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[Mireya Moscoso]
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RECORD TYPE: FEDERAL (NOTES MAIL)
CREATOR: "Kurtz, James" <[email protected]> ("Kurtz, James" <[email protected]> [ UNKNOWN])
CREATION DATE/TIME:27-MAY-1999 07:31:05.00
SUBJECT: 990526
TEXT:
<<e19990526concat.htm>> <<s19990526concat.htm>>
- e19990526concat.htm - s19990526concat.htm
ATTACHMENT 1
ATT CREATION TIME/DATE: 0 00:00:00.00
TEXT:
<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 3.2//EN">
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<TITLE>CURRENT NEWS EARLY BIRD</TITLE>
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<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0">
<tr>
<td 1width="100%"><big><big><big><font face="Arial Narrow"> CURREN
T N E W S</font></big></big></big>
<font face="Arial Black"><big><big><big>EA RLY BIRD<
/big></big></big></font></td>
</tr>
</table>
</CENTER>
<p>
<center><HI>May 26, 1999</H1></center>
<p>
<strong><center>Use of these articles does not reflect official endorsement.<
enter>
<center>Reproduction for private use or gain is subject to original copyright r
estrictions.</center></strong>
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<A NAME="TOP"></A>
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<H3>TOP STORIES</H3>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526nato.htm'>NATO Moves Ahead On A Kosovo Force Of 50,0
00 Troops</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Michael R. Gordon</LI><br>
NATO on Tuesday approved plans for a heavily armed peacekeeping force of about
50,000 soldiers for Kosovo, part of a broad campaign by the alliance's top com
mander to increase the political and military pressure on Yugoslav President SI
obodan Milosevic.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526spy.htm">Spy Report Sparks GOP Attack</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Vernon Loeb</LI><br>
A House select committee probing China's theft of U.S. nuclear secrets finally
made its 700-page report public yesterday, triggering an intense partisan outc
ry about the impact of Chinese espionage on national security that could affect
the course of U.S.-China relations for years.
<b><LI><A ><A HREF="#e19990526experts.htm">Experts Say China's Gains Are Political
, Not Military</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Philadelphia Inquirer)</em> Steve Goldstein</LI><br>
While the theft by China of secret designs for U.S. nuclear warheads and ot
her weapons systems is a major security failure, the likelihood of China soon g
aining nuclear parity or even posing a serious threat is slim verging on nonexi
stent, security analysts and weapons experts said yesterday.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526cohen.htm'">Cohen Cancels China Trip</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Omaha World-Herald)</em> Associated Press</LI><br>
Defense Secretary William Cohen has dropped plans to visit China next month, h
is spokesman said Tuesday, because of the Kosovo crisis and heightened tensions
with the Chinese government.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526home.htm">Home Is The Hunter</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Peter Finn and Molly Moore</LI><br>
While KLA-held territory has been reduced to isolated pockets across Kosovo
since Serb-led Yugoslav forces launched a major offensive against them in Marc
h, rebel units operating along the Albanian border in the last two months have
been able to establish a narrow corridor into the province, taking advantage of
NATO's nine-week-old air assault on Yugoslavia.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526troops.htm">NATO Troops Up As U.S. Approval Slips</A
></b><BR>
<EM>(USA Today)</em> Susan Page and Fred Coleman</LI><br>
A new USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll finds U.S. support for the air war against Yug
oslavia slipping even as NATO ambassadors move to dramatically increase the dep
loyment of ground forces in the region.
</UL>
<H3>CONGRESS</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526senate.htm">Senate Panel Backs Boost In Defense Fund
s</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Unattributed</LI><br>
As Congress turned its attention to defense issues, the Senate Appropriations
Committee yesterday approved a $267.6 billion defense spending bill for fiscal
2000, about $4.3 billion more than what the administration sought.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526gop.htm">G.O.P. Scrapes For Extra Money As Spending
Bills Begin Moving</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Associated Press</LI><br>
Senate Republicans prepared to shift $3.6 billion from defense to domestic pro
grams Tuesday as they struggled to write spending bills that honor stringent li
mits required by Congress' budget.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526senators.htm">Senators Exonerate Pearl Harbor Chiefs
</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>...natributed</LI><br>
The Senate voted yesterday to exonerate two American military commanders accus
ed of dereliction of duty in the bombing of Pearl Harbor.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526for.htm">For The Record</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Rep. Tom Campbell and Rep. Dennis Kucinich</LI><
br>
From a press conference at the Capitol yesterday on the War Powers Act lawsuit
by Rep. Tom Campbell (R-Calif.) and Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio).
</UL>
<H3>DOD</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526lowprofile.htm">Low Profile, High Impact</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Retired Officer Magazine)</em> Tom Philpott</LI><br>
Air Force Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
speaks about his job, the defense budget, and troop deployment.
</UL>
<H3>ARMY</H3>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526scratches.htm">Army Scratches Antimissile Test For T
arget Failure</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Wall Street Journal)</em> Associated Press</LI><br>
The Army scratched yesterday's test flight of an antimissile missile because o
fa problem with the missile that was to serve as its target.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526apache.htm">Apache Pilots Practice In Case Of Real T
hing</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Boston Globe)</em> Lynda Gorov</LI><br>
For now, the 24 Apaches mostly sit idle on a runway at the airport just out
side the Albanian capital of Tirana, on farmland and property that has been lea
sed or purchased by the military.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526role.htm"> Apache Role In Kosovo Illustrates Cracks I
n Joint Doctrine</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Defense Daily)</em> David Atkinson and Hunter Keeter</LI><br>
More than a decade after the Pentagon set out to bolster cooperation between t
he military services, a string of Air Force e-mail messages blasting the Armys
plans to use AH-64 attack helicopters in Kosovo illustrates the problems still
inherent in forging the type of united armed forces needed as the nation prepar
es to enter the 21st century, according to retired and active military officers
and analysts.
</UL>
<H3>AIR FORCE</H3>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526uavs.htm">UAVs Will Target Serb Bases With Lasers</A
></b><BR>
<EM>(Jane's Defence Weekly)</em> Bryan Bender</LI><br>
As part of a classified effort initiated soon after the start of NATO's air wa
r over Yugoslavia, the US Department of Defense plans to deploy to the Balkans
additional Predator unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) capable for the first time
of directing laser-guided bombs to their targets, Jane's Defence Weekly has lea
rned.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526value.htm>Value Of C-17 Jets Proved In Balkans</A><
/b><BR>
<EM>(Charleston (SC) Post And Courier)</em> Terry Joyce</LI><br>
The air war over Yugoslavia is still going full-tilt, but one winner may alrea
dy have emerged - the relatively new C-17 cargo jets flown by Charleston Air Fo
rce Base crews.
</UL>
<H3>BALKANS - NATO</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526send.htm">NATO To Send 20,000 More Troops To Albania
,
Macedonia</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> William Drozdiak</LI><br>
The NATO allies approved plans today to send more than 20,000 additional troop
S to Macedonia and Albania as part of a peacekeeping force that will await orde
rs to move into Kosovo and help ethnic Albanian refugees return to their homela
nd.
HREF="#e19990526says.htm">NATO Says Bombs Hit Villa Used By Milosevi
c And Staff</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Elizabeth Becker</LI><br>
With allied officials describing the Yugoslav air defense system as increasing
ly crippled, NATO planes bombed several targets overnight, including the villa
and compound outside Belgrade, the capital, that is a headquarters of Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic and his leadership, Pentagon and NATO officials sa
id.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526pegs.htm">German Pegs Quick Peace To The Role Of Rus
sians</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Jane Perlez</LI><br>
German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer said here on Tuesday that Germany was
counting on a diplomatic outcome to the war in Kosovo, with the backing of Russ
ia, in the next several weeks.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526building.htm">Building Of Camps Off Schedule</A></b>
<BR>
<EM>(European Stars And Stripes)</em> Cory Lancaster</LI><br>
As pressure mounts to relocate Kosovo refugees from northern Albania, the Unit
ed States is finding itself behind schedule and facing obstacles in opening thr
ee refugee camps in this southern coastal region.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526tv.htm">NATO TV Is Sent To Serbs, Who Are Harsh Crit
ics</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Carlotta Gall</LI><br>
The picture is grainy, the sound poor, but if people here really want to, and
if they have electricity, they can tune into NATO TV, beamed into Serbia on Cha
nnel 21 every evening from an American Hercules plane.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526exercise.htm">NATO Exercise May Be Dry Run</A></b><B
R>
<EM>(European Stars And Stripes)</em> Gregory Piatt</LI><br>
Overshadowed by the air war in Yugoslavia, a NATO exercise that started this W
eek in the Czech Republic may be a dry run for deployment of a multinational pe
acekeeping force in Kosovo.
</UL>
<H3>BALKANS</H3>
<UL>
HREF="#e19990526belgrade.htm">Belgrade Strikes At Dissidents Amid Ca
Ils To End The War</A></b>BR>
<EM>(Wall Street Journal)</em> Robert Block and Carla Anne Robbins</LI><br>
Yugoslavia's military and political leadership, battered by widening North Atl
antic Treaty Organization airstrikes and nervous about growing signs of public
fatigue, is clamping down on dissent against the war and ratcheting up its rhet
oric of defiance against the West.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526river.htm">A Refugee River, Dammed At The Border</A>
</b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> David Rohde</LI><br>
More than 4,500 ethnic Albanians fled into Macedonia on Tuesday, including hun
dreds of women from the town of Kacanik in southeastern Kosovo, many of whom ac
cused Serbian forces of separating hundreds of fighting-age men from their grou
p before expelling them.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526training.htm">Training, Arms, Allies Bolster KLA Pro
spects</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Jeffrey Smith</LI><br>
KUKES, AlbaniaKosovo Liberation Army recruits have flocked from Croatia, Maced
onia and Western Europe to a sprawling training camp here, where they learn Wes
tern-style military discipline and test fire mortars and anti-tank weapons that
they soon hope to carry into battle in Kosovo.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF=#e19990526kosovo.htm">Kosovo Capital Faces New Wave Of Serb Te
rror</A></b><BR>
<EM>(London Daily Telegraph)</em> Julius Strauss</LI><br>
Serb authorities have launched an operation to rid Pristina of tens of thousan
ds of ethnic Albanians still living in the city, former residents and aid worke
rs at the Macedonian frontier said yesterday as thousands more refugees streame
d out of Kosovo.
</UL>
<H3>MIDDLE EAST</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526way.htm">Way Could Be Open For F-16 Sale To Emirates
</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Jane's Defence Weekly)</em> Ed Blanche</LI><br>
US defence authorities have agreed to provide the United Arab Emirates (UAE) W
ith the source codes for weapons systems aboard the F-16C/D Block 60 combat air
craft, according to military sources in Abu Dhabi. Transfer of the codes would
remove the final obstacle to the $6 billion sale of the aircraft.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526usplanes.htm">U.S. Planes Reportedly Bomb Buildings
In Iraq</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>...natributed</LI><br>
Iraq said buildings were damaged yesterday when U.S. warplanes hit targets in
the Western-imposed northern "no-fly" zone.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526drought.htm">Iraq: U.N. Tells Of Drought</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Associated Press</LI><br>
The worst drought on record in Iraq has cut crop yields to half of last year's
totals, a U.N. report said.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526turkey.htm">Turkey: 8 Rebel Kurds Reported Slain</A>
</b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Reuters</LI><br>
Security forces killed eight Kurdish guerrillas loyal to the captured rebel le
ader Abdullah Ocalan in clashes in eastern Turkey, officials said.
</UL>
<H3>LATIN AMERICA</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526ustroops.htm">U.S. Troops Rebuilding Haiti Watch The
ir Backs</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Times)</em> Jennifer Bauduy, Reuters News Agency</LI><br>
The preoccupation with American forces' safety that is shadowing debate about
a ground war in Kosovo has meant a life behind barbed wire and sandbag walls fo
r hundreds of U.S. troops in Haiti.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526canal.htm">Panama Canal Transfer Moved Up To Dec. 10
</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Times)</em>...Unattributed</LI><br>
The Panama Canal will officially pass from the United States to Panama on Dece
mber 10, 21 days before the date set out in the 1977 treaty, Panamas foreign mi
nister said yesterday.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526panama.htm">Panama: A U.S. Pullout</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Reuters</LI><br>
The U.S. withdrew the 400-soldier 245 Support Battalion, bringing the number o
U.S. military personnel in Panama to about 3,200, officials said.
</UL>
<H3>ASIA</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526add.htm">China May Add 100 Missiles Over 15 Years</A
></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Walter Pincus</LI><br>
A 700-page report released yesterday by a select House committee investigating
Chinese espionage estimates that China, possibly helped by purloined U.S. secr
ets, will take 15 more years to modernize its intercontinental ballistic missil
e force, deploying up to 100 new ICBMs based on land or submarines.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526sober.htm>President's Sober Response Assures Public
Of Security Measures</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em>. John M. Broder</LI><br>
The White House responded in a low-key and respectful manner to the release on
Tuesday of the Cox Committee report on Chinese nuclear espionage, acknowledgin
g that a serious security breach exists while assuring Congress and the public
that the Administration is working hard to improve security.
<p>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526harsh.htm">China Has Harsh Words For Report</A></b><
BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Michael Laris</LI><br>
China's government today said the release of a 700-page, bipartisan congressio
nal report accusing China of stealing America's closely guarded nuclear secrets
was meant to "disturb and destroy" Sino-American relations and to deflect atte
ntion from the U.S. bombing of China's embassy in Belgrade.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526perry.htm">North Korea: Perry Pays A Visit</A></b><B
R>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Nicholas D. Kristof</LI><br>
Former Defense Secretary William J. Perry arrived in Pyongyang, the capital, t
o discuss the Clinton Administration's aims of easing North Korea out of its is
olation.
</UL>
<H3>OPINION</H3>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526heres.htm">Here's The Deal, Slobo</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>. Jim Hoagland</LI><br>
President Clinton is using heavy diplomatic and military pressure on Serbia to
get a message to Slobodan Milosevic: Now is the last best hope for a deal.
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526bosnias.htm">Bosnia's Refugees Hold Lesson For NATO<
/A></b><BR>
<EM>(USA Today)</em> David Rieff</LI><br>
The Kosovo crisis has now spiraled so badly out of control that any solution t
hat would be fair and comprehensive - and also have a chance of actually workin
g - may already be out of reach.
</UL>
<H3>EDITORIAL</H3>
<UL>
<b><LI><A HREF="#e19990526americas.htm'>America's Stolen Secrets</A></b><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em>...Editorial</LI><br>
A devastating pattern of security lapses is laid out in the Congressional repo
rt on China's acquisition of America's most vital nuclear and missile secrets.
<b><LI><A HREF=#e19990526nuclear.htm">Nuclear Pickpocket</A></b><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>....Editorial</LI><br>
It does not follow that the United States should treat China as an enemy. B
ut neither does it make sense for the United States to open its strategic pocke
ts and allow China to help itself.
</UL>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO Moves Ahead On A Kosovo Force Of 50,000 Troops</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Michael R. Gordon</P>
BRUSSELS, Belgium -- NATO on Tuesday approved plans for a heavily armed
peacekeeping force of about 50,000 soldiers for Kosovo, part of a broad campai
gn by the alliance's top commander to increase the political and military press
ure on Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. </P>
The decision came as NATO's supreme commander, Gen. Wesley Clark, began
pushing to broaden the bombing strikes in Yugoslavia. </P>
Under the plan cleared by the 19 countries which make up the alliance,
the peacekeeping force would not enter Kosovo until Serbian troops are withdraw
n from the province, either as part of a formal peace settlement or because of
the allies' relentless air attacks. </P>
The plan envisions stationing about 30,000 troops in neighboring Macedo
nia, positioning the allies to move swiftly into Kosovo if a settlement is reac
hed. </P>
But some NATO officials noted that some of the forces could also play a
combat role if the alliance decides to mobilize for a land attack. NATO offici
als estimated that an invasion force could number more than 150,000 soldiers, a
nd would have much more armored punch than the peackeeping unit, which is likel
y to include tanks and helicopters as well as many combat engineers and support
troops. </P>
While NATO spokesmen insist that the alliance is not planning a ground
invasion, Clark indirectly raised the issue during a closed-door briefing last
Friday for NATO delegates. </P>
In a presentation about the overall NATO plan, Clark showed a slide lis
ting the possible evolution of a military campaign against Yugoslavia: threat o
f air strikes, use of air strikes, threat of ground forces, use of ground force
S. </P>
Diplomats said the slide seemed to be intended to prod them into thinki
ng more seriously about the possibility of ground forces, a matter about which
the allied countries remain sharply divided. </P>
It may also have been intended to signal to the diplomats that they are
more likely to confront a politically wrenching decision on using combat troop
S later if they do not now give the NATO commander leeway in conducting the air
war. </P>
"There was no discussion of the slide, but it was a bit striking," said
an allied diplomat who attended the briefing. "The subliminal message seemed t
o be if you don't give me the freedom to conduct the air war this is what we ma
y face." </P>
During the Friday presentation, Clark was asked if sending the peackeep
ing force to the region could facilitate combat preparations. He said it could.
</P>
NATO Secretary-General Javiar Solana has said that the alliance plans t
o bring the war to a close and return ethnic Albanian refugees to Kosovo before
the winter. If NATO's bombing does not lead the Milosevic regime to accept the
allies' terms, NATO officials will face a decision several weeks from now abou
t whether to start preparing a ground force powerful enough to seize control of
Kosovo. </P>
The conduct of the air war has been a matter of increasing debate withi
n the alliance. Following NATO's mistaken bombing of the Chinese Embassy and a
hospital in Belgrade, Italy and the Netherlands pushed for a broad review of th
e policy for selecting bomb targets. Britain, France and the United States rebu
ffed the call for a review, underscoring their backing for carrying out punishi
ng air strikes. </P>
Clark has told critics that some civilian casualties are inevitable in
the bombing, despite NATO's extensive precautions. He has also been pushing to
broaden the attacks. </P>
His aim is to focus the attacks on the Milosevic regime and its support
ers, not just on Serbian forces in Kosovo. But some of the targets he would lik
e to hit are politically sensitive to some NATO members who insist the alliance
should not be perceived as waging war against the Yugoslav people. </P>
Spanish Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar alluded to approving Clark's ta
rgeting plans after meeting with him Tuesday. </P>
"I do share the point of view that the military alliance may have to ha
ve new targets," Aznar said. "New targets may allow us to continue so that we c
an achieve a speedy political and diplomatic solution." </P>
Despite the furious pace of the bombing, some targets have been off lim
its. They include factories which produce civilian as well as military goods th
at are run by supporters of the Milosevic regime. </P>
Other sensitive targets include private television studios the Milosevi
c regime is using following NATO air strikes on the government broadcast center
</P>
Broadening the targets could also involve attacks on the telephone syst
em and command centers located in historic sites. It may also include attacks o
n military targets in civilian neighborhoods. </P>
Under current procedures, Clark must consult Solana before ordering an
attack against a politically sensitive target. Solana, in turn, may consult all
ied nations. </P>
But Tuesday, the focus of the discussion was NATO's peacekeeping plans.
The allies originally planned to dispatch a peacekeeping force of 28,000 troop
S to Kosovo under the terms of the Rambouillet agreement. </P>
After Belgrade rejected that accord and NATO began air strikes, allied
officials concluded that the force was woefully insufficient. </P>
Not only did the force need to be stronger to impose order in war-torn
Kosovo and repel possible Serb threats, it also needs to carry out new missions
They include clearing mines and helping to rebuild the province's infrastruct
ure. </P>
NATO's plan specifically calls for 48,000 troops, but officials say the
force could vary. Not all of the peacekeepers will be sent to the region befor
e the war is brought to an end. </P>
Solana sent a confidential note to allied delegates explaining that 30,
000 of the troops would be based in Macedonia. Previously, Macedonia, a poor na
tion already overwhelmed by ethnic Albanian refugees, had agreed to allow no mo
re than 16,000 troops; about 14,000 are there now. </P>
Other troops will be sent to Bulgaria, Solana noted. Albania is also ex
pected to be a staging ground and other countries, including Hungary, a new NAT
O member, could be involved. </P>
<P>
The alliance's decision on the force was taken under its "silence" proc
edure, which is designed to maximize the chances of achieving consensus. After
a general plan for the force was circulated, NATO members were given until 5 p.
m. Tuesday in Brussels to object or attach conditions to their support. No memb
ers of the alliance took either step. </P>
<P>
That does not mean, however, that all of the key details have been work
ed out. Many important questions remain, including which nations will contribut
e the troops. The United States is expected to provide about 7,000 soldiers. </
P>
Although some non-NATO nations are being asked to provide forces, well-
armed NATO forces would serve as the "core" of the force, allied officials said
</P>
"This is what I call the Teddy Roosevelt force," said NATO spokesman Ja
mie Shea. "It is a force that we are designing to speak softly and carry a big
stick." </P>
Allied delegates also approved arrangements to search ships that may be
carrying fuel to Yugoslavia via the Montenegro port city of Bar. The search wi
Il be limited to nations that have volunteered to stop sending shipments of oil
to Yugoslavia and allow their registered ships to be inspected. </P>
Some nations, like Malta, that register foreign vessels have not agreed
to participate. </P>
name="e19990526spy.htm">
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Spy Report Sparks GOP Attack</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Clinton Defends Reactions to China Espionage Allegati
ons</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Vernon Loeb, Washington Post Staff Writer</P>
A House select committee probing China's theft of U.S. nuclear secrets
finally made its 700-page report public yesterday, triggering an intense partis
an outcry about the impact of Chinese espionage on national security that could
affect the course of U.S.-China relations for years.</P>
Leading Republicans, including Texas Gov. George W. Bush and four other
candidates for president, seized the committee's dramatic findings of Chinese
spying and loss of U.S. nuclear secrets and went on the attack, accusing the Cl
inton administration of appeasing China and failing to swiftly counter Chinese
espionage at the nation's nuclear weapons laboratories.
"Presented with detailed information about China's espionage, this admi
nistration apparently did not take [it] seriously, did not react properly and i
t is still trying to minimize the scope and extent of the damage done," Bush sa
id in a statement released in Austin. </P>
President Clinton fired back immediately, telling reporters during an a
ppearance at the University of Texas-Pan American in Edinburg, Tex., that his a
dministration had enacted "the most sweeping reorganization ever of counterinte
lligence in our nuclear weapons labs" 15 months ago in response to suspected Ch
inese espionage at Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico.
"We have strict controls on the transfer of sensitive commercial and mi
litary technology to China," Clinton said. "At the same time, I strongly believ
e that our continuing engagement with China has produced benefits for our natio
nal security.
Clinton credited the House panel, headed by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Cal
if.), with acting in a "careful and bipartisan manner."</P>
But the committee's widely reported unanimity in concluding that China
has stolen U.S. thermonuclear design secrets and used them to help develop a ne
W generation of sophisticated nuclear weapons came unglued as the report was re
leased.</P>
Rep. Doug Bereuter (Neb.), one of five Republican committee members, sa
id the panel's work confirmed that Chinese espionage at the nation's nuclear we
apons laboratories represented "the gravest single loss of our nation's most se
nsitive secrets ever."</P>
"There is really no doubt about that," Bereuter told hundreds of report
ers gathered in the ornate caucus room at the Cannon House Office Building. </P>
The panel's four Democrats sharply disagreed.
Rep. John M. Spratt Jr. (D-S.C.) took strong exception with the central
finding that stolen U.S. nuclear secrets have given the Chinese thermonuclear
design information "on a par with our own."</P>
"Now that's alarming, but is it accurate?" Spratt asked, noting that U.
S. intelligence agencies do not know what use the Chinese have made of stolen n
uclear secrets.</P>
"I do know that we have had 1,100 nuclear tests, as opposed to 50 on th
eir part," Spratt said. "We've built over 30,000 nuclear warheads, as opposed t
o a few hundred, at most, on their part. So that would suggest to you that we h
ave a somewhat greater capability for nuclear design than they do."</P>
Rep. Norm Dicks (Wash.), the committee's ranking Democrat, said the rep
ort was written "in a worst-case fashion" and predicted that "academics and exp
erts in and out of government will challenge some of our worst-case conclusions
"</P>
Right on cue, Robert S. Norris, a senior analyst and nuclear weapons ex
pert at the Natural Resources Defense Council, disputed the conclusion that sto
len U.S. secrets substantially influenced Chinese warhead design. "Their weapon
S are not copies of ours," he said.</P>
Norris also noted the United States' overwhelmingly nuclear superiority
and said, "that's not going to change in any kind of dramatic fashion in the f
uture."</P>
"I think it's best to put some of this in perspective and context and n
ot hyperventilate about the future of Chinese nuclear weapons," he added. </P>
But the context remained partisan as Republican and Democratic committe
e members spared over the validity of the panel's conclusions and leading Repub
licans joined the fray.</P>
The Cox committee came into being one year ago after then-House Speaker
Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.) proposed that a select panel be formed to investigate wh
ether contributions to the Democrats' 1996 campaign influenced the administrati
on's regulation of exports of sensitive military-related technology to China.<
Some leading Republicans believed that the administration's acceptance
of campaign contributions from satellite makers in return for alleged favorable
export rulings was possibly an impeachable offense. But the Cox committee ulti
mately shied away from the issue, focusing instead on the export controls thems
elves and on signs of espionage at the nuclear weapons labs. </P>
House Majority Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) raised the campaign contribution
issue again yesterday, faulting the Clinton administration for turning "a blin
d eye while Communist China stole our most classified national security secrets
"</P>
"We are forced to question whether the president and vice president del
iberately ignored the reality of Chinese spying and theft because they had ulte
rior economic and political motives," DeLay said. </P>
Rep. Bobby Scott (D-Va.), a Cox committee member, responded that the pa
nel asked executive branch officials responsible for regulating technology tran
sfers to China whether they had ever felt any type of "political pressure." All
of them answered no.</P>
"Although some had originally speculated that impeachable behavior woul
d be found by this committee," Scott said, "we in fact found nothing worthy of
a referral to the Judiciary Committee.'
Still, Republicans pressed the attack, focusing on Clinton's national S
ecurity adviser, Samuel R. "Sandy" Berger. Rep. Curt Weldon (R-Pa.), a Cox comm
ittee member, lambasted Berger for releasing the committee's recommendations in
February so that he could put his "spin" on the results at a time when the pan
el's report was still stamped secret and undergoing a declassification review t
hat ended last week.</P>
Berger's move, Weldon said, came before CIA Director George J. Tenet ha
d even finished reading the report.</P>
"Today the American people get to make their own judgments," Weldon sai
d. He described the administration as "a government that has relaxed the export
controls, a government that has not had aggressive counterintelligence efforts
,
a government that has not enforced the very arms control agreements they woul
d have us agree to. "</P>
As for future relations with China, committee members split again along
partisan lines.</P>
"We need to completely reevaluate our relationship with the People's Re
public of China," said Bereuter, the Nebraska Republican, suggesting a "guideli
ne" that ensures no short-term compromises in return for long-term gains. "Ever
ything must be in our short-term and long-term national interest," he said.</P>
Dicks, the Washington Democrat, was far more conciliatory. "I think we
still need to engage with China," he said. "And I would hate to see this report
create a circumstance in which we go to a Cold War setting with China. I
think that would be a mistake."</P>
<I><P>Staff writers Helen Dewar and Paul Blustein contributed to this report.</
P></I>
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<P>Philadelphia Inquirer<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Experts Say China's Gains Are Political, Not Military</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Steve Goldstein, Inquirer Washington Bureau</P>
WASHINGTON - Don't build that fallout shelter just yet. The release yes
terday of the long-awaited Cox committee report on Chinese efforts to obtain U.
S. military technology sparked strident words in Washington and stirred specula
tion of a second Cold War.</P>
But the reality is at odds with the report and its accompanying furor.
</P>
While the theft by China of secret designs for U.S. nuclear warheads an
d other weapons systems is a major security failure, the likelihood of China so
on gaining nuclear parity or even posing a serious threat is slim verging on no
nexistent, security analysts and weapons experts said yesterday. </P>
"I'd put China low down on our concern meter," said Stan Norris of the
Natural Resources Defense Council, which monitors nuclear-weapons proliferation
"We see no evidence of crash weapons programs. "</P>
"I assume they've been able to close the gap [with the United States] a
little bit," said Monte Bullard, who was military attache at the U.S. Embassy
in Beijing in the early 1980s. "But we haven't exactly been standing still. "</P
>
A damage assessment by the CIA on the implications of Chinese espionage
was unequivocal.</P>
"To date, the aggressive Chinese collection effort has not resulted in
any apparent modernization of their deployed security force or any new nuclear-
weapons deployment," said the CIA assessment, which was released last month. </P
>
China is generally regarded as a "responsible" nuclear power, maintaini
ng strict safety controls over its arsenal. Russia, by contrast, is a disaster
waiting to happen, with thousands of warheads, and tons of enriched uranium and
plutonium lacking proper safeguarding. </P>
Norris said that Russia "is an immediate security concern that's much m
ore grave than China is 5, 10, or even 15 years from now.
Although the chairman of the committee, Rep. Christopher Cox (R., Calif
.), said that the panel "did not engage in surmise; we did not engage in opinio
n," few could read the 900-page tome and not succumb to a vision of a new "Red
Menace" rising in the East.</P>
"The Select Committee judges that the PRC's [People's Republic of China
's] next generation of thermonuclear weapons, currently under development, will
exploit elements of stolen U.S. design information," the report states.</P>
Additionally, the committee concludes that U.S. warhead designs will so
on be used in building China's next generation of mobile intercontinental balli
stic missiles. A similar conclusion is reached with regard to the development o
f space-based and ground-based anti-satellite laser weapons.</P>
Some panel members seemed less certain that the sky was falling.</P>
Rep. John M. Spratt Jr. (D., S.C.) said that the committee "does not kn
ow how big the base of this liceberg is, how much to infer from the size of the
tip of the iceberg. "</P>
Although he termed the thefts "one of the worst counterintelligence fai
lures in our nation's history," Rep. Norm Dicks (D., Wash.), the committee's ra
nking Democrat, acknowledged that the report's conclusions "have been written i
n a worst-case fashion. "</P>
Even assuming the worst case - that the design information and other U.
S. technology now resides in the files of the People's Liberation Army - many e
xperts said that there was no cause for alarm. </P>
Part of their reasoning is based on pure mathematics. The U.S. arsenal
includes 11,000 ICBMs, and 7,000 strategic nuclear warheads. The Chinese have a
maximum of 20 so-called East Wind 5 missiles that can reach the United States.
</P>
The Chinese do not have B-2 stealth bombers, Trident submarines or MX m
issiles. </P>
"They have one nuclear sub, but it's unsafe to operate," Norris said. T
he fact that only one has been built means "there have to be problems; you don'
t decide just to build one submarine. "</P>
As for the Chinese missiles, experts say that they carry heavy, 1950s-e
ra warheads. U.S. thermonuclear warheads are significantly smaller and lighter,
which is why U.S. missiles can carry multiple warheads a longer distance. </P>
China tried to obtain the design for the U.S. W-88 warhead to enable it
to build lighter warheads, the report states. But the design of the W-88 is ac
tually quite old, dating from the 1970s, and a former director of Los Alamos Na
tional Laboratory, Harold M. Agnew, said that, even if the Chinese stole the co
mputer design codes, "actually being able to manufacture the total system from
a computer code is a different matter. "</P>
Additionally, the Chinese have historically taken a long time to resear
ch, develop, test and deploy weapons. An advanced missile, the DF-31, has been
in development for 15 years and has not been deployed.</
"There is no indication that [U.S. technology] is on deployed weapons o
r anything that is on the drawing board," said Norris of the nuclear-weapons mo
nitoring group.</P>
"It is a remarkably leisurely modernization of their weapons systems,"
said John Pike of the Federation of American Scientists, "and I cannot detect a
ny acceleration of their efforts.
Some analysts suggested that the real aim of Chinese espionage was to m
ake the United States and other nations believe that China was ready to acceler
ate and broaden its nuclear operational capabilities.<
"Almost everything they are doing is for psychological and political im
pact rather than for military impact," said Bullard, the former military attach
e, who now directs the East Asia program at the Center for Nonproliferation Stu
dies in Monterey, Calif.</P>
"The Chinese want to demonstrate they have the capacity to do these thi
ngs," Bullard said. "With limited money [the U.S. military budget is eight time
S that of China's], they will focus on keeping the U.S. Navy out of the Taiwan
straits.</P>
"They want to show the U.S. they can't do there what they did in Kosovo
he added.</P>
Norris said that the Chinese might have already accomplished this goal.
He recalled the famous 1995 "walk-in" to the CIA by a Chinese citizen - later
determined to have been a double agent - who delivered a secret Chinese documen
t that included, among other matters, stolen U.S. design information about the
W-88 warhead.
That incident helped spur the formation of the Cox committee.</l
"Maybe the message this agent was sending to us from the Chinese was:
Hey, we know how to do this now, so don't mess with us,' Norris said. "That i
S certainly [nuclear] deterrence on the cheap."</P>
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<P>Omaha World-Herald<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Cohen Cancels China Trip </P>
</B></FONT><P> Washington (AP) - Defense Secretary William Cohen has droppe
d plans to visit China next month, his spokesman said Tuesday, because of the K
osovo crisis and heightened tensions with the Chinese government.</P>
"It probably is not the easiest time to visit China," spokesman Kenneth
Bacon said, alluding to allegations of extensive Chinese espionage at U.S. nuc
lear weapons laboratories and to Chinese outrage over the mistaken NATO bombing
May 7 of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade.
