ation with the U.S., we would, as noted, indicate a willing-
ness to hold preliminary exploratory conversations with them
on how their long-term requirements for enriched uranium
might best be met, with the understanding that the pre-con-
ditions to J.S. assistance set forth in this paper would
apply (recognizing that our preference for a multilateral
arrangement may be unrealistic in the case of Canada)
We would be prepared to counter possible Soviet propa-
ganda directed against the U.S. proposal by citing the con-
structive controls that would be inherent in a broadly-based
multi-national diffusion project.
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18 I I
If this general strategy were followed, subject, of
course, to constant review by the Department of State and
the AEC in response to developments abroad, an effort at
cooperation along the lines recommended above would appear
to be well worth trying. It would give allied countries
an additional option to consider in making their enrichment
plans. They could at worst reject that option and at
best accept it as serving their interest. At the same
time, by exploring the possibilities of cooperation the
U.S. would in no way be bound to enter into a disadvantageous
agreement if the negotiations did not prove fruitful from
our point of view.
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CONFIDENTIAL
ANNEX A
Based on various studies by EURATOM and FORATOM,
it is considered most likely that if a diffusion plant
were built in Western Europe for the production of enriched
uranium, the first such plant would be in operation by about
1980 and would have an annual capacity of about 7,500
metric ton units of separative work (SW). If undertaken
as a completely independent European effort, these same
studies estimate a plant investment of between $90 and
$130 per kilogram unit of SW per year; the latter figure
is considered to be the most realistic. Thus, the invest-
ment -- exclusive of electrical generating and other support
facilities -- would be in the order of $975 million. It
should be pointed out that these costs were determined
largely by adjustments to the new plant costs shown in
various published AEC documents rather than by independent
estimates. Thus, we believe that the Europeans -- lack-
ing the US experience and industrial base probably have
underestimated the unit cost, for the initial plant at
least, if it were undertaken exclusively on a European
basis. Further, no research and development costs are
included in the foregoing estimates. To bring existing
European ffusion technology to the present US level, it
has been estimated by FORATOM that the expenditure of
$100 to $140 million would be required, with no assurance
that parity would be reached.
Insofar as unit costs of separative work are con-
cerned, by adjusting AEC data to European conditions, the
Europeans have estimated that such costs for an indepen-
dently built European plant would range between $25 and
$37 per kilogram unit of separative work, with only opera-
ting and capital charges; they do not include items equiva-
lent to the "added factor," interest on inventory or re-
turn on investment.
With US assistance, it is believed that the unit cost
of investment could be reduced to about $100 per kilogram
unit of SW per year, or a total savings for the 7,500
metric ton unit plant of at least $225 million. Further-
more, the $100 to $140 million in research and develop-
ment expenditure would become unnecessary. If the diffusion
plant were built in cooperation with the US, it is felt
that the unit cost of separative work could be reduced from
the $33 figure to about $25 per kilogram unit (based on
European capital assumptions and electricity at 5 mills per
kilowatt-hour.)
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CONFIDENTIAL
ANNEX B - Current Foreign Enrichment Programs
1. France
France has a gaseous diffusion plant at Pierrelatte
designed to produce enriched uranium for the Force de
Frappe. The French have floated the idea on several
occasions of developing a multilaterally financed Euro-
pean facility for the production of lightly enriched
uranium. The Germans and other West Europeans to whom
the proposal was addressed have not reacted enthusiasti-
cally. The French appear to be committed to diffusion
technology and have publicly questioned the feasibility
of the centrifuge process. They have had a modest R & D
program underway in the centrifuge field with which, they
apparently consider, they have had little success.
2. The United Kingdom, The Netherlands, and the FRG
In 1965 the British Government announced plans to
modernize their diffusion plant at Capenhurst, primarily
to meet increased civilian demand for nuclear fuel in the
early 1970's. On the basis of economic considerations,
the British have opted to expand their facilities beyond
the modernization of Capenhurst through the development
of the centrifuge process. Both the Germans and the Dutch
have R & D programs in the centrifuge field. They have
reached agreement with the British t.o pool their tech-
nology and resources in a tripartite project. In joining
together they are motivated by political as well as
economic considerations. The British particularly favor
the project as a means of strengthening their ties to the
Continent and as potentially helpful in eventual nego-
tiations to enter the Common Market.
