Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
118569820
label
Blacks - Catholics - Hispanics [- Jews] (5)
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
118569820
contentType
document
title
Blacks - Catholics - Hispanics [- Jews] (5)
citationUrl
identifierLocal
137
collections
Records of the White House Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff (Reagan Administration)
Michael Deaver's Subject Files
thumbnailUrl
largeImageUrl
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
118569820
coverageEndDate
logicalDate
1985-12-31
year
1985
coverageStartDate
logicalDate
1981-01-01
year
1981
levelOfDescription
fileUnit
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
mediaId
d602bc7459e69ea9
ocrText
Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Digital Library Collections
This is a PDF of a folder from our textual
collections.
Collection: Deaver, Michael
Folder Title: Blacks-Catholics-Hispanics-
[Jews] (5)
Box: 35
To see more digitized collections
visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/archives/digital-library
To see all Ronald Reagan Presidential Library inventories
visit: https://reaganlibrary.gov/document-collection
Contact a reference archivist at: [email protected]
Citation Guidelines: https://reaganlibrary.gov/citing
National Archives
Catalogue: https://catalog.archives.gov/
BlAck
Bul up
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 16, 1983
plus on
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL K. DEAVER
and
FROM:
Jim Cicconi
Ave
SUBJECT:
Comments on Mel Bradley's Memo
Regarding Mel Bradley's suggestions for improving our
standing with Black Americans, the short answer to your
question is that virtually all could be implemented with-
out any serious dislocations in Administration policy.
However, I feel they would have little or no effect on our
standing among Blacks. Instead, we need to focus on a more
realistic assessment of our position and goals, and then do
much more than Mel has suggested.
I will try to cover "position and goals" in our discussion.
As for going beyond Mel's suggestions, I would offer the
following, in rough sequential order:
1. Coordinate an effort between WH and Justice to explain
our policies, and to more clearly demonstrate our sen-
sitivity. (Mike Baroody and I have already begun talks
toward this end, though a great deal remains to be done.)
2. Compile a report or briefing book on civil rights, fully
$
explaining the Administration's philosophy, policies, and
actions, along with supporting data. This would provide
the basis for speeches and remarks, though it should not
be viewed as an end in itself. (Work has begun on this.)
3. Certain "stage-setting" actions should be taken to show,
insofar as possible, that we are willing to listen and
intend to reach out to blacks. Failing some successful
efforts in this area, our message would fall on deaf ears.
Some suggestions have been conveyed to Justice; among
them are a series of private lunches between the AG,
Schmults, and specific civil rights leaders, and the
naming of a black Special Assistant to the AG who would
D
serve as a type of ombudsman for black concerns.
4. Devise an event to highlight introduction of our Fair
Housing legislation. It need not be elaborate, and might)
consist of the President reading a statement in the press
room, with the AG and Pierce present to handle questions
afterward.
Memorandum for Michael K. Deaver
June 16, 1983
Page 2
shoul
5. Set up an EOB briefing for Administration public affairs
officers, black appointees, agency EEO officials, etc.
in which various WH and departmental officials would
explain our policies on civil rights, our goals, and our
record. The President would do a drop-by.
6. A series of briefings for selected reporters and columnists
especially from local media, could be set up to influence
local opinion leaders regarding our civil rights stance and
record.
7. The Attorney General would begin a program of media events
and speeches on civil rights.
8. The President could deliver a speech on civil rights (not
t,
a televised speech, though one that would draw significant
coverage).
Other ideas can be developed: the above is only a game plan.
It is important to remember, though, that we are dealing with
perceptions that have become deeply ingrained; they cannot be
altered by facts alone. Also, we must remember that civil
rights as an issue affects Hispanics as well as Blacks-- our
efforts must include both groups.
cc: James A. Baker, III
Bill Sittmann
Doll
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Julicieum
May 31, 1983
you me a paper
on Three
MEMORANDUM FOR MIKE DEAVER
FROM:
MEL BRADLEY
gu
SUBJECT:
Alienation of Black Americans
Per your suggestion of May 17, I have attached a listing which
outlines the major developments occurring over the past two years
that have led to the current environment. The comments are drawn
from the Black perspective. They are based on my own observations
and those of Black Americans including those who supported the
election of the President. The second document outlines some
opportunities for action to create a more positive environment.
The sole purpose of the document is to indicate how we've gotten
into this predicament and to suggest some immediate steps toward a
strategy of reconciliation. It goes without saying that in my view,
we can legitimately pursue such a strategy within the framework of
the fundamental principles for which the President stands.
Attachment
PAST ISSUES AND EVENTS
Issue or Event
Comments
Voting Rights Act Extension
The impression is that our initial opposition to
the amended Act was unjustified. By all accounts
the newly strengthened legislation is working fine
without the problems anticipated by those who
opposed it.
