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Edmund S. Muskie
School of Public Service
IMPROVING ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES
FOR YOUNG PEOPLE SERVED BY
THE FOSTER CARE SYSTEM
Muskie
chool
University of Southern Maine
96 Falmouth Street
P.O. Box 9300
Portland, Maine 04104-9300
O
IMPROVING ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES
FOR YOUNG PEOPLE SERVED BY
THE FOSTER CARE SYSTEM
BACKGROUND PAPER
December, 1997
Submitted to:
The Annie E. Casey Foundation
701 St. Paul Street
Baltimore, Maryland 21202
Submitted by:
Edmund S. Muskie School of Public Service
National Child Welfare Resource Center for
Organizational Improvement
Institute for Child and Family Policy
400 Congress Street
Portland, ME 04101
Project Staff
National Child Welfare Resource Center for Organizational
Improvement
Edmund S. Muskie School of Public Service
University of Southern Maine
Elizabeth D. Jones, Ph.D.
Principle Investigator
Marty Zanghi, LMSW
Research Associate
Anita St. Onge, Esq.
Research Associate
Alfred M. Sheehy, Jr., M.A.
Research Assistant
Erin Oldham, M.A.
Consultant
Tammy Richards, M.Ed.
Administrative Assistant
National Resource Center for Youth Services
University of Oklahoma
James M. Walker, MHR
Director
Peter R. Correia III, MSW
Associate Director
Rebecca Jo Copeland, MS
Trainer/Consultant
I. INTRODUCTION
1
П. SIZE AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOSTER CARE POPULATION
2
AGE OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE
4
GENDER OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE
4
RACE/ETHNICITY OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE.
5
LENGTH OF STAY OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE
6
CURRENT PLACEMENT SETTING OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE
7
MOST RECENT CASE PLAN GOAL FOR CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE
8
REASON FOR DISCHARGE OF CHILDREN EXITING FOSTER CARE
9
III. YOUTH LABOR MARKET PARTICIPATION
10
CHARACTERISTICS AND EXPERIENCES OF YOUTH
10
Early Employment
12
Early Parenting
12
High School Completion
13
LABOR MARKET AND COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS
13
Labor Market Characteristics
13
Community Characteristics
14
STRATEGIES TO IMPROVE YOUTH LABOR MARKET PARTICIPATION
15
IV. EMPLOYMENT AND EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES FOR YOUTH LEAVING FOSTER CARE
18
EDUCATION
18
Educational Outcomes at the Point of Leaving Care
19
Educational Status after Leaving Foster Care
26
EMPLOYMENT OUTCOMES
27
Employment at the Time of Leaving Care
27
Insert table 5 page I
28
Insert table 5 page 2
29
Employment at Follow-up
30
V. BARRIERS OF FOSTER CARE YOUTH TO SUCCESSFUL TRANSITIONS TO
ECONOMIC
INDEPENDENCE
32
DEVELOPMENTAL BARRIERS
33
Mental Health
33
Cognitive Delays
38
Physical Health
38
DRUG AND ALCOHOL ABUSE
39
DELINQUENCY AND INCARCERATION
40
HOMELESSNESS
41
VI. RESILIENCY FACTORS
43
DEVELOPMENT OF A SUPPORT NETWORK
44
MENTORING
45
OTHER EFFORTS TO EMPOWER YOUTH
46
VII. FUTURE RESEARCH AND PROGRAMMATIC DIRECTIONS
47
KEY FINDINGS
47
SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
51
NEXT STEPS
53
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
List of Charts
Chart 1
Age Distribution of Children in Foster Care on September 30, 1996
4
Chart 2
Gender of Children in Foster Care on September 30, 1996
4
Chart 3
Length of Stay for Children in Foster Care on September 30, 1996
6
Chart 4
Current Placement Setting of Children in Foster Care
7
Chart 5
Most Recent Case Plan Goal of Children in Foster Care on September 30, 1996
8
Chart 6
Reason for Discharge of Children Exiting Foster Care
9
List of Tables
Table 1
Ethnicity of Children in the Foster Care Population on September 30, 1996
5
Table 2
Comparison of AFCARS and CWLA Placement Data
8
Table 3
Critical Elements for Employment Programs Serving Youth
17
Table 4
Educational Outcomes for Foster Care Youth
20
Table 5
Employment Outcomes for Foster Care Youth
28
Table 6
Barriers to Economic Self-sufficiency
34
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
IMPROVING ECONOMIC OPORTUNITIES FOR YOUNG PEOPLE SERVED BY THE
FOSTER CARE SYSTEM
BACKGROUND PAPER
I. INTRODUCTION
In October, 1997, the Annie E. Casey Foundation in collaboration with Casey Family
Services and the Casey Family Program awarded a grant to the National Child Welfare
Resource Center for Organizational Improvement of the University of Southern Maine and the
National Resource Center for Youth Services of the University of Oklahoma to complete a
background paper concerning the economic opportunities for young people who are preparing
to exit the foster care system. The goal of this effort is to define the current knowledge base
regarding the transition of youth out of foster care and to examine effective practices and
policies which may improve opportunities for youth to become fulfilled, productive adults.
Understanding who this population is, what they need and how services can be delivered
effectively and efficiently is a complex, yet important, task.
Our project involves two interrelated components:
a background paper synthesizing the current research related to the transition of
foster care youth into adult roles; and
a working paper which incorporates youth's experiences with this transition and
outlines an approach to programmatic, policy and research development to improve
economic success.