While France has remained aloof from the tripartite
Project, both Italy and Belgium have indicated a strong
interest in participating. The tripartite countries have
agreed to consult with the Belgians and Italians and there
have already been preliminary talks among the five
countries.
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CONFIDENTIAL
3. European Communities
The Commission of the European Communities has been
interested for some time in a Community enrichment
facility and is undoubtedly concerned by the tripartite
development which threatens to read them out of European
cooperation in this field. The Commission has recently
proposed to the Council a three stage program to permit
the Community to achieve a degree of self-sufficiency
in the production of enriched uranium during the next
decade. The program would include detailed studies and
pilot projects on both the diffusion and the centrifuge
processes drawing on French as well as German and Dutch
experience in the enrichment field. It would attempt
to begin production by the preferred process or combina-
tion of processes in the late 1970's.
4. Italy
Italy announced in November of this year that an
Italian industrial firm has produced two prototype centri-
fuges. The Italian government has supported modest
industrial research in the centrifuge since the begin-
ning of 1969. It is not clear whether the centrifuge
prototypes have actually been tested. There is reason
to suspect that the Italian announcement was timed to
fortify the Italian bid for membership in the tripartite
centrifuge project.
5. Japan
Outside of Europe, Japan is engaged in serious
research on diffusion and centrifuge technology with
lesser efforts in other processes. While Japanese efforts
appear to be favoring work in the centrifuge field, the
Japanese Atomic Energy Agency has set 1975 as the target
year for selection of a single process to be the basis
of further efforts. The Japanese could probably
accelerate this time table, however, if they felt that
construction of a European enrichment facility posed
a serious threat to their ability to compete in this
field in the future.
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CONFIDENTIAL
6. Australia
Australia started research on a gas centrifuge
development program in 1960-61. In 1968 an official
of the Australian Atomic Energy Commission told US
officials that, based on their research, they believe
a small, economically feasible system might be developed
in four years time. The Australian program is aimed at
achieving self-sufficiency in the production of nuclear
fuel for their power reactor program and at the export
market. They have evidenced a strong interest in
cooperating with the US in this field.
7. Canada
Canada does not have an important R & D program
underway in the enrichment field. They have, however,
expressed an interest in cooperating with the United
States in constructing a diffusion plant in the far
Northwestern areas of Canada, where large supplies of
natural uranium exist along. with a large source of low
cost hydro-electric power which would have no other
marketing value.
8. Other Countries
In addition to the countries mentioned above, Sweden,
Brazil, Israel, Yugoslavia, Egypt, India, Argentina and
several others have evidenced varying degrees of interest
in centrifuge research.
9. United States
It should be borne in mind that the United States
is actively engaged in centrifuge research and is
probably technically far ahead of any of the countries
similarly engaged abroad.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
ANNEX C
NSA - 294
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File
5937
WHITE HOUSE
VABHINGTON
April 20, 1964
294
SECRET
NATIONAL SECURITY ACTION MEMORANDUM 294
TO:
The Secretary of State.
The Secretary of Defense
The Secretary of Commerce
The Director of Central Intelligence
The Administrator, National Aeronautics and
Space Administration
The Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission
The Director, Office of Science and Technology
SUBJECT: U.S. Nuclear and Strategic Delivery System
Assistance to France
It is the policy of this government to oppose the development of
nuclear forces by additional states, other than those whose forces
would be assigned as part of a NATO nuclear force, targeted in
accordance with NATO plans and, except when supreme national
interests were at stake, used only for the defense purposes of the
Alliance.
Given current French policy, it continues to be in this government's
interest not to contribute to or assist in the development of a French
nuclear warhead capability or a French na tional strategic nuclear
delivery capacity. This includes exchanges of information and
technology between the governments, sale of equipment, joint re-
search and development activities, and exchanges between indus-
trial and commercial organizations, either directly or through
third parties, which would be reasonably likely to facilitate these
efforts by significantly affecting timing, quality or costs or would
identify the U.S. as a major supplier or collaborator. However,
this directive is not intended to restrict unduly full and useful
cooperation in non-strategic programs and activities.