It is the second time this year that Cohen has put off a trip to China.
In April he cited the urgency of the NATO air campaign over Kosovo, then in an
early stage. The trip was tentatively rescheduled for June, suggesting that th
e Clinton administration had expected the air campaign to be over by then, or n
early so.</P>
Bacon said Cohen hoped to reschedule the China trip but would be occupi
ed with other matters in June.</P>
"I think the primary reason for that is that right now he feels that hi
S place is here in Washington, devoting as much time as possible to running the
U.S. participation in the air campaign in Kosovo, preparing for the peacekeepi
ng force, et cetera," Bacon said.</P>
Tensions with China are a factor, too.</P>
"China, as you know, has broken off military-to-military relations temp
orarily with the United States, and he feels that it may be better to go later,
" Bacon said. "He remains, of course, steadfastly committed to engagement with
China as a long-term policy.
Shortly after the Chinese Embassy bombing in Belgrade, Beijing informed
the Clinton administration that it was suspending high-level military contacts
at least through May. The first casualty was a planned visit to China in mid-M
ay by Gen. Charles Krulak, the Marine Corps commandant.</P>
Last week, China refused to allow U.S. warships entry into Hong Kong ha
rbor. It barred a scheduled May 21 port visit by a U.S. submarine and ship, mar
king the first time since World War II that the U.S. 7th Fleet was denied acces
S to the former British colony. </P>
<P>
Bacon said it was Cohen's decision, not Beijing's, to scrap his June tr
ip. The trip was never officially announced, but Cohen told a congressional com
mittee two weeks ago that he was planning to go.</P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Home Is The Hunter </P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Kosovo Rebels Cross Border to Prey on Serbs</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Peter Finn and Molly Moore, Washington Post Foreign Servic
e
</P>
KOSARE, YugoslaviaIn the mountain ridges and narrow gorges along t
he Albanian border here in Kosovo, the Kosovo Liberation Army is pushing into t
he Serbian province a yard and a field at a time.</P>
<P>
Artillery and mortar shells from both sides of the border whistle
across flower-carpeted valleys and hit their intended targets more by luck than
skill. After sharp firefights, the dead lie for days in a no man's land before
their comrades can reach them. Young Kosovo Albanian men with only a few weeks
of military experience often find themselves on a shifting front line that is
sometimes less than 50 yards from Serbian gun muzzles.</P>
<P>
While KLA-held territory has been reduced to isolated pockets acro
SS Kosovo since Serb-led Yugoslav forces launched a major offensive against the
m in March, rebel units operating along the Albanian border in the last two mon
ths have been able to establish a narrow corridor into the province, taking adv
antage of NATO's nine-week-old air assault on Yugoslavia.</P>
"We have been attacking Serbian positions from the first day" of t
he NATO attacks, said Hysen Berisha, the KLA commander for this region, who onc
e served in the Yugoslav Army. The Serbs "are very damaged, but they have put d
own many mines. That's the reason we can't go faster. "</P>
<P>
Even though the guerrilla force has advanced here, it has establis
hed control of only a thin and vulnerable swath of territory and has yet to OCC
upy a village or town. The fighting is intense but localized, and in cemeteries
from this patch of Kosovo to the town of Bajram Curi across the border in Alba
nia, the cost of this campaign to the KLA is measured daily in fresh graves. </P
>
<P>
A month ago, after a day-long firefight, the rebels captured an is
olated Yugoslav army barracks here, a mile into Kosovo, seizing five trucks, a
bulldozer and crates of ammunition. It was a major step forward in its grinding
war of attrition with Yugoslav troops and Serbian police and paramilitary unit
S. Last Friday morning, a NATO bomb slammed into the two-story red-brick barrac
ks, killing five sleeping KLA rebels and wounding 25 others. NATO apparently wa
S unaware the guerrillas had captured the building.</P>
But the same bombing campaign that destroyed a section of the barr
acks has forced Belgrade government security force to hunker down. They move on
ly at night or under the cover of the ghostly clouds and mist that frequently S
hroud the mountain tops, using many of the same guerrilla tactics of the rebels
, according to KLA commanders.
The NATO airstrikes also have given the rebels openings to launch
more effective artillery and mortar attacks against opposing Yugoslav forces. I
n recent weeks, using Chinese-made anti-tank weapons and employing hit-and-run
tactics in the wake of NATO bombing raids, the guerrillas say they have destroy
ed 13 tanks. </P>
Moving toward the village of Junik, seven miles inside Kosovo, the
best-equipped KLA units are trying to extend the salient they hold into a crit
ical resupply route for their comrades deeper inside Kosovo, who they say are d
esperate for food and ammunition.</P>
"Our big problem is that we can't get supplies inside," said Burim
Thaqi, 24, who abandoned studies in Madrid 11 months ago to join the rebel gro
up. "Our soldiers are eating cats; their food supply is very low. "</P>
In addition to creating a supply route, the capture of Junik would
give KLA forces a strategic foothold from which to push much deeper into Kosov
o's open countryside. "We will take Junik soon," said Berisha, "and then on to
Pristina," the Kosovo capital.
The border between Kosovo and Albania in this area is a fallen bar
bed wire fence. On the Albanian side, a couple of hundred yards from the line,
a KLA base camp sits on a rise in the village of Padesh, a collection of stone
farmhouses and military tents that come under daily Yugoslav shelling. KLA mort
ar units hidden in thick forest covering the surrounding hills reply with their
own salvos. </P>
Uniformed rebels, some as young as 15, walk the muddy roads around
the camp, automatic rifles slung over their shoulders, cigarettes hanging from
their lips. The roads around the camp are in such bad condition that it is dif
ficult to envision how NATO could assemble a Kosovo intervention force in this
area without time-consuming air-lifts of heavy equipment.
Most KLA rebels walk the one mile from the Albanian border here to
their Kosare base, although some supplies are brought in on horseback. The gue
rrillas based here are the best-outfitted of all the KLA rebels. Their uniforms
are new, if mismatched - a Swiss camouflage shirt paired with German pants; a
British tunic with U.S. Army britches; berets in rainbows of red, black or U.N
blue, World War II-style metal helmets and outback slouch hats in greens and
browns.</P>
"We get our uniforms from all over the world," said Bashki Belegu,
26, who ran a pizza shop in the Kosovo city of Pec before joining the KLA in A
Ibania two months ago. "Many of us buy them ourselves. "</P>
When the KLA seized the Kosare barracks, it also captured a trove
of ammunition. "We killed them with their own bullets," Belegu said. But the re
bels said that while they have plenty of ammunition, they have too few weapons
for the several hundred guerrillas fighting in this area, including recruits wh
o continue to stream in from around the world. Most of the guerrillas have boun
d the clips of their assault rifles with tape to keep them from falling apart.<
/P>
From the barracks, the rebels walk well-worn paths to the front li
ne, cutting across fields of yellow and lavender flowers, pocked by fresh shell
holes left by Yugoslav mortar rounds. They sprint through gorges where Yugosla
v troops fire rifles at them, then slow to catch their breath when they round a
mountainside held by KLA guerrillas.
The guerrillas here few of whom were KLA members before the NAT
o bombing began return to the barracks from the front lines every day or two
for a respite and a chance to eat bean and meat stew cooked on the mobile kitc
hen also captured along with the barracks.
For the past month, the barracks, hidden in a hollow, has been one
of the few rebel refuges from Yugoslav fire. But at 7:20 a.m. last Friday, a N
ATO bomb smashed into the back of the building. Inside the remains of the build
ing, rows of bunk beds are covered with shards of glass and other debris.
About 80 men were asleep or eating when the building came down aro
und them in a fireball. "I thought I was going to die," said Faton Hajdini, 23,
who comes from Vucitrn, a city northwest of Pristina. "Thank God it didn't hit
where I was sleeping.
Berisha, the commander, who had come to the barracks for an inspec
tion shortly before the bomb hit, said a door blew on top of him. "I heard sold
iers shouting help," said Berisha, a swaggering, blue-bereted soldier who back-
slaps his men as he moves among them, cracking jokes.</P>
For days after the attack, the KLA was wary of the NATO planes tha
t roar over their positions almost every day. Hajdini said one fighter plane fl
ew low over the barracks Saturday. "We were afraid," he said. "That was hell."<
/P>
KLA commanders, who have hosted foreign journalists in the barrack
S in recent weeks, could not explain the NATO error. "We were on [the] news," S
aid one mystified rebel. But they insisted that despite the bombing, NATO's air
campaign in the border region has been their best ally, critical to the advanc
ement of their positions. And looking at the damage, the guerrillas exhibited a
kind of pride in NATO's firepower -- even though it had rained down on them. <
/P>
"It was a technical error," said Berisha, as he stood beside the r
uins. "Our opinion of NATO and the U.S. is the same
We are one young arm
y. We need NATO." After a little hesitation, he said that without NATO ground 1
roops, the KLA cannot hope to win its war against government forces.</P>
On an exposed hill of grass and wild flowers overlooking the Kosov
o farmland, five mounds of red clay mark the fresh graves of fallen KLA rebels.
As Esat Krasniqi, commander of the Kosare base, approached the five plots, thr
ee young guerrillas stood guard, facing a nearby ridge controlled by Yugoslav f
orces. In a thicket of trees, just across a rushing stream, another group of re
bels watched both the ridge and the lowlands, which Yugoslav troops dart across
in the early evening fog. The sharp detonation of outgoing mortar shells follo
wed by the explosive thud of incoming Yugoslav shells pierced the valley's natu
ral silence.</P>
Krasniqi -- bearded, gnarled and weary-looking -- moved unperturbe
d between the graves, looking at the names written in black ink on hand-cut woo
den markers -- Xhemshir Islami from Srbica in central Kosovo; Mentur Isa from P
odujevo in northern Kosovo; and Faik Qabrati, Januz Krasniqi and Hami Misin, al
I from the southern Kosovo city of Prizren.</P>
"These are the victims of NATO," Krasniqi said, adding, after a pa
use, "these things happen in a war. There are mistakes.
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<P>USA Today<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO Troops Up As U.S. Approval Slips</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Susan Page and Fred Coleman, USA Today</P>
A new USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll finds U.S. support for the air war agai
nst Yugoslavia slipping even as NATO ambassadors move to dramatically increase
the deployment of ground forces in the region. </P>
The North Atlantic Council agreed Tuesday in Brussels, Belgium, to incr
ease ground troops in Macedonia from 28,000 to 45,000-50,000. They would be rea
dy to enter Kosovo as peacekeepers if a diplomatic settlement is reached.
The troops might increase pressure on Yugoslav President Slobodan Milos
evic to negotiate and could act as an advance guard for an invasion. That possi
bility was broached by Britain but opposed by other allies and viewed with skep
ticism by the United States. </P>
"This force will speak softly but it will have very sharp teeth as well
as very big teeth," NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said. </P>
Americans' unease about the military operation is growing, the USA TODA
Y poll shows. By an overwhelming 82% to 15%, those surveyed said they would sup
port a pause in the bombing for an attempt to negotiate. The telephone survey o
f 1,050 adults Sunday and Monday has a margin of error of plus or minus 3 perce
ntage points. </P>
Among the findings: </P>
*Support for the military action slipped to 49% from 55% two weeks ago,
the first time it has fallen below 50% since airstrikes began March 24.</P>
*If the airstrikes don't succeed in forcing Milosevic to let ethnic Alb
anians return to Kosovo, a 57%-40% majority oppose sending in U.S. ground troop
S as part of a NATO force.</P>
*Americans are divided 48%-46% over whether the United States and NATO
are doing everything possible to minimize civilian casualties. </P>
*President Clinton's job approval rating fell to 53%, the lowest in nea
rly three years. </P>
"This should be a warning call for the administration," says Andrew Koh
ut, director of the Pew Research Center. "There's a combination of frustration
with the effectiveness of the operation and alarm about the accidents that have
caused civilian casualties." </P>
But White House spokesman David Leavy said there was "strong support in
this country and the Congress for standing up to Milosevic's oppression." The
survey did show overwhelming opposition, 71% to 25%, to leaving the Kosovars to
fend for themselves. </P>
And if a settlement is reached, there's little doubt that an internatio
nal force will have to stay in Kosovo. Just 12% say Milosevic could be trusted
to comply with an agreement; 82% say a peacekeeping force will be needed.</P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg.4</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Senate Panel Backs Boost In Defense Funds</P>
</B></FONT><P> As Congress turned its attention to defense issues, the Sena
te Appropriations Committee yesterday approved a $267.6 billion defense spendin
g bill for fiscal 2000, about $4.3 billion more than what the administration so
ught.</P>
The bill would boost spending for a national missile defense and for fi
ghter aircraft and other procurement in the year beginning Oct. 1. In all, the
Republican Congress plans to spend $288.8 billion on defense next year, includi
ng funds for the Energy Department and nuclear weapons. That is $8.3 billion ab
ove the administration's request.</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>G.O.P. Scrapes For Extra Money As Spending Bills Begin Movin
g</P>
</B></FONT><P>By The Associated Press</P>
WASHINGTON Senate Republicans prepared to shift $3.6 billion from de
fense to domestic programs Tuesday as they struggled to write spending bills th
at honor stringent limits required by Congress' budget. </P>
As they did, the House moved toward approving a $61 billion measure fin
ancing agriculture and food programs, the first spending measure of the year th
at has reached the full House. </P>
Subcommittees of the Senate Appropriations Committee approved the first
two of the 13 annual spending measures for the coming fiscal year: a $21.2 bil
lion measure for energy and water projects, and a $48.9 billion transportation
bill. In each case, lawmakers grumbled they did not have enough money, and wate
r projects and Amtrak were among many programs cut from last year's levels. </P
>
"We could do better if we had more money," said Sen. Pete Domenici, R-N
.M. </P>
Domenici chairs both the energy and water subcommittees of the Senate A
ppropriations Committee, which was chafing under the budget limits, and the Sen
ate Budget Committee, which wrote the budget that imposed them. At GOP leaders'
insistence, that budget honored spending reductions promised by the 1997 budge
t-balancing deal between President Clinton and Congress. </P>
Appropriations Committee Chairman Ted Stevens, R-Alaska, said he would
ask his panel to take $3.6 billion in unused 1999 defense money and use it for
the fiscal 2000 spending bills they are writing now. </P>
But Stevens, who has said spending limits are too tight and will have t
o be eased, said the extra money would still leave his committee short of what
it needs. </P>
"Oh, no, it won't solve it all," he said, "but it solves a portion of i
t." </P>
Just last week, Congress approved a $15 billion emergency spending bill
for the fight with Yugoslavia and other programs that included $12 billion --
twice what Clinton requested -- for defense. </P>
Asked why that bill contained so much extra defense money when he knew
there were unspent 1999 defense funds, Stevens said, "because we had this in mi
nd," the shift of defense spending to domestic programs. "I do think beyond the
next job." </P>
To give themselves extra money, Stevens' committee also is giving itsel
f credit for $2.6 billion by assuming the government will earn that by auctioni
ng off parts of the broadcast spectrum next year. Clinton proposed billions in
extra revenue from raising tobacco taxes and other fees, but most of these have
little chance of becoming law. </P>
The energy and water bill would spend $100 million less in the fiscal y
ear starting Oct. 1 than this year and $400 million less than Clinton wanted. T
he transportation measure would spend $1.6 billion more than this year, but tha
t's $1.3 billion less than Clinton proposed. </P>
Amtrak, the nation's passenger railroad, would get $571 million, $38 mi
llion less than this year. Construction on Army Corps of Engineers water projec
ts would get $1.1 billion, a cut of $318 million. </P>
The transportation measure also places new requirements on how airlines
treat passengers, said subcommittee Chairman Richard Shelby, R-Ala. </P>
The bill would require an airline that knows a flight's arrival will be
delayed to notify passengers before they board the plane. Airlines advertising
bargain fares would have to specify the numbers of seats available at that rat
e. And passengers who don't use a portion of a ticket could not be penalized. <
/P>
The House agriculture bill was $500 million less than Clinton requested
Rep. Joe Skeen, R-N.M., chairman of the Appropriations agriculture subcommitt
ee, said it was the best that could be done under a tight budget, but the bill
drew fire from both sides. </P>
The Clinton administration said in a statement the measure was "simply
inadequate to make the necessary investments our citizens need and expect." It
urged the House to increase spending for food safety, child nutrition, seafood
inspection, conservation and agricultural research. </P>
On the other side, conservative Rep. Tom Coburn, R-Okla., said the meas
ure would spend too much and set Congress on course to violate spending caps. H
e said the extra spending would have to come out of Social Security's surplus,
something both parties say they want to avoid. </P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg.4</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Senators Exonerate Pearl Harbor Chiefs</P>
</B></FONT><P> The Senate voted yesterday to exonerate two American militar
y commanders accused of dereliction of duty in the bombing of Pearl Harbor. The
vote followed a heated debate that divided the chamber's small band of World W
ar II veterans.</P>
<P>
By 52 to 47, the Senate approved an effort by Sen. William V. Roth Jr.
(R-Del.) to restore the reputations of Adm. Husband Kimmel and Gen. Walter Shor
t, the two senior commanders of U.S. military forces in the Pacific at the time
of the December 1941 attack.</P>
<P> The new debate on an old military controversy came on an amendment to t
he defense spending bill.</P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 28</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>For The Record</P>
</B></FONT><I><P> From a press conference at the Capitol yesterday on the Wa
r Powers Act lawsuit by Rep. Tom Campbell (R-Calif.) and Rep. Dennis Kucinich (
D-Ohio):</P>
</I><B><P> Rep. Campbell:</B> Today is the 60th day, plus 48 hours, since t
he bombing started in Kosovo. The 48 hours is important, because under the War
Powers Resolution, the president is obliged to withdraw United States military
from hostilities into which he has placed them 60 days after, plus 48 hours --
the 48 hours for notice
of the president to the Congress. Today the presi
dent is in violation of the law. That is clear. It does not require an interpre
tation of the Constitution. It is the War Powers Act, passed in 1973.</P>
Here are the premises for that conclusion:</P>
First of all, are we engaged in hostilities? Of course we're engaged in
hostilities. </P>
I fear that the president
will put ground troops into Yugoslavia
without the approval of the people's representatives.
He will then put us
into a position of a fait accompli and perhaps then come to Congress, saying,
"Now, give me the authority because we have already committed the ground troops
"</P>
<B><P> Rep. Kucinich:</B> As the No. 2 plaintiff in this lawsuit, I am here
to say that the representatives of the American people voted against this war
in the Balkans. [They] voted against a declaration of war. [They] voted against
an air war. [They] voted against a ground war. Yet the war continues unauthori
zed, without the consent of the governed.</P>
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<P>The Retired Officer Magazine<BR>
June 1999<BR>
Pg. 67</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Low Profile, High Impact</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Air Force Gen. Joseph W. Ralston, vice chairman of th
e Joint Chiefs of Staff, speaks about his job, the defense budget, and troop de
ployment.</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Tom Philpott</P>
By mid-afternoon on March 23, a day before NATO began striking Yugoslav
targets with bombs and missiles, Air Force Gen. Joseph W Ralston, vice chairma
n of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS), had spoken at least four times that day W
ith Army Gen. Wesley Clark, NATO's supreme allied commander.
<P>
Their conversations touched on a range of issues. Should the aircraft c
arrier Enterprise </I>steam into the Mediterranean from the Persian Gulf to
support the Kosovo air operations?</P>
Should EA-6B Prowlers, radar-jamming aircraft, be moved from Incirlik,
Turkey, to Aviano, Italy, or would enough stateside aircraft arrive in time? Di
d it still make sense to send Marines vs. Army units into Kosovo as an initial
U.S. peacekeeping force if and when Serbs signed a peace deal?</P>
"There are pros and cons to all of these," says Ralston. "We work them
with the CINCs [commanders in chief], the Joint Staff, and the services, and we
provide the [JCS] chairman and the secretary of defense with recommendations."
</P>
Ralston, the nation's second-highest-ranking officer, is a pivotal figu
re across the spectrum of national security matters, from day-to-day decisions
on contingency operations to shaping next-generation weapons programs as chairm
an of the Joint Requirements Oversight Council (JROC).</P>
Despite the power he wields, much of it on behalf of JCS Chairman Army
Gen. Henry "Hugh" Shelton, Ralston keeps a surprisingly low public profile. "Th
at's a conscious decision on my part," he states. His job, according to the ste
adfast four-star, involves "harmonizing" service positions on issues and progra
ms that will meet the nation's most pressing security needs yet still stay with
in budgets proposed by the administration and set by Congress.
That's easier to do behind closed doors, he claims. "Try to solve probl
ems in the joint world in public and everybody gets firmly entrenched in their
positions. If you work things off-line, behind the scenes, you can get a lot mo
re done," Ralston says. "If the vice chairman takes too high of a profile, it d
oesn't work. "</P>
Ralston, 55, sees the vice chairman's job as having three parts. The fi
rst, which takes at least half his time, is to oversee day-to-day military oper
ations. When Shelton is traveling or on leave, Ralston becomes acting chairman.
But every day he must stay on top of current operations, which means frequent
contact with the nine regional and unified CINCs. "You can't lay off four days
then kick back up," says Ralston.
His day typically begins with a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) brief
ing at 5:45 a.m., followed by JCS meetings on current operations and revised in
telligence assessments. A decision on whether to redeploy assessments. A decisi
on on whether to redeploy assets like EA-6Bs is "minor" Ralston says, "but it's
the type of thing you encounter" daily in the post-Cold War era. </P>
By law, the chairman and vice chairman must hail from different service
S. "We bring our collective experiences, what we have done over the past 30-plu
S years, to the job," he says. </P>
A second major responsibility of the vice chairman is the "interagency
process, something not well understood by present or former military officers,"
Ralston explains.
At the top, the president's national security advisor Sandy Berger, COO
rdinates the national security apparatus. He chairs the Principals' Committee,
which includes the secretaries of state and defense, the JCS chairman, and the
director of the CIA. Below that is the Deputies' Committee, chaired by the depu
ty national security advisor. Its members include the deputy secretaries of sta
te and defense, the JCS vice chairman, and the deputy CIA director.
The Deputies' Committee reviews the most critical issues and makes reco
mmendations to the Principals' Committee and ultimately to the president. On Ko
sovo, for example, it was the deputies who first tried to meld diplomatic, inte
lligence, and military assessments into a single set of recommendations.</I
"The vice chairman is key to the process," Ralston says, "because if yo
u don't get the military viewpoint in early, by the time it gets to the preside
nt - with the interagency recommending something counter to good military advic
e - then it can be very difficult for the chairman to get things turned around
at the last minute. "</P>
"We have three to four, sometimes more, deputies' meetings a week at th
e White House," says Ralston. "The meeting itself goes an hour and a half, and
we've got to have at least an hour of preparation time and more time to debrief
our staffs. "</P>
A third responsibility of the vice chairman is overseeing JROC, which i
S composed of the deputy chiefs of each service and has a robust charter. The g
roup "makes sure the needs of our war-fighting CINCs are met, that service requ
irements and processes are harmonized, and that we adequately prioritize and ma
ke [budget] recommendations to the chairman and the secretary of defense. "</P>
To understand JROC's reach, one needs to understand its origin. The Gol
dwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act of 1986 revolutionized the way the mi
litary is organized and operates. It streamlined the chain of command to emphas
ize "jointness" among the services not only in fighting wars but in formulating
budgets. Goldwater-Nichols made the JCS chairman, by law, the president's seni
or military advisor. It also established the position of vice chairman to serve
as his deputy and to run JROC. To do that effectively the vice chairman outran
ks every service chief.</P>
Goldwater-Nichols further required the chairman to submit to the secret
ary of defense each year an alternative budget to the one being developed by th
e secretary's staff working with the services. The alternative is called the Ch
airman's Program Assessment (CPA).</P>
"We work very hard on CPA throughout the budget process with the servic
es and with the CINCs," says Ralston. JROC shapes the CPA process. By the end o
f August, Ralston and the deputy chiefs of each service have sat face to face W
ith each of the CINCs to set program priorities and resolve some tough issues.<
/P>
"Ultimately, you have to sit down with the chairman and go through item
by item where the issues are. The chairman makes his independent recommendatio
ns to the secretary on budget priorities, shifting funds from program A to prog
ram B. Sometimes that means [going] across service lines," Ralston says. In Sep
tember, the CPA goes to the secretary.</P
In theory, the CPA can be quite different from the budget shaped by the
defense secretary's own deputies, leaving him with some pretty tough decisions
each fall. In practice, however the two budgets are worked simultaneously, so
there are few surprises.
"It's far more effective to work it throughout the year than to come in
at the last minute with something from Mars," Ralston says. But through the CP
A, Shelton and Ralston have great influence over what the Pentagon proposes to
the president.
"We have come a long way, with [JROC] playing a critical role," Ralston
recalls. JROC drives decisions on "resource allocation." It helps decide what
programs get funded and at what levels, given overall budget constraints.
<P>
"We interact continuously with the unified commanders and with the serv
ices trying to find the right balance between operational requirements and affo
rdability," explains Ralston. </P>
<P>
The degree to which the vice chairman focuses on any one of his respons
ibilities depends on the desires of the JCS chairman. Ralston claims that his j
ob didn't change after Shelton succeeded now-retired Army Gen. John Shalikashvi
li as chairman in the fall of 1997. But it could have.</P>
"The chairman and I stay in touch many times a day, as we're doing now
[with the Kosovo operation]. Certain things I will work with the CINCs," he say
S. "If it's JROC-related, a resources issue, then I will work many of those."<
P>
On day-to-day operations, Ralston often will make a decision himself "a
nd back-brief the chairman later. I have a good feel for what his priorities ar
e. We spend quite a bit of time together every day, either in person or on the
phone, so we can make sure we're getting the job done. "</P>
Frequent communication with the CINCs is critical, Ralston explains. "T
here's a special-operations deployment going on somewhere around the world - us
ually in about 70 countries - at any given time," says Ralston.<
The most difficult current readiness challenge, Ralston says, flows fro
m what clearly were underfunded defense budgets in 1996 and '97. "We are living
now, in 1999, on spare parts [bought in] 1997. We plussed up in '98, even more
in '99, and again in the 2000 budget" now before Congress. But shortages creat
ed by leaner spending years won't be gone for a few more. "How do you explain t
o the sergeant working on the flight line who doesn't have spare parts today, t
hat in fact the funding is there? It's going to get better," assures Ralston.
He may like to hear that it's going to get better but he would rather see the p
arts this afternoon. Unfortunately, we're not going to have the parts this afte
rnoon. We're still living with a two-year lead time between when funding is app
ropriated and when spare parts show up in the field."</P>
The Joint Chiefs, meanwhile, are working hard to lessen the impact on p
ersonnel tempo of worldwide contingency operations. The JCS effort to reduce th
e size of deployments probably hasn't received enough attention, he suggests.</
P>
<P>
"I'd like to put that in perspective," he says. "When I arrived as vice
chairman in March 1996, we had 20,000 troops in Bosnia, on top of what we had
in Korea and all the other places around the world. We no longer have 20,000 in
Bosnia. We came down to 13,500, then 8,500, then 6,900, and now we're going to
6,200. And we will go well below that," says Ralston. </P>
That's "14,000 less than what we had three years ago. It doesn't mean t
roops aren't busy. They are. But we are trying to reduce some of the commitment
s," Ralston says.</P>
"We're looking to see if we can take forces out of Haiti. We've had 1,0
00 troops in the Sinai Peninsula for the last 15 years as part of the Camp Davi
d Accords. Maybe it's time to bring some of those troops home. "</P>
The Joint Chiefs have cut the number of annual joint exercises by 30 pe
rcent since 1996. They aren't needed, Ralston says, given the "real world" trai
ning provided through contingency operations.<
All too often these days Ralston's job involves managing shortages. "We
pay the CINCs to worry about this afternoon," he says. "We need to make sure W
e give them the tools they need. "</P>
Currently, "we don't have enough U-2 pilots, enough rivet joints, enoug
h EA-6Bs, enough Patriot missile battalions, enough combat search-and-rescue un
its for the requirements we have. The CINCs make their wish lists known. If we
can support them, we do. Sometimes we have to go back and say, 'I'm sorry, but
there's a higher priority somewhere else in the world. "</P>
According to the JROC head, the military is on a path to solve a severe
underfunding in weapons modernization. The 1997 Quadrennial Defense Review (QD
R) set the ramp and gave it the right slope. "You can't just add $20 billion to
procurement in one year and use it efficiently," notes Ralston. "You've got to
have the right program developed. As set by the QDR, the services needed $49 b
illion for modernization in 1999, $54 billion in 2000, and $60 billion in 2001.
They got $48.7 billion in '99, are slated to get $48 billion next year and wil
I hit the $60 billion target in 2001."</P>
"We've made tremendous progress," he says. "When I first came to this j
ob, no one thought we would be able to restore modernization to that point and
do the other things we needed to do. So I'm very proud of the QDR and the willi
ngness of the administration to fund it."</P>
Ralston now is comfortable that future defense budgets not only will re
lieve near-term shortages in spare parts and personnel but "ensure our long-ter
m readiness as well. Three years ago I couldn't say that." The QDR, which order
ed deeper cuts in force structure in order to fund weapons modernization, "went
a long way toward getting things back into balance," Ralston says.</P>
Ralston, a command pilot who flew 147 combat missions during the Vietna
m War, will complete his second term as vice chairman next February. So what's
next for a 33-year veteran who has had a high-impact, low-profile role in shapi
ng the U.S. military for the 21st century?</P>
"I have no plans whatsoever."</P>
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<P>Wall Street Journal<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. B13A</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Army Scratches Antimissile Test For Target Failure</P>
</B></FONT><P>WHITE SANDS MISSILE RANGE, N.M. (AP) - The Army scratched yesterd
ay's test flight of an antimissile missile because of a problem with the missil
e that was to serve as its target.</P>
<P>It was not immediately known what the problem was, said Jim Eckles, a White
Sands Missile Range spokesman.</P>
<P>A Hera target missile -- a modified Minuteman 2 -- was fired from a site nor
th of the range yesterday morning, but soon developed problems and the test was
aborted. The Army had planned to launch a Theater High-Altitude Area Defense m
issile to knock the target missile out of the sky.</P>
<P>Mr. Eckles said he did not know when another test might be scheduled.<
<P>The THAAD missile had failed in six previous flights to hit flying targets.
The system has cost at least $3.8 billion.
<P>The Pentagon charged Lockheed Martin Corp., maker of the antimissile system,
a $15 million penalty for not achieving a hit during a March 29 test as requir
ed by its $15 billion contract.</P>
<P>Because the missile has repeatedly failed to hit its target, Congress revise
d its contract with Lockheed Martin last June, making the company financially 1
iable for any misses.</P>
<P>Lockheed will have to achieve two successful hit-to-kill missile tests by Ju
ne 30 or be penalized an additional $20 million, according to the contract. In
all, the company could face $75 million in penalties by the end of 1999 if ther
e are more failures.
<P>Bob Hunt, spokesman for the Army's air and missile defense program in Huntsv
ille, Ala., said he did not know whether Lockheed Martin would be granted an ex
tension if it was determined that the Hera problem was not the company's fault.
</P>
<P>The THAAD is designed to strike enemy missiles fired from at least 800 miles
away -- the kinds of weapons nations such as Iran, North Korea and Pakistan ar
e developing, raising the threat to U.S. troops and allies overseas.</P>
<P>In addition to the test in March, there were four THAAD missile-flight tests
in 1995, two in 1996 and one each in 1997 and 1998. The first three of the nin
e tests were not designed to hit flying targets. They tested such things as the
missile's navigation and control and were considered successful, Mr. Hunt said
</P>
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<P>Boston Globe<BR>
May 25, 1999<BR>
Pg. 12</P>
<B><U><P>CRISIS IN KOSOVO
</U><FONT SIZE=5><P>Apache Pilots Practice In Case Of Real Thing</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Lynda Gorov, Globe Staff</P>
RINAS, Albania - Lieutenant Matthew B. Holloway, an Apache helicopter p
ilot with the earnest manners and easygoing grin of a war movie ace, doesn't kn
ow what it feels like to fire rockets at real people.</
And with Washington and NATO still debating when, and even whether, to e
mploy the lethal, low-flying Apaches against the Yugoslav Army in Kosovo, he's
wondering if he'll go home without finding out. </P>
But Holloway, 25, did know one thing yesterday: He wasn't planning to be
up in time for breakfast this morning. He was scheduled to fly another trainin
g mission last night - just in case his ground-hugging, heavily armed aircraft
ever does get sent into combat. With post-flight analysis and the possibility o
f another good video (the Vietnam classic "Deer Hunter" was Sunday's choice),
he knew he might not get to bed until 3 a.m.</P>
"We're busy, but we're not exactly in a hurry," Holloway said, only ha
If-joking. "We wait for the mail. We wander around. We do whatever needs to be
done."</P>
Holloway and the other Army pilots' lives have been like that for nearly
a month. Sent to Albania in the glare of publicity, they have been left to wai
t in the heat for a decision, along with everyone else. Just yesterday, NATO's
supreme commander, General Wesley K. Clark was on the sprawling Rinas base sayi
ng that more live-fire exercises are necessary.</P>
For now, the 24 Apaches mostly sit idle on a runway at the airport just
outside the Albanian capital of Tirana, on farmland and property that has been
leased or purchased by the military. Intended to strike close up at Serbian tar
gets in Yugoslavia, unlike the high-flying Navy or Air Force planes, the Apache
was initially heralded as the war machine to halt Serb-led Yugoslavia's war on
the ethnic Albanians.</P>
But the Pentagon and President Clinton appear reluctant to test the Apac
he's prowess in combat and put American lives at risk. Two Apaches have crashed
in nighttime exercises in Albania, the last time killing two pilots. Holloway,
who flew over Bosnia but has never directly engaged the enemy in combat, says
he is in no hurry to find out how he and his aircraft would do in Serbian airsp
ace.</P>
"No one in the military is going to tell you they want to go into a sit
uation where they may get killed," he said. "But that's my job and I don't ha
ve any qualms about doing it. I don't want to shoot anyone. But I do want to ma
ke sure this is over as soon as possible.