The background paper is based on secondary sources of information identified through
a literature review. In contrast, the working paper will focus on primary data collection from a
broad range of constituencies: independent living coordinators, youth advisory councils, and
key informants from research, policy and practice arenas. Finally, this effort will culminate in
a think tank summit in which interested parties will have the opportunity to review the
background summary and working paper, in order to help with formulating a programmatic
and research agenda to address the identified gaps in knowledge regarding the most effective
and efficient strategies to enhance the economic opportunities for youth leaving foster care.
This current document is the background paper which summarizes the most recent
research on what happens to youth when they leave care. The guiding question throughout the
paper is the following:
What are the diverse needs of foster care youth as they make the transition to
adulthood which will enable them to obtain employment, pursue secondary
education, and become economically self-sufficient?
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
1
In particular, we focus on the following five specific questions:
1. How large is, and what are the demographic characteristics of the foster care
population who drop out or age out of the system nationally each year?;
2. What are the differences in the transition to adulthood outcomes between youth
raised in foster care and the general population of youth?;
3. What follow-up studies have been conducted on youth who exit the foster care
system?;
4. What are the general barriers to employment and education among youth, and what
barriers are specific to the foster care population?; and
5. What resiliency factors among youth formerly in foster care have been documented
in the current literature as enhancing their transition to economic self-sufficiency?
Our discussion is divided into six sections. We start with an overview of the numbers
of youth in foster care, focusing specifically on age, race, gender, length of time in care and
number of placements. In Section III, we set the stage for understanding educational and
economic outcomes of foster care youth by reviewing the youth labor market literature. In
Section IV, we review the most recently published studies which examine educational and
employment outcomes for youth as they leave care. These studies are divided into two types:
those which look at educational and employment status at the time youth leave care and those
which examine economic outcomes at a follow-up point after leaving care. In Section V, we
present information on some of the barriers identified by previous studies as hindering youth
who have been in foster care from reaching economic self-sufficiency. Section VI reviews
resiliency factors among adolescents which help foster care youth make a successful transition.
In the final section, we present research and programmatic recommendations based on the
needs of foster care youth drawn from this review of the literature.
II. SIZE AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOSTER CARE
POPULATION
Two sources of national data exist which provide a comprehensive picture of youth in
foster care: 1.) the Adoption and Foster Care Analysis System (AFCARS) and 2.) Child
Welfare League of America (CWLA) Annual Child Welfare Data. AFCARS, a federal data
collection effort implemented on October 1, 1994, is structured on semi-annual reporting
periods which close on March 31 and September 30 of each year. Statistics reported by
CWLA reflect a combination of several sources of information including AFCARS data,
collected through CWLA administered surveys of state child welfare systems and data
collected by the American Public Welfare Association (APWA) which is reported through the
Voluntary Cooperative Information System (VCIS).
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
2
While AFCARS represents one of our best sources of data, a number of limitations to
the AFCARS system exist. First, at this writing AFCARS is a voluntary system, therefore it
does not represent all states. In fact, only 33 states submitted data for the April and September
reporting periods of 1996. Second, of the state data sent to AFCARS a significant portion is
not available to the public. Data from as many as 22 states were excluded from each of the
tables the AFCARS administrators produce to illustrate the state of children in the foster care
system. Data are excluded primarily for two reasons: 1.) concerns about data quality and 2.)
specific state requests to have their data excluded.
Keeping these shortcomings in mind, we selected the time period of April to
September, 1996 as the focus for our AFCARS estimates. It represents the most recent usable
data and it covers a period two years after AFCARS inception, allowing ample time to correct
initial data reporting problems. The data presented in the following tables are estimated by
AFCARS to represent 55 percent (data from 33 states) of the children served by state child
welfare foster care systems in FY 1996¹. Thus, in each chart, data will be presented for the
291,825 actual children reported on. We supplement the AFCARS data with CWLA
information in instances where the CWLA information addresses an issue important to this
current inquiry.
Based on the AFCARS data, we can estimate that as of September 30, 1996 there were
423,147 children in foster care in the entire United States. This is determined from the fact that
the 291,825 actual children reported on in the charts represents 55% of the entire population of
children served by the child welfare systems in FY 1996. The 1995 CWLA data, based on
reports from all 50 states places the number of children in out of home care at 483,629² for an
increase of 21 percent over their 1990 estimate of 400,398 children in care.
The characteristics of foster care youth described below were selected because they
represent some of the key indicators identified in our literature review as impacting how youth
fare economically as they prepare to leave foster care. It is important to note, however, that
this type of data does not capture the complexities of youth's and children's lives and will
necessarily not include important variables such as the influence of the family and social
networks. In the tables which follow, we include children and youth of all ages in the foster
care system. One of the major disadvantages of both of these data collection systems is that
they only provide aggregate level data, a feature which precludes focusing on specific age
populations. We will suggest later in this paper that preparation for adult transition activities
needs to occur during early adolescence, therefore, our depiction of children of all ages is
meant to serve as an estimate for the demographic and case characteristics of youth who will be
in need of assistance with planning for adulthood.
1 For more information on AFCARS, see their web site
www.acf.dhhs.gov/programs/cb/stats/index.htm#AFCARS.
2 1990, APWA VCIS (1994 December); CWLA (1996) State Agency survey
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
3
Age of Children in Foster Care
The age distribution of children in foster care as of September 30, 1996 is illustrated in
Chart 1. Forty percent of the children in foster care on this date are between 11 and 19+
years of age, and, according to the AFCARS data, 50 percent of the children in care are nine
years old or older.
Chart 1
AFCARS: Age Distribution of Children in Foster Care
on September 30, 1996 (N=291,825)
29%
30%
27%
25%
25%
Percent of Children
20%
114%
15%
10%
4%
5%
1%
0%
Under Year
1-5 Years
6-10 Years
11-15 Years
16-18 Years
19+ Years
Ages of Children
Mean Age = 9.4
Median Age = 9.0
Using data from 31 states, CWLA also reports that 40 percent of the individuals
currently in care are adolescents.