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- 2 -
SECRET
Therefore, the President has directed that effective controls be
established immediately to assure that, to the extent feasible, the
assistance referred to above is not extended either intentionally
or unintentionally.
To this end, specific technical guidance is to be developed and
issued at the earliest possible time for the use of the agencies
that control the export of equipment and technology, including data
exchange arrangements. Responsibility for the development of
such guidance, and when necessary the revision of these guidances,
will be vested n the Departments of State and Defense, in consul-
tation as appropriate with the Department of Commerce, the
Central Intelligence Agency, the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration, the Atomic Energy Commission, and the Office of
Science and Technology, and under the leadership of the Department
of State. The approved guidance documents will be cleared at the
White House and issued as technical appendices to this National
Security Action Memorandum. Necessary guidance will be requested
before specific commitments are made by any agency.
1 An (
McGeorge Bundy
SECRET
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THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
C
F L.
NSAM
March 9, 1965
2
2ay
Dear Tommy:
I have held your letter of February 26 about NSAM
294 until we could have a first meeting with the two
Secretaries on the Gilpatric Report. In the light of
our discussion of yesterday, I now think we should
clearly go ahead on the basis which is suggested in
the memorandum enclosed with your letter. My
one additional suggestion is that I hope a White
House Staff Officer may also be included in the NSAM
Review Group under State chairmanship. I would
expect to nominate Spurgeon Keeny for this job.
Sincerely,
man
McGeorge Bundy
The Honorable Llewellyn Thompson
Acting Deputy Under Secretary
Department of State
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COPY
SECRET
February 26, 1965
Dear Mac:
You will recall that we had set up a small
working group to look into some of the coordination
and implementation aspects of NSAM. 294. I enclose
a preliminary report of the group.
Their findings and views as to continued
application of the policy set forth in the NSAM
seem to me to square with the consensus reached
in the White House meeting of December 30 as
recorded in the January 14 memorandum sent to
participants in the meeting. We all recognize that
we are feeling our way in a singularly complex area,
and the approach suggested by the working group is
in my view a sound one.
I believe we should proceed along these lines,
and plan to ask the other agencies concerned to
designate representatives to the Review Group proposed.
In the Department of State, general NSAM 294 responsi-
bility will continue to rest. with the Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Politico-Military Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey
C. Kitchen, and he or an officer designated by him will
represent the Department on the Review Group.
Sincerely,
Clearances:
Llewellyn E. Thompson
Acting
G/PM Mr. Kitchen
Mr. Meyers
Enclosure:
Report of Working Group.
The Honorable
McGeorge Bundy,
Special Assitant to the President
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SECRET
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF NSAM 294 WORKING GROUP
Conclusions:
1. The purpose of the policy set forth in NSAM 294.
is to use export denial, as one means of achieving effective
control over material, equipment and technology which any
nation* seeks to acquire for use in an independent nuclear
weapons/strategic delivery vehicle program, and which would
significantly benefit such program.
2. Adequate legislative author ty and export control
mechanisms already exist within the U.S. Government to assure
that all items of potential concern in NSAM 294 terms come
within the congizance of the appropriate export licensing
authorities, either AEC, State, or Commerce.
3. The tasks of the licensing authorities are therefore
(1) to make sure that procedures are in effect which are
adequate to identify all proposed export items falling under
NSAM 294 and (2) to establish the best possible judgment on
the following:
a. The technical, economic, quality, and timing
importance of the item to the national weapons
program.
b. The use actually intended for the item.
c. The alternative sources outside the U.S. for
the item or a comparable substitute.
4. Those items
In practical terms, the U.K. is at present exempted from this
policy, since we are cooperating with that country extensively
in both the nuclear weapons and delivery vehicle areas. The
policy is also not relevent to Bloc countries, since more
stringent policies are governing with respect to them.
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SECRET
2 1 I
4. Those items which are clearly intended for use in
a national program, would significantly and directly
benefit that program in terms of timing, quality, or cost,
and are unavailable in comparable substitute form elsewhere
than the U.S. are to be denied.