Busing
The majority of Black Americans are not favorably
disposed toward busing. Instead of taking
advantage of this sentiment we have allowed
ourselves to become identified with those who
appear to be opposed to racial desegregation.
Tax Exemptions for Segregated
To a great many persons this unfortunate incident
Private Schools (Bob Jones)
left US with an image of turning back the clock on
civil rights progress and of being tolerant of
racial discrimination.
Title VI of the Civil Rights
Title VI prohibits discrimination in programs and
Act of 1964
activities receiving federal financial assistance.
Interpretations limiting the coverage of the
statute are leaving Blacks with the impression that
the Administration considers laws which forbid
discrimination a greater evil than racial
discrimination itself.
Title VII of the Civil Rights
Title VII which is enforced by the Equal Employment
Act of 1964
Opportunity Commission (EEOC), prohibits
discrimination in employment on the basis of race,
religion, sex and national origin. EEOC's rather
solid accomplishments under this Administration are
being overshadowed by emphasis from other
Administration sources on the protection of white
Americans from employment quotas -- a phenomenon
which by objective accounts is negligible in scope.
- 2 -
Affirmative Action Programs
The fear of Blacks is that, contrary to public
assurances by the President, the Justice Department
intends to dismantle legitimate, nonquota,
nonpreferential affirmative action programs under
the guise of eliminating quotas. This view is also
shared by women's groups, major employers and Labor
Department officials, all of whom support the -
existing concept.
Regulations Governing Affirmative
Under Executive Order 11246, firms who profit from
Action by Federal Contractors
federal tax dollars have a special obligation with
respect to equal employment opportunity. They must
take affirmative action to identify and eliminate
any remaining vestiges of discrimination in their
workforce. OFCCP, a unit in the Department of
Labor which administers this program, announced for
public comment proposed regulatory changes which
according to most commentators (both Black and
White) would seriously weaken this special
obligation.
Equal Opportunity in the
There is a great deal of evidence that our image on
Federal Government
civil rights has given federal administrators the
impression that they need no longer pursue federal
equal opportunity objectives with diligence.
Civil Rights Division of the
The combination of a great many speeches and
Department of Justice
several court actions have led many Blacks to
question whether the Federal Government now leans
more toward the side of the perpetrators of
discrimination than the victims of racial
injustice.
- 3 -
Policy Regarding Refugees
The treatment of the Haitians left many with
and Illegal Immigrants
the impression of unequal treatment based upon
race. The fact that the courts overturned the
detention aspects of this treatment gave credence
to this impression.
Personnel Appointments
The impression is that we have not made a
significant number of Black appointments. Some
agencies or areas stand out more than others --
Labor, Treasury, State Department, Justice,
judgeships, ambassadors, etc.
Black Press
We have failed to make use of the Black press to
counter the tendency of the general media to
concentrate on the negatives insofar as Black
interests are concerned. The result is that Blacks
generally are not fully apprised of many of our
positive initiatives.
OPPORTUNITIES
Issue or Event
Comments
Affirmative Action Programs
Consider a Presidential reaffirmation of the
existing policy commitment to current affirmative
action program standards which contain employment
goals and discourage quotas.
Regulations Governing
State publicly that the proposed regulations
Affirmative Action by Federal
will not go into effect.
Contractors
Executive Order on Minority
This executive order, which is now being
Business
drafted, should be accompanied by a communication
to SBA and the federal contracting agencies
reflecting the seriousness of the President's
commitment to minority business development and the
success of the section 8(a) program.
Direction to Federal Program
The President might wish to direct federal agency
Managers and Officials
heads to reaffirm to the program managers and
officials the strength of the President's
commitment to the principles of equal opportunity
and fairness, and to take action to ensure that his
commitment is reflected in the action's of the
federal establishment.
Program of Presidential
Coordinate activities involving Blacks.
Contacts with Black Americans
Ed Harper's memo of February 7, 1983
which includes other measures for addressing the
polarization between Blacks and the Administration.
Black Political Appointments
Take advantage of new appointment possibilities in
federal agencies, for judgeships, and on boards and
commissions.
White House Communications
Appoint a Black to White House Communications with
responsibilities for outreach to the Black press as
well as general press duties.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
February 7, 1983
MEMORANDUM FOR JAMES BAKER III
EDWIN MEESE III
FROM:
EDWIN L. HARPER
SUBJECT:
Black Outreach Activities
The purpose of this memorandum is to request your approval to
proceed with the plans Mel Bradley has developed for Black
Outreach activities.
At Tab A you will find the memorandum responding to your request
that Mel become more active in this area. The most important
item in that memorandum is a White House slot. This is essential
to his performing the task we have asked him to undertake in
representing the President.