Gender of Children in Foster Care
As shown in Chart 2, females made up 49 percent (146,424) of the children in foster
care as of September 30, 1996, the remaining 51 percent (148,831) were males. CWLA data
support the same gender proportions.
Chart 2
AFCARS: Gender of Children in Foster
Care on September 30, 1996
(N = 291,825)
Female
Male
49%
51%
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
4
Race/Ethnicity³ of Children in Foster Care.
The racial/ethnic make up of children in foster care on September 30, 1996 is displayed
in Table 1 below. African-American children at 44 percent of the total (128,403 children)
represent the largest racial/ethnic proportion of the foster care caseload at this point in time.
White children make up 38 percent of the foster care caseload (110,894 children). Hispanic
children represent 14 percent of the foster care caseload on September 30, 1996 (40,856
children). The remaining four percent of children categorized as other in the chart below are
composed of 2 percent Native American children (5,837 children), one percent Asian children
(2,918 children) and one percent (2,918 children) of unknown ethnicity.
Comparing the racial/ethnic composition of the foster care population to the
racial/ethnic composition of the general population of the United States underscores the fact
that children of color are over-represented in the foster care system. As shown in the next
table the percentage of African-American children in the foster care system is 3.67 times that
of African-Americans in the general population. In contrast, white children make up 38 percent
of the foster care population, compared to the 73.6 percent of the U.S. general population that
is white. Hispanic children make up 14 percent of the foster care population, a proportion
slightly larger than the proportion of the general population that is Hispanic.
CWLA data on race/ethnicity largely parallels that of the AFCARS system. CWLA,
based on data from 28 states, reports a racial/ethnic breakdown of 41 percent white, 3 percent
higher than AFCARS, 44 percent African-American, identical to AFCARS, 12 percent
Hispanic, 2 percent lower than AFCARS, and 3 percent other, 1 percent lower than AFCARS.
Table 1
Ethnicity of Children in the Foster Care Population
On September 30, 1996
Race/Ethnicity
Foster Care Population
CWLA
United States
(AFCARS)
Population
African American
44%
44%
12 %
White
38%
41%
74%
Hispanic
14%
12%
10%
Other
4%
3%
4%
3 The category "Other" includes 1% Asian, 2% American Indian, and 1% unable to determine.
4 Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1995. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of
Commerce, p. 19.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
5
Length of Stay⁵ of Children in Foster Care
The length of stay of children in foster care as of September 30, 1996 is displayed in
Chart 3 below. This chart presents data from AFCARS. In general, this chart shows that
youth either have fairly short stays, less than a year or that they stay in care for three years or
more. Twenty-eight percent of the children (81,711 children) had been in care between one
and eleven months as of September 30, 1996. Twenty percent of the children in care as of this
date (58,365 children) had been in care between 12 and 23 months. Fourteen percent of the
children in care (40,856 children) had been in care between 24 and 35 months as of September
30 1996. Thirty-four percent of the children in care as of September 30, 1996, (99,221
children) had been in care for over three years.
An examination of 99,221 children who had been in care for over three years as of
September 30, 1996 reveals that 53 percent of these children (52,599 children) have been in
care for more than five years as of September 30, 1996.
Chart 3
AFCARS: Length of Stay for Children in Foster Care on
September 30, 1996 (N=291,825)
18%
18%
15%
16%
16%
Percentage of Children
13%
14%
11%
12%
9%
10%
8%
8%
6%
6%
4%
2%
0%
1-5
6-
12-
18-
24-
30-
3-4
5+
mo.
11
17
23
29
35
yr
yr
mo.
mo.
mo.
mo.
mo.
Time in Care
CWLA data on length of stay is presented as the "median number of months children
spend in care". These data are presented by state. CWLA found that the median number of
months in care for the 31 reporting states was 22.1 months with a reported low median number
of months of 6.6 and a highest reported median months in care of 79 months.
CWLA also presents data on the average number of months children spend in care by
race/ethnicity. African-American children have the longest average stay in care at 25.1
months, followed by American Indian/Alaskan Native children at 21.9 months, "Other"
children at 21.4 months, and White children at 20.1 months. Asian/Pacific Islander children
5
Length of stay is measured from first entrance into foster care to status on September 30,
1996.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
6
Current Placement Setting of Children in Foster Care
The current placement setting of children in foster care is illustrated in Chart 4 below.
Chart 4
AFCARS: Current Placement Setting of Children in Foster Care
on September 30, 1996
(N=291,825)
50%
42%
37%
40%
Percent of
Children
30%
20%
11%
10%
2%
4%
1%
1%
2%
0%
Pre-adopt
Foster
Foster
Group
Institution
Independent
Runaway
Trial Home
Home
Relative
non-Relative
Home
Living
Visit
Placement Setting
In 1996, almost half of children in foster care, 42 percent (122,567 children) were in
non-relative foster home placements. Over one-third, 37 percent of the children in care,
107,976 children, were placed with relatives. Fifteen percent of the children in foster care
(43,774 children), were in either group home or institutional placements. Two percent of the
children in care (5,837 children) were in pre-adoptive placements on September 30, 1996.
Another two percent of the children in care were experiencing trial home visits as of
September 30, 1996. Finally, one percent of the children in care (2,918 children) were
classified as runaways as of September 30, 1996. The statistic that is important for this current
examination is rather misleading. Although AFCARS reports that only one percent (2,918
children) were in independent living placement settings, this statistic does not truly reflect the
number of youth involved in independent living. Because an individual youth participating in
independent living services may be in a placement such as a group home, institution or foster
home, that individual is not represented in the statistic reported. However, CWLA presents a
more reliable statistic; 55,449 youth in foster care are participating in independent living
services, based on data from 40 states.