5. Those items intended for other uses, or of only
marginal benefit to the national program, or available
elsewhere than the U.S. without undue difficulty or delay,
will normally be approved. Other than NSAM 294 considera-
tions may come into play, however (Atomic Energy legisla-
tion, Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, political considerations,
other U.S. policies, etc.), and individual decisions must
take these into account.
6. While NSAM 294 is of general application, France,
under her present policies, is the major target country now
and for the immediate future. Nevertheless exports to all
other countries must be continuously evaluated in terms
of both the potential and intention of the recipient
country to engage in a national program.
7. No new control mechanisms or formalized inter-agency
committees are required, but improved coordination, exchange
of views and centralized compilations of case-by-case
experience are needed. To the extent feasible, definite
lists of commodities and related technologies of importance
in NSAM 294 terms should be developed in order to make the
controls most effective. The agencies with technical
competence in the area are therefore continuing to work
on improving present lists. It is recognized, however,
that the relative and shifting nature of the NSAM 294
control problem probably means that individual decisions
will necessarily continue to be mostly of an ad hoc nature.
Recommendations:
1. Each
SECRET
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SECRET
- 3 -
1. Each agency concerned (State, Defense, AEC, Commerce,
NASA) should name a single senior staff level representative
to have general responsibility within that agency for
NSAM 294 matters.
2. These representatives should keep in close touch
with each other and with all concerned areas within their
own agencies, the purpose being to ensure that NSAM 294
cases arising within or referred through normal channels
to their agencies get adequate and expeditious consideràtion
under the criteria outlined above.
3. These representatives should also be constituted
as an informal NSAM 294 Review Group, meeting under State
chairmanship once a month or as necessary, and including
additional participation from their own agencies as desirable.
The purpose will be to continue to explore ways and means
to improve inter-agency coordination, discuss implementation
problems which may have arisen, study decisions reached in
individual cases of a precedent value or with unusual
features, build up a central body of NSAM 294 experience,
and make recommendations for change ir policy or procedures
to their respective agenciés as may be required.
4. The intelligence community should be requested to
provide the Review Group on a regular. basis with evaluations
of additional-country potential and intention to engage
in nuclear weapons programs, to assist the group in achieving
the purpose mentioned in paragraph 6 above.
Clearances:
cc:
Commerce - Mr. Tollin
WE - Mr. Beigel
Defense - Mr. Nichols
L/ EUR - Mr. Trippe
AEC - Mr. O'Donnell
CIA - Mr. Christesen
NASA - Mr. Gorman
MC - Mr. Sipes
E/MDC - Mr. McFadden
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2/17/65
SECRET
6822
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
To:
NSC Secretariet
overtaken
by 7799
Per Col.Bohn.
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1
6822
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DRAFT
21/3/70
MEMORANDUM FOR
CHAIRMAN, NSC UNDER SECRETARIES COMMITTEE
SUBJECT:
Program for International Cooperation in the Uranium
Enrichment Field
The President has reviewed the NSC Under Secretaries Committee's
recommendation regarding a program for international cooperation in
the uranium enrichment fiel d, as contained in your memorandum of
February 26.
Before further action on this matter, the President has requested that
the report be supplemented by information pertaining to the following
questions.
1.
Since the report recognizes that United States policy on the
gas centrifuge process may have to be reviewed, depending
upon the reactions to the proposed course of action, what are
the full advantages and disadvantages o.' the option to share both
centrifuge and diffusion technology, including relevant Congressional
considerations and consideration of offering to share both now or
phasing into centrifuge sharing at a late r date?
2.
What objectives of the United States/are to be served or disserved
by the various options? What is the likelihood of advancing various
objectives, and what are the relationships between these objectives?
--for example, technological cooperation with Europe and other
countries, European integration, multinational approaches, non-
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field
CONFIDENTIAL
- 2 -
3.
What are the short-range and probable longer-term - problems,
and possible United States responses, which may be opened up
by a decision of the United States to share only gaseous diffusion
technology?
4.
Where does the United States stand in its diffusion and centrifuge
programs? What is the probable status of other countries' pro-
grams over the years without United States cooperation, and what
is the interaction between other programs and those of the United
States? Specifically,
what are
the international and domestic political implications of the rec.-
ommended course of action if the United States should decide that
any new United States plant is to be of the centrifuge type?