At Tab B is a copy of Mel's proposal which essentially calls for
increased contact between the President and Black Americans at
major White House events to increase the awareness that the
President associates with Blacks and takes them into account in
his thinking about issues. The proposal includes the names of 70
Black leaders that the President could involve invone way or
another in White House meetings and events. Most, but not all,
are friends and supporters. Careful planning needs to be given
as to how these individuals should be involved.
To insure that planning takes place Mel should be on the regular
distribution for the President's long range schedule. This will
enable Mel to suggest the inclusion of specific individuals in
upcoming events in sufficient time for them to be properly
considered and invited. It will also give him an opportunity to
suggest additional events.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
1. That Mel Bradley be allocated a White House slot.
2. That Mel Bradley regularly receive the President's long
range schedule.
THE WHITE HOUSE
file here
WASHINGTON
February 16, 1982
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL K. DEAVER
FROM:
MAMIE McDONOUGH
We
SUBJECT:
MINORITY PROGRAM
You asked Joe to comment on the Minority Communities Program
memo from Steve Rhodes. He in turn asked Dick Parsons to evalu-
ate the ideas. Dick, as I think you must know, is Joe's attor-
ney as well as a former Deputy Director of the Domestic Council,
under Jim Cannon.
Attached is Dick's analysis.
Please let me know if you would like me to do further follow-up
regarding the attached.
Thanks
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Michael K. Deaver
FROM:
Joseph W. Canzeri
RE:
Program for the Minority Communities
You asked that I review the attached memorandum
from Steve Rhodes, highlight the main points and give you my
recommendations.
Essentially, the Rhodes' memorandum makes five
recommendations the implementation of which, it is argued,
would help significantly to improve the President's standing
in the minority community. These recommendations are:
1. To compile a list of the specific actions
which the Administration has taken during the
past year in the area of civil rights and
equal opportunity.
2. To require "impact" statements regarding the
ways in which changes in federal policy will
effect civil rights and equal opportunity.
3. To launch a national public education
effort regarding civil rights and equal
opportunity.
4. To enhance current efforts to include minority
business people in the Administration's
economic recovery program.
5. To issue a Presidential Executive Order on
civil rights and equal opportunity, con-
solidating civil rights policy development in
the Executive Office of the President.
While the theme of this memorandum is "motherhood
and apple pie," the specific recommendations are, in my
judgment, either too vague or likely to do more harm than
good. For example, while recommendation number 2 might have
the positive effect of making various policy makers more
aware of the impact of their decisions on minorities, it
could also serve to highlight for foes of the Administration
the inevitable negative impact of any number of otherwise
desirable policy shifts. Recommendations 3 and 4, while
generally lauditory in spirit, speak more to the underlying
problem than to their solutions. Recommendation 5 would
have the effect of placing all civil rights policy development
and coordination in the White House -- the dangers here are
self-evident.
Accordingly, with the possible exception of the
first recommendation (compiling a list of those actions
which the Administration has taken to further civil rights
and equal opportunity), I am not enthusiastic about Mr.
Rhodes' suggestions. Clearly, however, it would be timely
and politically a plus if the President could do something
to offset some of the negative coverage we have been getting
in this area. If you feel it would be helpful, I would be
glad to pull together a small group who could give you some
further thoughts on this matter.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 25, 1982
Jul pls pouts begilate give
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL K. DEAVER
STEVE RHODES Ste
we
account a
FROM:
SUBJECT:
PROGRAM FOR THE MINORITY COMMUNITIES
Attached is a proposal that I feel will have significant
impact to offset many of the unfounded concerns by the
minority communities towards the President.
Although this may seem like alot to ask, I think it is
important and extremely timely. The President has been
given an unfair stereotype and I think that if we proceed
quickly with some of the ideas covered herein, we could
nullify some of the outward criticism.
I would be more than happy to discuss the particulars of
this at your convenience.
Attachment
CIVIL RIGHTS AND EQUAL 01 PORTUNITY
Problem
Actions by diverse parts of the Administration have led to charges
that the President is against civil rights for minorities. The
claim is made that the Reagan Administration is attempting to
reverse the civil rights and equal opportunity gains of the past
generation. Frequently, issues related to the problems of poor
people and of minority groups are improperly viewed as identical.
A number of highly visible administrative actions which have been
the basis for these charges are:
- the recent action by the Departments of Justice and
Treasury on tax exemption for schools which practice
segregation.
- changes in affirmative action hiring policies by the
Department of Labor.
- appointments of top officials at civil rights agencies
such as the Civil Rights Commission and Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission.
- policy formulation and action on Voting Rights and Fair
Housing Legislation by Departments of Justice and
Housing and Urban Development.
- changes in Executive Branch posture in the courts on
issues such as busing for school desegregation, and
voluntary affirmative action plans for employment of
minorities.
- legislative and budget proposals which reduce federal
spending for poor people.