The CWLA presents data from 46 states on the placement type of children in out-of-
home care. CWLA presents placement data differently than AFCARS, utilizing nine types of
placements compared to eight placement types reported by AFCARS. Table 2 illustrates both
CWLA and AFCARS placement data, to facilitate comparison of the two data sources.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
Table 2
Comparison of AFCARS and CWLA Placement Data
Placement
AFCARS
CWLA
Dif
Family foster care
37%
49%
12%
Kinship
37%
23%
-14%
Residential Treatment
NR
2%
-
Group home
11%
9%
2%
Emergency shelter
NR
6%
-
Therapeutic foster care
NR
2.2%
-
Independent living
1%
0.4%
0.6%
Psychiatric hospital
NR
0.9%
-
Other
NR
7%
-
Pre-adoptive home
2%
NR
-
Runaway
1%
NR
-
Trial home visit
2%
NR
-
*NR denotes not reported as a placement category.
Most Recent Case Plan Goal for Children in Foster Care
The most recent case plan goal for children in foster care on September 30, 1996 is
displayed in Chart 5.
Chart 5
AFCARS: Most Recent Case Plan Goal of Children in Foster Care
on September 30, 1996 (N=291,825)
60%
54%
50%
Percentage of Childre
40%
30%
16%
20%
12%
6%
10%
4%
6%
2%
0%
Reunify
Live with
Adoption
Long Term
Emancipation
Guardianship
Not Yet
Relatives
Foster Care
Established
Case Plan Goal
For 54 percent of the children in care (157,586 children), the case plan goal is to return
home. Sixteen percent of the children (46,692 children) have a case plan goal of adoption,
while 12 percent of the children in foster care (35,019 children) have a case plan goal of long
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
8
term foster care. Six percent of the children (7,510 children) have a case plan goal of living
with relatives; another six percent of the children have a case plan goal of guardianship. Four
percent of the children in foster care, 11,673 children, have a goal of emancipation, while two
percent of the children in foster care, 5,837 children, did not have an established goal as of
September 30, 1996. CWLA does not present data on case plan goals.
Reason for Discharge of Children Exiting Foster Care
As shown in Chart 6, almost two thirds, 63 percent (27,459 children) of the children
discharged from foster care during this period were reunified with their families. The next
largest group, 12 percent (5,230 children) were discharged to adoptive families. Nine percent
of the children discharged (3,923 children) were discharged to live with relatives. Six percent
of the children (2,615 children) were discharged as emancipated, while four percent of the
children (1,743 children) were discharged from care as runaways. Three percent of the
children discharged (1,308 children) were discharged to guardianships, while the remaining
three percent of the children discharged were discharged as transfers.
Chart 6
AFCARS: Reason for Discharge of Children Exiting Foster Care during
the period April 1, 1996 through September 30, 1996
(N=43, 585)
70%
63%
60%
50%
Percentage of Childre
40%
30%
20%
12%
9%
10%
6%
3%
3%
4%
0%
Reunify
Live with
Adoption
Emancipation
Guardianship
Transfer
Runaway
Relatives
Reason for Discharge
We turn now from national-level descriptive data to an in-depth look at the factors related to
economic success among youth in general and youth formerly in foster care in particular.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
9
III. YOUTH LABOR MARKET PARTICIPATION
One of our best sources of information about improving the chances of youth
successfully transitioning out of foster care into the labor market comes from reports regarding
the youth labor market in general. Examining the factors that determine successful and
unsuccessful transitions into the labor market among youth in general will allow us to develop
strategies and recommendations for programs seeking to prepare youth transitioning out of
foster care for the work force. We will organize our discussion by moving from the
exploration of human capital influences to structural influences on the labor market success of
youth. Thus, we will first examine the effect of characteristics and direct experiences of the
youth on labor market participation. Second, characteristics of the labor market and
community/neighborhood influences will be explored. These factors will be considered within
the context of racial/ethnic and gender differences. Finally, we will discuss strategies that
have been implemented and evaluated in order to improve the labor market participation of
youth.
Characteristics and Experiences of Youth
In March of 1996, the Department of Labor reported that 6.5 million teenagers were in
the labor force which indicated a 55.8 percent participation rate (U.S. Department of Labor,
1996). The unemployment rate for teenagers differed by race and by gender. The
unemployment rate for teenage males was 19.4 percent, teenage females was 15.4 percent,
white teenagers was 14.8 percent and black teenagers was 33.5 percent. We can begin to
understand the differences in unemployment between teenagers of differing race and gender by
looking at what factors affect the employment of teenagers. Garansky (1996), using data from
the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, looked at factors affecting teenage employment,
adult employment and adult wages. The main factors positively affecting adult labor force
participation were graduating from high school on time (by age 19) for men and prior work
experience for both men and women. The single significant factor that negatively affected adult
employment was the presence of health problems. The main determinant of wages at age 27
for both men and women was greater educational attainment. Thus, teenage employment and
educational levels are critical for later successful employment.
Garansky (1996) also looked at a variety of influences on teenage employment and
educational attainment. Factors affecting on-time graduation included:
teenage employment
greater household income
higher intelligence score
religious involvement
teenage parenting
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
10
Black
Hispanic
White
Factors affecting teenage employment included:
teenage parenting
religious involvement
Black
Hispanic
White
Factors affecting adult employment include:
on-time graduation
teenage employment
health problems
The conceptual illustration of the direction of the influence of each factor, with positive
relationship denoted by a (+) and negative relationship denoted by a (-), in Garansky's model
follows:
Teenage Employment (+)
On-time
Greater Household Income (+)
Graduation (+)
Intelligence Score (+)
Adult
Religious Involvement (+)
Employment
Teen Parenting (-)
Black (+)
Hispanic Male (-)
Hispanic Female (+)
White (-)
Religious Involvement (+)
Teenage
Teen Parenting (-)
Employment
Black (-)
(+)
Hispanic (-)
White (+)
Health
Problems (-)
Please note that Garansky's model only incorporates variables he chose to measure.