The President recognizes that timing may be an important factor in
reviewing these options and has, therefore, requested that the above
information be submitted for his ##### overall consideration on or before
April 22. The classification of the report should be up-graded if necessary
to handle the supplementary information adequately. The nature and
content of H the reocew shoald be closely held.
Henry A. Kissinger
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CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER
FROM:
Robert M. Behr
SUBJECT:
US Cooperation in the Uranium Enrichment Field
The NSC Under Secretaries Committee met on February 19 to consider
B
an interagency paper (Tab C) on US cooperation in the uranium enrich-
ment field.
The Under Secretaries Committee has forwarded a memorandum to
A
the President (Tab B) recommending that the US modify its long-standing
policy of not cooperating with other countries in the uranium enrichment
(1)
to thare US goseous d ffasion technologyand
field by offering to assist the Europeans to construct a multinationally
owned and operated gaseous diffusion plant#
in
and(2)
Western Europe, with acceptable safeguards, '/\ by being prepared to
discuss the possibility of similar cooperatio 1 with countries such as
Canada, Australia and Japan. Implementation of such a policy would
be contingent upon the execution of a suitable agreement or agreements
for cooperation which would require Presidential approval and review
by the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy.
BACKGROUND
With the growing demand for production of ectrical power by means of
a
nuclear reactors, there is a parallel demanc. for nuclear méterial to fuel
these reactors. Two techniques are normaliy used to obtain enriched
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CONFIDENTIAL
uranium to fuel nuclear reactors (1) the gaseous diffusion technique
and (2) the gas centrifuge process. Gaseous diffusion involves very
large plant facilities and consumes great quantities of electricity.
Conversely, gas centrifuges can be housed in smaller plants and need
much less electricity. The proliferation of gas centrifuge plants could
present problems of clandestine operation and of nuclear weapons pro-
liferation.
earlier highly instricted
With the exception of some programs of cooperation with the Europeans,
U.S. policy has been (1) to withhold enrichment technology from other coun-
and (2)
tries. We hav e sought to reduce incentives to develop enrichment facil-
ities abroad by supplying U-235 under stable conditions to countries that
accept bilateral or multilateral safeguards. This program has also pro-
duced economi C advantages for the US.in-the form of significant returns in
foreign reventes.
Today, several factors suggest that a new policy may be warranted; pulep
the mos importor them he fact that
t
Projected domestic and foreign demand for enriched ## uranium
can be met by existing and planned US capacity until the late 19-
70's, when new capacity will have to come on line.
/.
2.
Foreign countries are attracted by both the prospect of not being
dependir g upon the US for nuclear fuel supply and by the commercial
out
by
possibilities of exporting fuel and nuclear reactors. Enrichment
plants will be built abroad, with or without US help. The
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CONFIDENTIAL
Beitish, Dutch and Germans have concluded a tripartite agreement
and tomarhet
to develop A the gas centrifuge process and plants, and there are in-
dications that the Belgians and Italians will join in this endeavor.
3.
We have a strong incentive to rationalize our plans with the
The question, therefore, whether wannum enrechment develop to and
and plants desador, will proceed bith without us coopers tion, and who advantages
Europeans so that our enrichment capacity is best utilized
until their plant comes into operation.
4.
By providing US gaseous diffusion technology to selected countries
we could possibly inhibit the spread of centrifuge technology which,
loge under essions CS action.
from the standpoint of proliferation, is a serious concern. On the
other hand, by cooperating in both diffusion and centrifuge tech-
nology, the US could also possibly influence the spread of both
technologies through agreements for cooperation.
5.
Accession to the NPT has led several signatory nati ons to indicate
that # this accession should remove the basic reason for excluding
them from access to enrichment facilities.
DISGUSSION
(70bB)
The interagency paper, develops three policy options:
1.
Cooperation in the gaseous diffusion field alone.
2.
Cooperation in both the gaseous diffusion and gas centrifuge
fields.
3.
Maintair our present policy of non-cooperation in the uranium
enrichment field generally.
The Under Secretaries Committee recommends Option l-cooperation
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
-4-
in the gaseous diffusion field, but no transfer or cooperation in the
gas centrifuge field.
the
lacking.