The fact that these actions and others are aimed at establishing
an appropriate and more effective role for the federal government
in ensuring the civil rights of all citizens has not been adequately
recognized. The President's strong personal commitment to civil
rights and equal opportunity has not been clearly manifested in
the public consciousness. It is apparent that from polls and
concerns expressed by Republican members of Congress that the
public reaction to the Administration's actions in the field of
civil rights is not positive. It is evident that in some cases a
more effective process could have been followed and different
actions might have been desirable.
A series of specific actions during the next few months could
establish a public posture on civil rights and equal opportunity,
which is consistent with the President's strong commitments in
these areas, with the policies of the administration, and with
commitments made to the public during the presidential campaign.
2
These actions should not be of a defensive nature, but
should reflect positive actions to carry out the mandates
President Reagan obtained from the electorate.
Educating the General Public
The President and senior Administration officials have an
important role to play in spelling out with clarity the
Administration's commitment to civil rights and equal oppor-
tunity. It is especially important that special efforts be
made to communicate with minority communities as an important
part of the public. TOO often the close identification of
minority concerns as being limited to the concerns of poor
people has resulted in bad policy and administrative action.
A major education effort about minority group issues, based on
adequate information about their social and economic characteristics,
their geographical location, their roles in the labor force and
in business activities, has often been lacking. It is also
important to recognize the fact that many minority people have
values which are quite consistent with the basic ideals on which
our society operates. However, it is essential that the general
public be sensitive to the special needs and circumstances and
historical perspectives of minority groups in our society. An
essential ingredient of this information and education effort
must be a sensitivity to the special issues which confront
different minority groups, while recognizing the significant
commonality of values and interests between minority groups and
the rest of society.
An example of the difficulty in public discourse about minority
issues is the discussion about affirmative action. For some,
affirmative action is a means of hiring incompetent people in
order to meet a statistical standard of performance. A number
of major corporations, however, have adopted affirmative action
programs and now believe that they are an integral part of a sound
personnel policy and program. By having a good understanding of
the local labor market, and ensuring that recruitment efforts
address the various elements of the varied subcomponents of the
labor market, including minority group members, they have been
able to improve the overall quality of their personnel. Generally,
by ensuring that any past discriminatory practices are eliminated,
competent people who might otherwise not have been given
promotions have been identified and have successfully assumed
positions of greater responsibility. Goals and time-tables in
these firms are used as guides to measure performance, just as
other goals and timetables regarding sales, profits or
reductions in costs are used. The polarization in the discussion
about affirmative action has resulted from the parties on different
sides of the argument selecting examples which suit their purposes.
There is a definite role for senior officials in the Administra-
tion to facilitate public education and understanding about
effective ways of ensuring equality of opportunity in
employment, housing and other areas.
3
A major objective of educating the general public should be to
ensure understanding that the administration will enforce existing
laws in the most effective and efficient manner possible. The
Department of Justice and other civil- rights enforcement agencies
should be asked to compile examples of actions taken during the
past year for use in the public education effort. It is important
to underscore the differences between changes in regulations or
legislation which are designed to make more efficient the enforce-
ment and implementation of civil rights and equal opportunity law,
and efforts to change or alter policy. Many of the regulatory and
budgetary changes initiated by the Administration are not designed
to undermind the basic purposes, but are an effort to improve the
efficiency and effectiveness with which government achieves goals
and legislative objectives which have been established by legislation
or judicial action. A consistent theme of the public education effort
should be a distinction between policy changes and administrative
prudence. The President should require all Federal departments
and agencies to make an explicit statement about whether any proposed
changes in civil rights or equal opportunity law. is a change in policy
or an effort to implement existing policy more efficiently or
effectively.
The Economic Recovery Program and Equality of Opportunity
Presidential leadership to bring about close collaboration between
minority businessmen and other business leaders in making the
economic recovery program happen and sharing in the benefits could
be an important element in establishing the Administration's public
posture on civil rights and equal opportunity. There are a series
of minority group organizations similar in purpose to organizations
which serve the business community generally. For example, the
National Bankers Association is made up primarily of minority banks,
while the American Bankers Association represents all banking
institutions. A similar duality exists with savings and loans,
real estate, small business investment companies, and in numerous
other business and professional areas.
The minority organizations and their members possess special
knowledge about minority markets, which are large and growing,
and how they are best served in a profitable fashion. They also
have familiarity with past or current practices which may pose, or
are perceived to pose, special inhibitions on successful business
activities. There is a mutuality of interest between the
business community generally and methods and techniques for serving,
in a profitable fashion, minority markets. Overcoming the non-
economic barriers to profitable activity and closer collaboration
between minority business firms and the rest of the economy, could
be an effective means of enhancing the economic recovery effort.