However, Garansky's study gives us a good idea of the range of variables that affect long-term
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
11
adult employment. The amalgamation of information from recent research supports the
particular importance of employment, teen parenting and education. We will now explore
these three variables and the effect they have on short and long-term employment.
Early Employment
Early employment experiences during the high school years have favorable short- and
long-term effects on employment and earnings outcomes (Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997).
However, when considering the advantages of early employment, one must also consider
outcomes in other domains. For example, teen employment, especially when it involves long
hours (over 20 hours per week), was associated with short- and long-term increased use of
alcohol and short-term decreased involvement with one's family (Mihalic & Elliot, 1997;
Mortimer et al, 1996; Mortimer & Shanahan, 1994). On the other hand, moderate amounts of
work (20 hours or less per week) are associated with higher grades in high school (Mortimer et
al., 1996; Ruscoe, Morgan & Peebles, 1996). Early employment, when that employment leads
to the development of useful skills, has been found to enhance youth's values regarding
employment (Mortimer, Pimentel, Ryu, Nash & Lee, 1996). The conclusion we can draw
from the extant literature is two-fold: (1) the formation of occupational values and valuable
work experience during the teen years may lead the youth in the direction of successful adult
employment and (2) intensive teen employment involving long hours should not be encouraged
especially at the expense of completing one's education.
Early Parenting
Early parenting is associated with many deleterious outcomes and unfortunate
situations. While direction of effects has not been clearly established, early parenting among
men and women is associated with poverty, single-parent households, minority status, lower
educational attainment and drug use (Pirog-Good, 1996; Markey, 1988). Although reports on
teenage childbearing indicate a decline in rates in recent years, the absolute numbers of those
having children before the age of 21 is still problematic. Most of the empirical work on the
association between early parenting and employment outcomes has focused on differential
earnings. Pirog-Good's recent study on adolescent fathers showed that teen fathers completed
fewer years of education, were less likely to finish high school and earned less over time than
males who delayed parenting. While women's wages are already less than men's wages
(Marini, 1989), mothers' wages are even less than non-mothers' (Elliot & Parcel, 1996). Thus
regardless of their skills and work experience, mothers are making less than non-mothers.
However, the finding that mothers earned less than non-mothers only held true for non-black
women, possibly indicating that black women are already discriminated against on the basis of
race regardless of their mother status (Elliot & Parcel, 1996). Findings of lower earnings for
teen parents is especially disturbing taking into account that lower earnings have to support
greater numbers of family members.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
12
High School Completion
The importance of completing high school or completing a GED to future economic
opportunities are clear. Numerous studies have now documented the inhibiting qualities of low
educational attainment (Gleason & Cain, 1997; Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997; Lerman, 1996;
Klerman & Karoly, 1994). Sum, Fogg & Fogg (1997), looking at data from the 1995 Current
Population Survey, found that at the age of 24 only 36 percent of high school dropouts were
employed full time while 87 percent of college graduates were employed full-time. Klerman &
Karoly (1994), in their study using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, cited
similar statistics: 81 percent of college graduates are employed one year after leaving school
compared to 48 percent of high school dropouts. However, while obtainment of an educational
degree is helpful in securing employment, solutions to youth labor market problems are not as
simple as increasing rates of graduation. Low educational attainment is associated with other
problematic background variables such as family income, parental education, criminal
involvement and early parenting (Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997, Markey, 1988). While some of
these background variables might improve from prevention stategies, they are already extant in
a substantial portion of the population (especially the foster youth population) indicating that
we need to take these variables into account when designing programs for youth.
Furthermore, discrepancies in rates of high school graduation do not fully explain the
differences in employment between white and black youth. These issues will be explored in
the next section on characteristics of the labor market and influences of community on youth
employment outcomes.
Labor Market and Community Characteristics
Labor Market Characteristics
The second half of the puzzle involves structural influences on the labor market
participation of youth. These include market characteristics and community influences. Kazis
and Kopp (1997) suggest that in order to develop and understand the full complex picture of
youth labor participation, the market characteristics in addition to individual youth
characteristics must be considered. Within the category of market characteristics are trends in
the labor force, trends in available jobs and trends in employer demands. Competition is
increasing in the labor force for 18-24 year old youth, with the number of 18-24 year old youth
increasing steadily through the year 2010 (Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997). Furthermore,
competition is expected to grow more intense due to the increasing number of immigrants
entering the labor pool and from young adult women entering the workforce after transitioning
from welfare (Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997; Holzer, 1994). Availability of jobs, especially jobs
for youth, may become a problem as the labor pool increases (Sum, Fogg & Fogg, 1997).
Gleason & Cain (1997) found that the low levels of teenage job availability contributed
significantly to the low employment levels of black youth. Current trends in job availability
cited by Kazis and Kopp (1997) include decreases in manufacturing jobs, increases in service
employment and a movement of jobs from the cities into the suburbs. Availability of jobs may
become complicated by the expectations of employers as compared to the qualifications of
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
13
today's youth. According to Kazis & Kopp (1997), 60 percent of twelfth graders cannot
perform at a level of basic math proficiency. With employer's expecting more complex skills
from entry-level workers (Kazis & Kopp, 1997; Skinner, 1995), many youth may be unable to
secure employment. Most employers prefer experience, occupational skills, references, and no
criminal record (Lerman, 1996). Thus, the combination of increased competition, lack of
availability of jobs and increased employer demands may be detrimental to rates of youth labor
participation.