Y Kconsider the interagency study and the proposed course of action es-
anywel be
ingit
sentially ##### sound, However, before this is forwarded to the President
for decision, the study should be more balanced by in answers the following to respects: following questions:
What are the fall advantage and desadve of the
1.
The report should present a more extensive discussion of the
Insert
option to share both centrifuge and diffusion technology, including
attached
relevant Congressional considerations ? [As it now stands [The the
now
report is geared in favor ### of the recommended course of action. ]
what US
2.
The report should clarify the objectives of the US to be served or
Whateston
disserved by the various options? the likelihood of advancing var-
what are
ious objectives and the relationships between the various objectives.
?
[This exercise initially began as an attempt to inhibit the develop-
ment and ultimately the spread of gas- centrifuge technology in
Europe and elsewhere. The British-Dutch-German agreement on
theo trainment of such
the gas centrifuge project has made such an objective less likely,
Amay be
although it is still possible that cooperation in the gaseous diffusion
technology would influence Europeans toward its development at
least for the near future. enrichment fa cilities.
3.
The rep rt requires negotiating strate gies for both options which
involve sharing technology, not just for the one involving the sharing
of gaseo IS diffusion technology These strategies and the argumen-
What ave
range
tation for the options need to identify both the short and the longer-
term problems which may be opened up, by a US decision toshare
onl
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
Insert A
1. Since the report recognizes that US policy on the centrifuge process may
have to be reviewed, depending upon other countries' reactions to a US
proposal to share diffusion technology, what are the full advantages and
disadvantages of the option to share both centrifuge and diffusion tech. -
and
nology, including relevant Congressional considerations? What would
a negotiating strategy which involved sharing both technologies, probably
offering ty
phasing into centrifuge sharing at a later date ? lecklike?
[The report
is now geared in favor of the recommended course, thereby shortcutting
some of the longer-term implications and the review of US ######## policy
on sharing centrifuge technology also. ]
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.
CONFIDENTIAL
4.
The report needs is also incomplete in that it does not present a summary
1
does
difference and centrifuge
analy sis of where the US stands in its programs, ythe probable
Wbtesthe
status of other countries' programs over the years without US
cooperation, and the interaction between other programs and
those of the US. 7 Specifically, what happens if the US makes a
play to cooperate in the gaseous diffusion field, succeeds 1]12/1 in
the sense that the Europeans go gaseous diffusion for the time
being, and then the next US plant should be of the gas centrifuge
type? [In other words, since the goal of impeding the development
of gas centrifuge technology abroad seems relatively unobtainable
in light of the tripartite agreement, hat should be the longer
term policy and objectives of the US in the uranium enrichment
field generally?
In sum, timing is an important consideration in weighing whether or not
the US should change its policy by cooperat.ng in diffusion technology
development vith other countries or by cooperating in both diffusion
and centrifuge technologies.
We have With been cooperating with the planning staff, European
staff, OST and Mr. Flanigan's staff on this project. All agree that
the above que steams answered and conside red the report
h the report should be revised as suggested a bove before it goes to the
President for decision.
Reproduced at the Richard Nixon Presidential Library DECLASSIFIED
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CONFIDENTIAL
- 6 -
H
Consequently, attached at Tab A is a memorandum from you to the
Chairman of the Under Secretaries Committee which states that the
President (1) has noted the recommendation and report, (2) has re-
quested a report on the questions mentioned herein, and (3) has requested
that a further report in response to these questions be submitted for his
overall consideration on or before April 22. your 762 memorandum also men terms
that the notive and content of the review should beclosely held.
If you wish to call this matter to the attention of the President before
going back to the Under Secretaries Committee with a request from
II
Attached at Tab I is a brief memorandum ### from you to the President
^
which advises him of the report and the recommendation, outlines its
content, and requests his approval to have the Under Secretaries Committe e
submit a further report in response to the que stions in order to gain a
more complete and longer-term picture before ####### deciding on the
matter.
RECOMMENDA TIONS
1.
That you sign the memorandum to the President at Tab I
2.
Upon his pproval, that you sign the memorandum to the
Chairman of the Under Secretaries Committee at Tab II
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This document has been reviewed pursuant to Executive Order 13526 and has been determined to be declassified.