Now is the time to begin building the links between minority
business and around methods for exploiting the benefits of the
new tax legislation, the deregulation efforts, and other
*This statement should be cleared through the White House
before its release.
4
and other initiatives designed to improve the economy. The
Administration could provide the leadership in bringing these
groups together and making the economic recovery program work in
ways which are profitable to all businesses. This, although an
indirect approach to equal opportunity, is potentially highly
effective. If people in the minority communities see signs of
progress, we can reduce the amount of open criticism.
New Machinery
A Presidential Executive Order on Civil Rights and Equal Opportunity
should be promulgated in order to provide some centralized oversight
of the diverse civil rights and equal opportunity activities of the
Administration. Responsibility for those activities should be
lodged in the Executive Office of the President. The Vice President
might be given the oversight responsibility or it might be assigned
to one of the appropriate divisions in the White House. The
executive order would deal with responsibility for monitoring,
coordinating, and recommending the timing of administrative and
legislative activities which relate to civil rights and equal
opportunity. The overall purpose of the executive order would be
to assist the President ensure effective and efficient implementation
of existing laws, and provide a clearinghouse for the review of
proposals for changes in existing laws, regulations and administra-
tion policies on civil rights and equal opportunity.
During the past twenty years, only fledgling efforts have been made
to bring order into the diffuse civil rights and equal opportunity
activities spread throughout the federal government. Experience
with placing this responsibility in a cabinet, department, or
operating agency has not been good. The Justice Department and
the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, have at various
times, been given the responsibility for civil rights coordination.
For a brief period there was a Council on Equal Opportunity which
lasted for about 6 months. These previous efforts at coordination
have also involved, at times, a White House staff person having
some limited oversight responsibility. However, and most
importantly, none of these previous approaches has attempted to
link civil rights and equal opportunity activities.
Action
The following summarizes the proposed action steps.
(1) Compile documentation of specific actions during the
past year which are effective civil rights and equal opportunity
actions by the Administration.
(2) Require an explicit statement about the effect of changes
in policy or administration on civil rights and equal. opportunity.
5
(3) Launch a well-designed national public education effort,
with a special emphasis on minorities, on civil rights and equal
opportunity
(4) Initiate a collaborative process involving minority
business people and other business leaders in a concerted joint
effort to make the economic recovery program work.
(5) After (1) and (2) have been completed and (3) is
underway, issue a Presidential Executive Order on Civil Rights and
Equal Opportunity.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 26, 1982
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL K. DEAVER
FROM
JAMES S. ROSEBUSH
SUBJECT
BLACK ADVISOR
In our discussion yesterday I mentioned that I thought
Art Fletcher could be enormously helpful to us on this
subject.
He is out there pitching for us with Black groups everyday.
And what's more he is successful with his explanation of
Reaganomics.
He has an idea about bringing Black ministers (the best way
to reach the Black grass roots) into the Oval Office.
You said you would like to spend fifteen minutes with him.
Please ask Shirley to arrange a time and let me know. I
will arrange it.
Shirley: a time and day this week
OKWD
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
File
May 5, 1982
MEMORANDUM FOR: MICHAEL K. DEAVER
Archine
THROUGH:
RICHARD S. WILLIAMSON
FROM:
J. STEVEN RHODES Steve
SUBJECT:
NATIONAL URBAN COALITION
The National Urban Coalition has requested that you serve
as a Vice Chair for their Fifteenth Anniversary "Salute to
the Cities" Dinner, to be held on Thursday, May 13, 1982 at
the Washington Hilton Hotel.
I recommend that you decline this invitation. The National
Urban Coalition has not been supportive of the Administration.
Mr. M. Carl Holman, President of the Coalition, has in fact
been responsible for organizing Mayors and their community
based organizations to emphasize the adverse effects of
the Administration's budget cuts.
ave R.
ashed
to decline
5-7-82
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 29, 1982
MEMORANDUM TO EDWIN MEESE, JAMES BAKER, MICHAEL DEAVER
THROUGH:
RICHARD S. WILLIAMSON Rich
FROM:
J. STEVEN RHODES Stene
SUBJECT:
NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF BLACK MAYORS
On October 20, Mayor Johnny Ford was interviewed by Diane
Sawyer of CBS MORNING. The mayor gave an insightful look
at the goals of not only the National Conference of Black
Mayors, but of the struggles facing all mayors throughout
the United States.
I thought the interview was so positive and constructive
that you might want to have a copy for your information.
This interview is a far cry from what we would have seen
and heard if Dick Hatcher had still been president of the
organization. Mayor Ford has worked closely with us, and
while representing the views of many of the mayors and
the black community, he has still been able to maintain
a constructive positive dialogue with us.
cc: Edward Rollins
Edwin Harper
Elizabeth Dole
DRAFT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
INTERVIEW OF MAYOR JOHNNY FORD
OF TUSKEGEE, ALABAMA
BY
DIANE SAWYER
OF CBS MORNING
October 20, 1982
MS. SAWYER: I am sure you have read about how the
recession falls with extra weight on black Americans. Unemployment
statistics tell that story. The current figure for blacks is
almost double the national average. And among black teenagers,
almost one in two has no job.