Community Characteristics
Next, we will investigate the influence of the community which we consider to be
family, peers and neighborhood. The family and peers of an individual can be characterized
by their ethnicity and the influence they wield concerning employment values. The
neighborhood has an impact on the individual through school, home and the surrounding
infrastructure. Thus, while local labor markets may provide the opportunity, the context of
family, peers and neighborhood may provide the motivation to get a job. We will begin with
an examination of employment differences by ethnicity.
The factors guiding youths into or away from employment differ by ethnicity. It is
acknowledged that white youth are working more and earning more than black youth (Gleason,
1997; Skinner, 1995). Unfortunately, this trend extends into adulthood (Holzer, 1994).
Discrimination in hiring, higher rates of illegal activity, a mismatch of skills, competition from
immigrants and location of employment in suburban areas are all valid possibilities (Desaran &
Keithly, 1994; Holzer, 1994) for the disparity in rates of employment and earnings among
white and black youth. Theories as to the cause of this range from "culture of poverty"
theories in which the individual is to blame for lack of employment (Murray, 1984) to
"opportunity-structure" theories in which the insufficient opportunities afforded the individual
through the school system and the labor market are to blame (Johnson, 1989). While support
can be found for both theories, it is clear that there are no simple solutions. As stated
previously, obtaining a high-school diploma does not uniformly lead to a job for every
individual. Therefore, we need to determine what other factors are making a difference in the
rates of participation in employment.
Although ethnicity appears to be a key variable in determining an individual's
employment outcomes, it is closely related to many other important variables. For example,
ethnicity is associated with poverty status, type of residence, location of residence,
discrimination in the workplace and the quality of the public school system. Thus, it is not
truly ethnicity that is the cause of disparity in economic outcomes, but those variables closely
associated with ethnicity. Therefore, the solutions for closing the gap in employment
participation lie in those associated contextual variables (Skinner, 1995). For example,
Skinner (1995) suggests that funding urban housing and infrastructural development along with
combating racial discrimination in housing, hiring and job ladders is needed.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
14
Findings from a study by Powers (1994) also support the need for increased attention to
contextual variables especially with regard to non-white populations. Powers examined the
inactivity of youth (not being in school, in the military or employed), which is viewed as a
problematic outcome in and of itself and is related to future economic prospects. Powers
(1994) found that inactivity among white youth is primarily determined by socioeconomic
factors (parents' education, family income, welfare status) while inactivity among black and
Hispanic youth is primarily determined by sociocontextual factors (family structure, residence,
influential others). Specifically, youth from single parent homes, who lived in urban areas
and interacted with individuals who discouraged employment were more likely to be inactive.
Thus, one's neighborhood, family and peers do play a role in determining the economic
outcomes of non-white youth.
For any intervention program to be successful in increasing participation in the labor
market, it must attend to complex problems and devise complex solutions. Successful
programs will be aware of the characteristics of the individual, the current conditions of the
labor market and the influence that the community can have on the individual. Not only are
community effects important for the economic prospects of the individual, but regional effects
will become more important in the future as jobs move farther away from inner cities and thus
the possible employment boundaries widen. Next, we discuss interventions programs
addressing problems associated with youth employment.
Strategies to Improve Youth Labor Market Participation
In this section we will discuss programs designed specifically to address some of the
aforementioned problems associated with youth unemployment. The focus of interventions has
been to improve the economic prospects of youth. We will not expound a comprehensive
review of the past and existing youth employment programs in this review (See Swanson &
Spencer, 1991 for an overview) but will instead address suggested and successful components
to be used in future youth employment programs. To reiterate, the barriers to successful
employment explored in the previous sections included:
low educational attainment;
lack of employment experience;
lack of credible references;
early parenting;
health problems;
competition for and location of available jobs;
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
15
place of residence;
influential others, and
unfair housing and hiring practices.
Youth labor market management strategies based on previous research either directly or
indirectly address most of these barriers. Solutions suggested are multifaceted and take into
account the complexities of the lives of the youth in need (Swanson & Spencer, 1991).
Themes that emerge from the literature include staying in school, completing an
educational degree, providing positive role models, and providing for employment
experiences. Walker (1997), in a recent review, offered the following four suggestions for
successful youth training programs:
promote long-term mentoring relationships between the youth and a trained
adult;
develop strong connections to employers in an effort to place the youth in
employment;
promote the continuation or completion of an educational degree, and
encourage independence and confidence in the youth while acknowledging a
long-term relationship with that youth.
These goals are reiterated by researchers (Lerman, 1996) and are articulated by the
youth themselves (DeJesus, 1997). Lerman (1996) expands this list by adding work
experience in the form of part-time jobs that are linked to school curricula. Lerman advocates
use of the School-to-Career (STC) curricula (in part sponsored by the School-to-Work
Opportunities Act) that are being implemented through schools or independent programs across
the country. Within these programs, youth are taught about possible career paths through
direct work-based learning. Enhancing the employment experience of youth while encouraging
and continuing their education has proved successful. Lerman notes that students involved in
STC programs are more likely to enter college, have positive attitudes about work and school,
have better relationships with their teachers, and through credible references and experience
may even increase their chances of getting and maintaining a job.
While the previous recommendations by Walker and Lerman have resulted in positive
results in past and current job training programs and initiatives (JTPA, Job Corps, Big
Brother/Big Sisters, YouthBuild), at-risk youth may need additional services to ensure their
success (Swanson & Spencer, 1991). To address problems among the most disadvantaged
youth, assistance with adequate housing, food, appropriate clothing, counseling and medical
support should be provided (Walker, 1997).