As Holloway explained between running a pre-flight check - kicking the t
ires, he called it - and practicing a hop over to Belgrade on a flight simulato
r that resembles an advanced video game, each Apache is assigned two pilots. On
e sits in back and flies the chopper. The front-seater fires the rockets. Hollo
way is the one who sits up front and does the shooting, though only over water
during training exercises.</P
<P> Holloway, who grew up in Flint, Mich., was 17 when he went to a West Poi
nt. He went on to major in civil engineering and insisted that building bridges
wouldn't bore him if he decided to put his degree to use after his Army stint
ends.</P>
<P>
For now, though, he owes the military at least 31/2 more years and, desp
ite the boredom at the Rinas base, he said he has no complaints. Unlike some ot
her pilots and crew members who have expressed frustration at their stalled sta
tus, he even said he was having fun. He is, however, a bit envious of pilots fr
om other NATO nations, who can drink liquor on base and go off-base for recreat
ion - both taboo for the American military.<
"I've always wanted to fly, ever since I went to my first air show,"
aid Holloway, the grandson of a Navy pilot who flew in World War II as well as
a ringer for Tom Cruise in the movie "Top Gun." "I'm getting to do what I wa
nt to do, and it really doesn't matter where it "</P>
Stationed in Germany when he isn't stuck on the ground outside Tirana, H
olloway described days that might be maddening to someone unfamiliar with the S
mall routines of military life. Grab a banana and orange after opting for sleep
instead of breakfast; shower, shave, pick up the day's mission order. Attend a
briefing, study satellite imagery, cadge cookies from a buddy's care package f
rom home, and so on.</P>
The Apache pilots and ground crew members are using the down time to mak
e sure the aircraft are in flawless working order and to improve their knowledg
e of what and whom they may be up against. During each training mission, Hollow
ay said, he studies the terrain, notes previously unseen transmission wires, ho
vers over anything unfamiliar to take a closer look. By now, he has seen the en
tire Albanian coast and is conversant with local architectural styles.</P>
"The pilots are constantly updating maps," said Captain Martin Downie,
an Army spokesman and a Springfield, Mass., native. "Each time they go up, th
ey're maximizing their knowledge and making it safer and safer for the day they
have to fly" into enemy territory.</P>
Holloway's regular helicopter is back in Germany, since the Army brought
only half the Apaches stationed there. Fortunately, most of his friends from t
hat relatively small base of 600 or so came, too. Now, he said, they keep one a
nother company.</P>
They also try to remember how much money they are saving, since they are
living tax-free while all of their expenses are covered. Still, he'd rather re
turn to Germany.<
"Last year, we got back in time for Oktoberfest in October, and I've go
t my fingers crossed now," Holloway said. "Just imagine it. Guys who have bee
n stuck in Albania for four months. Guys who have had to go that long without b
eer." </P>
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<P>Defense Daily<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg.6</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Apache Role In Kosovo Illustrates Cracks In Joint Doctrine</
P>
</B></FONT><P>By David Atkinson and Hunter Keeter</P>
More than a decade after the Pentagon set out to bolster cooperation be
tween the military services, a string of Air Force e-mail messages blasting the
Armys plans to use AH-64 attack helicopters in Kosovo illustrates the problems
still inherent in forging the type of united armed forces needed as the nation
prepares to enter the 21st century, according to retired and active military o
fficers and analysts.</P>
"The story here is that joint doctrine is a colossal failure,"
; retired Air Force Col. Bob Gaskin, who served as the services doctrine chief,
told Defense Daily yesterday. "Weve been working on joint doctrine for 15
years. The question to ask is what progress has been made? Smashing if you ask
the bureaucrats, a colossal failure if you ask the operators. "</P>
Since Congress adopted the Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986, the Defense D
epartment has compelled the military services to increase cooperation to genera
te balanced military forces devoid of the bitter interservice rivalry that for
decades poisoned relations and threatened military success. In fact, in its lon
g-range plans the Pentagon is counting on seamless cooperation between the Army
, Air Force, Marine Corps and Navy to ensure military superiority.
Considerable progress has been made in adopting common doctrine, improv
ing interservice training, and developing a "joint mindset," on the S
urface giving the impression of harmony between the services. </P>
<P>Operationally, however, major differences remain which have are glaringly il
lustrated in a series of e-mail messages last month from an Air Force officer i
n Albania to Air Force doctrine chief Maj. Gen. Tim Kinnan. </P>
"In recent exercises we have introduced joint tools, logic of join
t integration and how to do it," the officer, who is assigned to work with
the Armys Task Force Hawk in Albania, wrote Kinnan in late April. "The pr
oblem is it was probably too late [before] TF Hawk to make it an integral part
of their operational mindset and mission planning procedures. We have the aviat
ors drinking from a firehose but now they have no time for education and traini
ng, only execution I have been working hard since I arrived in November to ge
t the helos to work in the Joint world--they desperately need to integrate and
are far from ready to do so. "</P>
The heart of the matter is the dissonance between the way each service
trains and equips to fight and the mindsets that are instilled in warfighters b
y that experience; differences that joint doctrine was intended to solve. In a
major combined arms operation such as the Persian Gulf War, the services were a
Il involved and a generally cooperative atmosphere allowed them to gloss over t
he gaps between their doctrines. In Kosovo, however, the services face a new an
d unique challenge that has exposed the wide gaps that still exist between the
services. </P>
The Air Force is bearing the brunt of the effort in Kosovo, providing t
he majority of the combat forces involved. Because of the nature of the war--a
constrained bombing campaign backed by the threat of ground troops only at some
future date and at high political cost--the Air Forces combat procedures, whic
h are shared largely by NATO air components, have reigned supreme thus far in t
he conflict.</P
That is challenged, however, by the introduction of the Boeing [BA] AH-
64 Apache attack helicopters of Task Force Hawk, which were dispatched to Kosov
o ostensibly to provide the kind of close, accurate fire support NATO claims to
need to force Serbian police and army units out of not only their positions, b
ut out of Kosovo, without use of allied ground troops.
Army doctrine, however, is struggling with using the Apaches in the abs
ence of a ground maneuver force, which is currently lacking in the theater.
"Yes, V Corps has a DOCC [Deep Operations Coordination Cell] (that
S where Im working) and they are desperately trying to get the square peg in th
e round hole--use the same Army doctrinal deep operations procedures always use
d in to support of the ground force scheme of maneuver," the officer expla
ined in an April 21 e-mail to Kinnan. "As a matter of fact, it was only in
the last exercise (Desert Victory) that [we] were able to convince Lt. Gen. [J
ohn] Hendrix, the Corps CC, to put his attack aviation on the ATO [Air Tasking
Order]."</P>
The Apaches were put on the ATO for the first time under Task Force Haw
k (Defense Daily, April 7). That delay illustrates how long it has taken for jo
int concepts to take hold. The Army views the ATO as a threat to battlefield in
itiative while the Air Force sees it as a living document, a ballet that contro
Is the flow of battle of an air battle. </P>
"The Air Force uses the ATO as their synchronization document. The
Army writes their operational order based on a synchronization matrix to orche
strate in time and space when and what assets will be applied to an operation.
Dont [the ATO and the Armys operational plan] seem rather similar?" one fo
rmer senior Army aviation planner told Defense Daily. "[But] from the Army
cultural perspectivethe Air Force tries to follow the ATO lock-step to achieve
whatever mission they have. "</P>
Confused perceptions have left joint-minded officers scrambling to make
the system work. Problems with molding the Apaches into the air campaign inclu
de an inability to integrate with support assets such as the Northrop Grumman [
NOC] E-8 Joint Surveillance Attack Radar System, the Lockheed Martin [LMT] EC-1
30 Compass Call, jamming aircraft and Lockheed Martin F-16CJs equipped to defea
t Serbian air defenses. </P>
The problems go deeper than that sources said. Army mission simulators
and planning equipment cannot easily include air campaign threats and support a
ssets.</P>
"What Im saying is they do not have a good training tool to train
and practice joint air integration--the CBS [Corps Battle Simulation] is good f
or tanks but not for aircraft," the Air Force officer in Albania wrote in
an e-mail message.</P>
"Its a sad indictment that down at the individual soldier and offi
cer level, the Army does not have a training method that forces them to integra
te the other chess pieces into their game besides the bag of pieces that they a
re already playing with," the Army aviation planner added.
The problems are enhanced, analysts said, by an Army doctrine which see
S aviation in all forms as support for a ground force. That is the kind of mind
set that joint doctrine was intended to overcome.</P>
In Kosovo, however, the inactivity of Task Force Hawk in the last few W
eeks has illustrated how difficult it is to make headway against such a problem
</P>
"Because there arent any ground troops in Kosovo, the Apache is re
ally not being used in a combined arms operation," the Army aviator said.
/P>
"One important mindset Ive noticed, they demand to be the supporte
d service--period," the Air Force officer told Kinnan in April. "This
is the way it is and I dont see them changing their view. "</P>
Pentagon efforts to force the services into closer cooperation have not
penetrated these kinds of service doctrines.
<P>
"Everybody trains, organizes, and equips to their service doctrine
Gaskin said. "When the services come to a war, they come with thei
r service doctrines, not a joint doctrine. What Goldwater-Nichols did is give t
he CINCs the power to do what they need to make the plan work. He has the autho
rity. The CINC has to put his foot down."</P>
<P>
Those individual procedures have also left the Air Force less than sati
sfied with the Kosovo operation. The political constraints of working in a coal
ition environment have left some senior Air Force leaders critical of targeting
decisions and the use of gradual escalation, rather than a powerful, sustained
blow against the whole infrastructure of Yugoslavia envisioned in Air Force pr
ocedures.</P>
<P>
Air Force planning efforts for Kosovo before the operation began expose
d some of the problems the service would face, even without the problems of int
egrating Army aviation assets (Defense Daily, April 7).</P>
<P>
"If you think it will be different or doctrinally pure think aga
in," according to a briefing given in early March on the initial Kosovo pl
anning by Maj. Gen. Tom Hobbins, USAFE's director of operations at a doctrine c
onference at Maxwell AFB, Ala.</P>
"Joint air doctrine was envisioned only for the theater war air as
sets of each service. No one has ever seriously envisioned including army aviat
ion into a theater strategic air campaign, although doing so would be relativel
y easy if the mindset was there," Gaskin said.</P>
Changing that mindset was the goal of the joint doctrine envisioned by
Gaskin and others in the late 1980s. </P>
<P>Ten years later, the services have yet to come together completely and so Ta
sk Force Hawk, which has not conducted any offensive action in three weeks on S
tation, is being left out because of that failure. </P>
<P>
Joint doctrine officials at the Pentagon declined comment on the conten
ts of the messages.</P>
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<P>Janes Defence Weekly<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>UAVs Will Target Serb Bases With Lasers</P>
</B></FONT><P> As part of a classified effort initiated soon after the sta
rt of NATO's air war over Yugoslavia, the US Department of Defense plans to dep
loy to the Balkans additional Predator unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) capable
for the first time of directing laser-guided bombs to their targets, Jane's Def
ence Weekly has learned.</P>
<P>
The US Air Force's General Atomics-built Predator UAV has been operati
ng in the theatre to provide surveillance of Serb troops and equipment in the d
isputed province of Kosovo and conduct battle damage assessments of the NATO st
rikes.</P>
Within days, the Pentagon hopes to send at least three additional Pred
ators to the region equipped with targeting lasers, according to sources.</P>
"The UAVs will have laser targeting very soon," said a senior military
officer involved in Operation 'Allied Force'.</P>
<P>
According to an industry source, "less than six weeks ago" the USAF aw
arded a "quick reaction" contract to an unnamed company to equip several Predat
ors with a targeting laser. "This wasn't planned," the source said. The service
S, under certain conditions such as an ongoing conflict, can award a contract W
ithout going through the normal bidding process.</P>
<P>
The decision to upgrade the Predators, sources said, came when it beca
me almost immediately clear that bad weather such as cloud cover was hampering
NATO pilots' ability to designate targets themselves for their laser-guided bom
bs. This has resulted in numerous strike sorties being called off to avoid civi
lian casualties.<
UAVs, including the Predator, the US Army's TRW-built Hunter, the Germ
an Army's Bombardier/Dornier CL-289, the French Army's SAGEM-manufactured Crece
relle and the Italian Army's Meteor-built Mirach 26, have been heavily used in
the ongoing conflict (JDW 14 April). At least three US UAVs have been lost, eit
her from engine failure or hostile action, in addition to one French UAV and as
many as four German CL-289s.</P>
<B><|><P>- Bryan Bender, JDW Bureau Chief</P></B></I>
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<P>Charleston (SC) Post and Courier <BR>
May 24, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Value Of C-17 Jets Proved In Balkans</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Terry Joyce, Of The Post and Courier</P>
<P>
The air war over Yugoslavia is still going full-tilt, but one winner m
ay already have emerged - the relatively new C-17 cargo jets flown by Charlesto
n Air Force Base crews.</P>
<P>
The C-17's reputation has become so enhanced that Boeing, the firm th
at builds the plane, sees a chance to sell 60 more of the huge jets beyond the
current order of 120 planes. </P>
Better yet, the company says, the Air Force would get the new planes
at a bargain price - barely $149 million a copy.</P>
If $149 million seems like a lot of money, think back eight years ago
to when the first C-17 rolled out of the McDonnell-Douglas plant in Long Beach
, Calif. The story was a lot different then.</P>
Never mind that the early price tag on any military system includes a
host of one-time start-up costs. The first batch of 40 C-17s cost taxpayers $5
00 million each, a price so high it nearly killed the deal.</P>
And there were production delays. The first plane slated for Charlest
on arrived on Flag Day, 1993, roughly 18 months later than first planned. The g
overnment at one point nearly threw in the towel.
President Bush's defense chief, Dick Cheney, cut the purchase order f
rom 210 planes to 120. That move alone guaranteed a higher per-unit cost.</P>
<P>
Two years later, Les Aspin, President Clinton's first Defense secreta
ry, agreed to pay $20 billion for the first 40 planes but not before issuing a
public rebuke to McDonnell-Douglas: Get the program back on track or else.</P>
Work on the C-17 did improve. McDonnell-Douglas hired new managers an
d boosted production. The company also merged with Boeing, adding financial str
ength and experience.</P:
Within three years, the price tag had been cut in half. At last recko
ning, the cost had come down to about $198 million a copy. And that was before
the latest offer. </P>
Cost, of course, isn't the reason the military likes the C-17. It's W
hat the plane can do. And the cargo missions into Albania over the last several
weeks seem tailor-made for the C-17.</P>
Albania is the second "real world" test for the C-17. In 1995, Clinton
ordered the Army into Bosnia, and much was made of the Army's problems in cros
sing a river in winter weather. It was C-17s that airlifted the bridges the Arm
y needed to drive tanks into Bosnia.
And C-17s have been at the heart of the U.S. airlift into Tirana, Alb
ania. This time, there was no overland trek. Every tank, truck and vehicle that
has U.S. markings on it had to be flown in, and the C-17 was a key.</P>
Only two U.S. airlifters - the C-17 or the venerable turbo-prop C-130
- could move cargo onto the postage-stamp-sized cargo ramp at Tirana at any gi
ven time. The C-17, with four times the load-carrying ability of a C-130, was c
learly the airlifter of choice.</P>
By mid-May, the 12 Charleston-based C-17s that had deployed to Europe
in late March had flown more than 560 cargo missions, mainly for the Army's Ap
ache helicopter deployment.</P>
Moreover, nearly all the missions were flown on time. For instance, t
he Air Force used to brag about its high rate of on-time departures from "home
stations" - such as Charleston - but said little about the on-time rate of its
planes operating from en-route bases after they left home.</P>
But this time, the Air Force claimed a departure reliability rate of
96.8 percent for the C-17s that were operating out of Ramstein Air Base, German
y. That rate's almost unheard of, especially for an en-route station like Ramst
ein.</P>
According to one officer, the toughest problem Air Force maintenance
crews faced for C-17s flying in and out of Albania were tire cuts caused by the
crumbling ramp and runway surfaces at Tirana. The planes themselves performed
remarkably well.</P>
None of this means perfection; indeed, the C-17 still has some proble
ms.</P>
For instance, the Air Force still is running tests to determine the b
est formation a large number of C-17s should use for dropping paratroopers. The
problem? Under some circumstances, troopers seem to run a greater risk of coll
iding in midair after they've jumped from a formation of C-17s.</P>
Also, the plane's range is less than that of the older C-141s it is r
eplacing.
<P>
Boeing has an answer for that problem - extended range tanks. The las
t 50 C-17s on the current 120-plane order will come with tanks holding an extra
67,000 pounds of fuel. That's a substantial boost over the plane's current max
imum fuel load of 182,000 pounds.</P>
The C-17's final testimonial may come from Britain's Royal Air Force.
</P>
The RAF is considering the purchase or lease of four airlifters with
the capability shown by the C-17. That service currently relies on the much sma
ller C-130.</P>
<P>
Boeing still would have to beat out the competition, in this case, a
European consortium that builds the Airbus. But if the C-17 is selected, it wou
Id be the first major allied purchase of a U.S.-built heavy strategic airlifter
since the 1940s. <FONT SIZE=2> </P></FONT>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 25</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO To Send 20,000 More Troops To Albania, Macedonia</P>
</B></FONT><P>By William Drozdiak, Washington Post Foreign Service </P>
<P>
BRUSSELS, May 25The NATO allies approved plans today to send more
than 20,000 additional troops to Macedonia and Albania as part of a peacekeepin
g force that will await orders to move into Kosovo and help ethnic Albanian ref
ugees return to their homeland.</l
The additional troops will bring the number of allied soldiers in
the area to nearly 50,000 within weeks, and would make it easier to launch an i
nvasion of Kosovo if Russia's mediation efforts collapse and NATO's bombing cam
paign -- now entering its third month fails to dislodge more than 40,000 Yug
oslav forces hunkered down in Kosovo.
While the allies say their soldiers will enter the rebellious Serb
ian province only to enforce a peacekeeping mandate, NATO's top political and m
ilitary leaders have sought recently to foster ambiguity about the force's even
tual mission in an effort to increase military and psychological pressure on Yu
goslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
"All options remain open," said NATO Secretary General Javier Sola
na. "We are taking nothing off the table. "</P>
NATO would have to send still more troops, though, to mount a grou
nd invasion. Estimates have ranged from a total of 75,000 to seize Kosovo alone
, to 200,000 to occupy all of Serbia, the dominant republic in the Yugoslav fed
eration.
NATO's decision came as aid agencies in Macedonia coped with a new
surge of refugees. In the largest such influx since early this month, about 25
,000 refugees have streamed into Macedonia in the last four days, raising fears
that Serbian forces may have embarked on a new effort to force ethnic Albanian
S from Kosovo.
The New York-based International Rescue Committee will soon begin
airdrops of food to displaced ethnic Albanians stranded inside the separatist p
rovince, diplomatic sources in Washington said.
Alliance warplanes kept up their attacks on Yugoslavia today, hitt
ing Milosevic's villa just west of Belgrade for the third time as well as milit
ary barracks, fuel depots and television and radio relay stations. State-run me
dia reported that a 5-year-old boy was wounded when NATO aircraft attacked Vuci
trn, about 12 miles northwest of Pristina, Kosovo's provincial capital
NATO officials said there are now about 14,000 troops deployed in
Macedonia and 8,000 in Albania, where they have been helping care for nearly 80
0,000 refugees who have streamed out of Kosovo seeking safe haven in two of Eur
ope's poorest countries.
The rapid expansion in allied ground troops along Kosovo's borders
was requested two weeks ago by NATO's chief military commander, Gen. Wesley K.
Clark, for the ostensible purpose of coping with the enormous logistical and r
esettlement tasks that will confront them if and when they enter territory that
has been devastated by Serbian forces and NATO bombing raids. </P>
But by raising the size of their ground forces to between 45,000 a
nd 50,000, NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said, the allies want to ensure their cont
ingent would have "big, sharp teeth" that could deal with any military challeng
e posed by the Yugoslav soldiers and paramilitary police in Kosovo.</P>
Britain has been the leading advocate of boosting the alliance's g
round presence so NATO troops would be in a position to enter Kosovo even witho
ut the consent of the Belgrade government, once Yugoslav forces have been suffi
ciently battered by NATO bombing. </P>
Germany, Greece and Italy have objected to any consideration that
the alliance might dispatch an invasion force into Yugoslav territory without p
ermission from the Belgrade government or the U.N. Security Council.
In Washington today, Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright expl
ained the increase in troops deployed in Albania and Macedonia as "planning for
success" a phrase also used by Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon and, on Fri
day, by British Defense Secretary George Robertson. </P>
After meeting with German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, Albrig
ht said such planning refers to the "preparations we are making to enable an ef
fective international force to enter Kosovo when the conditions are right."</P>
But many on Capitol Hill do not share the administration's confide
nce that NATO bombing will force Milosevic to knuckle under. Today, 26 members
of Congress filed a motion in U.S. District Court to halt the U.S. role in the
bombing campaign. They alleged that the 60-day period given the president under
the War Powers Act of 1973 to engage U.S. troops in hostilities without congre
ssional approval had expired.
<P>
"Our troops are in a state of war in Kosovo. To say anything else
is sophistry," said Rep. Tom Campbell (R-Calif).</P>
An official said the Clinton administration does not accept the co
nstitutionality of the War Powers Act. President Clinton has largely avoided us
ing the word "war" to describe the air campaign, which has involved raids by hu
ndreds of U.S. warplanes over the past 63 days.</P>
NATO military sources said Clark has insisted the alliance must be
prepared for all possible military options if it hopes to ensure that the refu
gees start returning home before the first snows signal the arrival of winter i
n October. In that case, a decision to send in ground troops would be necessary
no later than July.</P>
Even if NATO governments remain split over the wisdom of a ground
invasion in the future, the expansion of NATO's troop presence will serve a use
ful purpose if it intimidates Milosevic into bending toward accepting NATO's ba
sic conditions for a settlement: the withdrawal of Serbian troops from Kosovo,
the safe return of all refugees and the acceptance of an international security
presence with NATO troops at its core.</P>
<P>
NATO military sources said Clark has urged the alliance's 19 membe
rs to consider providing minesweeping teams to clear entry points booby-trapped
by Serbian forces, construction engineers to help rebuild roads and infrastruc
ture specialists to restore power, heat and electricity in the province so refu
gees can go home as quickly as possible.
NATO ambassadors, who approved the request presented by the allian
ce's military committee, are expected to hold further discussions next week to
determine the distribution of additional tasks and soldiers. The United States,
which now has about 4,500 troops in Albania, is expected to raise its share to
7,000.</P>
<P>
With Britain, France and other allies already stretched by troop c
ommitments in the Balkans and elsewhere, alliance military sources predicted th
ere could be serious disputes over who should bear what share of the burden in
bolstering the capabilities of the proposed Kosovo peacekeeping force, or KFOR.
</P>
<P>
Meanwhile, the new surge of refugees into Macedonia has strained a
Iready crowded camps and raised fears about the country's stability. Many of th
e arriving refugees told of food shortages in Kosovo and Serbian soldiers who r
obbed them and set villages on fire. The 4,000 who crossed the border by midnig
ht tonight were among 10,000 who arrived Monday by trains and buses but did not
make it across. One refugee said that several people were severely ill during
the night, including a woman and two children who died. </P>
<P>
What none of the refugees could say was how many more were behind
them in line or whether any additional trains or buses arrived on the Kosovo si
de of the border today. However, relief workers at the border said they were to
Id by Macedonian officials that as many as 10,000 people could be lined up on t
he Kosovo side waiting to cross. </P>
<P>
Refugees arriving from Pristina, Kosovo's capital, told of police
and soldiers moving through parts of the city block by block, and those arrivin
g on trains told of station platforms crowded with thousands of people. </P>
To cope with the influx, aid workers in Macedonia were scrambling
to expand refugee camps and negotiating with the Macedonian government for perm
ission to open two more sites that could accommodate another 15,000 people. </P>
"The squeeze is really on," said Ron Redmond, spokesman for the U.
N. High Commissioner for Refugees.</P>
<B><|><P>
Staff writer Steven Mufson contributed to this report from W
ashington; staff writer David Finkel contributed from Macedonia.</P></B></I>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO Says Bombs Hit Villa Used By Milosevic And Staff</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Elizabeth Becker</P>
WASHINGTON With allied officials describing the Yugoslav air defense
system as increasingly crippled, NATO planes bombed several targets overnight,
including the villa and compound outside Belgrade, the capital, that is a head
quarters of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and his leadership, Pentagon
and NATO officials said. </P>
NATO jets also hit the Sabac engineering depot in Serbia, the equivalen
t of the Army Corps of Engineers, the Pentagon added. </P>
A one-ton bomb hit the presidential compound at Dobanovci, which houses
a command center for the Yugoslav war effort in Kosovo, and an underground bun
ker designed to protect the senior leadership, said Maj. Gen. Charles Wald of t
he Air Force. </P>
"A penetrating bomb hit that last night, and we know it was struck," sa
id Wald, who showed a photograph of the strike and a videotape taken from the p
lane. "We're not sure if the capability has been destroyed. But it was hit exac
tly where they wanted to hit it." </P>
The Sabac depot has been critical for Yugoslavia's repairing and replac
ement of bridges destroyed in more than two months of bombing. The compound has
buildings to store equipment and construction and repair areas. </P>
Poor weather continued to hamper many missions on Monday and Tuesday, t
he allies said, with fighters and bombers hitting 21 targets. Those included Yu
goslav troops in Kosovo, airfields in Serbia, electrical plants and the Interna
I Affairs Ministry, according to Pentagon and NATO officials. </P>
Of particular importance, Wald said, was a successful strike against an
early-warning radar in Montenegro that is a crucial part of Yugoslav air defen
ses. </P>
Pointing to photographic evidence that a NATO fighter had struck the ra
dar, Wald described the attack on the "flat-faced radar in Montenegro one of th
e most important radars they've had for the early warning of the aircraft comin
g and going from the coast." </P>
As the weather improved throughout the day, NATO planners scheduled hun
dreds of sorties over Serbia and its province of Kosovo. </P>
NATO planes continued bombing through Tuesday evening, hitting Yugoslav
barracks, ammunition depots and Yugoslav forces in the field, as well as tanks
and artillery, a Pentagon official said. NATO plans also called for attacks on
air defenses. </P>
The Pentagon continued to defend the NATO decision this month to attack
the electricity complexes across Serbia. Since Sunday evening, sections of Bel
grade and other cities have been without electricity, as well as without water,
because electricity powers the water pumps. </P>
Military and human rights critics have questioned attacking the electri
city plants, saying any military benefit is outweighed by the disruption to Ser
bs' daily lives. </P>
At the Pentagon, a spokesman for the Defense Department, Kenneth Bacon,
said NATO was attacking the electrical plants for the reason that it had bombe
d Yugoslav fuel supplies. </P>
"Modern militaries cannot run for long without oil, gas and electricity
, and this is a way to cut down their ability to operate and to weaken the mili
tary further until Milosevic decides that he's had enough," Bacon said. </P>
Bacon also disputed contentions that NATO was causing blackouts in Belg
rade and much of the rest of Yugoslavia to create civilian dissatisfaction and
increase pressure on Milosevic to end the war.</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>German Pegs Quick Peace To The Role Of Russians</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Jane Perlez</P>
WASHINGTON -- German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer said here on Tues
day that Germany was counting on a diplomatic outcome to the war in Kosovo, wit
h the backing of Russia, in the next several weeks. </P>
Echoing strong statements by the German Chancellor, Gerhard Schröd
er, Fischer stressed that Germany opposed NATO forces entering Kosovo unless a
settlement was first reached with President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia. <
/P>
Germany supported a NATO plan approved today to enlarge a security forc
e outside Kosovo to about 50,000. But Germany insisted that the force be deploy
ed to escort Kosovar Albanian refugees back to their homes in the wake of a pol
itical settlement, not as any kind of invasion force, he said. </P>
Fischer the second NATO foreign minister in less than a week who fel
t the need to personally explain his point of view to the State Department -- e
xpressed the strong hope that a solution would be ready by June 18, when the Gr
oup of Seven industrialized nations and Russia meet in Cologne, Germany. Presid
ent Clinton and the Russian President, Boris N. Yeltsin, will attend along with
other leaders. </P>
By that time, Fischer said, Germany would like to have a Security Counc
il resolution endorsing the expanded security force that NATO's 19 ambassadors
approved Tuesday in Brussels. </P>
"We are in a very decisive situation of the conflict because within the
next two weeks, we will see whether we get a political solution or not," Fisch
er told reporters at a breakfast meeting at the German Embassy. "In the next tw
o weeks, we will know whether we are successful at the Security Council." </P>
But to achieve this rapid timetable, Fischer acknowledged, Russia would
have to agree to the NATO force without the acquiescence of Milosevic, a scena
rio that Clinton Administration officials believe to be desirable, but a long S
hot. China is another possible obstacle at the Security Council, because diplom
ats say it may delay passage of the resolution. </P>
Fischer cited constitutional and political reasons for Germany's opposi
tion to the use of an invading ground force. It would not be possible to get th
e parliamentary vote necessary to overcome the constitutional barriers to groun
d forces, he said. </P>
Further, the Christian Democrats, the party of former Chancellor Helmut
Kohl, has accused the current "Red-Green" coalition of being too pro-NATO. The
party has said it would oppose a ground war. </P>
German public support for the war has declined, according to one recent
poll, to 51 percent from 61 percent last month. </P>
In contrast, French public opinion has remained solidly behind the air
strikes, with about 70 percent support. Opinion polls in France show that about
60 percent of the public support the use of combat troops, if NATO deems them
necessary. </P>
Fischer's remarks Tuesday morning, and later as he stood beside Secreta
ry of State Madeleine K. Albright before a State Department lunch, were in cont
rast to those of Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain, who came here last Fr
iday. </P>
Cook said the NATO security force had to be prepared to go into Kosovo
without a formal agreement with Milosevic. </P>
The Greek Foreign Minister, George Papandreou, whose Government faces a
Imost total opposition to the NATO air strikes from the Greek public, is due he
re this week, as well. </P>
If a diplomatic solution envisioned along the lines he outlined failed
to materialize, Fischer said, this would be a "new situation" requiring more di
scussion within NATO and requiring "a new decision." </P>
Strobe Talbott, the Deputy Secretary of State, arrived in Moscow Tuesda
y for a resumption of talks with the Russian envoy to the Balkans, Viktor S. Ch
ernomyrdin. But the outlook for closing the wide gaps between the NATO position
and that of Moscow on a Kosovo agreement did not appear promising. </P>
Clinton Administration officials said there was little cohesion in the
Government of the new Prime Minister, Sergei V. Stepashin, on the Kosovo questi
on. Chernomyrdin, an appointee of Yeltsin, was essentially opposed by the new G
overnment, including Foreign Minister Igor S. Ivanov. </P>
Russian public opinion and sentiment in the Duma is strongly pro-Serbia
n and anti-NATO. Further inflaming the situation is the fact that an expanded N
ATO -- an expansion that Russia opposed -- is bombing a fellow-Slav nation. </P
>
Russia continues to demand that NATO stop the bombing before Milosevic
is required to pull out any troops from Kosovo, the obverse position to one of
NATO's five demands on how to end the war. </P>
"Unfortunately, it is premature to speak of any progress" in the talks
on Kosovo, Ivanov said Tuesday. </P>
Talbott, who spent days in Moscow last week, will be concentrating on t
he composition of the security force, which NATO insists be an operation with N
ATO command and control. </P>
The Russians are insisting that the force have a higher concentration o
f troops under United Nations control rather than NATO control, officials said.