Furthermore, black leaders say federal cuts are the
sharpest in social programs that black people depend on the most.
Some examples of those: Welfare, where more than 40 percent of
the beneficiaries are black; Public Housing; education for the
disadvantaged; and Food Stamps, where blacks make up about one
beneficiary in three.
Yet, President Reagan says that blacks will, in the
end, be better off under his administration when he gets the
economy under control.
These are things we are going to talk about this
morning with Johnny Ford of Tuskegee, Alabama who is Chairman of
the National Conference of Black Mayors, which is meeting this
week in Washington.
Mayor Ford, thank you so much for joining us.
MAYOR FORD: Good morning, and thank you so very much.
MS. SAWYER: Let me ask you right away why do black
Mayors meet? It sounds to me like a special interest kind of
mayoring.
MAYOR FORD: Well, the point of it is Mayors in this
country are faced with problems, be they black or white. But
those of us who are black are so new at the business of being
Mayors. Therefore, we need an organization where we can have one
voice dealing with the problems facing our cities. And, therefore,
we organized this organization back in 1972. And today, we
represent 212 black Mayors -- men and women who are serving American
cities, who are concerned about the problems caused by the
recession, the concern of unemployment, for housing, the stagnation
in terms of people who want to work, but cannot work.
And so we are grappling with the problems of trying
to solve the problems in our cities, yet not have to pass on
MS. SAWYER: I am sure you have read about how the
recession falls with extra weight on black Americans. Unemployment
statistics tell that story. The current figure for blacks is
almost double the national average. And among black teenagers,
almost one in two has no job.
Furthermore, black leaders say federal cuts are the
sharpest in social programs that black people depend on the most.
Some examples of those: Welfare, where more than 40 percent of
the beneficiaries are black; Public Housing; education for the
disadvantaged; and Food Stamps, where blacks make up about one
beneficiary in three.
Yet, President Reagan says that blacks will, in the
end, be better off under his administration when he gets the
economy under control.
These are things we are going to talk about this
morning with Johnny Ford of Tuskegee, Alabama who is Chairman of
the National Conference of Black Mayors, which is meeting this
week in Washington.
Mayor Ford, thank you so much for joining us.
MAYOR FORD: Good morning, and thank you SO very much.
MS. SAWYER: Let me ask you right away why do black
Mayors meet? It sounds to me like a special interest kind of
mayoring.
MAYOR FORD: Well, the point of it is Mayors in this
country are faced with problems, be they black or white. But
those of us who are black are so new at the business of being
Mayors. Therefore, we need an organization where we can have one
voice dealing with the problems facing our cities. And, therefore,
we organized this organization back in 1972. And today, we
represent 212 black Mayors -- men and women who are serving American
cities, who are concerned about the problems caused by the
recession, the concern of unemployment, for housing, the stagnation
in terms of people who want to work, but cannot work.
And so we are grappling with the problems of trying
to solve the problems in our cities, yet not have to pass on
increased taxes to our cities and towns across the nation.
MS. SAWYER: But I want to go back to what you said
about black Mayors having special problems. Is the logical
extension of what you are saying that, in the current climate of
MORE
- 2 -
this country, black Mayors cannot be as effective in recruiting
businesses, for instance, as white Mayors?
MAYOR FORD: Well, the point of it is Mayors in this
nation have problems. Those of us who are black -- many times
our expertise and our resources are not equal to our counterparts.
Therefore, we must ban together, and work together for positive
reasons, not negative reasons.
The whole thrust of the matter is, while we are doing
whatever we can do to work with this administration and to have
an open line of communication with the White House, we realize,
on the other hand, that we must build our own institutions. We
must develop linkages with the private sector, because, indeed,
the federal government cannot really solve our problems.
We need to tap the billions of dollars that are
generated in the private sector in our cities and towns across
the nation to develop a marriage between the private and public
sectors so that our people can work, and have productive lives.
MS. SAWYER: Okay; let's talk about that.
Unemployment -- why is the rate for black unemployment twice that
of the national average?
MAYOR FORD: Because the society, and particularly
industrial and commercial society, has not, in many instances,
given equal opportunities to black and minorities and women and
handicapped people in this country, and blacks in particular.
MS. SAWYER: Are you saying it is in the training,
or in the hiring?
MAYOR FORD: It is combination of both. That is why
the Job Training Partnership Act, I think, is a refreshing new
sign; for it will concentrate on developing skills. But it, also,
challenges corporate America to become more responsive in its
hiring policies, and make sure that equal opportunity exists for
black and other minorities in this country.