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
16
Additionally, strategies to combat negative community influences are needed. Lerman
(1996.) offers the School-to-Career programs as a possible solution in that they expose youth to
positive peer and adult role models and may help in delaying early childbearing and criminal
activity by involving the youth in positive and engaging activities. DeJesus (1997), in
interviewing youth in job training programs about what they saw as the most important
components, found that youth longed to be involved in activities that build self-esteem and self-
confidence. Suggestions from the youth included working with adults who expressed genuine
concern for their well-being and working in activities that allow them to be of service in the
larger community. Civic involvement is also a technique supported by Walker (1997) to build
self-esteem while building respect for the positive aspects of the youths' environment. DeJesus
(1997) found that those youth who had a greater sense of social awareness and community
were more successful in obtaining long term employment.
Table 3
Critical elements for employment programs serving youth:
Important for all programs:
Particularly important for vulnerable youth:
1. Promote long-term mentoring
1. Expose youth to positive peer and adult
relationships
role models
2. Develop strong connections to employers
2. Engage youth in positive activities in
effort to delay teen parenting and criminal
activity
3. Promote the continuation or completion of
3. Promote activities that build self-esteem
an educational degree
4. Encourage independence and confidence
4. Encourage civic involvement
in the youth
5. Provide work experience that is linked to
school curriculum
Thus, the suggestions made for youth job training programs do address most of the
individual, labor market and community barriers illustrated in the first two sections. In
addition, the job training recommendations added a couple of factors not entirely explored by
the youth labor market literature such as self-esteem, decreasing criminal activity and
community involvement. Prause & Dooley (1995, 1997) did report that youths who are
unemployed or underemployed suffer from low self-esteem. One omission from suggested
youth training programs is the provision of health care insurance. The health of the individual
is important for success in the labor market (Garansky, 1996).
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
17
Past employment training programs have been criticized for not reaching the most
vulnerable youth (Skinner, 1995, Swanson & Spencer, 1991). It may be that extra steps are
needed for these youth. Youth coming out of foster care between the ages of 18 and 21 may
well be members of the most vulnerable group of youth based on data below regarding
educational deficits and health and mental health issues. It is quite possible that youth leaving
foster care need extra steps to be taken and may even need more help according to their special
needs. In particular, it will be important to understand the individual youth's social network to
better comprehend the available strengths and possible barriers. We will now explore the
employment and educational outcomes for youth transitioning out of foster care.
IV. EMPLOYMENT AND EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES FOR YOUTH LEAVING
FOSTER CARE
In this section, we review studies which examine educational and employment
outcomes for youth as they leave foster care. Such studies fall into two categories: 1.) those
which look at outcomes for youth as they leave care and 2.) those which examine these
outcomes for youth at some follow-up point after leaving care. While we discuss education
and employment outcomes separately, most of the studies cited examined both. In total, since
1960, only 14 studies have addressed this issue. Such studies vary in scope and geographic
location, with only one nationally representative study of Independent Living Programs
(Cook, 1991) and only one drawn from a nationally representative sample of youth, the High
School and Beyond Survey (Blome, 1997). The other studies are state specific: in California
(Iglehart, 1994); Kentucky (Mangine, 1990); West Virginia (Jones and Moses, 1984);
Wisconsin (Courtney, Piliavan and Grogan-Taylor, 1995); and Minnesota (Meier, 1965) or
city specific, such as: New York City (Festinger, 1983); San Francisco (Barth, 1990); Seattle
(Fanshel, 1990); New Orleans (Zimmerman, 1982); and Boise (Wederen, 1994). One study
was conducted in Paris, France.
Education
Following the format used by Mech's (1994) summary of outcome studies, we
summarize all of the outcome studies focusing on education in Table 4. Specifically, for each
study, we indicate the sample, study method and findings on four outcomes:
high school and GED completion;
enrollment in college preparatory classes;
enrollment in secondary school; and
vocational classes.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
18
Other noteworthy outcomes are listed in the final column of the table. While the types
of educational outcomes examined varied, the two most commonly collected outcomes include
the percentage of youth completing high school or GED (some present it as percentage
dropping-out) and the percentage of youth enrolled in post-secondary school. Despite the
different samples and definitions used, one findings is consistent: the educational completion
rates for foster care youth are lower than the general population of youth both at the time they
leave care and as they move through their early adult years.
Educational Outcomes at the Point of Leaving Care
The most recent and comprehensive study of educational outcomes for youth in care is
Blome's (1997) research on what happens to youth once they have "aged out" of foster care.
This study relied on data from the "High School and Beyond" survey administered every two
years by the Department of Education from 1980 through 1986. Existing data included a
subset of 167 foster youth. These youth were matched with non-foster youth on age, gender,
race, verbal abilities and math abilities (total n = 334). This study represents a departure from
the other foster care youth studies as it uses an longitudinal quasi-experimental design in which
foster care children were matched with a comparison group of non-foster care youth.
Although matched comparison groups have been used in previous research, studies in which
the same questions are asked of the matched youth at the same time are virtually non-existent.
Regarding high school performance, Blome found the following:
Foster care youth were more likely to have dropped out of high school than
non-foster youth (37 percent vs. 16 percent), though both groups were equally
likely to agree that dropping out of high school was not a good idea.
Foster care youth who dropped out of high school were less likely to have
received a high school diploma or a GED certificate (77 percent vs. 93 percent).
Foster care youth were less likely to be enrolled in college preparatory classes
than non-foster youth (15 percent vs. 32 percent).
Foster care youth spent less time studying than non-foster youth.
Participation in school activities and clubs did not differ between the two
groups.
Foster youth participated more in vocational clubs than did non-foster youth.