So far, Milosevic has said he would only accept a United Nations presence comp
rising men with side arms. </P>
Fischer, however, suggested that the Russians might decide to abandon M
ilosevic and side with the West. </P>
"I think there is a possibility where the Russians say to Milosevic: 'W
e can't help you anymore," he said. The Russians, he said, did not have a last
ing interest in having their relationship with the West sidelined by the Kosovo
war.</P>
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<P>European Stars And Stripes<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Building Of Camps Off Schedule</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Pressure mounts as refugee numbers rise</P>
</B></></FONT><P>By Cory Lancaster, Staff Writer</P>
<P> FIER, Albania As pressure mounts to relocate Kosovo refugees from nort
hern Albania, the United States is finding itself behind schedule and facing ob
stacles in opening three refugee camps in this southern coastal region.</P>
The first U.S.-built camp, Camp Hope, was supposed to accommodate 20,00
0 refugees by June 1, but is several weeks behind schedule. The camp filled its
first 2,500 beds in nine days and began accepting more refugees Tuesday after
turning them away for four days.</P>
Construction on the other two camps has yet to begin.</P>
Aid groups, NATO and the Albanian government are trying to move 100,000
refugees away from overcrowded Kukes near the Albania-Yugoslavia border becaus
e of concerns about Serbian artillery fire and overburdening of the local water
supply.</P>
Many of those refugees would be sent 11 hours south by train and bus to
the three U.S. camps under development here. But despite an intense effort by
the U.S. military and civilian contractors, progress has been slow.</P>
Camp Hope fell behind schedule because the site needed more gravel and
fill dirt than originally expected to make sure it drained properly in Albanias
frequent rain storms, said Army Col. Carol Miller.<
Gravel deliveries take time given Albanians notoriously poor roads, whi
ch become more rutted every day under the weight of so many trucks. </P>
Workers still are working on a permanent water supply for the camp, and
until one is in place, probably in early June, camp capacity will be limited.<
/P>
A stream runs near the camp, but its badly polluted with raw sewage and
petroleum from nearby refineries.
Workers are trying to drill a deep-water well or they may have to lay a
bout 10 miles of pipe to bring in water.</P>
Currently, water for up to 5,000 refugees is being trucked in from Fier
, a few miles away. </P>
With the setbacks, military officials now project Camp Hope will house
17,500 refugees by mid-June and expand to its intended 20,000 refugees sometime
after that.</P>
A proposed site for the second site, Camp Eagle, has been found an hour
east of here, outside Roskovec. But the site also may need extensive engineeri
ng work to ensure good drainage and would take almost three months to complete
for 10,000 to 15,000 refugees. </P>
Joint Task Force Shining Hope, the U.S.-led humanitarian aid effort, wi
11 decide in coming days whether to start construction on the site. The land, p
rovided courtesy of the Albania government, isnt ideal, but with the pressure t
o relocate refugees from the north, it may have to </P>
"Unfortunately, theres no other free land," said U.S. Marine
Brig. Gen. Samuel Helland, deputy commander of Shining Hope, who toured the sit
e Monday. "Thats it. Public land is so hard to come by."</P>
Added Camp Hopes Miller: "Were late in the camp building. A lot of
prime real estate has been selected already" by other countries, which ha
ve built more than 30 refugees camps in Albania for an estimated 430,000 refuge
es.</P>
The military has looked at leasing more suitable land from private land
owners, but, so far, has sought publicly owned land, which doesnt require contr
acts and fees.</P>
The search is on for land for the third camp, Camp Liberty, in the same
region because the area is considered ideal due to its milder winters. Rarely
does it freeze here. Even still, the military has plans to fortify the tent cit
ies for winter putting down wood floors, using lined tents and making room for
stoves inside.</P>
The three camps would be the only U.S.-built ones in Albania or Macdeon
ia. Civil contractors are building the camps costing about $48 million each, an
d have hired 400 Albanians for much of the work at Camp Hope. </P>
Because of that, local officials have welcomed the camps and the econom
ic boon they will bring. Albanians can earn in a day up to $75 what they once
earned in a month. And with the official unemployment rate at 28 percent, many
are thankful to find work at all.</P>
Once the camps are built, they are turned over to the relief agency CAR
E International to operate. U.S. Marines from the amphibious assault ship Kears
age, just off the Albanian coast, are providing security during construction an
d then will be replaced by a private security force.</P>
<P> Also working at Camp Hope are a dozen members from the Armys 96th Civil
Affairs Brigade based in Fort Bragg, N.C., and from U.S. Air Forces in Europe
civil engineer units from bases in Germany and the United Kingdom.</P>
<P>
Helland acknowledged that camp building hasnt gone as smoothly as hoped
The problems are unavoidable given that infrastructure, drainage, water lines
and sanitation needs must be built for 20,000 in remote fields that have one b
umpy dirt road pfor as many as 200 trucks a day.</P>
"Its got to be done well," Helland said. "Anyone can thr
ow up a bunch of tents in a big, open area. If you walk around, youll find some
places in Albania where camps were started and now abandoned because they didn
t put in the infrastructure to support them. You have to do it right to begin W
ith."</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO TV Is Sent To Serbs, Who Are Harsh Critics</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Carlotta Gall</P>
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- The picture is grainy, the sound poor, but if p
eople here really want to, and if they have electricity, they can tune into NAT
O TV, beamed into Serbia on Channel 21 every evening from an American Hercules
plane. </P>
A colored map of Yugoslavia appears on the screen, and alongside it, th
e NATO logo. "The Voice of NATO," it reads. Cheerful pop music plays in the bac
kground. </P>
"How can they play cheerful music when they are bombing us," one of a g
roup of Serbian college students watching said angrily the other day. The stude
nts had gathered to watch the video, taped by a friend, since few of them have
managed to tune into NATO TV themselves. </P>
NATO's broadcasts, apparently aimed at countering the Serbian governmen
t's monopoly on television news and information, are falling pretty flat. They
are difficult to find in the first place and seem to arouse more irritation tha
n positive response. Serbian citizens, already fed up with NATO bombs, are in n
o mood to listen to NATO's point of view. </P>
The students were willing enough to come to see the broadcast. But with
in seconds, they tore into the program with hostile, and sometimes humorous, cr
iticism for its style and content. "I am being bombed so I do not appreciate th
eir lies," said Jelena, a biology student. </P>
The others began discussing the accent of the announcer, picking up his
pronunciation mistakes and trying to figure out where he was from. Was he a Cr
oat, they wondered, or was an emigre Serb brought up in the West? They mimicked
the next speaker, who had a strong foreign accent - probably American, they S
aid, or was he French? </P>
They barely listened to the first item, a message to the people of Yugo
slavia from the NATO secretary-general, Javier Solana, saying the intervention
was not aimed against the people of Serbia but against President Slobodan Milos
evic. They had heard it all before, they said. </p>
"This is your station for news and information," the announcer said. He
began reading reports from the world's press about the Chinese Embassy bombing
"Only certain papers do not believe it was a mistake, namely Serbian, Chinese
and Korean papers," he went on. </P>
The students groaned as he read comments from European papers. "This is
the same as our television," Jelena said. "They are quoting foreign newspapers
, but they are choosing what they like to choose." </P>
People in Serbia are used to hearing government propaganda, and so they
are particularly sensitive about having opinions thrust upon them, said Marija
, an architectural student. "When you are used to not believing, you know what
is the truth and what they are trying to push on you," she said. </P>
The announcer moved on to read Western news agency reports of the news
of the day, saying the program would now show pictures from Kosovo and the refu
gee camps in Albania and Macedonia. The pictures never appeared, though, and th
e same pink, yellow and blue map of Yugoslavia sat on the screen. </P>
"This is boring and badly done it is miserable," Marija said. </P>
Djordje, a mechanical engineering student at Belgrade University, said:
"I cannot understand how such an organization with so many analysts and brains
can transmit something like this to Serbs. They should at least broadcast our
folk music. It is completely unconvincing." </P>
NATO TV probably could not hope for an impartial viewing from Serbs whi
le its parent organization continues to bomb their country. The fliers NATO has
dropped from planes over the city in recent weeks have not been much of a hit
either. They are well designed and understated, but the students were quick to
find fault. NATO has again failed to understand the Serbian mentality, they sai
d. </P>
One flier says Milosevic has betrayed his people in embarking on wars i
n Croatia and Bosnia that led to the loss of Serbian lands. Serbs see it differ
ently, they said. Most Serbs see his betrayal in the signing of the Dayton peac
e accords, which ended the fighting there. </P>
For all their sophistication, and their access to the Internet and sate
llite television, the Belgrade students apparently are susceptible to governmen
t propaganda and often repeat its arguments. They know it themselves, but when
faced with NATO propaganda, they say they prefer their own. </P>
"We hate Milosevic, but at least he's ours," Jelena said. </P>
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<P>European Stars And Stripes<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg.4</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO Exercise May Be Dry Run</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Cooperative Guard Begins</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Gregory Piatt, Staff Writer</P>
MONS, Belgium Overshadowed by the air war in Yugoslavia, a NATO exerci
se that started this week in the Czech Republic may be a dry run for deployment
of a multinational peacekeeping force in Kosovo.
Cooperative Guard 99 is a North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Partne
rship for Peace exercise that will try to maximize the alliances command and co
ntrol flexibility in a fictitious peacekeeping operation.
In the planning stages for 18 months, the exercise in Vyskov, Czech Rep
ublic, has no direct relation to the events in Yugoslavia, said Cmdr. Per Jonss
on of the Danish navy.</P>
"Its a coincidence," said Jonsson, the chief spokesman for th
e exercise.</P
But Jonsson said the exercise could help in the case of a possible peac
ekeeping mission involving many countries in a joint task force headquarters. T
he exercise involves militaries from 14 NATO member nations, 12 nations in Part
nership for Peace a cooperative military relationship between NATO and nonmemb
er countries and the Eurocorps, a multinational army composed of troops from f
ive European countries that are also NATO members.
"We are exercising in a multinational setting just to be better,&q
uot; Jonsson said about the exercise that is being conducted by NATOs Allied Fo
rces Central Europe based in Brunssum, Netherlands. AFCENT is a major subordina
te command that is responsible to the supreme allied commander Europe, U.S. Gen
Wesley K. Clark
In the exercise, 2,000 military personnel from 26 countries will-train
to improve their ability to work together. The exercise involves a simulated g
eopolitical scenario that deals with a United Nations-mandated, NATO-led peacek
eeping operation outside the alliances area of operations.
The exercise parallels a report in Tuesdays London Times, which said NA
TO is to ask non-member countries to contribute troops to the peacekeeping forc
e needed to secure Kosovo so that ethnic Albanian refugees can return to the Se
rbian province.
One NATO diplomat said exercises such as Cooperative Guard 99 help the
alliance rely on partner countries when they need them for a peacekeeping situa
tion. "NATO gets a broader base out of it," the diplomat said on the
condition of anonymity. "So it (the exercise) is intended to build more of
reliance on our partner countries. "</P>
But what might become the practice session for a Kosovo peacekeeping mi
ssion was nearly canceled because of NATOs focus on the air war in Yugoslavia,
Jonsson said. He said the alliance went ahead with it because it is the first e
xercise conducted in the Czech Republic after it became a NATO member in March.
</P>
"It was important to a new member to hold it because so much plann
ing went into the exercise. To cancel it would have been a disaster. "</P>
The exercise is the first time the Eurocorps falls under NATO command.
The Eurocorps is an attempt by NATOs European members to create an identity wit
hin the alliance and take on missions declined by the United States. When condu
cting those missions, the United States would loan the Eurocorps equipment and
provide intelligence.</P>
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<P>Wall Street Journal<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 17</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Belgrade Strikes At Dissidents Amid Calls To End The War</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Robert Block and Carla Anne Robbins, Staff Reporters of The Wa
Il Street Journal</P>
<P>
Yugoslavia's military and political leadership, battered by widening No
rth Atlantic Treaty Organization airstrikes and nervous about growing signs of
public fatigue, is clamping down on dissent against the war and ratcheting up i
ts rhetoric of defiance against the West.</P>
The Yugoslav army Tuesday threatened to court-martial army reservists
who refuse to serve in Kosovo, banned antiwar demonstrations in parts of cen
tral Serbia, and arrested and fined six antiwar activists from the town of Cac
ak for taking part in an "illegal movement."</P>
<P>
The clampdown came as NATO signaled its own resolve to carry on the fig
ht, approving a plan that would quickly deploy up to 50,000 peacekeepers to Kos
ovo's borders.
<P>
Britain, the most hawkish member of the alliance, is expected to announ
ce Wednesday that it will send some 18,000 troops to form the core of the new p
eacekeeping force, in a move that would nearly triple the British presence in t
he region.
Beyond the psychological message to Belgrade, Britain's commitment is a
n effort at pump-priming troop contributions from its allies. For now, U.S. off
icials say they expect to contribute around 7,000 troops, and there are questio
ns about whether NATO can meet its 50,000-member target or quick-deployment sch
edule.</P>
There are questions, too, on Capitol Hill. During debate on a defense b
ill Tuesday night, the Senate only narrowly tabled an amendment that would have
barred the president from deploying U.S. ground troops in Kosovo without prior
congressional authorization. Late votes by Democrats as time was running out o
n the motion were decisive, but Minority Leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota had
to struggle to hold his party in </P>
Belgrade's hardening stance comes amid new pessimism that Yugoslav Pres
ident Slobodan Milosevic can find a face-saving way out of the war. It's becomi
ng increasingly clear to Serbs that NATO won't compromise over its demands for
a Serb troop pullback from Kosovo and the deployment of a NATO-led peacekeeping
force in the province.</P>
<P> In a rare public appearance, Maj. Gen. Vladimir Lazarevic, the commande
r of the Yugoslav Army's Pristina Corps, told Serbian television Tuesday that Y
ugoslavia had "a historic chance for a glorious victory over the greatest power
in the world" despite being in the worst situation in its history.
<B><P> 'Regime Is Getting Tougher'</P>
</B><P>
Diplomats in Yugoslavia say Belgrade seems to be preparing for at 1
east three more months of war. "As the bombing gets harder, the regime is getti
ng tougher. NATO is only pushing the government to suicide," one diplomat said.
</P>
Western diplomats from countries sympathetic to Yugoslavia believe the
situation is much worse than Yugoslav officials admit. They also say Mr. Milose
vic and his inner circle are increasingly nervous.</P>
NATO attacks Monday left large areas of the country without electricity
and created a shortage of water, which is delivered by electric pumps. A third
of Belgrade received only intermittent water service. Earlier strikes on the e
lectric grid used "soft bombs" made of carbon filaments to temporarily halt pow
er; the latest strikes destroyed transmission stations and will be harder to re
pair. NATO isn't bombing power-generating plants, which could take months to re
pair.</P>
Late Monday and early Tuesday, NATO hit targets across the region, incl
uding the Batajnica military airfield and a weapons depot built into Strazevica
hill near the Belgrade suburb of Rakovica. Media reports said two or three mis
siles hit the Serbian interior ministry, which was gutted in earlier raids. NAT
O warplanes attacked for the third time one of Mr. Milesovic's homes on the out
skirts of Belgrade. Pentagon officials said it was unknown whether Mr. Milosevi
c or any of his family were there at the time. </P>
NATO also approved a modest "visit and search" regime aimed at deterrin
g oil shipments by sea into Yugoslavia. Far less vigorous than the embargo prop
osed by NATO military commander Gen. Wesley Clark, the approach is binding on S
hips from NATO nations, but voluntary for others, a Pentagon official said.</P>
Protests sprang up in parts of central and southern Serbia last week af
ter the bodies of local soldiers were brought back from Kosovo. The Cacak peace
movement emerged last week when town mayor Velimir Ilic, a longtime critic of
Mr. Milosevic, inaugurated the Civil Parliament, an ad hoc body of about 100 su
pporters. They called for an end to the NATO air attacks and the return of all
ethnic-Albanian Kosovar refugees to their homes. Mr. Ilic has been in hiding fo
r
days.</P>
<B><P> Reservists Leave Units</P>
</B><P> Also last week, parents from the towns of Krusevac and Aleksandrova
c demanded that their sons and husbands serving in Kosovo be discharged and all
owed to return home. Upon learning about the protests, hundreds of reservists f
rom the region managed to leave their units and go home after negotiating a dea
I with their commanders. Military leaders then visited the area, about 112 mile
S south of Belgrade, and calmed the situation.</
But the protests started again Sunday and Monday, when reservists were
told to return to their units. Their grievances were met with a decree banning
demonstrations and threatening deserters. People from Krusevac contacted by tel
ephone said the town was calm Tuesday but didn't know whether men were obeying
their call-up orders.
Diplomats say that in spite of the antiwar protests, they see little si
gn of any popular uprising against Mr. Milosevic while NATO continues its airst
rikes.</P>
NATO officials say they expect the air campaign to intensify over the n
ext two weeks, as more planes are sent to the region and air bases in Hungary a
nd Turkey are brought into use.</P>
Inside the alliance, questions are growing about whether the air campai
gn or parallel diplomatic efforts will work. Tuesday's authorization of a large
r peacekeeping force was intended in part to keep open the option of a ground c
ombat force, should NATO decide to shift strategy.</P>
In Washington, German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer praised Russia's
efforts to help negotiate a settlement but also suggested NATO's patience has
its limits. "You cannot go 10 times to Belgrade and say each time we must meet
again," Mr. Fischer said. The remarks were particularly notable coming after Ch
ancellor Gerhard Schroeder's warnings last week that he would block any allianc
e effort to invade Kosovo. Mr. Fischer also appeared to soften that line, telli
ng reporters, "It's not a question of opposing. We cannot take part" in any inv
asion force.</P>
<I><P>Thomas E. Ricks in Washington contributed to this article.</P></I>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>A Refugee River, Dammed At The Border</P>
</B></FONT><P>By David Rohde</P>
BLACE, Macedonia More than 4,500 ethnic Albanians fled into Macedonia
on Tuesday, including hundreds of women from the town of Kacanik in southeaste
rn Kosovo, many of whom accused Serbian forces of separating hundreds of fighti
ng-age men from their group before expelling them. </P>
Almost no men between the ages of 15 and 50 were among the group from K
acanik that arrived at a remote border crossing in the village of Jazince. The
Kosovo Liberation Army, the separatist guerrilla force fighting for Kosovo's in
dependence, has been active in villages around Kacanik. Serbian forces have bee
n particularly brutal in areas with KLA activity, in some cases executing all t
he men of fighting age who they capture. A busload of refugees from Pristina wh
o also arrived on Tuesday at Jazince reported that Serbian paramilitaries are c
ontinuing to terrorize and expel ethnic Albanians from the provincial capital,
a once bustling, cafe-filled city of 250,000. </P>
In the largest influx of refugees in three weeks, nearly 25,000 refugee
S, most of them from Pristina, have poured into Macedonia in the last five days
, filling refugee camps to near capacity and exacerbating tension in Macedonia.
</P>
At the main border crossing here in the village of Blace, more than 3,0
00 refugees crossed the border on Tuesday and newly arriving refugees reported
that there are thousands of other ethnic Albanians just behind them, aid worker
S said. Many of the people who crossed from Yugoslavia were members of a group
of several thousand men, women and children from Pristina who had actually arri
ved at the other side of the border on Monday and spent a miserable night sleep
ing outside in drizzling rain, spread across roads and sidewalks. At least one
elderly man died in the cold during the night, refugees said, and an elderly wo
men and two children died on a sweltering, overcrowded train from Pristina on M
onday. </P>
<P> Exactly what was happening on the other side of the border in the town
of Deneral Jankovic, a normally sleepy settlement of roughly 7,000 people, was
unclear. Some refugees said they had heard that no trains and buses arrived fro
m Pristina on Tuesday, which might indicate an attempt by Yugoslav officials to
allow the refugees clogging Deneral Jankovic's streets to move on before other
S arrive. </P>
<P>
But other refugees said they heard that trains and buses had arrived, i
ndicating that thousands more refugees would spend another night exposed to the
elements. </P>
<P> "There have been reports that as many as three more trains came today,"
Ron Redmond, a spokesman for the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, said Tue
sday night. "But we really don't know what is going on in there." </P>
<P> Fatmir Zenjullahu, 26, who slept outside with his wife and three childr
en, 5, 3 and 1, on the main asphalt road leading out of Kosovo Monday night, sa
id conditions in Deneral Jankovic were "horrible." He and other refugees said t
he few houses in the town were packed with up to 100 refugees each and they dar
ed not sleep in nearby fields because of rumors of mines. </P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 24</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Training, Arms, Allies Bolster KLA Prospects</P>
</B></FONT><P>By R. Jeffrey Smith, Washington Post Foreign Service </P>
<P>
KUKES, AlbaniaKosovo Liberation Army recruits have flocked from Cr
oatia, Macedonia and Western Europe to a sprawling training camp here, where th
ey learn Western-style military discipline and test fire mortars and anti-tank
weapons that they soon hope to carry into battle in Kosovo.</P>
No one would compare the month-long training regime to the punishi
ng routine of U.S. military boot camps. But the increased emphasis on physical
conditioning and weapons training by the ethnic Albanian rebels offers one expl
anation for recent assessments by some Western officials that the KLA stands a
chance of turning its fortunes around after being pummeled by Serb-led Yugoslav
forces in Kosovo over the past two months. </P>
"The KLA has bottomed out
and is clearly in the ascendancy r
ight now," said a State Department official who watches the Balkans closely and
just returned to Washington from a week-long visit here.</P>
Western officials also cite the recent appointment of Agim Ceku, a
battle-tested former Croatian army general, as the rebels' senior commander, a
nd their access to fresh arms. </P>
"The [military] image they have in the world
is incorrect,"
said Lt. Gen. John W. Hendrix, the commander of U.S. forces in Albania. "They h
ave some limitations for sure, but they are getting better all the time.
Although NATO has maintained a public distance from the rebels on
grounds that it opposes their goal of a Kosovo independent of Yugoslavia and it
S dominant republic, Serbia, here in Kukes there is ample evidence that the KLA
's recruitment activities, training and field operations are receiving at least
tacit allied military assistance.
The subject of NATO's cooperation with the rebels is sensitive, an
di details are not volunteered. But sources say that NATO war planners have been
relying on scouting reports by KLA fighters inside Kosovo to direct airstrikes
, and that members of the alliance have ignored some recent arms shipments to t
he KLA.</P>
"We think that Americans
support us.
They find a way t
o tell us the truth and give their advice on what to do," said a KLA commander
in Kukes known as "Tomorri." "</P>
The rebel force has not persuaded Western governments to lift an a
rms embargo imposed on Yugoslavia at the beginning of the decade that has
blocked its access to the Swedish-made BILL-2 anti-tank missile, the Carl Gust
av M2 missile, Western-made heavy artillery and other sophisticated weaponry.
P>
That means the KLA cannot expect to achieve more than a stalemate
in the coming months against more numerous and heavily armored Serb-led Yugosla
V troops in Kosovo unless NATO ground troops also join the battle, according to
U.S. and NATO officials. </P>
But one top KLA officer said the imbalance had been partially corr
ected because NATO countries are "closing one eye" when the rebels make black-m
arket purchases funded by the Albanian diaspora in Europe and the United Sta
tes of relatively unsophisticated armaments.</P>
Mortars, submachine guns and sniper rifles are being shipped here
from Bosnia, Croatia, Germany, Switzerland and Italy. Uniforms, boots, field ra
tions, satellite phones and radios come from Western Europe, while Chinese-made
rocket-propelled grenades, anti-tank cannons and AK-47 assault rifles are ship
ped to the border by the Albanian army.</P>
"They seem to have an endless supply of weapons and ammunition," H
endrix said.</P>
KLA commanders claim a series of recent victories, which cannot be
independently confirmed. Coordinated action by two brigades -- still a relativ
e novelty killed scores of government soldiers near the town Padesh last wee
k, they say, and other units achieved an important victory near the city of Suv
a Reka. KLA officials also report capturing a Praga anti-aircraft cannon near D
ecani and a cache of anti-tank weapons near Pristina, the Kosovo capital.</P>
NATO bombing of Yugoslav army positions in Kosovo has helped by su
ppressing the movement and massing of heavy weaponry, such as artillery and tan
ks, near the Albanian and Macedonian borders, said a top KLA officer.</
Several KLA commanders report that Yugoslav troops are having incr
easing trouble communicating with each other and are running short of food, cig
arettes, alcohol and ammunition. Government troops now rarely travel more than
a few miles at a time in convoys of more than five vehicles. "When Serbs fight,
they fight from inside their vehicles," a KLA commander said. "They even scoop
up bodies" without stepping outside.</P>
But rebel political leader Hashim Thaqi, the prime minister of an
interim Kosovo government-in-exile, said he worries that the KLA will not be ab
le to carry on its fight successfully without additional assistance. If NATO "c
ontinues only with airstrikes, the crisis in Kosovo will get deeper," he said.<
/P>
On a planned trip this week to Washington, where he is slated to m
eet with Clinton administration officials, Thaqi said he plans to make "a big a
nd urgent request: send ground troops to Kosovo. We will repeat this message; W
e will ask them to be more determined, to get involved more quickly.
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<P>London Daily Telegraph<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Kosovo Capital Faces New Wave Of Serb Terror</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Julius Strauss in Blace </P>
Serb authorities have launched an operation to rid Pristina of tens of
thousands of ethnic Albanians still living in the city, former residents and ai
d workers at the Macedonian frontier said yesterday as thousands more refugees
streamed out of Kosovo.</P>
About 30,000 ethnic Albanians have crossed into Macedonia in the past t
hree days in the largest exodus for weeks and aid officials say there is no sig
n that the flow will stop. They say Serb "ethnic cleansing" squads appear to be
gaining a second wind after a few weeks of relative calm.</P>
Macedonian officials said that around 150,000 refugees are now on their
way out of Kosovo headed towards their country. They did not say how they arri
ved at their estimates but it is understood that Macedonia and Serbia have open
channels of communication.</P>
Most new refugees interviewed on the Macedonian border yesterday came f
rom Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. After a few hours at a transit camp they W
ere ordered to move into single file. Slowly, haltingly they boarded buses comm
andeered to take them on to other, more permanent camps in the interior.</P>
Independent accounts suggested that Pristina was now in the grip of a S
econd wave of terror aimed at flushing out those ethnic Albanians who refused t
o or could not leave during the first heavy push two months ago.</P>
Shehrije, a 27-year-old woman from the suburb of Vranjevc, said: "For t
wo months the police played cat and mouse with us. First they told us to go to
the bus station and leave and then when we got there they told us to go back ho
me. But last week that all changed. They said if we didn't leave in five minute
S we would be killed. This happened to all our neighbours, too, and from what W
e saw the same was going on all over the city."</P>
An aid worker who interviews arrivals at the Blace refugee camp said: "
There seems to have been a policy change in Pristina some time around the middl
e of last week. Just when it seemed that life was settling down a bit, a fresh
outburst of evil was let loose." In one area, aid workers say, young girls were
taken away and held until ransomed by their families.
The latest wave of terror stalking Kosovo and the availability of daily
bus convoys and trains to the border means that even the more resilient ethnic
Albanians are leaving their homes. By some estimates there are 100,000 residen
ts left in Pristina, but with almost no reliable reports coming out of the city
the picture is murky.</P>
The flow of ethnic Albanians into Macedonia is threatening to overwhelm
facilities and is testing the patience of the Skopje government, which is alre
ady reluctant to accept refugees.<
Ron Redmond, spokesman for the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref
ugees, said yesterday: "This could well be the last push. Everybody is being ex
pelled now. We are seeing the arrival of very old people. If the influx continu
es, if we have 8,000 to 10,000 a day, this will put a severe strain on our capa
city in camps. They are once again going to be overstretched."
The UN said 8,500 refugees entered Macedonia on Monday and a similar nu
mber was expected by last night. There are now about 250,000 refugees in Macedo
nia, of whom 100,000 are in camps and the rest with friends or relatives.
Anton La Guardia in Podgorica writes: The Yugoslav army separated doze
ns of Kosovar men from their families as hundreds of refugees sought shelter in
Montenegro.</P>
The move stands in contrast with the army's decision elsewhere to free
thousands of ethnic Albanian men after weeks of brutal imprisonment, allowing t
hem to travel to Macedonia and Albania. It has also escalated tensions between
the army and Montenegro, Serbia's sister republic in the Yugoslav federation.<
P>
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<P>Janes Defence Weekly<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Way Could Be Open For F-16 Sale To Emirates</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Ed Blanche, JDW Correspondent</P>
Beirut -- US defence authorities have agreed to provide the United Arab
Emirates (UAE) with the source codes for weapons systems aboard the F-16C/D BI
ock 60 combat aircraft, according to military sources in Abu Dhabi.</P>
Transfer of the codes would remove the final obstacle to the $6 billio
n sale of the aircraft
Final details of the contract between the UAE's Defence Ministry and L
ockheed Martin are being worked out, but a target date for signing has reported
ly been set for August, but no later than October. "The main obstacle for final
ising the contract has been settled", a senior UAE Air Force officer said. "The
contract will be signed soon. The United States has agreed to communicate to t
he Emirates the codes of the software programmes in the computers. "</P>
Once officially confirmed, this would mark the first time the USA has
agreed to release the source codes for advanced combat aircraft acquired by an
Arab state.</P>
It could open the way for similar moves with Saudi Arabia, which plans
to acquire up to 100 new US aircraft.<
The codes have so far only been provided to the USA's closest allies a
nd enable the F-16s to be configured for a variety of missions that are not pos
sible without them. </P>
Although there was no confirmation of the UAE reports from Washington,
the disclosures could well be linked to a 12 May offer by the UAE chief of sta
ff, Gen Mohammed ibn Zayed al-Nahayan, to send 1,000 troops equipped with Lecle
rc main battle tanks to join a planned NATO-led international peacekeeping forc
e in Kosovo a move of considerable political significance. The UAE troops will
be trained in France.</P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 21</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>U.S. Planes Reportedly Bomb Buildings In Iraq</P>
</B></FONT><P> BAGHDAD, Iraq -- Iraq said buildings were damaged yesterday
when U.S. warplanes hit targets in the Western-imposed northern "no-fly" zone.<
/P>
<P> "Hostile formations bombed some service installations in Mosul, and the
bombing led to damage of buildings," the official Iraqi News Agency quoted a m
ilitary spokesman as saying. Mosul is 250 miles north of Baghdad.</
<P> The news agency did not say whether the buildings were civilian or mili
tary.</P>
<P>
A statement from the base in southern Turkey where the U.S. planes are
stationed said they bombed an Iraqi communications site after being fired on by
antiaircraft artillery in the no-fly zone.</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Iraq: U.N. Tells Of Drought</P>
</B></FONT><P> The worst drought on record in Iraq has cut crop yields to h
alf of last year's totals, a U.N. report said. The Iraqi Government usually ref
uses to give figures or estimates on agriculture, making the U.N. report partic
ularly significant. The report predicts that feed will become more expensive, a
ffecting livestock and poultry production. It also expected further increases i
n consumer prices of dairy and meat products. </P>
<B><I><P>(AP)</P></B></I>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Turkey: 8 Rebel Kurds Reported Slain</P>
</B></FONT><P> Security forces killed eight Kurdish guerrillas loyal to the
captured rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan in clashes in eastern Turkey, officials
said. Three soldiers also died. More than 29,000 people have been killed in the
14 years of conflict with rebels of the Kurdistan Workers Party fighting for S
elf-rule in the mainly Kurdish southeast.</P>
<B><I><P>(Reuters)</P></B></I>
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<P>Washington Times<BR>
May 25, 1999<BR>
Pg. 19</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>U.S. Troops Rebuilding Haiti Watch Their Backs</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Jennifer Bauduy, Reuters News Agency </P>
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti - The preoccupation with American forces' safet
y that is shadowing debate about a ground war in Kosovo has meant a life behind
barbed wire and sandbag walls for hundreds of U.S. troops in Haiti. </P>
There are about 500 U.S. soldiers remaining in Haiti, the impoveris
hed Caribbean nation that the United States occupied in 1994 in one of the last
major deployments of U.S. forces before NATO attacks on Yugoslavia began two
months ago. </P>
Though on a mission to provide a stabilizing presence and conduct hu
manitarian projects as Haiti struggles to build democracy, the troops here live
under security as tight as any in a war zone. </P>
"In light of the current situation in Haiti, we have enhanced our
already robust force-protection posture," said the support group commander, Col
Walton Walker. </P>
Haiti in recent months has been rocked by political assassinations,
police shootings and violent, tire-burning street demonstrations stemming from
the desire of some political groups to bring down the police leadership. </P>
U.S. military officials acknowledge that gunshots are fired with so
me regularity near Camp Fairwinds, the American military compound near Port-au-
Prince's international airport. </P>
On April 23, soldiers were preparing for a morning jog around the ca
mp when shots were fired near the barracks. U.S. officials have given conflic
ting reports about whether the shots seemed directed at the troops. </P>
No one was hurt, but the group canceled its run, and troop movements
have been scaled back. </P>
There have been other shooting incidents in recent months. </P>
In one, patrolling U.S. soldiers woke up sleeping Haitian airport g
uards, who fired at them, grazing one with a shotgun pellet and prompting them
to return fire. The Haitians were not injured. </P>
Camp Fairwinds is surrounded by sandbags and barbed-wire. The troop
S were recently barred from recreational excursions and allowed to leave camp o
nly for "mission-essential tasks." </P>
They have constructed nearly 50 schools, drilled 30 wells and built
several roads. But those who carry out the projects travel in Humvees with mac
hine-guns mounted on top, and there are often nearly as many guards as workers.