MS. SAWYER: Do you agree with President Reagan,
though, that, in the end, the most important thing is to get
inflation down and the economy under control? Do you agree that,
in the broad sense, he is doing what is best for all people on
the economy right now?
MAYOR FORD: Well, I think that the President is
sincere. However, we cannot depend upon the President to solve
our problems. We have come to Washington to meet with the White
House, to meet with members of the Congress, to have an open line
of dialogue.
But in the meantime, we will, also, be meeting with
corporate America, because there is great potential for us --
those of us in the cities and towns out across America, because
that is where the real jobs lie, not with the --
on
the
other
hand,
that
we
must
must develop linkages with the private sector, because, indeed,
the federal government cannot really solve our problems.
We need to tap the billions of dollars that are
generated in the private sector in our cities and towns across
the nation to develop a marriage between the private and public
sectors SO that our people can work, and have productive lives.
MS. SAWYER: Okay; let's talk about that.
Unemployment -- why is the rate for black unemployment twice that
of the national average?
MAYOR FORD: Because the society, and particularly
industrial and commercial society, has not, in many instances,
given equal opportunities to black and minorities and women and
handicapped people in this country, and blacks in particular.
MS. SAWYER: Are you saying it is in the training,
or in the hiring?
MAYOR FORD: It is combination of both. That is why
the Job Training Partnership Act, I think, is a refreshing new
sign; for it will concentrate on developing skills. But it, also,
challenges corporate America to become more responsive in its
hiring policies, and make sure that equal opportunity exists for
black and other minorities in this country.
MS. SAWYER: Do you agree with President Reagan,
though, that, in the end, the most important thing is to get
inflation down and the economy under control? Do you agree that,
in the broad sense, he is doing what is best for all people on
the economy right now?
MAYOR FORD: Well, I think that the President is
sincere. However, we cannot depend upon the President to solve
our problems. We have come to Washington to meet with the White
House, to meet with members of the Congress, to have an open line
of dialogue.
But in the meantime, we will, also, be meeting with
corporate America, because there is great potential for us --
those of us in the cities and towns out across America, because
that is where the real jobs lie, not with the --
MS. SAWYER: Specifically, how do you get to them
then? Are you talking about free enterprise zones -- bringing
in businesses that way?
MAYOR FORD: It is a combination of all of those
things. It begins, I think, by having an open line of communication,
sitting around the table face to face, letting corporate America
MORE
- 3 -
what the problems are, facing our cities. -- we For have those to
understand corporations that are not willing to do that then
take another route.
But the point is, we must try to sensitize corporate
America, and to cause them to become more responsive.
MS. SAWYER: Mayor Ford, it is interesting to me.
I want to ask a question about your tone, because I know it won't
surprise you that a lot of people have thought, in this country
for a long time, that black groups generally just complain. And
they are always complaining.
And I sense a more positive approach. Is this a
trend? Is this something new?
MAYOR FORD: Well, the point of it -- those of us
who are Mayors are very practical people. As Mayor of my city,
I have got to worry about jobs for my people, houses, and problems
which affect the poor and elderly people in my city.
People in America want to work. Contrary to the
illusion that black people are lazy and don't want to work, I
say that is nonsense. We are American citizens. All we want is
an opportunity to work, to stand up on our own two feet, and to
meet our own responsibilities.
And those of us who are leaders must put aside the
emotion. Everyone thinks that we are coming to town to attack the
administration. We do not have time for that. While we don't
agree with many of the policies of the administration, it is
necessary for us to have an open dialogue with the administration
to make sure they understand, and to try to cause them to become
more responsive.
But while we are dealing with the administration,
we must, also, deal with the corporate sector as well. And that
is why Mayors are here in the nation's capital today.
MS. SAWYER: Mayor Ford, so glad that you were here
with us this morning. Thank you again for coming by.
END
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 7, 1982
FOR: FROM: MARTY MELVIN ANDERSON BRADLEY mb
SUBJ: How Black America Perceives This Administration
I have attached a brief action paper on the above subject for your
consideration. It has been more difficult to write than most policy
memoranda. First, many of the issues affecting minorities have become
emotional issues. Those issues are often difficult to understand; hence,
often the nature of the issue is misrepresented. Second, it is difficult
to accurately identify the nature of the problem. Finally, it is the
very intangible nature of many of the problems which preclude clear and
concise definition.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
HOW BLACK AMERICA PERCEIVES THIS ADMINISTRATION
THE PROBLEM
The prevailing perception of the Black community is that the Administration
is at best insensitive to its fundamental interests and concerns. For
this reason, ardent Black supporters of the President are finding it
difficult to defend the Administration and may even feel compelled to
publicly announce that they can no longer support us. In addition press
accounts tend to indicate that there is a perception among Americans in
general that the Administration is indifferent toward the minority
community. Growing numbers genuinely view Black Americans as being treated
in the same manner as other American constituencies (e.g., labor, business,
religious groups, farmers, Central European ethnics, etc.). Based on what
I'm hearing, I fear that more and more Blacks are beginning to feel
abandoned, alienated and rejected.