</P>
At Hope Mission, some 10 miles north of Port-au-Prince, U.S. Army e
ngineers built two schools last week while almost as many infantrymen stood gua
rd. </P>
The Clinton administration clings to Haiti as a foreign-policy succe
SS amid strong opposition from Republicans, who object to the $22 million annua
I cost of the continued U.S. presence. </P>
U.S. troops arrived in Haiti in September 1994, when 20,000 landed
to end a military dictatorship and restore Haiti's first freely elected preside
nt, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, ousted in a 1991 coup. </P>
In February, Southern Command Gen. Charles Wilhelm recommended at a
closed congressional hearing that U.S. troops leave Haiti. </P>
<P>
"As our continuous military presence in Haiti moves into its fifth y
ear, we see little progress toward creation of a permanently stable internal se
curity environment," Gen. Wilhelm said in testimony obtained by Reuters
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<P>Washington Times<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 17</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Panama Canal Transfer Moved Up To Dec. 10</P>
</B></FONT><P> PANAMA CITY The Panama Canal will officially pass from the
United States to Panama on December 10, 21 days before the date set out in the
1977 treaty, Panamas foreign minister said yesterday.</P>
<P>
"The change in date was made to guarantee the participation of hea
ds of state and foreign officials," said Foreign Minister Jorge Ritter. &q
uot;On December 31, theyll be celebrating the millennium. "</P>
President-elect Mireya Moscoso who takes office in September will tak
e possession of the canal for the Central American nation.</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Panama: A U.S. Pullout</P>
</B></FONT><P> The U.S. withdrew the 400-soldier 245 Support Battalion, bri
nging the number of U.S. military personnel in Panama to about 3,200, officials
said. The troops will be redeployed in the U.S. and Europe as part of Washingt
on's efforts to comply with the 1977 Panama Canal treaty, under which the U.S.
will hand over control of the waterway by Dec. 31.</P>
<B><I><P>(Reuters)</P></B></I>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 22</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>China May Add 100 Missiles Over 15 Years</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Report Says Beijing Could Build More Than 100 Missile
S, Alter Deterrence Policy</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Walter Pincus, Washington Post Staff Writer</P>
A 700-page report released yesterday by a select House committee invest
igating Chinese espionage estimates that China, possibly helped by purloined U.
S. secrets, will take 15 more years to modernize its intercontinental ballistic
missile force, deploying up to 100 new ICBMs based on land or submarines.</
<P>
The new Chinese strategic nuclear force, which U.S. intelligence source
S say already has been some 12 years in development, may benefit in particular
from nuclear warhead information and missile technology stolen from the United
States, according to an analysis by the House Select Committee on U.S. National
Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the People's Republic of China.
The panel, which carried out a year-long investigation, estimates the new arse
nal, once deployed, will double Beijing's current 30 silo-based ICBMs and 12 in
termediate-range missiles based on a single strategic submarine and be "a credi
ble direct threat against the United States.
The panel, headed by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.), focused its major
findings and recommendations on espionage at the nation's nuclear research lab
oratories and technology transfers to China through commercial satellite and ot
her sales, emphasizing the harm these activities may have caused to national se
curity. But spread through its voluminous report are other wide-ranging and pre
viously undisclosed conclusions, several controversial even among the panel mem
bers who voted unanimously for its publication.<
<P>
"Keep this report in perspective," warned Rep. Norman D. Dicks (D-Wash.
), ranking minority member of the panel. "The United States still possesses ove
rwhelming nuclear superiority over China, with more than 6,000 nuclear warheads
currently in our inventory."<
Dicks also pointed out that "it remains to be seen what use the PRC [Pe
ople's Republic of China] can make of the information it has acquired. Even tes
ting a nuclear device does not ensure its successful mating with a delivery veh
icle."</P>
The Cox committee recognizes that China up to now has followed a strate
gic policy of deterrence, which means it has maintained a small nuclear force,
but one that could inflict unacceptable damage on an enemy in a retaliatory str
ike. The roughly 10 strategic ICBMs aimed at the United States, for example, ha
ve thermonuclear warheads in the megaton -- or 1 million tons of TNT -- range t
hat could destroy any American city.</P>
However, the panel hypothesizes that China in the future could change i
ts strategy, deploy many more than the 100 intercontinental missiles than curre
ntly estimated, build multiple warheads for each one and finally, "develop an e
arly warning system in order to support a launch-on-warning posture." That is t
he strategy by which a country that believes itself under attack launches its m
issiles before they can be destroyed by incoming missiles.
The report also suggests that Chinese strategy might change so radicall
y that it would be the first country to prepare to use a nuclear weapon against
invaders on its own territory. The panel cites the neutron warhead, designed t
o kill opposing forces without the widespread material damage caused by other n
uclear weapons, the design for which it said China stole in the late 1970s.</P>
China "probably originally developed the neutron bomb for use on its ow
n territory against invading Soviet forces," the report says. It adds: "The neu
tron bomb would be useful in a conflict with Taiwan, since the PRC undoubtedly
would intend to occupy the territory it was attacking. "</P>
Among the newer concerns mentioned in the report is "the possibility of
cooperation between Russia and [China] on nuclear weapons." The panel sees Rus
sian nuclear scientists helping Beijing exploit "stolen U.S. thermonuclear warh
ead design information," with Moscow assisting with nuclear weapons testing tec
hnology in an era where physical tests are prohibited.</
Administration officials have been concerned that Russian scientists mi
ght help other nuclear powers. To make that less probable, they have relied on
scientific exchange and support programs between the United States and Moscow.
Some of these exchange programs, however, are under threat of being cut off by
Republican legislators concerned that they have contributed to the alleged spyi
ng.</P>
The report says China developed an ability to distribute multiple warhe
ads from a single missile on its own. It was alleged, first to the committee an
d then in the press, that Motorola Inc. had helped the Chinese get this technol
ogy through its commercial plan for China to launch more than one of its commun
ications satellites.</P>
Rep. John M. Spratt Jr. (D-S.C.), a member of the Cox panel, suggested
that the panel's criticism of the Clinton administration for failing to act qui
ckly enough when first given information in 1996 about the alleged loss of data
about the W-88 warhead should also be directed at Congress itself. Spratt said
the House and Senate intelligence committee leaderships were briefed in the su
mmer of 1996 by Energy Department officials about the alleged espionage at the
suggestion of national security adviser Samuel R. "Sandy" Berger.</P>
Sen. Bob Kerrey (D-Neb.), a member of the Senate intelligence panel at
the time, said that on the Senate side there was "not a single request for a he
aring, despite an understanding it could be a serious breach. "</P>
"There was no question national security damage had been done and we ap
proved more money for counterintelligence," Kerrey said. "But now we are making
it bigger and the facts don't allow you to reach that. "</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>President's Sober Response Assures Public Of Security Measur
es</P>
</B></FONT><P>By John M. Broder</P>
<P> WASHINGTON The White House responded in a low-key and respectful man
ner to the release on Tuesday of the Cox Committee report on Chinese nuclear es.
pionage, acknowledging that a serious security breach exists while assuring Con
gress and the public that the Administration is working hard to improve securit
y. </P>
<P> President Clinton said that he shared the concerns of the panel's nine
members about what the report described as a pattern of successful Chinese espi
onage against the nation's nuclear secrets and offered assurances that the Admi
nistration has been moving to adopt many of its recommendations. </P>
<P>
"First, let me say that I am particularly appreciative of the careful a
nd bipartisan manner in which the committee did its work," said the President,
speaking at an unrelated domestic policy event in Texas. "Like many other count
ries, China seeks to acquire our sensitive information and technology. We have
a solemn obligation to protect such national security information, and we have
to do more to do it." </P>
<P> The accommodating tone of the White House reaction arises from the grav
ity of the charges in the Cox Committee report, signed by all the panel's Repub
licans and Democrats, including Representative Christopher Cox, a California Re
publican and the panel's chairman. The President's aides, who have known of the
panel's major conclusions for several months, concluded that challenging the c
ommittee's findings would not give sufficient weight to the seriousness of the
allegations and could be politically damaging. </P>
In remarks to reporters and in a written response to the Cox Committee
findings, Administration officials stressed that many of the suspected losses o
f sensitive technology occurred before Clinton took office. and repeated earlie
r assertions that the White House took swift and decisive action when it learne
d of the security breaches. </P>
The White House's written response noted that security at the national
weapons laboratories, where it is suspected that the most serious breaches occu
rred, "has been a long-term concern, stretching back more than two decades." </
P>
Bill Richardson, the Secretary of Energy, whose department overseas the
weapons labs, said at a press conference Tuesday, "This Administration has act
ed on the problem; previous Administrations didn't act." He added, "Now, this i
S not a partisan issue; this is a bipartisan problem that we are trying to fix.
"
</P>
Richardson called the Cox report "an important, valuable, piece of work
yet noted that he had begun moving aggressively to improve security and coun
terespionage surveillance at the national weapons labs long before the report W
as released. </P>
"We have undertaken a total overhaul of the Department of Energy counte
rintelligence program," Richardson said. </P>
"I do take issue with one component of the Cox report," he added, "and
that is that we have taken enormously aggressive action to deal with the proble
m. We are fixing the problem. I can assure the American people that their nucle
ar secrets are now safe at the labs." </P>
The Administration response, fashioned over weeks of consultations amon
g officials of the National Security Council, the White House counsel's office,
Cabinet officers and the President's top political advisers, is in marked cont
rast to its handling of myriad other investigations launched by the Republican-
led Congress. </P>
The White House has responded to prior inquiries by attacking them as p
artisan and has accused Republicans of dredging up trivial matters to embarrass
the President. </P>
In this case, however, the White House has sounded a more conciliatory
note, in part because the nine-member Cox Committee's four Democrats all endors
ed its findings. </P>
The Administration also does not want to turn relations between the Uni
ted States and China into a political circus that could set back the President'
S policy of "strategic partnership" with Beijing for years. </P>
Clinton said he will not allow reports of Chinese nuclear espionage to
derail his policy of economic and diplomatic engagement with Beijing because hi
S policy is in the United States' interest. He said the United States had stric
t controls in place to limit the transfer of sensitive technology to China, a S
tatement at odds with many of the conclusions of the investigative committee. <
/P>
"I strongly believe that our continuing engagement with China has produ
ced benefits for our national security," the President said. </P>
A White House official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said th
at the allegations of Chinese nuclear spying were of a different nature than la
st year's impeachment charges and earlier investigations into Whitewater and ot
her matters. </P>
"There's a recognition that we are dealing with serious issues," the of
ficial said, "but we view them as issues that are longstanding ones and that re
quire steps to deal with, and we're taking them." </P>
Instead of mounting a hostile defense, the White House is pleading for
understanding. </P>
"We don't think it's valuable for anyone to point fingers in a way that
detracts from work that should be done," the official said. </P>
But the White House did not completely abandon the field to Cox and his
conclusions. Included with the White House's written response was a sheaf of n
ewspaper articles and opinion pieces that attacked the committee's findings and
The New York Times's reporting on them. </P>
Among them are two columns by Lars Erik Nelson of the New York Daily Ne
WS, who accused The Times of conducting a "lynching" of Wen Ho Lee, the former
Los Alamos laboratory worker still suspected of nuclear espionage. Nelson also
wrote that Clinton has gotten a "bum rap" over the issue of the theft of nuclea
r secrets. </P>
The clippings also include reports from The Washington Post and The Los
Angeles Times, based on interviews with Administration officials and outside i
ntelligence specialists, that question the severity of the technical losses. Ot
her clippings include columns defending the Administration's policy of strategi
c partnership with China, including one by Henry Kissinger, the architect of Am
erican engagement with Beijing. </P>
Clinton, seeking to tamp down the passions that debates on China always
inspire, said Tuesday that he wanted to address the problem of nuclear securit
y breaches without damaging relations with the most populous nation on Earth. <
/P>
"I want to assure you and all the American people that I will work very
hard with the Congress to protect our national security," he said in Texas, "t
o implement the recommendations and to continue our policy of engagement becaus
e both of them are in the national interest." </P>
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P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 23</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>China Has Harsh Words For Report</P>
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Government Decries 'Cold War Mentality'</P>
</B></I></FONT><P>By Michael Laris, Washington Post Foreign Service</P>
BEIJING, May 25China's government today said the release of a 700-page,
bipartisan congressional report accusing China of stealing America's closely g
uarded nuclear secrets was meant to "disturb and destroy" Sino-American relatio
ns and to deflect attention from the U.S. bombing of China's embassy in Belgrad
e.</P>
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhu Bangzao said the select committe
e, headed by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.), was "clinging to the Cold War men
tality" and had produced a rumor-mongering report intended to advance "the theo
ry of a China threat." Zhu repeated the government's long-standing denial that
it stole any U.S. nuclear technology.</P>
The spokesman also lashed out at a resolution introduced in both houses
of Congress last week that assails Chinese human rights abuses and calls on Ch
inese authorities to launch an official inquiry into the military crackdown on
democracy demonstrators near Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989, in which hundred
S died.</P>
"The attempt of those anti-China U.S. congressmen to interfere in China
's internal affairs under the pretext of human rights is doomed to failure," Zh
u said.</P>
China's reaction to the Cox report was consistent with its policy of de
nying any involvement in a variety of China-related scandals that have erupted
in the United States. China has denied any knowledge of an alleged plot to funn
el Chinese government funds to American political candidates. It has said it ha
S not conducted any espionage operations in the United States and has not stole
n nuclear-weapons related secrets. </P>
Relations between the governments of the world's most powerful and most
populous nations have dropped off precipitously since Premier Zhu Rongji visit
ed the United States last month and charmed politicians and ordinary Americans
alike. NATO's deadly attack on China's diplomatic compound in Yugoslavia on May
7 has thrown relations into crisis.
China has suspended military ties with the United States as well as its
cooperation on nuclear proliferation issues. It has also temporarily banned U.
S. warships from docking in Hong Kong's ports. [The Pentagon announced today th
at Secretary of State William S. Cohen has postponed a June visit to China beca
use of the tensions.]</P>
Chinese authorities have repeatedly asserted that the embassy attack wa
S part of a deliberate strategy to keep China weak, and have dismissed the Amer
ican explanation that the bombing was a "tragic accident." </P>
Allegations that Chinese spies have, over the course of several decades
pilfered top secret design information about every one of the nuclear warhead
S in America's stockpile have angered many in Congress. The hardened political
atmosphere in Washington comes just as Chinese officials have been demanding th
at the United States be more responsive to its concerns about the embassy bombi
ng. </P>
One official said that relations are unlikely to improve before a senio
r U.S. envoy is sent to Beijing to present the results of a U.S. investigation
of the embassy bombing. The official said the Chinese government is expecting d
ocumentary evidence that might explain the specific circumstances, not a mere W
ritten explanation.</P
Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhu said members of the Cox committee "harbo
r deep prejudice and hostility toward China. They have created a lot of rumors
to stir up anti-Chinese sentiment. "</P>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>North Korea: Perry Pays A Visit</P>
</B></FONT><P>
Former Defense Secretary William J. Perry arrived in Pyongya
ng, the capital, to discuss the Clinton Administration's aims of easing North K
orea out of its isolation. Perry, who is reviewing North Korea policy on behalf
of President Clinton, is the highest-ranking American to visit North Korea sin
ce the Korean War. Although North Korea honored him with an evening reception,
the highest officials it sent were deputy ministers.
<B><I><P>Nicholas D. Kristof (NYT)</P></B></I>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 29</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Here's The Deal, Slobo</P>
</B></FONT><P>By Jim Hoagland</P>
<P>
President Clinton is using heavy diplomatic and military pressure
on Serbia to get a message to Slobodan Milosevic: Now is the last best hope for
a deal. You still have interests in Kosovo I can protect in a settlement. But
that train leaves soon. Not even I know what will happen after it leaves.</P>
<P>
This assessment does not come from a White House leak. I would pla
ce little faith in one right now. In war, politicians, diplomats and generals S
ee the media as one more tool to mislead and pressure foes abroad and keep opin
ion supportive at home.</P>
<P>
Watch the pattern of leaders' statements rather than their increas
ingly spongy individual words at this point. When that pattern overlaps with th
e military facts on the ground, as it did this week, trust the overlap, not the
verbal hopscotch.</P
The politics, military strategy and diplomacy of the moment point
to Clinton's surreptitiously offering a deal to the man he has denounced as a m
odern Hitler. Less clear is whether Milosevic, seeing disagreement in NATO rank
S on ground troops, will agree now to any settlement that Clinton could then pr
esent as honorable and likely to resolve the conflict's basic causes.</P>
Politically, the sudden talk of ground troops at the White House h
as a mystifying quality to it. But it makes sense as a last-ditch pressure tact
ic on Milosevic. It is a trial balloon a bureaucracy at war sends up rather tha
n launch a truly divisive debate. Read my lips, Slobo: Save yourself and me
-- from this terrible alternative.
<P>
Militarily, this week's bombing of Serbia's civilian water pumps a
nd electricity grid fits the "now or never" pattern. This is serious state terr
orism. It is not as wanton or cruel as Milosevic's barbaric assault on the unar
med Albanians of Kosovo. But it is still a deliberate targeting of national wil
I and survival instinct rather than a dictator's fighting machine. It is not a
tactic NATO, a democratically governed alliance, can pursue for very long in th
is war.</P>
<P>
The punishing attacks on civilian targets could be effective, howe
ver, in focusing Milosevic's mind on what he is due to hear in Belgrade later t
his week from Russian envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin and Finnish President Martti Ah
tisaari. They will convey Clinton's terms for halting the two disconnected wars
-- NATO's air attack against Serbia and Milosevic's ground assault on Kosovo -
- and then relay Belgrade's answer to Washington.</P>
<P>
Ahtisaari's involvement as European Union representative is signif
icant. He is an experienced negotiator who achieved an unexpected diplomatic tr
iumph in winning Namibia's independence from South Africa a decade ago. He is a
Iso personally trusted by Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, Clinton's p
oint man on ending the war.</P>
Clinton's decision to center the diplomacy of the conflict on Russ
ia is also a telling signal of his willingness to live with Milosevic rather th
an go to a full-scale war. The president simultaneously avoids having to negoti
ate directly with the Serbian monster he has denounced and bolsters Boris Yelts
in's shaky regime in Moscow.<
The stage has been set. But for this week's talks to produce a sus
tainable outcome, Clinton must draw red lines around these essential points:</P
V
(1) Milosevic cannot be seen to benefit from just agreeing to end
the slaughter he began. Lifting existing economic sanctions or providing future
reconstruction aid to Serbia from any NATO member while Milosevic is still in
power are unacceptable rewards. </P>
(2) NATO must command and control the international peacekeeping f
orce that will deploy into Kosovo. The number of symbolic Serb troops left on t
he ground there cannot exceed a few thousand, as suggested in the Rambouillet f
ramework. The departing Serb forces should be required to leave their tanks and
artillery behind, for destruction by NATO, rather than being pulled back into
Serbia for future use.</P>
(3) There must be no agreement that gives Serb civilians in Kosovo
veto rights or parliamentary blocking mechanisms over the Kosovar self-governm
ent Clinton has promised. Only by negating in practice Serbia's nominal soverei
gnty over Kosovo can NATO fulfill its promise to create conditions that will al
low all Kosovar refugees to return to their homes. </P>
<P>
Anything less would be a betrayal of the Kosovars, of the European
and American publics that have supported this war and of the NATO aviators who
have fought it. Their interests must count for more than Milosevic's in any se
ttlement Clinton accepts.
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<P>USA Today<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Bosnia's Refugees Hold Lesson For NATO</P>
</B></FONT><P>By David Rieff</P>
<P>
The Kosovo crisis has now spiraled so badly out of control that any sol
ution that would be fair and comprehensive - and also have a chance of actually
working - may already be out of reach.</P>
Still, in the absence of a NATO ground war that would drive the Serbs o
ut of Kosovo, there will almost certainly be a deal between Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic and the Western powers that will not satisfy either side. </P
>
The fate of the refugees will ultimately determine the success or failu
re of any settlement. If the bulk of the refugees feel that it is safe to retur
n, it will mean that Milosevic's brutal war will have been a failure. But if th
is does not happen, then it will have been a success no matter what else happen
s.</P>
Obviously, the best way to ensure that the refugees return would be for
Milosevic to be forced to accept NATO's five key demands and for Kosovo to be
turned into a NATO or United Nations protectorate for the foreseeable future. o
therwise, refugees will not return home, and the region will be further destabi
lized.</P>
But, assuming the NATO powers are not willing to make the sacrifices ne
eded to secure that outcome, the realities of postwar Kosovo will be forged out
of a deal rather than a NATO victory.</P>
We have been here before.
The Dayton agreement that ended the Bosnian war also was the product of
the West's unwillingness to reverse Serb aggression. Instead of rolling back t
he gains Milosevic made through his Bosnian Serb surrogates - lifting the siege
of Sarajevo and making it possible for the more than 2 million refugees and in
ternally displaced people to return to their homes - the United States and its
allies chose a velvet partition. </P>
Even this had to be accompanied by force, with NATO bombing from the ai
r and the combined forces of Croatia and the Bosnian army advancing on the grou
nd. But when it was all over, the Serbs still controlled 49% of the territory o
f Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the country was effectively divided into two self-con
tained areas.
Since then, a NATO-led force has ensured that the cease-fire holds. The
troops patrol throughout Bosnia and have occasionally acted to arrest some of
the lesser war criminals indicted by the international criminal tribunal in The
Hague, Netherlands. </P>
And in Sarajevo, international representatives are doing their best to
help stitch Bosnia back together by setting up banking, postal and telecommunic
ations structures and overseeing Bosnia's very partial and tenuous return to pa
rliamentary democracy.</P>
And yet almost nobody, either in Bosnia or abroad, believes this fragil
e peace would last for a week if those foreign soldiers were withdrawn. What ru
les in Bosnia is not peace, but an absence of war.</P>
The reason for this is simple. Neither the major powers nor the forces
they deployed in Bosnia after the peace accord paid enough attention to the ret
urn of the refugees. </p>
It is true that many of those who fled Bosnia to Western countries neve
r went back. But many more from this overwhelmingly Muslim population returned
to their country, but not to their old homes. In fact, almost no Muslims at all
have returned to areas now under Serb control. By coming home, they simply wen
t from being refugees to being internally displaced, which at times can seem li
ke a distinction without a difference.
Had NATO chosen to turn Bosnia into a protectorate, as even some Bosnia
ns demanded at the time of the Dayton agreement, things might very well have tu
rned out differently. But that would have entailed NATO-led forces guaranteeing
the safety of returning refugees - something that there was no political will
for either in Washington or in Western Europe.</P>
A good case can be made that the failure to combat ethnic cleansing whe
n it was happening or to reverse it after the conflict in Bosnia ended embolden
ed Milosevic to act in the way he has in Kosovo. And it suggests that unless Ko
sovo is turned into some kind of protectorate, any agreement will not last. If
Bosnians were unwilling to return to their homes in areas where Serbs remain, W
hy should Kosovars?</P>
This is more than a question of justice. The return of the Kosovars is
vital to stability in the region. For if the Kosovars remain in exile, the prop
hecy that they will become Europe's version of the Palestinians will almost cer
tainly be fulfilled. For that reason, more needs to be done than simply escorti
ng the refugees back to Kosovo. There have to be troops willing to protect them
and to nip any renewed attempt by the Serbs to terrify them and again start dr
iving them out.</P>
There has been some talk that NATO soldiers are not needed for this fun
ction, that a U.N. peacekeeping force largely made up of troops from countries
that were not party to the conflict will do just as well. The experience of Bos
nia suggests a diametrically opposing conclusion.</P>
Peacekeeping was the wrong tool then, because there was no peace to kee
p and because the U.N. commitment to peace at almost any price led it to submit
again and again to Serb blackmail. Since Kofi Annan, the man who led U.N. peac
ekeeping in Bosnia, is now U.N. secretary-general, there is no particular reaso
n to believe this institutional mind-set has changed much.</P>
In Kosovo, like it or not, a durable peace will depend on an open-ended
NATO-led deployment that will be focused on the security of the returning refu
gees. Anything short of this is a guarantee that any end to the Kosovo conflict
will be little more than a Bosnia-style pause.</P>
<|><p> David Rieff is the author of Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure
of the West.</P></I>
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>America's Stolen Secrets</P>
</B></FONT><P> A devastating pattern of security lapses is laid out in the
Congressional report on China's acquisition of America's most vital nuclear and
missile secrets. Beijing remains far from nuclear parity with the United State
S. But a bipartisan House committee, headed by Christopher Cox, Republican of C
alifornia, found that China has systematically exploited poor security at Ameri
can nuclear weapons labs, lax satellite licensing and weak export control laws
to speed work on a new generation of nuclear weapons and missiles. </P>
Though some of the committee's findings have been outlined in news acco
unts over recent months, the report adds fresh detail and serves as a powerful
indictment of failed security and law enforcement by Democratic and Republican
Administrations dating back to the 1970's. The Clinton Administration, in parti
cular, has a great deal of explaining to do about its anemic response when it f
irst learned of possible Chinese espionage. The Cox committee has performed an
invaluable public service with its unsparing investigation. </P>
The committee found that China had obtained classified information on S
even of America's most modern thermonuclear weapons. These include the miniatur
ized bombs used in multiple-warhead missiles as well as in missiles launched fr
om mobile platforms and from submarines. With this information, China may be ab
le to produce similar weapons of its own. The stolen material, including comput
er codes that are essential to warhead design, most likely came from supposedly
secure computers at America's nuclear weapons laboratories. </P>
The report also found that Beijing had exploited commercial deals with
American aerospace companies to learn how to avoid launch failures and design m
issiles more capable of delivering multiple warheads. The committee specificall
y found that two companies, Hughes Electronics and Loral Space and Communicatio
ns, improperly advised the Chinese on rocket design in the mid-1990's without o
btaining State Department licenses for such discussions. Despite these breakdow
ns, the Clinton Administration shifted authority for licensing satellite sales
from the security-minded State Department to the business-oriented Commerce Dep
artment, a decision wisely reversed by Congress last year. Though earlier admin
istrations also failed to secure America's nuclear secrets, the Clinton Adminis
tration's performance seems especially abysmal. </P>
In particular, the failure of the national security adviser, Samuel Ber
ger, to respond more vigorously when first briefed about possible nuclear espio
nage three years ago requires further inquiry. At a minimum Mr. Berger should h
ave informed President Clinton and Vice President Gore, coordinated investigati
ve efforts and made sure that his request for tightened security at the labs wa
S carried out immediately. He also played an important role in the mistaken dec
ision to give the Commerce Department lead authority in satellite licensing dec
isions. </P>
<P>
Republican calls for Mr. Berger's resignation feel premature, but his f
itness is in question and must be carefully weighed in the days ahead. </P>
<P>
Similarly disturbing is the failure two years ago by Janet Reno's Justi
ce Department to authorize Government investigators to pursue a wiretap of the
principal suspect, Wen Ho Lee. Justice's handling of the Lee investigation was
lackadaisical. This is but the latest in a series of law-enforcement lapses or
political blunders that would have led to Ms. Reno's removal in any recent Admi
nistration other than this one. Serious lapses also occurred at the Energy Depa
rtment, which, at least until Bill Richardson took over as Secretary last fall,
failed to assert managerial control over the national weapons labs. </P>
Congress must continue investigating these issues of responsibility, ta
king care, as the Cox committee did, to avoid sensationalism and undue partisan
ship. Together with the Administration, it should also move quickly to assure b
etter protection of America's national security secrets. </P>
<P> Better coordination is needed among the various intelligence and law en
forcement agencies in detecting, investigating and prosecuting nuclear espionag
e. The Energy Department must clearly demonstrate that it can manage the labs.
Otherwise it may make sense to transfer them to Pentagon control. Whichever dep
artment is in charge, more rigorous security screening is needed for those enga
ged in the most sensitive weapons work. </P>
<P>
Export-control laws, excessively relaxed at the end of the cold war and
further loosened as part of the Clinton Administration's efforts to encourage
commerce with China, must be significantly tightened, particularly with regard
to satellites and supercomputers. </P>
<P>
The Cox report makes clear the seriousness of Chinese efforts to acquir
e militarily sensitive technology and underscores America's vulnerability to su
ch efforts. Stricter export laws and tighter security at nuclear weapons labora
tories will help safeguard American secrets. But at least as important is a mor
e careful approach on the part of the Clinton Administration to dealings with C
hina. Beijing is worth cultivating as a diplomatic and commercial partner. But
its potential threat to American national security should never be ignored or u
nderestimated. </P>
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<P>Washington Post<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 28</P>
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Nuclear Pickpocket</P>
</B></FONT><P>
UNDER U.S. LAW, the administration must conduct "end-us
er" checks to ensure that high-powered computers exported to China are not used
for military purposes. China, however, rarely consents to such checks, and whe
n it does, insists that they be conducted by Chinese officials. Yet, a bipartis
an House committee reported yesterday, "this obduracy has had little consequenc
e." The Clinton administration has approved the export of more and more such co
mputers; in the first three quarters of 1998, nine times as many were exported
as during the previous seven years.
<P>
This is one of many fruits of the engagement policy that President
Clinton again yesterday defended. It is a policy based on the premise that Chi
na is a strategic partner, not a potential foe, and that the best way to ensure
its continuing friendship is to accommodate to a large extent its demands and
requests. It is also a policy, pursued by Republican and Democratic administrat
ions alike, that has been more responsive to U.S. commercial interests than to
U.S. national security needs, according to an 872-page report published yesterd
ay by the House Select Committee chaired by Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.). Mr
Cox, Democratic Rep. Norm Dicks of Washington and their seven colleagues asse
rt that the damage to the United States is serious and ongoing.</P>
<P>
The report maintains that China during the past 20 years has "stol
en" information on the design of every nuclear warhead currently in the U.S. ba
Ilistic missile arsenal. It also has illicitly obtained classified technology и
seful for building missiles, attacking submarines and conducting other military
tasks that could threaten the United States, Taiwan or U.S. forces in Asia. Vi
rtually every one of the 80,000 Chinese visitors to the United States each year
is told to collect some kind of information, the report says. So are many of t
he 100,000 students and academics based in this country and the 3,000 corporati
ons with open or concealed Chinese connections. "No other country has succeeded
in stealing so much from the United States," Mr. Cox says. </P>
<P>
When a senior bureaucrat first tried to warn Congress of a possibl
e security leak from a nuclear weapons lab, he says he was told not to testify.
Later the administration suggested that any serious damage had occurred under
previous presidents. When that assertion proved untenable, the administration i
nsisted that it had reacted to the risk alertly and resolutely. But in fact its
response was halting.
<P>
Ineptitude may have played a part in this apparent laxity. So, per
haps, did pressure from the business community, forever urging looser controls
on exports lest other nations' companies get a leg up in the Chinese market. Bu
t it seems likely that Mr. Clinton's view of China as a relatively benign strat
egic partner also played a role. "Engagement," the report makes clear, is not o
ne decision but dozens: to liberalize export controls, to allow the Commerce De
partment rather than the State Department to oversee satellite exports, to perm
it corporations to police their own security, to allow the Defense Department t
o sell high-tech military goods as "scrap" to Chinese companies, and so on. All
of these decisions flow from a mind-set that the best way to keep China from t
urning hostile in the future is to show no signs of suspicion now.</P>
<P>
Finding a balance between openness and caution will never be easy.
Those same thousands of Chinese who represent an alleged security threat while
here also offer hope for warmer U.S.-Chinese ties and better understanding in
the future. Clamping down on information flows within U.S. nuclear labs might S
tymie some Chinese spies but would also slow American scientific progress. And
the Chinese threat should not be overestimated; its arsenal of two dozen strate
gic nuclear missiles is no match for America's 6,000 strategic warheads.</P>
<P>
But the nuclear modernization that China is likely to accomplish i
n the next few years, to which the United States is depicted as unwitting patro
n, could significantly affect the regional balance of power, especially for Tai
wan. China's long-range goals, including the annexation of Taiwan and becoming
the predominant power in Asia, do not coincide with U.S. interests, the committ
ee report argues. It does not follow that the United States should treat China
as an enemy. But neither does it make sense for the United States to open its S
trategic pockets and allow China to help itself.</P>
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<font face="Arial Black"><big><big><big>E A RL Y BIRD<
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<H1>May 26, 1999</HI></center>
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estrictions.</center></strong>
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<A NAME="TOP"></A>
<!--<H3>CATEGORY</H3>
I><A HREF="filename.htm">Title</A><BR>
<EM>(Publication)</em>...Author</LI>
I><A HREF="filename.htm">Title</A><BR>
<EM>(Publication)</em>....Author</LI>
</UL>-->
<H3>BALKANS</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526grounded.htm">Grounded In Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(Time)</em>...Mark Thompson</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526serb.htm">Is Serb Economy The True Target?</A><BR>
<EM>(International Herald Tribune)</em> Joseph Fitchett</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526crisis.htm">Kosovo Crisis Strains Already Struggling Al
bania</A><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em>...Anthony DePalma</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526civil.htm">Civil Action Accuses Yugoslavs Of War Crimes
</A><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Raymond Bonner</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526march.htm">On The March With KLA's Rag-Tag Band Of Rebe
Is</A><BR>
<EM>(London Daily Telegraph)</em> Michael Smith</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526signs.htm">NATO Sees Signs Milosevic Is 'Cracking' Unde
r
Attacks</A><BR>
<EM>(Baltimore Sun)</em> Unattributed</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526cuts.htm">Defence Cuts Leave Army Short Of Troops</A><B
R>
<EM>(London Daily Telegraph)</em> Tim Butcher</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526utilities.htm">Bombing Utilities Could Backfire, Expert
S Warn</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Times)</em> Rowan Scarborough</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526yugoslavia.htm">Yugoslavia Falls Well Short In Meeting
NATO Conditions To Stop The Conflict</A><BR>
<EM>(St. Louis Post-Dispatch)</em> Levins</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526feint.htm">Th Ground-War Feint</A><BR>
<EM>(National Journal)</em>...ames Kitfield</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526soldiers.htm">Serb Soldiers Refuse To Go Back To The Fr
ont Line</A><BR>
<EM>(London Times)</em> Eve-Ann Prentice</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526lack.htm">Lack Of Water, Power Disrupt Life In Belgrade
</A><BR>
<EM>(Los Angeles Times)</em> Richard Boudreaux</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526serbs.htm">Serbs' Bunker History Helps Them Stand Up To
Bombs</A><BR>
<EM>(Christian Science Monitor)</em> Peter Ford</LI>
</UL>
<H3>DOD</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF=#s19990526expands.htm">DOD Expands Net For Ground Forces</A><BR>
<EM>(Federal Computer Week)</em> Daniel Verton</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526buried.htm">DOD Buried Under</A><BR>
<EM>(Federal Computer Week)</em> Bob Brewin and Colleen O'Hara</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526blueprint.htm">US Blueprint For Future Weapons Systems
Is Outlined</A><BR>
<EM>(Janes Defence Weekly)</em> Bryan Bender</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526flipflop.htm">Flip-Flop</A><BR>
<EM>(Aviation Week & Space Technology)</em> James R. Asker</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526future.htm">Future Military Missions May Utilize Space
Shuttle</A><BR>
<EM>(San Antonio Express-News)</em> Sig Christenson</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526gap.htm">Military Recruiters Confront Age Gap</A><BR>
<EM>(San Antonio Express-News)</em> Tom Bower</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526general.htm">General Lauds Charleston's Military Role</
A><BR>
<EM>(Charleston (SC) Post & Courier)</em> Terry Joyce</LI>
</UL>
<H3>AIR FORCE</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526usaf.htm">USAF To Count The Cost Of Expanding B-2A Spir
it Fleet</A><BR>
<EM>(Janes Defence Weekly)</em> Bryan Bender</LI>
HREF="#s19990526airforce.htm">Ai Force Gives Indiana Name To 20th B-2
Stealth Bomber</A><BR>
<EM>(Indianapolis Star)</em> Jeff Swiatek</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526radar.htm">Radar Camera To Spot Stealth Weaknesses</A><
BR>
<EM>(Janes Defence Weekly)</em> Bryan Bender</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526brooks.htm">Brooks Layoffs To Proceed Despite Panel Vot
e</A><BR>
<EM>(San Antonio Express-News)</em> Sig Christenson</LI>
<H3>NAVY</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526knowledge.htm">Knowledge,Strength, Agility</A><BR>
<EM>(Sea Power)</em> William V. Cross II</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526longtime.htm">Longtime Academy Critic Makes His Return<
/A><BR>
<EM>(Baltimore Sun)</em> Neal Thompson</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526navy.htm">Navy Takes Fresh Look At Education Offerings
As Part Of Retention Efforts</A><BR>
<EM>(Norfolk Virginian-Pilot)</em> Dave Mayfield</LI>
<LI><A HREF=#s19990526scouts.htm">Gir Scouts Ship Cookies To Roosevelt Batt
le Group</A><BR>
<EM>(Norfolk Virginian-Pilot)</em>....ack Dorsey</LI>
<H3>INTERVIEW</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF=#s19990526affordable.htm">Affordable Readiness For The Operator:
Interview With Vice Adm. John A. Lockard</A><BR>
<EM>(Sea Power)</em> Gordon I. Peterson and Richard R. Burgess</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526fernandez.htm">Interview With Frank Fernandez, Director
Of The US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency</A><BR>
<EM>(Janes Defence Weekly)</em> Bryan Bender</LI>
</UL>
<H3>NATIONAL GUARD/RESERVES</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526when.htm">When Guard, Reservists Called, Families Must
Cope</A><BR>
<EM>(Sacramento Bee)</em>. Art Campos</LI>
</UL>
<H3>MARINES</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526recce.htm">F/A-18 Recce System Heads For Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(Aviation Week & Space Technology)</em> Robert Wall</LI>
</UL>
<H3>OBITUARY</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526hayward.htm">Adm. John Hayward Dies At 90</A><BR>
<EM>(Florida Times-Union (Jacksonville))</em>..... Schoettler</LI>
</UL>
<H3>BUSINESS</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526raytheon.htm">Raytheon Gets Streamlined</A><BR>
<EM>(Fortune)</em>...Edward Robinson</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526boeing.htm">Boeing Layoffs Seen As Good Business</A><BR
>
<EM>(Aviation Week & Space Technology)</em> David A. Fulghum</LI>
</UL>
<H3>RUSSIA</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526russian.htm">Russian Economy Gets New Leader</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>...Sharon LaFraniere</LI>
</UL>
<H3>MIDEAST</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526iran.htm">Iran: Troops 'Recapture' Port</A><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Reuters</LI>
</UL>
<H3>ASIA</H3>
<UL>
<LI><A HREF="#$19990526echoes.htm">Echoes From The Hermit Kingdom</A><BR>
<EM>(The Economist)</em>..Unattributed</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526noodle.htm">Rival Koreas Try Diner Diplomacy, Noodle Ne
gotiation</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em> Kevin Sullivan</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#$19990526north.htm">North Korea: Key Aide Plans China Trip</A><B
R>
<EM>(New York Times)</em> Erik Eckholm</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526pakistan.htm">Pakistan Boasts Of Might</A><BR>
<EM>(International Herald Tribune)</em> Associated Press</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526china.htm">China, Philippines: A Clash At Sea</A><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em>...Reuters</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526ambassador.htm">China Familiar To Ambassador Pick</A><B
R>
<EM>(USA Today)</em>....ssisaLee</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526forces.htm">Chinese Nuclear Forces, 1999</A><BR>
<EM>(Bulletin Of The Atomic Scientists)</em> Robert S. Norris and William M
Arkin</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526extra.htm">Extra Fighter Aircraft For India</A><BR>
<EM>(Janes Defence Weekly)</em> Rahul Bedi</LI>
<H3>OPINION</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#$19990526famine.htm">Of Famine, Rockets And Nukes</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Times)</em>...Glwynne Dyer</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526web.htm">On The Web, Think Like A Publisher, Not An Aut
hor</A><BR>
<EM>(Federal Computer Week)</em> Rear Adm. (select) Charles L. Munns Jr.</L
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526redcross.htm">All Sides Must Let The Red Cross Work In
Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(International Herald Tribune)</em> Cornelio Sommaruga</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526wobbly.htm">Mr. Wobbly</A><BR>
<EM>(The Weekly Standard)</em> William Kristol and Robert Kagan</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526syndrome.htm">The Clinton Syndrome</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Post)</em>...Michael Kelly</LI>
<LI><A HREF=#s19990526road.htm'">The Road To Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(Commentary)</em>....Jshua Muravchik</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526twixt.htm">Twixt Bomb And Bodybag</A><BR>
<EM>(London Times)</em> Simon Jenkins</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526behind.htm">Behind NATO's Bombing Of Serbia: A Sense Of
Cultural Superiority</A><BR>
<EM>(Boston Globe)</em>. James Carroll</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526weakness.htm">The Balkan War Has Exposed The Weakness o
f China</A><BR>
<EM>(International Herald Tribune)</em> Gerald Segal</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526redesigning.htm">Redesigning The Balkans In A Korean Mo
tif</A><BR>
<EM>(Cleveland Plain Dealer)</em> Elizabeth Sullivan</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526recipe.htm">Recipe For A Nuclear Disaster</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Timesn)</em> Frank J. Gaffney Jr.</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526well.htm">Well, Is He A Spy Or Not?</A><BR>
<EM>(New York Times)</em>...HoytZia</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526scandal.htm">A Very Convenient Scandal</A><BR>
<EM>(Bulletin Of The Atomic Scientists)</em> Stephen I. Schwartz</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526body.htm">Body Bags And Bodily Fluids</A><BR>
<EM>(The Nation)</em> Christopher Hitchens</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526ground.htm">Ground Troops Can Do The Job</A><BR>
<EM>(Los Angeles Times)</em> Michael O'Hanlon</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526pssst.htm">Pssst. Want To Know A Secret? Just Ask Telle
r</A><BR>
<EM>(Los Angeles Times)</em> Robert Scheer</LI>
<H3>EDITORIAL</H3>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526continued.htm">Kosovo, Continued</A><BR>
<EM>(The Economist)</em> Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526preparing.htm">Preparing Peacekeepers For Kosovo</A><BR
<EM>(Chicago Tribune)</em>...Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526away.htm">/ Way Out?</A><BR>
<EM>(Colorado Springs Gazette-Telegraph)</em> Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526betrayal.htm">Betrayal In The Making</A><BR>
<EM>(Arkansas Democrat-Gazette)</em>. Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526land.htm">Land Forces For Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(San Diego Union-Tribune)</em> Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF=#s19990526dumb.htm'>NATO's Dumb Bombs</A><BR>
<EM>(Boston Globe)</em>...Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526peaceplanning.htm">Peaceplanning</A><BR>
<EM>(Long Island Newsday)</em> Editorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526find.htm">Find The Nerve Or Settle</A><BR>
<EM>(Sarasota Herald-Tribune)</em> Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526digs.htm">North Korea Digs Deep</A><BR>
<EM>(Washington Times)</em>...Editorial</LI>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526syria.htm">Syria, Meanwhile, Has Been Quietly And Illeg
ally Aiding Iraq</A><BR>
<EM>(Middle East Policy Survey)</em> Editorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526bombing.htm">Bombing Range</A><BR>
<EM>(Houston Chronicle)</em>....ditorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526getting.htm">Getting Bombed In Belgrade</A><BR>
<EM>(Omaha World-Herald)</em> Editorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526defense.htm>Missile Defense</A><BR>
<EM>(Fort Worth Star-Telegram)</em>...Editorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526choices.htm">Nato's Choices</A><BR>
<EM>(London Times)</em> Editorial</LI>
<p>
<LI><A HREF="#s19990526lessons.htm">The Lessons Of Kosovo</A><BR>
<EM>(Omaha World Herald)</em> Editorial</LI>
</UL>
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<P>Time<BR>
May 31, 1999<BR>
Pg. 60
<B><FONT SIZE=5<P>Grounded In Kosovo
</FONT><I>FONT SIZE=4><P>IfNATO can't win from the air and won't go in on the
ground, it has to find a diplomatic way out </B></I></FONT>
<P>By Mark Thompson/Washington
War is hell, but it turns out that some parts burn hotter than others. Only
one picture frightens the White House more than televised images of the Chines
e embassy aflame from an errant NATO bomb. That is a rerun of the scene from Mo
gadishu in 1993, when Somalis dragged a G.I.'s body through the streets of thei
r capital. The searing footage, the result of a helicopter assault gone awry, t
urned Capitol Hill and the American public against the humanitarian Somalia mis
sion overnight. That's what haunts the Clinton team as it struggles to attain V
ictory in Kosovo. "Downed helicopters and dead pilots," an Army officer said la
st week, "scare this Administration to death."
As the war enters its third inconclusive month, political and public ba
ttle fatigue is setting in. Washington and NATO insist their bombing crescendo
is slowly but perceptibly sapping Slobodan Milosevic's power and will to fight.
Their spokesmen point daily to encouraging signs: last week it was word of sol
diers' desertions and scattered antiwar protests inside Yugoslavia. Allied mili
tary briefers called the strife the most interesting battle damage they have se
en in weeks. Belgrade, spared bombing for days in the wake of the mistaken atta
ck on Beijing's mission, is once again blackened by flames from allied fire.
Yet a growing array of critics contend that the air campaign is doing t
00 little too slowly. The allies, they warn, must fight harder if they are to p
revail before NATO unity collapses under a crush of divergent political pressur
es. Statistically, U.S. pilots were in greater danger of dying during peacetime
flights last year than while bombing Serbia last month. Too many laser-guided
bombs are going astray and killing innocent civilians. Just last Friday, NATO m
istakenly hit a Kosovo rebel base near the capital, Pristina. Washington is not
leading the war but shying away from winning it. "If NATO wants a military vic
tory in Yugoslavia, the only way to get it is to risk pilots now," says Maurizi
o Cremasco, a former general in the Italian air force. "They don't do this for
the same reason the Apache helicopters haven't been utilized--because low-altit
ude flying still involves the risk that pilots and crews will get shot down and
killed."
Therein lies the crux of NATO's dilemma. Except for Britain, no other n
ation has seemed willing to sacrifice its soldiers to this cause, in the skies
or on the ground. Yet this week the U.S. will urge NATO to send 50,000 ground t
roops to the region, either to escort the Kosovars home with Milosevic's assent
or to threaten an invasion without it. The war could succeed faster if the all
ies risked their own troops more, but political leaders fear the first body bag
S would destroy the public support they need to keep the confrontation going. B
ut the slow and uncertain progress from 12,000 ft. is eating away at popular ap
proval anyhow. Pit that against the prospect that if the air strikes fail to mo
ve Milosevic, ground troops might have to step in, and what's a poor NATO leade
r to do? Scramble for a diplomatic way out--the faster, the better.
A diplomatic phalanx went into furious motion last week as Washington S
tewed over martial means and ends. Colin Powell, the former Chairman of the Joi
nt Chiefs of Staff whose Gulf War success carries great weight, spoke up on Kos
ovo after weeks of silence. A foreign policy imbroglio that requires military f
orce needs clear, precise goals if that force is to be used wisely, advised the
retired Army general. "You have to have pretty solid political objectives, and
then apply decisive force to them," he said. "Nothing in the Powell doctrine S
ays no casualties." He pointedly noted that the Gulf War planners kept all thei
r options open from the start. "We had a ground force waiting," he said, "when
air power had gone as far as we could take it."
But NATO continues to shrink from any change in its carefully calibrate
d "Goldilocks" air campaign--not too hard, not too soft. The chief culprits app
eared to reside in Washington, where "there are people in the military who are
putting the brakes on," says a U.S. diplomat.
Nothing illustrated Washington's hesitancy more than the Apache debate
that burst into the open last week. Just 48 hours into the war, NATO Commander
Wesley Clark called on Washington to send in the state-of-the-art AH-64 helicop
ter gunships as the best weapon against Milosevic's ferocious ground-level clea
nsing of Kosovo. After a week of backroom debate, a deeply reluctant Pentagon a
nd White House agreed to deploy the Army's premier tank killers--but not to use
them in battle. More than two weeks later, to great fanfare, the first of 24 b
egan arriving in Albania along with their 5,350 attendant soldiers, where two a
ircraft crashed, killing two pilots in practice exercises. Top Pentagon officia
Is oppose putting the gunships into the skies over Kosovo. "We're not going to
trade two Apaches for six Serb tanks," a U.S. military officer said, explaining
the fear of losses if the Apaches go into battle. Now it appears they may neve
r see action. Last week Clinton said the Army's Apaches may not be needed becau
se the Air Force's A-10 attack planes could do the same job of killing tanks an
d armor "at less risk."
It's true the Apaches' mission raises the threshold of danger. They wou
Id fly at night with their lights out. They'd skim less than 100 ft. over the m
ountainous terrain at only slightly more than 100 m.p.h. "There are a lot of in
dividuals out on the battlefield carrying small arms and shoulder-fired weapons
says ex-Apache commander Colonel Mike Hackerson, now at the Pentagon. "It co
uld turn into a bit of a knife fight, but that's part of the business." The gru
nts who fly the choppers say they're confident in their aircraft and their miss
ion plan. "Some people have a perception that we are daunted by the threat pose
d by heat-seeking missiles, small-arms fire, radar systems and things like that
says Captain Mark Arden, with Task Force Hawk in Albania. "But enormous reso
urces are put into this aircraft to defeat just those threats." The Pentago
n isn't so sure. The brass are worried that the Serbs have moved hundreds of SA
-7 shoulder-fired missiles toward Albania, lurking in the valleys the Apaches W
ould follow into Kosovo, just waiting for the gunships to cross the frontier.'
The Apaches are MANPADs magnets," an Army officer says, referring to the acrony
m for Man-Portable Air Defense System, used for the small-missile launchers. "W
e keep asking the Army," a Joint Staff officer says, "how many Apaches they thi
nk are going to come back." That's why the helicopters--initially heralded as S
aviors--still sit at their Albanian base, twiddling their rotor blades.
Another reason officers give for grounding the Apaches is what might ha
ppen to the 400,000 Kosovars crowded into Albania if the choppers fly. "If we 1
aunch attacks from Albania, the Serbs aren't going to see it as a neutral count
ry," a Joint Staff planner says. "And a lot of those refugees are in crowded ca
mps within range of Serbian artillery." Already smarting over charges that the
allied bombing accelerated Milosevic's ethnic cleansing, the Pentagon doesn't W
ant to be blamed for triggering more civilian carnage.
Military and political leaders probably wouldn't be agonizing over what
planes to fly, and how high, if they could settle on an answer to the question
of ground troops. The longer the air war drags on, the more frequently the gro
und issue pops up. Last week the alliance found itself in a new muddle as vario
us capitals sent out contradictory messages. German Chancellor Gerhard Schroder
called the use of ground troops "unthinkable" and pledged to block any allianc
e combat on land. From London came the opposite, a steady drumbeat of demands b
y the Blair government to start assembling a ground force that could go into Ko
sovo even without agreement from Milosevic. Long after the threat might have sp
ooked the Serbian leader, Clinton for the first time last week reserved the rig
ht to send in ground troops. Two days later, NATO Commander Clark visited the P
entagon to push for deployment of the 50,000 ground troops, trying to make sure
they'd be there before the snow flies. But Italy and Greece called for a bombi
ng pause before addressing the ground-troops issue at all.
Since the war's start, allied unity has been more important than lethal
ity. Unless NATO reaches a credible consensus to gather a serious invasion forc
e, the Tower of Babel talk won't do much to move Milosevic. Threatening to disp
atch troops at the start might have given him pause, or at least forced some of
his soldiers to stay home and protect Serbian borders instead of depopulating
Kosovo. Had a relatively small ground force been deployed by now, it could have
made the air war more lethal by spotting targets and flushing Serbian armor fr
om hiding. But now the noisy, public ground-troops debates seem more likely to
crack apart NATO than to cow Milosevic.
While the Clinton Administration likes to lay responsibility on NATO fo
r originally barring the use of ground troops, in reality the White House grabb
ed onto European reluctance as a handy way out of a thorny thicket. Ardor for a
ground war is as lacking in Washington as in every NATO capital but London. "I
f the U.S. wants to do something in NATO, like send in ground troops, it happen
s," says Ivo Daalder, director of the European Affairs office of the White Hous
e's National Security Council during Clinton's first term. "We've been consiste
ntly hiding behind NATO to avoid doing what we don't want to do."
Clinton's abdication of command on the issue leaves the alliance rudder
less. "I think it is fundamentally dishonorable for a country which proclaims i
tself the world's leader to refuse to put soldiers on the line for its principl
es," says political science Professor John Harper of Johns Hopkins University.
The resulting vacuum invites other NATO nations to float their own, conflicting
proposals, to Milosevic's delight.
A more sure-footed White House could take the lead in convincing the pu
blic that ground troops might be necessary. Indeed, one poll showed that 60% of
1,206 Americans surveyed last week by the University of Maryland would back th
e dispatch of troops if it were required to prevail, even at the cost of 250 Am
erican lives. But soldiers--and politicians with an eye on the next election--b
elieve such numbers are thoroughly squishy. "The political support for this ope
ration isn't so strong that it can tolerate high casualties," insists retired A
rmy General John Shalikashvili, who succeeded Powell as Chairman of the Joint C
hiefs. "You should avoid the casualties if you can, even if it takes a little 1
onger."
Or a lot longer. The diplomacy to end the war has been as slow to gathe
r momentum as the air campaign itself. Although the pace quickened last week as
an assortment of peace brokers jetted around Europe, they are producing about
the same vague results. "We're creeping forward; we're inching forward," says a
senior Administration official. "We're not taking great strides."
Last week Belgrade was throwing out hints that Serbia is ready to cut a
deal. The government's savvy, well-spoken Minister Without Portfolio Goran Mat
ic predicted in a New York Times interview that "we can expect a political sett
lement" this week. But the only man whose word really counts is Milosevic, and
the word he keeps using is Ne. Even if he is looking for an exit, says a Russia
n official privy to Milosevic's talks with Moscow mediator Viktor Chernomyrdin,
he still believes he can pick and choose the parts he will accept from NATO's
peace plan.
That leaves the allies to dicker among themselves and with Russia over
what bits might be negotiable. NATO has watered down slightly its original five
cease-fire demands into an eight-point Group of Eight plan to win Russian part
icipation, but important differences on key details remain. The biggest gap, th
ough, may be Moscow's desire for a deal that lets Milosevic save face and keep
control over Kosovo. Officials in Washington say their view is hardening: that
Milosevic must no longer have that much power.
Diplomacy is destined to pick up speed as both NATO and Belgrade begin
to realize they don't want the air war to last many more months. If NATO is not
ready to take risks to defeat Milosevic, it may have to prepare itself, and th
e wider world, for the least bad negotiated settlement.
And winter comes quickly in Kosovo. Clinton pleaded for the allies to"
stay focused and patient." But there are not many months left for the air campa
ign or the diplomacy to work in time for ethnic Albanians to be shepherded home
to their charred villages before the autumn snows turn the battered province i
nto a frigid moonscape. So too does the inflexible logic of winter force NATO t
o confront whether ground troops even remain a live option. As a State Departme
nt official noted, there's a lot of motion going on, but not a lot of change.
<B><I>--With reporting by Massimo Calabresi/Vienna, James Graff/Brussel
S, Thomas Sancton/Paris, Jan Stojaspal/Tirana and Douglas Waller/Washington</I>
TOWER OF BABEL
</B><P> The question of using ground troops brings out the hidden disagreem
ents inside NATO
Germany Chancellor Schroder calls ground troops "unthinkable" and pledg
es to block any NATO combat on land
U.S. Last week President Clinton said the "option" of using ground troo
ps remained open, but he still stands opposed
Britain Prime Minister Blair has been NATO's lone voice calling on the
alliance to prepare to invade Yugoslavia
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<P>International Herald Tribune<BR>
May 26, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Is Serb Economy The True Target?
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Raids Seem Aimed at Bolstering Resistance to Milosevi
c
</B></I></FONT><P>By Joseph Fitchett, International Herald Tribune
PARIS - Although NATO spokesmen deny it, military experts believe the a
lliance is hoping to intensify domestic opposition to President Slobodan Milose
vic by using its air strikes to damage the Serbian economy.
NATO has repeatedly said that it is not waging war on the Serbian peopl
e and planners have gone to great lengths in attempting to minimize civilian ca
sualties. In practice, however, allied commanders have steadily widened their 1
ist of economic targets in a bid to raise the war's toll for Serbia.
Increasingly, the impact of NATO air strikes has put people out of work
and inflicted hardships in the daily lives of more Serbs. Allied bombing this
week went further than ever in this direction by causing water shortages in Bel
grade, Novi Sad and other Serbian cities.
Denials came quickly that the alliance was deliberately trying to depri
ve Serbs of drinking water. NATO was simply hitting power grids, allied spokesm
en said. But the effect was to shut down businesses, strain hospitals' ability
to function and cut off water because pumping stations were paralyzed by the la
ck of electricity.
"From the outset, it's been obvious that NATO's targeting included an
economic dimension when you define as legitimate targets such dual-use faciliti
es as car-making plants and urban power plants," according to a British strate
gic specialist who asked not to be named because of his government contracts. T
he car factory in Belgrade was hit early in the air war and other plants have f
ollowed in various cities.
Economic warfare remains a divisive option for the 19-nation Western al
liance, which has a consensus that air strikes can only target military or dual
-use targets with a bona fide military role. The car plant, for example, allege
dly made tank parts, too.
"There is no real interest in moving away from the consensus," an off
icial at NATO headquarters said Tuesday, noting the lack of real effort to fulf
ill an alliance threat to hammer business interests belonging to cronies of Mr.
Milosevic in an effort to jolt them into ending the war. Other officials rated
as unlikely the U.S. intelligence intention, reported in Washington, to penetr
ate Serbian leaders' bank accounts electronically and pilfer their assets. "We
just don't know enough for such fine-tuned operations," a U.S. official said.
But the broader economic offensive, within its limits, has gained groun
d. Allied governments were going through the final phase at NATO headquarters T
uesday of agreeing to a plan for NATO warships to curb oil supplies to Serbia b
y searching private shipping from those Western nations that have agreed to an
embargo against Belgrade.
This falls short of an initial U.S.-backed call for a blockade in which
the alliance would board any suspect tanker, but the plan, intensely debated S
ince the NATO summit meeting in Washington last month, will now apply only to W
estern shipping. Nonetheless it will tighten the economic screws by creating co
mplications, including higher insurance premiums, for tankers under flags of co
nvenience.
Even sticking to the dual-use guidelines, NATO attacks have gradually d
evastated Serbia's economic infrastructure, specialists said, citing the destru
ction of bridges and rail systems, communications and administrative facilities
, heavy manufacturing and refining capabilities.
"With fuel so tight, the army can still requisition supplies, but civi
lian activities must have been radically curtailed by the rationing that the Se
rb authorities instituted a month ago and then had to lower the ceilings twice
since then," said Helmut Sonnenfeldt, an expert at the Brookings Institution,
a think tank in Washington.
A NATO official said that "we see one-third of the normal bus service
in Belgrade, very long lines at stations, reduction to agricultural support, re
ports of black market attempts across the Romanian and Bulgarian borders and ot
her things like that as Serbia scrambles to meet fuel requirements."
Western officials said that they had no meaningful numbers about the ex
tent of damage sustained by Serbia, but they insisted that the impact was real
and, inevitably in a way, mainly psychological so far.
In this sense, NATO's self-imposed restrictions against civilian casual
ties could turn out to be an advantage in compelling Belgrade to bow to domesti
c criticism and change policy. Traditionally, strategic bombing to break a nati
on's resistance has usually backfired, hitting civilians just enough to anger t
hem at their attacker or else hitting them so hard that they have to struggle f
or survival and are too stunned to revolt against their leaders, according to R
obert Pape, author of "Bombing to Win."
NATO's bombing has solidified support among Serbs for Mr. Milosevic so
far, but U.S. officials said that now dissidence was starting to appear as the
nonlethal economic war produced a steadily bleaker outlook in Serbia.
While Belgrade's media monopoly means that Serbian forces' fate in Koso
vo only filters back by word of mouth, Serbia's vulnerability is brought home t
o ordinary people when NATO air strikes cripple daily life. Enhancing this "de
monstration effect," NATO has sought to underline Serbia's technical vulnerabi
lity by unsheathing especially sophisticated weapons, including so-called soft
bombs. These previously undisclosed special munitions, dropped from F-117 steal
th fighters, release clouds of graphite filaments that short-circuit power grid
S and instantly black out cities.
The damage can be repaired, but with growing difficulty if these compar
atively cheap raids are repeated. Serbs could find winter harsh with continuing
power shortages.
Seen in this light, NATO strategy has "quite a considerable economic e
lement," according to Mr. Sonnenfeldt, who emphasized the potential long-run i
mpact of devastating the civil infrastructure that will have to be rebuilt by p
ostwar Serbia. A German official agreed, explaining that "no nongovernmental h
umanitarian agency has the kind of money that will be needed to rebuild bridges
or even dredge the wrecks out of the Danube."
Serbia's economic weakness could therefore provide major leverage for W
estern countries. Foreign investment, which would be crucial for Serbia's futur
e growth, seems unlikely to be forthcoming if Mr. Milosevic manages to stay in
power after a Kosovo settlement.
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Kosovo Crisis Strains Already Struggling Albania
</B></FONT><P>By Anthony DePalma
TIRANA, Albania As spooky reminders of a dark, suspicious, past, mor
e than 500,000 Communist-era bunkers still poke through the ground throughout A
Ibania.
The mushroom-shaped pillboxes were built in the 1970s as a defense agai
nst foreign invasion. And some of them are finally being used -- as protective
barriers around the NATO encampments that have been welcomed here during the ca
mpaign against Yugoslavia.
The bunkers were once symbols of Albania's isolation and paranoia, but
they had been reduced to mere curiosities, with cheap marble replicas sold in t
ourist shops.
The transformation from communist outpost to a member of the European c
ommunity of nations has not been easy. Albania remains Europe's poorest country
and has suffered through one crisis after another.
With its economy demolished and many of its roads and public buildings
crumbling, the country slid into anarchy in 1997 following the collapse of a gi
gantic pyramid scheme in which huge numbers of Albanians had invested.
And now there is a new crisis. Since March 24, more than half a million
Kosovo refugees have flooded in, increasing Albania's population by 15 percent
and placing enormous strain on its resources.
"Everyone thought that Albania had reached bottom two years ago," said
Piro Misha, a leading Albanian political scientist. "But now we are realizing t
hat the bottom was actually much, much deeper."
Government officials estimate that its cost for the refugee crisis so f
ar exceeds $150 million, an enormous amount in a country where the average mont
hly salary of a government worker is $71. With a war nearby and the government
preoccupied, international commercial trade and privatization have ground to a
halt, and budding private investments have dried up.
But the crisis is also exacting a great price on Albania's fragile poli
tical system. The center-left government of Prime Minister Pandeli Majko has be
en roundly criticized by nationalist opposition forces for handing over control
of Albania's air space and military bases to NATO.
The government, elected last October with a reputation for not abiding
corruption, has openly sided with the separatist Albanian rebel group from Koso
vo, the Kosovo Liberation Army, and allows it to operate freely in Albania. Yug
oslavia has retaliated with incursions across the northern border.
The newspapers are filled with rumors that the political factions that
attempted a coup last September will try again.
"This government is so weak it could be overthrown by 200 people," said
Fatos Lubonja, a prominent intellectual who spent 17 years as a political pris
oner. But, he said, "If there is any stability here, it derives from the fact t
hat there is no better alternative than the government we have now."
During Albania's 50 years of communism, totalitarian control was more c
omplete than in other communist state. "Albania was isolated for so long that i
t was left without immunization to corruption, political manipulation and the e
xcesses of the open market," said Misha, the political analyst.
Unlike in other communist countries, no dissident movement emerged, and
after the collapse all the new parties were composed of disguised Communists.
Former President Sali Berisha, whose government fell after the pyramid
disaster, is believed to have been behind last September's attempted coup, and
analysts say he could try again at any sign of instability in Tirana.
There is an expectation here that the West will ante up substantial amo
unts of aid to help Albania and the entire Balkans region rebuild after the con
flict in Kosovo ends. Such an effort, like the Marshall Plan for Europe after W
orld War II, is seen as especially important to Albania because it could provid
e money and guidance for building democratic government structures.
"If the West is serious about stability in the Balkans, it will have to
get serious about stability in Albania," said Erin Saberi, an independent poli
tical consultant and former director of the Albanian office of the nonprofit Na
tional Democratic Institute for International Affairs, which is based in Washin
gton. "There are signs that the West does see Albania as important, but there a
Iso are signs that it is still seen as a small, irrelevant, wild outpost."
The primary concern about pouring aid into Albania would be to ensure t
hat in a place known for criminal activity and corruption, the money would not
be siphoned off.
"Corruption is so widespread here that people think this is a normal pa
rt of life," said Lubonja, the former political prisoner. In a survey conducted
for the World Bank last year, 40 percent of respondents here said it was neces
sary to bribe officials to get health care. And a recent study by the Albanian
Center on Economic research found that the majority of companies spent more tha
n 5 percent of revenues on corruption.
But it is not just payoffs and bribes. Every apartment building has a f
ield of satellite television dishes, but nobody pays fees for the signals. Wate
r and electricity bills routinely go unpaid.
Stolen luxury cars are sold openly, and markets across Albania carry ch
eap knock-offs of brand names, such as Panper's diapers, with packages made to
resemble those of Pampers, and Cola-Cola bottles that are hard to tell from Coc
a-Cola.
When the pyramid schemes collapsed, images of Albanian mobs armed with
automatic rifles stolen from state armories were seen around the world.
But the country's unconditional acceptance of Kosovo Albanian refugees
is softening that image. In contrast, neighboring Macedonia has repeatedly clos
ed its border with Kosovo and threatened to ship out the refugees because the g
overnment fears their presence will disturb the country's delicate ethnic balan
ce.
Albania is one of the newest countries in Europe -- it emerged from 400
years of Turkish rule in 1912 -- but its people are among the oldest. Albanian
S are descendants of the ancient Ilyrians, here before the Roman conquest.
The Albanian-speaking Muslims of Kosovo share a common language and sub
stantial cultural bonds with the 3.3 million people of Albania. But after two m
onths, some of the initial generosity and brotherhood have started to fade.
Six weeks ago, Ermal Shllaku, an unemployed 29-year-old miner in the no
rthern city of Kukes, took in Gani Berisha and his family when they arrived, pe
nniless, from Kosovo. Fourteen people now live in Shllaku's two-room apartment.
He has not charged Berisha rent, but he knows that other Albanians have
demanded up to $700 a month. "We Albanians want to get rich in an instant," he
said.
Ilber Shaku, a plumbing inspector in Kukes, sees nothing wrong with cha
rging refugees rent, although he does not do so himself.
"People here had almost nothing," he said. "This is a chance to make mo
ney. But if you look at all of Albania, everyone steals, from the government on
down. So really, this is nothing."
Albania is a small country, accustomed to living with big powers. Italy
occupied it in 1939, then German forces in 1943. Communists seized power in 19
44, but in 1968, it broke with the Soviet Union and turned to China. In 1972, A
Ibania severed ties with China and withdrew into almost total isolation.