This memorandum does not question whether Blacks should harbor these
views and react in such a fashion. The fact is they do. The task for the
Administration is to seek to address their perceptions or feelings of
Blacks in such a manner as to avoid the possibility of serious consequences,
not only for the minority community, but for the Nation as a whole.
This President has the leadership qualities which could help the Nation
solve these problems. The Administration to date has not made the best
use of the President's qualities.
UNDERLYING CAUSES
Blacks do not point to a single policy or program which is indicative of
negativism toward them and, perhaps, other minorities. Instead, their view
is more the result of perceptions or misperceptions regarding a multitude
of individual actions, inactions, policies, activities or undertakings
which collectively create that overall impression. Some tangible examples
are worthy of note.
First, the Administration's actions or inactions on the questions of voting
rights, affirmative action in employment, minority business development
and related efforts designed to bring minorities into the political,
economic and social mainstream have given rise to the perception that we
intend to reverse two decades of accelerated progress in these critical
areas. Blacks view the current Voting Rights Act as having led to Black
voter participation in substantial numbers. Still they believe that a great
deal more progress is necessary if they are to establish a voting tradition
which at least approximates that of the population at large. However, our
handling of the proposed extension of the Act has led them to believe that
the Administration is unconcerned about future progress in this area.
ADMINISTRATIVELY CONFIDENTIAL
- 2 -
Affirmative action employment programs as originally conceived in 1971 are
considered by minorities to be the only available mechanism which can
guarantee that they will be hired and advanced in employment at levels
reasonably consistent with their availability and qualifications. However,
despite the initial positive statement on this subject by the President
in January 1981, there has been a steady spate of public announcements by
Administration officials which tend to blur the distinction between
legitimate affirmative action goals and timetables and preferential quotas.
These statements have led minorities to believe that the concept of
affirmative action will be abolished under the guise of eliminating quotas
and other forms of preferential treatment. The irony of this development
is that the concept of non-preferential, nonquota-type affirmative action
goals and timetables in employment is a Republican initiative.
Minority business development is another Republican initiative which
minorities have considered to be of great importance. The minority
business community greeted the election of President Reagan with some hope
that programs designed to foster the expansion of minority businesses would
be revitalized and strengthened. They are still awaiting the formulation
of policy in this regard.
Second, there is the perception that in arriving at its economic recovery
program, the Administration did not consider the short-term, disparate
impact on Blacks and other minorities and explore other feasible
alternatives. If the economic recovery program had been accompanied by
announced plans to strengthen rather than roll back civil rights measures,
a great many Blacks and other minorities indicate that the Administration's
program would have been more acceptable.
Third, there is a perception that this Administration does not believe
that Blacks have a legitimate and substantial interest in important issues
affecting foreign affairs. In particular, Black Americans perceive this
Administration's policies relating to Black nations as having been
designed without their input, interests, or concerns in mind. They do not
believe this has been the experience of other racial and ethnic minorities.
Beyond those basic issues, Blacks attach a great deal of significance to
such matters as visibility of Blacks at Administration social events,
access of Blacks to the President and top officials on a regular basis,
and Presidential expression of concern about the plight of Blacks in major
addresses. These matters are important because they indicate whether the
Administration does, indeed, treat Blacks the same as it treats other
Americans.
STEPS TOWARD A SOLUTION
The severe reduction in economic and social programs which have
traditionally been viewed by minorities as benefiting them should be
counteracted by a strengthening of the Administration's position on
such critical minority concerns as voting rights, affirmative action
in employment, minority business development, and private sector
initiatives which create jobs and income opportunities for Blacks.
- 3 -
The Administration needs to factor into its policy-making processes
an assessment of the potential impact of the policies on minorities.
Where there is a determination that a particular policy will be
harmful, then alternatives must be sought. The requirement that there
be an assessment of the impact on Blacks must be communicated to this
Administration by the President. All policy-making officials must
understand that this is an important initiative because this President
intends to be the President of all the people.
The White House should bring about greater contact between the
President, his Administration and Black Americans. Black Americans,
in greater numbers should participate in White House meetings and major
White House events: e.g., formal dinners and bill signings. In addition,
there should be periodic meetings between the President and Black
Americans, including key Blacks in the Administration, Black Republicans,
and with leaders of Black organizations.
The State of the Union Message provides an excellent opportunity for
the President to indicate his concern about the problems expressed
in this memorandum.