Now it has applied for membership to the World Trade Organization, and
the great majority of Albanians fully support NATO and want the alliance to rem
ain after the Kosovo conflict ends.
For many of them, accepting another power, personified in ordinary conv
ersation as "Boba" -- or father -- Clinton, is not a threat but a chance to set
things straight.
"The image of Albania in the world is of poverty, corruption and illega
lity," Misha said. "We want to create something different but we know that we n
eed some help to make the change."
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<P>New York Times<BR>
May 26, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Civil Action Accuses Yugoslavs Of War Crimes
</B></FONT><P>By Raymond Bonner
WASHINGTON -- Two Kosovar Albanians filed a lawsuit Tuesday in a U.S. D
istrict Court charging President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia, his wife and
senior members of his government with genocide and other war crimes.
In their civil action filed in Boston, the plaintiffs say that as part
of a "deliberate campaign of 'ethnic cleansing' the defendants, including Zel
jko Raznjatovic, the paramilitary commander known as Arkan, violated laws of th
e United States as well as international law.
A lawyer involved in the case, Paul Williams, said the lawsuit was inte
nded in part "to send a message" to the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia, sitting in the Hague, that it was possible, and relatively
easy, to lay out a case against Milosevic.
"You don't need all these highly sophisticated intelligence intercepts,
" said Williams, a former State Department lawyer and now a professor of law at
American University.
Under pressure from the NATO countries since the bombing began, the war
crimes tribunal has been gathering evidence against Milosevic and it is widely
assumed that it will hand down an indictment of Milosevic in the next few week
S.
The State Department had no comment on the lawsuit.
A lawyer for the plaintiffs, Abram Chayes, said that he did not expect
Milosevic or any of the other defendants to appear to present their side of the
case or answer the charges.
"My expectation is we will get a default judgment," Chayes said. The ch
allenge then would be to find assets belonging to the defendants to be used to
satisfy any monetary award the court might make.
The legal basis for the lawsuit is found in a law passed more than 200
years ago, the Alien Tort Claims Act, which was intended to punish piracy on th
e high seas.
The act was invoked in 1980 against a foreigner when the family of a ma
n tortured to death in Paraguay successfully sued a Paraguayan police inspector
In recent years there has been a proliferation of similar suits, among
them actions against the Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos as well as agains
t an Argentine general and an Ethiopian military commander.
The wartime leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadzic, was charged
with war crimes and genocide in a lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court in Manha
ttan in 1993. He initially asked a lawyer to appear on his behalf to contest th
e court's jurisdiction but Karadzic has since declined to participate, and the
case is now in fact-finding stages.
The lawsuit against Milosevic and the others does not identify the Koso
var plaintiffs by name, in order to protect their family members, who are still
in the region, from retaliation, their lawyers said.
One of the plaintiffs is described as a 32-year-old Yugoslav citizen wh
o has been granted political asylum in the United States.
The lawsuit says that on March 27, Serbian policemen wearing blue unifo
rms and masks, along with members of the "White Tigers," the paramilitary unit
headed by Arkan, burst into the family house in the city of Pec, and ordered ev
eryone outside.
They separated the men from the women and then shot the plaintiff's 30-
year old brother, 64-year-old uncle and 22-year-old cousin on the front lawn, t
he complaint says.
The plaintiff's parents, sister and sister-in-law were forced to watch,
according to the complaint.
The second plaintiff is identified as a man, 47, who fled Yugoslavia in
1972 and was granted political asylum in the United States.
On the same day, in the same village, Serbian policemen and members of
Arkan's paramilitary unit killed the second plaintiff's 79-year-old father, the
lawsuit says.
The plaintiff's mother recognized one of the policemen as a neighbor, t
he lawsuit says and she, along with her other sons and a daughter-in-law were f
orced to flee to Albania. The family's home and motel, built near hot springs,
were destroyed.
The defendants include the foreign minister, the minister of informatio
n, a former Yugoslav diplomat in Washington who is now spokesman for the foreig
n ministry, the chief of staff of the Yugoslav army and several military and po
lice commanders.
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<P>London Daily Telegraph<BR>
May 26, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>On The March With KLA's Rag-Tag Band Of Rebels
</B></FONT><P>By Michael Smith
<P>AS the KLA commander got out of the small four-wheel-drive vehicle to talk t
o one of his "sergeants" on the border between Albania and Kosovo, two Serbian
shells landed within a few yards of the frontline position.
<P>"This is one big racket," he said. "The Serbs are really hitting us heavy. T
hey attacked a supply column that was taking ammunition to Ramush, the commande
r of this whole region. We still don't know how many are dead."
<P>The photographer Paul Grover and I had joined the convoy last Friday north o
f Papaj, the Kosovo Liberation Army's main base in northern Albania. We were to
be guided by a team of eight black-uniformed KLA special forces "sergeants" be
hind the Serb lines, to the main command post of Ramush Haradinaj, the commande
r in western Kosovo. The group was to travel by night and hide by day, reaching
Ramush's command post, 30 miles deep inside Kosovo, within two, maybe three da
ys.
<P>It started off well, assisted by pack horses which carried the heavy rucksac
ks for much of the trek up the mountains. But once the horses left and the KLA
men had to carry the supplies themselves, the group began to run into trouble.
While most of the guerrillas appeared to be fit, experienced soldiers, around a
dozen recruits had had only a few weeks' training and were clearly neither fit
nor properly disciplined.
<P>There were breaks in the forced march up the mountains every 10 minutes. But
many of the youths were stopping after five. Faced with this difficulty, the g
roup commander, one of the eight special forces men, adapted his schedule. As a
result, the first night was spent up on the mountains in the bitter cold with
only two small tents for more than 70 men.
<P>Most huddled around camp fires, the smoke giving the Serbs the first sign th
at something was happening. The second was the discarded wrappings and tins fro
m the night's rations, a sight that would have sent a British infantry sergeant
into a blue fit. "Never leave anything behind you" is an order drummed into ev
ery British Army recruit. Dig a hole and bury your rubbish rather than let the
enemy know you were there.
<P>Many members of the supply column had experience not just of several mission
S "inside" but also from their time as conscripts in the Yugoslav Army.
<P>Apollon was typical. Like most of the column he came from Gjakova in souther
n Kosovo and his aim was to go back to liberate the town. "It is where I come f
rom, where I belong," he said. "If I die there, at least I die in my home."
<P>Next evening the column started out again. Tonight it was to enter Kosovo.
Stay in line," the commander ordered. "If we stop, you crouch down, but you sti
11 stay in line. You keep quiet." The column seemed to heed the advice. It move
d through woodland, up into Kosovo. But then a recce party came back. There wer
e too many Serbs ahead. It was impossible to get through. The group would have
to climb much higher through the forests to cross the border elsewhere. A secon
d night was to be spent in the open with only flimsy sleeping bags for protecti
on.
<P>The next morning, under pressure to deliver the much-needed supplies to Ramu
sh, the commander made a major tactical error. He abandoned the decision to tra
vel only at night. The column climbed up a long gorge, with the mountains on th
e northern side marking the border with Kosovo. It was then that one of the ser
geants saw the Serb observation post, high up in the mountains, watching the CO
lumn's every move. "Never mind, we go on," the commander insisted.
<P>Concerns over what the Serbs were doing were temporarily swept away by a fla
sh storm, with driving rain coming at an angle into the path of the column. Dem
oralised by the drenching they were getting, the guerrillas made their way to S
ome shepherds' huts where they were to stay until dark and the final move over
the top into Kosovo. That was to be a long slog up to 7,000ft, helped again by
pack horses, but with some of the newer recruits dragging behind and stopping f
or ever more frequent breaks.
<P>The pack horses left just 200 yards from the border. The final ascent was up
a steep snow-covered slope. Faced with having to lug a 50lb load up there, one
of the recruits from Gjakova became hysterical. The commander shouted that he
would shoot him if he did not shut up. "I don't care," the recruit said. "I wou
Id rather die from your bullets than from the cold."
<P>Not only had the shouting match ensured the Serbs' attention but the treatme
nt of the recruit had incensed the rest of the Gjakova youths. There was a near
mutiny and for more than an hour the column waited there, one part of the grou
p wanting to get into Kosovo then and there, the other insisting that they were
close to exhaustion and anyway the Serbs must now be waiting.
<P>Eventually the commander gave up and allowed them to dump the supplies, cove
red in ground sheets, and to return to the shepherds' huts.
<P>By now the column was out of control, plunging helter-skelter down the gorge
into the darkness, leaving it split and with many of the guerrillas in danger
of becoming lost on the mountain. The torchlights on the Yugoslav side of the m
ountains were threatening. The Serbs shouted insults as they counted the number
S of soldiers dashing down into the gorge.
<P>Next morning I said we had to leave as pack horses arrived with cakes and so
ft drinks for the soldiers, the equivalent of a Naafi wagon. There were embrace
S from some of our new-found friends, with a promise that we would all meet aga
in in Gjakove when it was liberated.
<P>Barely an hour later a series of mortar grenades was fired at the shepherds'
huts. It was a softening up process, scarcely needed, which left two KLA men S
eriously wounded. As twilight fell and the commander gathered his men to enter
Kosovo, a Yugoslav infantry unit attacked.
<P>Quite what happened and how many died is impossible to tell. It seems that t
he Gjakova reunion may be off.
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<P>Baltimore Sun<BR>
May 25, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>NATO Sees Signs Milosevic Is 'Cracking' Under Attacks
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Secretary-general says NATO airstrike strategy works,
shouldn't change
</B></I></FONT><P>From Wire Reports
<P> BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- As air attacks entered their third month, NATO
pounded power plants and airfields yesterday, and its leader said there were si
gns that Yugoslavia's President Slobodan Milosevic was "cracking" after two mon
ths of airstrikes.
Air raid sirens sounded after sundown in Yugoslavia's three largest cit
ies -- Belgrade, Novi Sad and Nis -- and elsewhere.
Ten strong explosions rocked Novi Sad near a refinery and power station
, and four missiles fired by NATO jets struck civilian targets around Glogovac,
15 miles southwest of Kosovo's provincial capital, Pristina, the state-run Tan
jug news agency reported.
The private Beta news agency reported an attack late yesterday on Nis b
ut provided no details, except to say a "big flash" could be seen on the city's
horizon.
Belgrade was down to its last 10 percent of water reserves because of d
amaged pumping stations and a power outage, media reported.
Two missiles targeted the Kostolac power plant, 20 miles east of Belgra
de, yesterday.
A Serb media report claimed 100 people were killed in strikes Friday an
d Sunday on a prison in Istok in northwestern Kosovo.
There was no independent confirmation of the Radio Belgrade report; ear
lier, 19 had been reported killed.
At NATO headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, Secretary-General Javier Sol
ana said Milosevic's international isolation and increasing internal dissent st
rengthened Solana's conviction that NATO should stick with the air campaign ins
tead of considering a ground invasion.
"We want to maintain the strategy at this very moment which is producin
g results rapidly," Solana said.
German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping said the air campaign was prov
ing successful and NATO should keep open the option of stepping it up.
"I think we must have this possibility to escalate the military action
in order to reach a political settlement," he told reporters.
"The air campaign is successful and if we are a little bit more patient
we will reach our objectives, I'm sure."
Solana insisted NATO unity remained strong despite British calls to sen
d in ground troops if necessary, and said Milosevic "is cracking. No question a
bout it."
While Milosevic's power remains unchallenged, there were new reports of
war protests.
Two opposition parties urged Milosevic to strike a deal over Kosovo to
end the bombing, while an independent newspaper reported thousands of people ha
d demonstrated in three towns to demand the withdrawal of reservists from the S
trife-torn southern province.
And police in Cacak detained three leaders of an anti-war movement in t
he central Serbian town for questioning, according to the Montena-fax news agen
cy in Yugoslavia's junior republic, Montenegro.
On the diplomatic front, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott was t
o leave Washington yesterday for Moscow and a new round of talks with Viktor S.
Chernomyrdin, Russia's special envoy on the Balkans.
Talbott returned from Moscow late last week after meeting with Chernomy
rdin, who had held talks in Belgrade with Milosevic.
"These have been very constructive talks," White House Press Secretary
Joe Lockhart said of last week's diplomatic efforts, which also involved Finnis
h President Martti Ahtisaari.
"There is no particular breakthrough, but we continue to work with Mr.
Chernomyrdin and President Ahtisaari to find a way to meet the NATO conditions"
to end the conflict, Lockhart said.
In Albania yesterday, NATO Supreme Commander Gen. Wesley K. Clark said
his forces still have the option of using the Army's Apache attack helicopters
in Kosovo, despite signs the plan has been shelved.
In a visit to Task Force Hawk, an American base established seven weeks
ago, Clark shrugged off suggestions that remarks by President Clinton last wee
k had squashed prospects of the low-flying tank-killers seeing action against t
he Serbs.
"That's a decision that has to be made," Clark said.
"We've said they'll be used at a time and place that's appropriate and
of our own choosing, and I think that's how you have to look at it."
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<P>London Daily Telegraph<BR>
May 25, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Defence Cuts Leave Army Short Of Troops
</B></FONT><P>By Tim Butcher, Defence Correspondent
ARMY manpower shortages caused by badly planned defence cuts at the e
nd of the Cold War are causing significant problems for Ministry of Defence pla
nners preparing British troop deployments to the Balkans.
As senior officers struggle with a shortfall of 5,000 troops, or five
per cent of the Army, manning problems have dogged every stage of the Kosovo cr
isis and promise to limit commitments if a ground war develops. The problems ar
e causing the Army to scrutinise deployments in Cyprus, Bosnia, Northern Irelan
d and the Falklands to see if any of them can be reduced to free soldiers for K
osovo.
In December, when Britain sent an armoured infantry company to Macedon
ia from the King's Own Royal Border Regiment, it was so understaffed that it ha
d to be augmented from other regiments. There were similar problems in February
when the main infantry component of Britain's lead battle group, elements of t
he 1st Battalion Irish Guards, had to be supplemented with troops from the Gree
n Howards.
Now the 1st Battalion Parachute Regiment, which is earmarked for deplo
yment in Kosovo, is more than 120 men short, and needs a boost of an entire com
pany of soldiers from outside the Paras. Critics have blamed the manning proble
ms on the cuts to the Territorial Army announced by the Government last year as
part of its Strategic Defence Review. But most observers accept that the TA re
forms only exacerbated an existing problem dating from the end of the Cold War
when the Tory government took too large a peace dividend by cutting the Army by
about a third.
The Conservatives put great emphasis on the fighting effectiveness of
the Armed Forces being maintained, even calling one round of reforms Frontline
First - arguing that the cuts would have a minimal effect on the front line. Bu
t while Britain was able to deploy a full armoured division of around 30,000 gr
ound troops to the Gulf in 1990 it is now accepted that a similar deployment wo
uld no longer be possible.
George Robertson, the Defence Secretary, has overseen a number of init
iatives since Labour came to power in 1997 to improve recruitment, retention an
d resettlement in the Army. Those have been largely successful, but it takes ti
me to reverse the manning problems caused in the early 1990s and Mr Robertson a
dmitted that the additional deployments to Kosovo would not be painless.
"There will be substantial strain," he said. "But, at the same time, t
he Army is there for operations and it has never been more necessary than it is
today." For years senior officers have been saying the Army can bear no additi
onal deployments because of a 5,000 shortfall in its trained strength, which is
meant to be about 105,000.
The planning assumption on which the Strategic Defence Review was made
last year was that no additional operational commitments would be made. It was
this promise that led the Armed Forces to accept the 600 million-a-year cuts i
n defence spending. It has now been breached as Britain commits more and more t
roops to Kosovo. At present 5,600 British troops are in Macedonia and about 120
are in Albania. By the end of the month the total in Macedonia should rise to
6,200 with an additional 2,300 committed to the region - though held back in Br
itain on reduced notice to move.
At a time when British troops are potentially about to go into combat,
no defence sources want to be seen to criticise the operation. But Bruce Georg
e, the chairman of the Commons Defence Select Committee, said manning problems
would need delicate handling by MoD planners. He also promised that the subject
would be looked into by the committee when it holds an inquiry into the Kosovo
crisis, as it does whenever British troops are in a combat situation. He said:
"We will have to meet our self-imposed commitments but it may need some creati
vity and adjustments."
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<P>Washington Times<BR>
May 25, 1999<BR>
Pg. 14
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Bombing Utilities Could Backfire, Experts Warn
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>NATO tactics may harden Serbian citizens' resolve
</B></I></FONT><P>By Rowan Scarborough, The Washington Times
NATO's new bombing strategy to cut off electric power and water carries
the risk of hardening defiance among average Serbs who blame their troubles on
the alliance, not their political leaders, say military experts.
U.S. and allied jets this weekend took Operation Allied Force to a
new level of intensity that directly inflicted hardship on civilians. Bombs sm
ashed power stations in Belgrade, Novi Sad and other Yugoslav cities, and, acco
rding to state-run news services, also blasted water-pumping facilities.
It is NATO's biggest gamble since bombs started falling March 24. Th
e West hopes that Serbs, seeing hospitals and businesses without water and elec
tricity, will turn their wrath on Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. But t
he strategy could backfire, air-power experts warn, just when Belgrade seemed t
o be inching toward a peace deal.
Karl Mueller, a teacher at the Air Force's School of Advanced Air
Power Studies, recently delivered a briefing on the campaign to Checkmate, a un
it within the Air Force staff that maps strategies.
"Attacks on electric power may have value for temporarily disrupting
air defenses and communications, but will mainly serve to damage the economy,"
Mr. Mueller wrote.
"It is not at all clear that this is a goal worth pursuing because d
amage to electric power has very serious collateral-damage effects due to its i
mpact on medical care, sanitation and other essential services for civilians.
Whether this will make such attacks worthwhile in light of the costs is V
ery questionable."
James Anderson, a former Marine officer and analyst at the Heritage
Foundation, said that by destroying power transformers, NATO risks losing the m
oral high ground it has sought by avoiding civilian targets.
"Knocking out power grids for the entire population is not particula
rly precise or discriminate," Mr. Anderson said. "NATO will lose whatever it
gained previously with its promise to be discriminate.
"If history is any guide," he added, "the likelihood is that Serbs a
re going to blame NATO more than they blame Milosevic."
Stephen Larrabee, a military analyst at the Rand Corp., said that un
til NATO puts an invasion force on the Kosovo border, he sees no sign that bomb
ing electrical plants will force Mr. Milosevic to give in.
"From his perspective," he said, "time is running out on the NATO al
liance, given the fact they've got to get the refugees back in by winter. And S
econdly, I don't think you can sustain the bombing for two more months. I don'
t think there's enough support from within the alliance."
Mr. Larrabee said the strikes may well be degrading Serbian forces
in Kosovo, as NATO says, but "it's a race against time, and in lots of way he h
as more time."
<P>
Retired and active-duty officers have roundly criticized the 2-month
-old air campaign for several reasons, chief among them that air strikes alone
will not guarantee victory. Officers also have criticized the small size of th
e original target list, as the alliance's political leaders hoped a few days of
bombing would convince Mr. Milosevic to bend.
Now, however, some experts wonder whether taking the air war to the
ultimate level by destroying electricity and water supplies is the proper route
"It's hard to make the connection how this gets at the forces in Kos
ovo," Mr. Larrabee said.
Serbian media reported yesterday that NATO bombs destroyed several W
ater-pumping stations, the Associated Press says. NATO officials in Brussels d
enied this, saying the pumps were not working because they have been denied ele
ctricity.
"We have not targeted - and I think we've been very clear about that
- the power plants per se," said NATO spokesman Peter Daniel. "We have target
ed the transformers and the edges, so to speak, of the electricity-generating S
ystem. And it is mainly to cause difficulties to the military complex in the Fe
deral Republic of Yugoslavia."
Mr. Anderson said that if NATO had planned all along to turn out th
e lights in Belgrade, the attacks should have come in the first days of bombing
"The fact is, coming in the second month will diminish the impact of
the shock value because it appears the Serbs have been making all sorts of pre
parations - storing water and candles and all the rest," he said. "They have h
ad time to psychologically prepare for things of this nature."
Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon defended the campaign's gradual bui
Idup.
"The goal of the NATO campaign was not to crush Yugoslavia," he said
*
"It was to degrade their force enough so that they would go to the negotiatin
g table. And some members of NATO said, in order to do that, you don't have to
go in and on the first few days of the campaign demolish the country, because t
hat's not the goal."
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<P>St. Louis Post-Dispatch<BR>
May 25, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Yugoslavia Falls Well Short In Meeting NATO Conditions To St
op The Conflict
</B></FONT><P>By Harry Levins, Post-Dispatch Senior Writer
NATO has insisted on five conditions for ending its conflict with Yuglosl
avia. Here are those five conditions - and a scorecard of how much progress has
been made on each.
1. Yugoslavia must end the violence against the Albanian Kosovars.
<P>
The ethnic cleansing of Albanians has abated somewhat - but only because
so few Kosvars remain on hand to be cleansed.
Even after NATO bombs started falling on March 24, more than 800,000 peop
le have left Kosovo, the United Nations says. Perhaps 600,000 of the Kosovars S
till inside their homeland have been pushed from their homes and villages.
Many of those still trickling into Albania and Macedonia are bearing horr
or stories of abuse and atrocities.
And even before the bombing began, 100,000 of the 1.8 million Albanian Ko
sovars had sought asylum in European countries.
2. Yugoslavia must pull its 40,000 soldiers and paramilitary police offic
ers from Kosovo.
Despite some reports of desertions among Yugoslavian soldiers in Kosovo,
The New York Times reported Monday that Yugoslavia was sending reinforcements t
o dig in along Kosovo's border with Albania.
The Times quotes a NATO spokesman, German Maj. Gen. Walter Jertz, as sayi
ng, "We have seen no sign of withdrawal."
In recent weeks, NATO has turned much of its bombing effort away from Yug
oslavia's major cities and onto the Yugoslav forces in Kosovo. The aim is to ki
II as many soldiers as possible and chase the rest out.
In a phone interview from the Department of Defense on Monday, Air Force
Capt. Sandra Allen said that through Sunday, NATO's planes had destroyed 550 pi
eces of "major equipment" - tanks, artillery pieces and trucks - in Kosovo.
She said that number represented a third of the total on hand there. Nobo
dy in NATO has numbers on how many Yugoslavian soldiers have been killed or wou
nded, and the Yugoslavs aren't saying.
The scale of the bombing is impressive. On Monday, NATO's strike force we
Icomed its 1,000th warplane, triple the fleet on hand when the air war began. O
ver Kosovo and Serbia proper, the planes have flown more than 25,000 sorties an
d loosed more than 15,000 bombs and missiles.
The Air Force's Allen said NATO had destroyed 100 Yugoslav military aircr
aft (half the Yugoslav air force), three-quarters of the fixed sites for anti-a
ircraft missiles and half the ammunition storage depots, among other targets.
But the bombing has failed to oust the Yugoslavs from Serbia - and NATO h
as refused to countenance a ground invasion to that end.
3. Yugoslavia must allow the Albanian Kosovars to return to their homes.
Today, the Kosovar refugees are scattered in 31 countries, in numbers lar
ge (430,000 in Albania, 237,600 in Macedonia) and small (70 in Iceland, 41 in R
omania).
Refugee workers fret that time is running out to get the Kosovars back in
to repaired homes before winter, which comes as early as October to the high CO
untry of Kosovo.
At this point, the Yugoslavs show no sign of either opening Kosovo to the
refugees or ceding it to NATO bombing.
4. Yugoslavia must permit an international military force to supervise th
e return.
At first, NATO said this force would be all-NATO. Yugoslavia balked, call
ing any such force an affront to its sovereignty.
Since then, NATO has backed off a bit. In more recent statements, NATO's
leaders have said they'd be open to a force that included outside soldiers-from
Russia, say, or even from China.
Even so, NATO says, its own military muscle would be at the core of the f
orce, and NATO would have the final say.
Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic is holding out for command to go to
the United Nations, which NATO bypassed when it started the bombing. Also, Mil
osevic wants some sort of armed Yugoslav presence inside Kosovo.
The Albanian Kosovars are leery about returning behind any soldiers but N
ATO's. They fear that U.N. control would be a muddled affair, with the Yugoslav
S pouring through loopholes.
There is behind-the-scenes diplomacy on this question, with much to-and-f
ro-ing between Belgrade and Moscow by Russian envoy Viktor Chernomyrdin. But hi
S efforts have been as fruitless as the bombing.
5. Yugoslavia must start restoring the autonomy that Kosovo enjoyed from
1974 to 1989.
Kosovo is a province within a republic (Serbia) within a nation (Yugoslav
ia). For an American parallel, think of a county within a state within the Unit
ed States.
When Kosovo had autonomy from 1974 to 1989, the province enjoyed somethin
g close to home rule. It could enact its own domestic laws, for example, and ru
n its own courts. Given that Albanian Kosovars made up 90 percent of the popula
tion, autonomy had a distinctly Albanian accent.
But Kosovar is sacred soil to the Serbs. It houses their holy places - an
cient Orthodox Christian monasteries and seminaries - and holds the site of the
Serbs' national legend, the loss of the Battle of Kosovo to the invading Ottom
an Turks in 1389.
To Serbs, Kosovo is what Jerusalem is to Israelis, or the Alamo to Texans
Persuading them to hand over control to the Muslim Kosovars would be tough at
best.
The Rambouillet accord that the Serbs rejected called for putting off any
final decision on Kosovo's final status until three years down the road.
Given the strong feelings let loose among Serbs and Kosovars by the bombi
ng and ethnic cleansing, a definitive answer is surely no closer now. In fact,
it's probably been moved farther down the road.
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<P>National Journal<BR>
May 22, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1404
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>The Ground-War Feint
</B></FONT><P>By James Kitfield
<P> Even as President Clinton hinted for the first time this week that sending
ground troops into Kosovo was an option, the window of opportunity for backing
up Clinton's words with action was rapidly closing. Privately, Pentagon and Adm
inistration sources expect that this window--determined by the length of time n
eeded to deploy ground troops before the onset of the Balkan winter--will shut
long before the consensus within NATO changes from the present conviction that
ground combat is simply too risky.
<P>"I and everyone else has always said that we intend to see our objectives a
chieved and that we have not and will not take any option off the table," Clin
ton said on May 18, after meeting the previous evening with senior national sec
urity advisers. According to a National Security Council source, the group disc
ussed what the ground-war options would be, should diplomacy fail despite the c
ontinued air bombardment.
<P>Yet sources say Clinton's fighting words were designed more as a signal of d
iplomatic resolve than a declaration of military intent. Yugoslav President Slo
bodan Milosevic has recently shown signs that he is looking for a deal, and the
Administration wanted to send the message that he cannot "outwait" the allia
nce.
<P>But time is not necessarily on NATO's side. Given that it would take eight t
o 12 weeks to deploy a viable ground force to the region, then more time to tra
in the troops in that terrain, the alliance must begin deployment next month at
the latest if it is to mount a successful ground invasion before the bitter Ba
Ikan winter sets in. The low clouds and deep snow typical of the region's winte
rs--which can begin as early as October--would greatly complicate a ground oper
ation and deny NATO forces their key advantage in airpower.
<P>Politically, a series of three high-level meetings, culminating on June 18 i
n Bonn, Germany, with a summit of the Group of Eight countries--seven industria
lized democracies plus Russia--represents the last realistic chance to forge an
alliance consensus behind a ground operation.
<P>"The G-8 meeting in mid-June will mark a key turning point because by that
time, it will be clear whether the current strategy of air bombardment is worki
ng, and, if not, whether a consensus exists for going to a limited ground optio
n," said Simon Serfaty, director of European Studies at the Center for Strateg
ic and International Studies in Washington. "Either way, I'm absolutely convin
ced that this bombing can't be sustained indefinitely. Given the increased civi
lian casualties, polls in the United States already show indications of a mood
shift away from support for the air campaign. The bombing has also weakened coa
lition governments in Europe, especially in Germany and Italy."
<P>Indeed, a poll by the Pew Research Center for The People & The Press doe
S show domestic support for the bombing fading from 62 percent in mid-April to
53 percent in May. On the other hand, an unusual alliance of opinion leaders an
d celebrities-- spanning the political spectrum from Bianca Jagger and Saul Bel
low to Zbigniew Brzezinski and William Kristol--joined together in an advertise
ment in the May 13 New York Times urging the Clinton Administration to send in
ground troops to save nearly one million displaced ethnic Albanians now facing
starvation and death inside Kosovo. This week's Newsweek magazine reported that
the Joint Chiefs of Staff"a few weeks ago" sent a letter to Defense Secreta
ry William S. Cohen warning that only ground troops could guarantee fulfillment
of NATO's political objectives. Three knowledgeable sources deny that the Join
t Chiefs wrote Cohen such a letter.
<P>According to The Wall Street Journal, NATO's military committee is actively
considering a plan to deploy 45,000 troops to Macedonia and Albania. Ostensibly
, these troops would be deployed to serve as a peacekeeping force in the event
of a negotiated settlement, but they could also be used to invade Kosovo after
Serb forces have been weakened enough by the bombing to mount only moderate opp
osition.
<P>Any contemplation of ground troops takes place in a tense and unhappy enviro
nment. The early decision to publicly rule out ground forces continues to divid
e opinion within the alliance. The many critics of that decision argue that pol
itically, it signaled uncertain alliance resolve, and militarily, it gave Belgr
ade more options. Instead of having to mass Serbian troops along the borders to
repel a potential NATO invasion, Milosevic was free to disperse forces for his
brutal campaign of ethnically targeted rape, murder, and pillage. And that dis
persal of troops made them harder to hit in the bombing campaign.
<P>"It's dawning on a lot of people that NATO may soon confront a choice betwe
en a ground invasion or letting 'ethnic cleansing' stand," said Dana Allin, a
research fellow with the International Institute for Strategic Studies in Londo
n. "I also fear that this moral indignation against ethnic cleansing that has
held the alliance together is a perishable commodity, and that President Clinto
n better use it to lead NATO while he can."
<P>Faced with a wave of criticism on the eve of last month's NATO summit, Clint
on Administration and alliance officials began carefully retracting their rheto
rical opposition to a ground war, insisting that no option was off the table. P
lans for a possible ground operation were being dusted off and updated, NATO of
ficials stated with much fanfare at the time, and the U.S. Army's lethal, groun
d-hugging Apache attack helicopters were sent to the Balkans.
<P>But in reality, Pentagon and NATO officials remain deeply ambivalent about a
ground-force option, with its inherent risk of more casualties and its potenti
al for escalating the conflict and even fracturing the alliance consensus behin
d the air campaign. "There is no consensus for a ground force," Cohen said la
st weekend.
<P>Indeed, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder drove that point home unequivoca
Ily this week when he issued what amounts to a public veto of a ground war. "(
We) reject the sending of ground forces," said Schroeder. "That is the German
position, supported unanimously by the German parliament. If I understand NATO
strategy correctly, that is also the present position of the alliance, and I a
m against any change in that strategy."
<P>Defense officials also concede that NATO's stated intention last month to up
date invasion plans was largely a diplomatic feint, designed to sidestep the is
sue at the NATO summit in Washington. When asked this week about the ground-war
review, the commander of the Kosovo operation, Gen. Wesley K. Clark, replied t
hat his planners had instead focused on preparing a peacekeeping plan that woul
d go into effect only after the fighting had stopped.
<P>This week also revealed a rare rift between Clark and his senior Army collea
gues in the Pentagon; it involves the use of the Apaches. Though reportedly anx
ious to employ the attack copters, which have languished in Albania for nearly
a month, Clark has not requested the necessary approval from the Pentagon for f
ear that the Army senior leadership would oppose the Apache mission as too risk
y. "The Army leadership is definitely concerned that the Apaches might be sent
in prematurely and get their asses shot off," which could reveal vulnerabilit
ies to future adversaries who might face Apaches, said a knowledgeable military
source in the Pentagon.
<P>In denying the Newsweek report that the Joint Chiefs had sent Cohen a letter
asserting that ground troops would be required for victory, one Pentagon sourc
e said: "That's not true, and it implies that the chiefs are united behind the
wisdom and need for a ground-force option, which they are not. The United Stat
es and NATO are not contemplating the possibility of defeat, but I can also tel
I you that we are not seriously contemplating the prospect of a ground-force in
vasion, either."
<P>One reason for the generals' reluctance to contemplate a ground war is that,
according to military experts, any effective invasion would need to threaten a
II of Yugoslavia, forcing Belgrade to prepare defenses in both the north and th
e south.
<P>"If you invade only south, through Kosovo, fighting entrenched Serb forces
one meter at a time even as you clear land mines, it's going to be slow and blo
ody," said Lt. Gen. Terry Scott, a veteran of the Persian Gulf War's famous Le
ft Hook flanking maneuver and now head of national security studies at Harvard
University's John F. Kennedy School of Government. "You need to threaten Belgr
ade from the north, so that Milosevic has to reposition his defensive forces an
d put troops on the roads, where they are vulnerable. I don't see how you could
position a credible force for such an operation in less than 90 days, nor can
I come up with a credible scenario that gets the ethnic Albanian Kosovars back
into their homes with a roof over their heads before winter."
<P>Nor has the Clinton Administration laid the political and diplomatic groundw
ork to prepare Congress, the NATO alliance, or the American people for a ground
-force option. The Clinton national security team may yet be proved right in th
eir view that Milosevic will succumb to air strikes alone; they also fear that
getting into a debate within NATO on ground forces would paralyze the alliance.
But, so far, the alliance's words have been notably more dramatic and determin
ed than its deeds.
<P>"From the beginning, there's been a terrible mismatch-- between our rhetori
c of Milosevic being another Hitler perpetrating genocide in the center of Euro
pe, and our goals and course of action," Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., said in an
interview. "That's a stain on our honor, because if Milosevic had to contempl
ate the threat of ground forces from the beginning, he could not have dispersed
his forces for the efficient ethnic cleansing of innocent people. As for wheth
er the NATO allies would have held together in backing us in a ground- force op
tion, I have a five-word answer: The United States must lead."
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<P>London Times<BR>
May 25, 1999
<B><U><P>Balkans War: On The Front Line
</U><FONT SIZE=5><P>Ser Soldiers Refuse To Go Back To The Front Line
</B></FONT><I><P>Troops from town that sent an army to fight the Turks do not W
ant to go to war in Kosovo, writes <B>Eve-Ann Prentice
</B></I><P> THOUSANDS of Yugoslav reserve troops have rebelled against the
Milosevic regime by refusing to return to the front from home leave, according
to reports reaching Belgrade yesterday.
Between 2,000 and 3,000 reservists from Krusevac, and 1,000 from nearby
Aleksandrovac, joined relations who were demanding an end to the fighting and
said that they would not return to Kosovo, the independent VIP newsagency said.
There were also reports of unrest in two other towns.
The reserve troops and their families are due to gather in Krusevac aga
in today when they will meet army officials who have promised to address their
grievances.
The demonstrators demanded that no more troops from the area be sent to
Kosovo, VIP reported. They said the region has sent more than its fair share o
f men, and that local officials have kept the sons of influential families out
of the fighting.
It was from Krusevac, the Serbian capital in medieval times, that King
Lazar set off to fight the Turks at Kosovo Polje in 1389, still seen by Serbs a
S a symbol of their heroism, despite his defeat.
The wave of anti-war protests began more than a week ago, but seems to
have abated from the middle of last week. The new demonstrations began on Sunda
y, according to VIP and the Montenegrin newspaper, Vijesti.
There were also reports of growing unrest in the towns of Prokuplje, ne
ar Nis, and Raska, close to the Kosovo border. General Nebojsa Pavkovic, comman
der of the Yugoslav Third Army, was due to meet protesters in Krusevac at the W
eekend, but was unable to do so because he was quelling a "minor protest" in Ra
ska, the report said.
He is said to have persuaded reservists there to go back to Kosovo. The
re was no sign of unrest in Raska when I drove through on the way from Kosovo t
o Belgrade at the weekend. However, I did see a bus and lorry carrying about 80
blank-faced soldiers heading towards Kosovo.
<P>
Raska has been badly damaged by Nato bombing and a makeshift gravel bri
dge has been built to bypass the bombed crossing of the River Ibar. The troop b
us had difficulty at a tight corner on the bomb-damaged road and we had to reve
rse to let it pass.
Neither the Government nor independent newspapers yesterday made any me
ntion of the anti-war protests.
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<P>Los Angeles Times<BR>
May 25, 1999<BR>
Pg. 4
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Lack Of Water, Power Disrupt Life In Belgrade
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Yugoslavia: Air attacks lead to prolonged outages. Re
sidents learn to cope.
</B></I></FONT><P>By Richard Boudreaux, Times Staff Writers
<P>
BELGRADE, Yugoslavia--After 2 days without water and electricity, resid
ents of a 10-story apartment complex on the edge of Belgrade descended darkened
stairwells late Monday with as many empty plastic containers as they could car
ry.
A municipal water truck, the Yugoslav and Serbian capital's latest defe
nse against NATO, had lumbered into the parking lot and opened its tap.
As children scampered in and out of the truck's cabin, adults took turn
S at the thick black hoses protruding from the back. Then they headed back upst
airs, treading carefully to avoid spilling any of their precious cargo.
This city of 2 million people was down to a few hours of water reserves
Monday in its seven reservoirs that don't require electric pumps, officials sa
id, after NATO bombs damaged pumping stations and cut electricity to the few wa
ter pumps still working.
With about a week's worth of water in the 12 reservoirs that must be pu
mped, City Hall dispatched 50 tanker trucks normally used for street cleaning t
o take water from these sources and spread it around town. The water went first
to hospitals and bakeries, then to residential areas beyond the reach of those
pipes where the water is still flowing.
Not since the North Atlantic Treaty Organization began bombing Yugoslav
ia two months ago have so many Serbs felt the war so directly for so long.
The last big blackout, three weeks ago, hit most of Serbia for about 16
hours. This one began early Saturday with attacks on a power station near Belg
rade and continued with bombings Sunday and early Monday, causing a near-contin
uous outage in more than two-thirds of Yugoslavia's dominant republic.
By Monday evening, power had been restored to about 30% of Belgrade, bu
t far fewer people had running water, according to Deputy Mayor Milan Bozic. He
said he fears that more damage in coming days could lead to prolonged water sh
ortages and disease. Radio bulletins warned Belgraders not to drink untreated W
ell water.
"I can see a small village surviving months or years in these condition
S, but in such a big city--I simply cannot imagine it," Bozic said. Referring t
o the Khmer Rouge's emptying of the Cambodian capital two decades ago, he added
: "This is not Phnom Penh. We cannot force-march everyone to the countryside."
The city's major hospitals continued to perform emergency surgery and d
eliver babies Monday with the help of emergency fuel-powered generators, but me
dical personnel had to haul water around in buckets or soft-drink bottles.
Some smaller clinics had no power until Monday afternoon. For Dr. Alexa
nder Savic, who treats 30 children for cerebral palsy, this meant those sufferi
ng epileptic seizures could not be hooked up to electronic monitors that help di
etermine what kind of medication they need. He recorded four such seizures duri
ng the blackout.
Belgraders took the disruption stoically.
Around water trucks and in the few bakeries selling bread, one couldn't
tell from most conversations that the country was under attack. People gossipe
di about their neighbors and politely lectured those who were trying to cut into
line. A woman ridiculed her husband for bringing a bucket with a hole in it to
fetch water.
.
People here complain that decade-long Western sanctions, like the bom
bing that aims to halt the crackdown on ethnic Albanians in Serbia's Kosovo pro
vince, hurt them, not Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.
"Do they really think that dying Serbs can challenge the regime?" asked
Bojan Nikolic, 34, an electrical engineer.
Around a charcoal fire in his backyard, Nenad Davinic, a 40-year-old ci
vil engineer, said the bombs were "uniting all Serbs into one hard fist that wi
11 strike back at America."
Inside the house, his 71-year-old mother, Nendelka, was staring at two
days of dirty dishes.
Her son "sounds tough, but all he does is talk," she said. "Meanwhile,
we're living like gypsies. We're living from one day to the next praying that t
his will end tomorrow. Then we want to move to America."
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<P>Christian Science Monitor<BR>
May 25, 1999<BR>
Pg. 9
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Serbs' Bunker History Helps Them Stand Up To Bombs
</B></FONT><P>By Peter Ford, Staff Writer of The Christian Science Monitor
BRUSSELS -- When a small, broke, pariah state in southeast Europe takes
on the most powerful military alliance in world history, it naturally resorts
to every ruse in its military manual.
Sometimes, military sources at NATO headquarters say, the tricks are si
mple but effective: cardboard cutouts of tanks, dummy planes, and other decoys
to fool pilots into thinking they have destroyed more than they really have.
Sometimes they are more high-tech, such as the Army command's use of st
andard cell phones to stay in touch with the troops when NATO bombs destroy the
ir radio links.
But the way the Serbian forces have ducked and dodged and held together
is a reminder that the Yugoslav military, descended from an anti-Nazi guerrill
a army, had always planned dogged resistance to the overwhelming air power of a
n invading enemy - only they expected the enemy to be the Soviets.
<P>
Serbian commanders also had plenty of time to study NATO habits in Bosn
ia, and time to hide many of their assets in the first, relatively quiet, few di
ays of the war.
"They have been very clever in their ability to conceal themselves," sa
ys a senior NATO diplomat.
That means that many Serbian weapons systems are simply hidden somewher
e and switched off, so as not to emit the electromagnetic signals that NATO pla
nes can detect.
It means that the Yugoslav Air Force has repositioned some of its plane
S near straight stretches of road that can be used as runways.
It means that ammunition has been taken out of easily identified bunker
S and stored in the woods.
It means too that Serbian soldiers are parking their tanks and artiller
y near civilian homes or mosques, knowing that NATO pilots will not attack them
for fear of "collateral damage."
Though major roads and railways have been destroyed, there is always an
other way around; though fuel dumps have been hit, the Yugoslav Army, like NATO
armies, is assumed to have stockpiled enough diesel to fight for three to six
months.
With Army headquarters located in caves or specially dug hardened bunke
rs in the mountainsides, and a network of thousands of radio transmitters and r
elay stations, "their command and control capability remains pretty robust," th
e senior NATO diplomat acknowledges.
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<P>Federal Computer Week<BR>
May 24, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>DOD Expands Net For Ground Forces
</B></FONT><P>By Daniel Verton
STUTTGART, Germany -- In anticipation of using ground forces as either
peacekeepers or in a tactical offensive against Serb forces, the Defense Inform
ation Systems Agency has started a massive program to expand communications ser
vices throughout the European theater.
Although the Clinton administration has not yet made a decision to depl
oy ground forces to put an end to the 3-month-old conflict in Yugoslavia, for t
he past several weeks DISA has been installing additional communications pipes
to the Defense Information Systems Network.
DISA is expanding the DISN backbone from Europe to the continental Unit
ed States and to tactical locations throughout the Balkans and Europe, includin
g from the United Kingdom to Germany and Germany to Italy, said George Uriona,
chief of the plans division for DISA's European Field Office. When completed, D
ISA expects to increase the DISN infrastructure throughout the U.S. European Co
mmand (Eucom) by 30 percent, he said.
"We're preparing to move DISN downrange" to undisclosed deployed locati
ons throughout the Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia area of operations, Uriona sai
d.
The network expansion could support a peacekeeping mission or a ground
attack on Serb forces. "Planning is going on for every eventuality, whether it
is peacekeeping or a forcible-entry operation," said Marine Lt. Col. James Pole
to, a senior staff officer assigned to DISA-Europe's plans division.
Another sign that the Defense Department may be preparing for the use o
f ground troops was the conclusion last week of a NATO exercise. Combined Endea
vor '99, held in Lager Aulenbach, Germany, brought together military computer a
nd communications specialists from 32 nations for a two-week experiment that te
sted interoperability among a vast array of information technologies.
"It certainly seems to be a potential indicator that things are going t
o happen," said Daniel Kuehl, chairman of the Information Operations Department
at the School of Information Warfare and Strategy at the National Defense Univ
ersity. However, laying in additional tactical communications and holding the e
xercise "could also be use as a deterrent," he said.
As was the case during the allied intervention in Bosnia, DISA is plann
ing to extend a commercial type of DISN to users, including services of the sec
ure and non-secure versions of DOD's Internet Protocol Router Network (SIPRNET
and NIPRNET), videoconferencing, the Joint Worldwide Intelligence Communication
System and other data services.
In addition, the expansion should help alleviate critical bandwidth sho
rtfalls throughout the theater that make it difficult to support real-time vide
o feeds from unmanned aerial vehicles flying reconnaissance missions over Yugos
lavia and Kosovo, Uriona said.
The central focus of the expansion effort includes adding wideband comm
unications capability to the existing infrastructure where forces are deployed.
DISA currently runs E-1, T-1 and DS-3 communications pipes and plans to expand
the network with additional DS-3s. DISA also is deploying OC-3 links from the
theater back to the states, Uriona said.
However, Uriona said the possibility exists that DISA will have to exte
nd services to locations where there is little or no existing infrastructure, W
hich is a complicated process.
For example, DISA is installing communications pipes at what Uriona des
cribed as various Air Force "bed-down locations," which are launching points fo
r fighter aircraft throughout Europe that have no access to DISN services. Beca
use of security concerns, Uriona would not comment on the exact locations of th
ese not-yet-built Air Force bases, but he did say that they are locations where
"there is no backbone."
Unlike Eucom's experience in Bosnia, DOD's military operations in and a
round Kosovo have benefited from a more mature commercial vendor support model,
according to senior officials here. "The day we walked into Albania, the Itali
ans were there to sell us [communications services]," said Navy Capt. Arthur Co
oper, the deputy J-6 for Eucom. In contrast, "when we first went into Bosnia, t
here was absolutely no interest by any commercial vendor whatsoever to provide
any services."
It took three years for the various communications services in Bosnia t
o shift from military operation to commercial control, according to officials h
ere.
Regardless of whether a political settlement or an increased use of for
ce brings ground troops into Kosovo, the level of information services required
will depend on the number of troops deployed and their final locations, Uriona
said.
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<P>Federal Computer Week<BR>
May 24, 1999<BR>
Pg. 1
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>DOD Buried Under
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Software snafus bog down the Pentagon's high-profile
initiative to shift to paperless contracting
</B></I></FONT><P>By Bob Brewin and Colleen O'Hara
Software problems have delayed the full-scale deployment of a computer
system that the Pentagon plans to use to buy everything from staples to submari
nes in an electronic, paperless environment -- an initiative that top Defense D
epartment officials want functional by January 2000.
The $326 million Standard Procurement System, which DOD envisions procu
rement officers using to manage the process of writing, awarding and managing c
ontracts electronically, has been plagued by problems ranging from printing to
generating simple updates of electronic documents.
SPS is designed to automate the often laborious steps that a DOD procur
ement shop needs to go through to issue a solicitation based on the Federal Acq
uisition Regulation and the Defense Federal Acquisition Regulations. DOD plans
to deploy the system to 44,000 users at 860 locations worldwide.
SPS is designed to help DOD move to a totally paperless contracting env
ironment by Jan. 1, 2000, a target publicly and repeatedly backed by John Hamre
,
deputy secretary of Defense.
American Management Systems Inc., which won the SPS contract in 1997, d
eveloped the system around a version of its commercial Procurement Desktop soft
ware, modified to serve the DOD contracting community.
Complaints From the Field A database of user comments on the SPS World
Wide Web site lists hundreds of concerns with the system, including problems pr
inting all the lines on a page, difficulty adding a contract line item to an aw
ard and inconsistent contract-clause generation. For example, in one case SPS g
enerated different contract clauses when two people entered the same contract i
nformation into the system, according to the Navy.
Also, a 1998 report from DOD's Office of Test and Evaluation found vuln
erabilities in the system's security. "Security deficiencies allowed unauthoriz
ed users to access and alter solicitation and contract documents," according to
the report.
Elliott Branch, the Navy's proj-ect officer for business-related system
S, confirmed that the current version of SPS, known as Version 4.1, which the D
efense Logistics Agency and AMS released this year, cannot support basic docume
nts of major acquisitions, such as requests for proposals.
However, DOD maintains that SPS does support RFPs.
Branch was so concerned with the SPS Version 4.1 problems in January th
at he halted installation of the version at all Navy and Marine Corps sites. In
a memo sent to DLA, Branch said the Navy had concluded that SPS "has significa
nt difficulties delivering the stated functionality in a reliable manner."
In the memo, Branch cited software problems that included:
*Extensive workarounds, creating an inefficient working environment as
well as substantial training problems.
*Unpredictable and erratic performance in a multiuser operational envir
onment.
*An AMS-furnished automated tool that was needed to install the upgrade
d version resulted in a catastrophic loss of transaction history.
Branch called inconsistencies in the system and the inability to easily
upgrade the software "show-stoppers."
Nonetheless, Branch, who pronounced himself satisfied with the DLA and
AMS response to his memo, said the Navy is testing the newest SPS software rele
ase. "When we think the time is appropriate, we will turn it back on," he said.
"We intend to fully go forward with it."
While the Navy cannot use SPS "to buy a new attack submarine" yet, Bran
ch said the system can support what he called simple contracting at Navy bases
or Marine camps, both of which support the bulk of Navy contract transactions.
Gary Thurston, the SPS program manager at DLA, said a major challenge t
hat DOD faces with SPS is bringing procurement shops in all four military servi
ces onto a common procurement system that in some cases operates differently th
an the older legacy systems. For example, some users are accustomed to printing
a back page to a contract, which SPS does not do.
Software problems have delayed delivery of the final software version o
f SPS, which originally was scheduled for February 1999. DOD also has delayed c
omplete installation of SPS across the military services and the Defense agenci
es from its original target date of 2001, Thurston said. He said DLA will know
by the end of the summer the new schedule to complete the full rollout of SPS a
nd its additional costs.
As it exists now, Thurston said SPS suits the needs of smaller contract
ing shops but not those shops that write more complex contracts. However, servi
ces that do not have SPS by the 2000 deadline can modify their legacy systems t
o meet the paperless goals, Thurston said.
SPS software eventually will meet users' needs, Thurston predicted. "No
t a lot of users understand the incremental nature of the [software development
process]," he said.
At the direction of DOD, AMS officials declined to answer any questions
from FCW.
Problems with SPS may force Army contracting organizations to seek alte
rnatives as the paperless-contracting deadline approaches, service officials sa
id recently.
Kevin Carroll, program executive officer for standard Army management i
information systems, said the Army has "put a hold in fielding SPS" to some site
S. "We don't know when we will get SPS out there. It's back to the drawing boar
d on when to get SPS out there."
Despite these concerns, Carroll said SPS is "a key solution that would
bring paperless contracting to DOD."
The Air Force also identified deficiencies in its test of SPS last Nove
mber but is now "aggressively moving" to deploy the system, according to a stat
ement. "We are not looking at other options," the statement noted.
SPS has proven to be a challenge, said Michael Mestrovich, president of
Unlimited New Dimensions LLC and a former DOD electronic commerce executive. S
ome DOD users have decided "that there may be quicker paths to achieving their
paperless-contracting goals and objectives than the one SPS is following," he S
aid.
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<P>Janes Defence Weekly<BR>
May 26, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>US Blueprint For Future Weapons Systems Is Outlined
</B></FONT><P>By Bryan Bender, JDW Bureau Chief
Washington A senior advisory panel to the US Department of Defense (
DoD) has recommended the development of new weapons and technologies required f
or the US military to realise "full spectrum dominance" in 21st century operati
ons.
Backed by a series of military studies, the Defense Science Board (DSB
), in a recently released report, identified new advanced weapon systems and te
chnologies that will be needed for operations in 2010 and beyond.
Entitled "Joint Operations Superiority in the 21st Century Integratin
g Capabilities Underwriting Joint Vision 2010 and Beyond Volume II", the report
recommends a number of future warfighting capabilities.
It highlights the need for early, continuous and effective combat oper
ations, responsive global targeting and new strategies and tools for operating
in shallow water, or the littoral.
In order to deliver effective military force within hours anywhere in
the world, followed up within 24 hours by additional forces, including ground t
roops, and sustain and augment those forces with minimum infrastructure, the DS
B recommends the Pentagon now consider researching, developing and fielding a S
eries of new capabilities. These include:
*two-stage intercontinental ballistic missile-launched precision weapon
S for attacking high-value, fixed and limited area targets using Global Positio
ning System (GPS) satellites for guidance and both kinetic energy or convention
al penetrator projectiles;
*undersea strike modules, or stealthy submarine payloads that could inc
lude tactical strike weapons, vertical gun canisters, fuel, water and ammunitio
n supplies to support Marines, an elaborate system of sensors to monitor littor
al waters, mine warfare systems and a special operations force underwater habit
at or command centre;
*a constellation of space-based lasers to provide global coverage and d
efend against hostile space launches and missiles in their boost phase;
*a family of small, powerful, precision bombs, in the range of 250lb (1
13kg), to multiply by factors of four to nine the number of precision-guided bo
mbs current and future fighters and bombers can carry on a single sortie;
*a constellation of space orbiting vehicles carrying rods of heavy mate
rial in highly elliptical orbits to re-enter and transit the atmosphere, striki
ng targets at hypersonic speeds of 10,000ft/s (M10);
*families of both light armoured vehicles and light infantry vehicles W
hich are highly deployable and survivable.
The DSB, describing precision targeting on a global scale as one of th
e critical operational challenges facing the US military, recommends that the D
oD develop a "common geolocational referent".
<P>
This could be a space-based interferometric synthetic aperture radar (
IFSAR) serving as both mapper and imager. The Secretary of Defense and Director
of the Central Intelligence Agency are also urged in the report to establish a
specialised group to provide detailed intelligence preparation of the battlefi
eld information.
The senior advisory panel highlighted the need to address littoral war
fare and several critical weapons and technologies. They include:
<P>
*offensive sea-mines capable of long-range detection, classification an
d tracking of surface and sub-surface targets, co-operative engagement and batt
le damage assessment prior to re-engagement. (An investment of $50 million begi
nning in Fiscal year 2000 is required, according to the DSB report.);
<P> *development of an underseaversion of the Co-operative Engagement Capab
ility (CEC), currently being pursued for surface vessels, consisting of a compr
ehensive network of sensors capable of mapping the oceans, providing an integra
ted, undersea picture and optimising effects by linking weapons delivery platfo
rms for rapid attack; and
<P>
*an offensive ballistic missile system, possibly based on the US Navy's
submarine-launched C-4 missile, deployed on both surface and sub-surface vesse
Is to defend against littoral threats such as enemy anti-ship ballistic missile
S expected to be widely available by 2015.
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<P>Aviation Week & Space Technology<BR>
May 24, 1999<BR>
Pg. 27
<B><U><P>Washington Outlook
</U><FONT SIZE=5><P>Flip-Flop
</B></FONT><P>Edited by James R. Asker
The war in Yugoslavia has accelerated wear and tear on tactical aircraf
t. Ironically, Air Force and Navy officials are hinting that they would like to
see the next generation of tactical aircraft, the Joint Strike Fighter, slip a
year or two. Instead, the Air Combat Command is pushing for the Air Force to i
ncrease its planned purchase of 30 new Block 50 F-16s to 100 airplanes. Here's
the logic: the brass doesn't want to wait for JSF before they retire older F-16
S from the reserves and Air National Guard.
<P>
Meanwhile, the Navy is expressing satisfaction with its new F/A-18E/F S
trike aircraft. Only the Marines are pressing for a quick start of the JSF prog
ram-- so that the short takeoff and vertical landing (STOVL) version of the new
fighter could replace aging AV-8B Harriers. Pentagon officials say they may co
nsider flipping the JSF program around to produce the STOVL aircraft first inst
ead of the Air Force's conventional design, even though it would be more expens
ive for the Marines.
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<P>San Antonio Express-News<BR>
May 21, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Future Military Missions May Utilize Space Shuttle
</B></FONT><P>By Sig Christenson, Express-News Staff Writer
Rocked by a series of rocket failures, the Defense Department has turne
di to NASA in hopes of using the space shuttle to ferry some payloads into orbit
a move that would mark an abrupt turnabout in Pentagon policy.
The Air Force Space Command's Lt. Gen. Lance Lord said Thursday in San
Antonio that the Pentagon and NASA have begun informal talks about using the sh
uttle for military missions, a statement NASA officials later confirmed.
Neither Lord nor NASA spokesman James Hartsfield could say exactly when
the shuttle might be used for launching such Pentagon payloads as spy satellit
es.
But both seemed to think it's a can-do proposition for NASA.
"I think Mr. (Daniel) Goldin (NASA administrator) would work hard with
us to meet the needs, should we choose to do that," he said, describing the tal
ks with NASA as "low-level discussions."
Lord, vice commander of the Air Force Space Command in Colorado Springs
, Colo., made his comments in an interview after an Armed Forces Week speech to
the Air Force Association.
The decision to use the shuttle to deploy spy satellites and other mili
tary hardware would mark a major change in policy that dates to the deadly 1986
Challenger explosion.
In revising a policy on U.S. military use of space, then-Defense Secret
ary Caspar Weinberger on Feb. 4, 1987, ordered the services to use unmanned lau
nch vehicles whenever possible.
The Defense Department stopped relying exclusively on the shuttle after
the Challenger accident, and last launched a satellite from the reusable craft
in 1992.
Seven of the space agency's 93 shuttle missions since the program began
in 1981 have been primarily dedicated to Pentagon payloads, NASA's John Ira Pe
tty said.
The Pentagon's talks with NASA, though, come in the wake of six rocket
failures over the past nine months that have cost $3.5 billion. President Clint
on has ordered an investigation, as has acting Air Force Secretary F. Whitten P
eters.
"Presidential inquiries and commissions don't happen without a reason,
so there is concern at the highest levels," said Al Thomas, deputy director of
the Spaceport Florida Authority, a state agency that promotes government and co
mmercial space ventures.
Four of the six rocket failures occurred in a three-week period this sp
ring. They included a failed upper-stage rocket in a Titan launcher April 9 and
a Delta III on May 4. The payloads, among them an $800 million communications
satellite, failed to reach their proper orbits.
Delta and Titan rockets exploded over a 14-day period in August, one of
them claiming a $1 billion classified military satellite. Thomas characterized
the string of launch failures as the worst since the early 1960s.
A return to the shuttle is rooted both in cost savings and the likeliho
od of successful flights, said John Pike, director of space policy with the Fed
eration of American Scientists, a Washington think tank.
The shuttle's civilian contractor, United Space Alliance, would like to
increase the flight rate in a bid to cut the $4 billion annual cost of flying
the craft, he said. Moreover, the odds of unmanned boosters failing are one in
every 10 or 20 flights, Pike continued, while estimates for a disastrous shuttl
e flight range from 1 in every 80 missions to 1 in 400.
"With throwaway rockets you assume they do blow up, and with the shuttl
e you assume it does not, because the expendables blow up regularly and the shu
ttle, fortunately, doesn't blow up that often," he said.
Despite that, Pike said only a handful of the Defense Department's 12 t
o two dozen yearly satellite launches might be flown by the shuttle.
NASA's Hartsfield said the agency has a "crowded" schedule thanks to th
e international space station, which will account for all but five or six of th
e next 45 scheduled shuttle flights, including one next Thursday.
Though the space station is a top priority, he described the shuttle as
"a national resource" that could be used for other missions, too.
Lord said NASA and the military were "working hard to take a look at ea
ch other's capabilities."
"The basic message on that is the partnership that exists between the U
nited States Air Force and NASA has never been better," he said.
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<P>San Antonio Express-News<BR>
May 20, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>Military Recruiters Confront Age Gap
</B></FONT><P>By Tom Bower, Express-News Staff Writer
All branches of the military are rethinking their recruiting strategies
in order to attract Generation Y, the group of youngsters now graduating from
high school, a top Defense Department official said Wednesday.
New role models as diverse as the World Wrestling Federation and the Na
tional Association for Stock Car Auto Racing or NASCAR are being used to enlist
members of the next generation, Undersecretary of Defense Rudy de Leon said du
ring an Armed Forces Week speech.
"Many of the issues we're facing today in this country are generational
,
because, while we know a lot about the Baby Boomers and we know a lot about G
eneration X, we don't know that much and we're only really beginning to underst
and and appreciate Generation Y (or Generation Millennium or Generation Echo),
a generation that will be as large as the Baby Boomers," he said.
Speaking at the Rotary Club's annual Commanders Recognition Luncheon at
the Bright Shawl, de Leon noted that Generation X members grew up with Nintend
o and other computer games.
Marketing studies show the latest round of high school graduates are gr
owing up with e-mail addresses, computers in the elementary grades and daily us
e of pagers and cellular phones.
"As the century turns and as Americans are shaping the world for the 21
st century, one of our responsibilities as Americans is to stay connected our
society to its armed forces," he said.
De Leon, the undersecretary for personnel and readiness, noted the Navy
will meet its 1999 recruiting goal of 67,000.
The Air Force probably will come up 3,000 short of its goal to enlist 3
3,800, and the Army will end up 3,000 to 8,000 recruits short of its goal of 74
,500.
To counter the trend, he said the Clinton administration is proposing a
4.4 percent across-the-board pay raise for members of the military and signifi
cant pay raises to retain midcareer noncommissioned officers and officers with
eight to 12 years of service who are increasingly being lured away by a nationa
I unemployment rate approaching 4 percent.
"These midcareer people are critical.
These people are leaders. T
hey have used opportunities to acquire an education. They are highly discipline
d and drug-free, and they are the envy of every corporation out there that is r
ecruiting in the marketplace right now," de Leon said.
Another key component of the administration proposal is to restore reti
rement pay to 50 percent of salary after 20 years of service. Congress in 1986
changed the policy to allow for only 40 percent retirement pay after 20 years.
Under the president's proposal, the change would be retroactive.
While no one disputes that service personnel deserve a pay raise, sever
al other proposals are being debated on Capitol Hill that would give higher acr
oss-the-board pay raises, but would be difficult to reconcile under the Balance
d Budget Amendment.
"What Congress is going to probably add is, they are going to take that
4.4 percent and make it a 4.8 percent raise, and then I think they are going t
o add a thrift savings program," de Leon said, explaining that negotiations to
resolve the differences are continuing.
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<P>Charleston (SC) Post & Courier<BR>
May 23, 1999
<B><FONT SIZE=5><P>General Lauds Charleston's Military Role
</FONT><I><FONT SIZE=4><P>Is the military transportation system stretched too t
hin?
</B></I></FONT><P>By Terry Joyce
In a speech last week, Army Lt. Gen. Roger G. Thompson stopped short o
saying the military can't haul the cargo it needs. But he made it clear the m
ilitary has its hands full with hot spots like Kosovo soaking up a lot of resou
rces.
Thompson visited Charleston Air Force Base to speak to the local chapt
er of the National Defense Transportation Association. In addition to being the
Army's senior transportation officer, he is the deputy commander-in-chief of t
he U.S. Transportation Command at Scott Air Force Base, III.
Charleston, he said, "is a great contributor to the nation's military
transportation system." The Air Force, with its C-17 jet transports, is perhaps
the most visible transportation asset, but the Army and Navy have roles as wel
I.
For example, the Army's 595th Transportation Terminal Group, at the Ch
arleston Naval Weapons Station Southside, plans and supervises the shipment of
military cargo that leaves Charleston by ship. The 595th's workload hasn't incr
eased much yet on account of the campaign in Yugoslavia, but that could change
overnight.
The Military Sealift Command is the Navy's transportation outfit. The
command operates those large roll-on, roll-off cargo ships that keep Army equip
ment afloat overseas. The equipment is refurbished at the Army's Combat Equipme
nt Group Asia, a logistics base located at the former Polaris Missile Facility,
Atlantic, in Goose Creek.
Afterward, I asked Thompson whether the Transportation Command, if ord
ered, could move enough equipment and troops into Albania to dislodge the Serbs
from Kosovo and return the refugees to their homes before winter sets in.
Thompson finessed that one, saying the answer would depend on a number
of variables, such as the exact nature of the request and the definition of ou
r priorities. Still, he saw reason for hope.
"I believe there is a rising realization (in Washington) that more mus
t be done" to boost the nation's military transportation resources, he said.
Between the end of the Korean War and the beginning of the Persian Gul
f War, Thompson said, the U.S. had 10 crises to deal with that called for the r
apid deployment of military forces overseas.
"From Desert Storm up to now, we've had about 30. And that's with a De
partment of Defense that is 36 percent smaller than during the Cold War," he sa
id.
In other words, just about everyone in the military is stretched thin.
B>Folks at the Beaufort Marine Corps Air Station</B> are looking forw
ard to the arrival of two squadrons of Navy F/A-18 fighters that will transfer
in from Florida over the next 12 months.
"We're expecting about 500 military arrivals and about 400 to 600 fami
ly members," said Marine spokeswoman Capt. Whitney Mason.
The military members are naval aviators and support specialists who ma
ke up Navy squadrons VFA 82 and VFA 86. The squadrons are stationed at the soon
-to-be-closed Cecil Field Naval Air Station, near Jacksonville.
The full impact of the move won't be felt until next spring.
That's because the squadrons will remain in Jacksonville until fall wh
en they will deploy aboard an aircraft carrier for six months. When the carrier
returns home next spring, the two fighter squadrons finally will arrive at Bea
ufort.
"We really don't know yet when to expect the influx of families into t
he area," Mason said. "Some may wish to remain in Florida until the deployment
is completed; others may move to Beaufort this summer."
Cecil Field spokesman Chuck Underwood said he believes the big push wi
Il come this summer, once the area's schools finish up.
"The base will close on Sept. 30," Underwood said, and most of the fam
ilies who want to move must do so before the end of the current fiscal year.
<P>
The two squadrons will operate temporarily out of the Jacksonville Nav
al Air Station before they deploy onto the aircraft carrier.
<P>
In 1995, the Pentagon's base closures commission ordered Cecil Field t
o close. Most of the base's fighters were ordered to Oceana Naval Air Station,
Va. But the commission left it up to the secretary of the Navy to decide where
two of the units should go.
<P>
Beaufort won out, thanks in part to U.S. Sen. Strom Thurmond and Rep.
Floyd Spence, both Republicans. Thurmond was chairman of the Senate Armed Servi
ces Committee when the decision was made and Spence heads the House National Se
curity Committee. Beaufort is in Spence's district.
Asked where he thought most of the F/A-18 crews would like to be, Unde
rwood had a quick answer.
"Right here," he said, speaking from Jacksonville. "We have everything
we need right here."
48
Terry Joyce covers military affairs. </B></I>
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