Foster youth were more likely to report that they had been disciplined in school,
suspended, and had been in "serious trouble with the law".
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
19
Table 4
Educational Outcomes for Foster Care Youth
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
High School/GED
Enrollment in
Enrollment in
Vocational Classes
Other
Completion
College Prep
Secondary School
Blome,
High School and
Longitudinal quasi
37% foster youth
15% foster youth vs.
Lower than
More foster youth
W.W., 1997
Beyond National
experimental
dropped out vs.
32% comparison
comparison group,
than comparison
Survey, bi-annual
design, youth
16% comparison
although 45% of
survey, 1980-1986,
matched on age,
foster youth had
167 foster care youth
gender, race,
taken higher
matched with 167 non
verbal and math
education courses
foster care youth (N =
abilities
334)
Dumaret, et.
Targeted 63 adults
semi-structured
67% had no
42% vocational
al., 1997
from severely
interviews
educational
diploma
dysfunctional families
diploma, 7% had
in France who had
completed high
been in care for at
school, compared
least 5 years, final
to 32% for national
sample size was 59
norm
Courtney, et.
141 youth in
Currently study
90% still in high
79% expect to enter
26% read at 12th
al., 1995
Wisconsin who had
reports only
school
college, 63% expect
grade, 32% read
been in out-of-home
descriptive data
to complete college
below 8th grade,
care for at least 18
about the sample.
30% failed at least
months, 17 years old,
Extensive
one grade, 37%
were not
multivariate
enrolled in special
developmentally
staistical analyses
ed, 20% had to
disabled
will be conducted
stop school for at
least one month at
some point
Table 4
Educational Outcomes for Foster Care Youth
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
High School/GED
Enrollment in
Enrollment in
Vocational Classes
Other
Completion
College Prep
Secondary School
Mech, 1994
1,465 former foster
All used interview
58% had
care youth
data, aggregated
completed high
aggregated across 4
to focus on
school
outcome studies:
education,
Barth, 1990;
employment,
Festinger, 1983;
housing, support
Jones-Moses, 1984;
and cost-to-
and Cook 1991
community
Wedeven,
68 former foster care
Survey
94% had
57% had post-
et. al., 1994
youth from Boise,
completed high
secondary education
Idaho Casey Family
school or GED
Program
Barth, R.
55 young adults who
Interviews, 76% in
62% completed
33% enrolled in
1990
left foster care, San
person and 24%
high school degree
college
Francisco Bay
by phone
area/Sacramento
Cook, R.
810 former foster
Interviews
54% had
18% enrolled in
1990
youth from Arizona,
conducted 2.5 to
completed high
college
California, North
4 years after
school degree
Carolina, Illinois,
youth discharged
Missouri,
from care. 69%
Pennsylvania, New
conducted on
York, Tenessee; multi
phone, 31% in
stage probability
person
Table 4
Educational Outcomes for Foster Care Youth
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
High School/GED
Enrollment in
Enrollment in
Vocational Classes
Other
Completion
College Prep
Secondary School
Fanshel,
Targeted 180 former
Interviews,
Does not report
1990
foster care youth from
conducted an
rates of
Seattle Casey Family
average of 7
completion
Program, 106 youth
years after
in final sample
leaving care
Jones and
607 former foster
Pre-coded
51% had
7% had at least one
Lagged behind
Moses, 1984
care youth in West
interview
completed high
year of college
their peers in
Virginia targeted; 328
schedule. 89%
school degree
education by one
youth in final sample.
conducted in
year
Had been in foster
person, 11% by
care for a minimum
phone or mail
of one year.
Festinger,
364 former foster
Structured
65% had
34% completed
1983
care youth in New
interview
completed high
some college, 5%
York City targeted,
school or GED at
graduated from
277 were interviewed
the time of
college.
discharge
Zimmerman,
61 former foster care
Interviews
39% completed
1982
youth, ages 19 to 29
comparison to
the 12th grade
at follow-up in New
general
compared to a
Orleans
population of
69% completion
southern blacks
rate for all
southern blacks
Blome attributes the observed differences between foster care youth and their
counterparts to several factors. School stability played a key role. Foster care youth changed
schools more frequently than other youth, often three or more times since fifth grade. The lack
of family support for educational endeavors among foster care youth may also contribute to
poorer school outcomes. Foster care mothers and fathers were less likely to monitor their
children's homework than were non-foster care parents. In addition, foster care parents were
less likely to attend teacher conferences, visit the classroom or volunteer at school. Part of this
difference may be due to that fact that 20 percent of foster care youth were living
independently their senior year as compared to 3 percent of the other youth. It is also
important to note that foster care youth may have decided to become employed rather than
complete school as those foster youth who did drop out were almost twice as likely to be
employed than comparison group members (50 percent vs. 26 percent).
Blome's study also looked at foster care youth after high school. While 45 percent of
foster youth had taken higher education courses, this percentage was less than non-foster
youth. Fewer foster youth who had dropped out of high school were enrolled in a GED course
than non-foster youth (27 percent vs. 75 percent). However, foster youth were more likely to
report participating in training programs (on-the-job and classroom based) than non-foster
youth after high school. Of those youth enrolled in higher education courses, only one-fifth of
the foster youth were receiving supportive monies from their families while 38 percent of non-
foster youth were receiving supportive funds. Perhaps more importantly, foster youth were
receiving, on average, far less money ($600 vs. $2000) than non-foster youth for their
schooling.
Another strength of the Blome study was examination of educational aspirations. As
sophomores, more foster youth thought they would be homemakers, more foster youth thought
they would finish their education by age 19 (indicating no plans for higher education) and
fewer foster youth thought they would work just after high school. In many respects, foster
care youth's educational aspirations are no different than other youth. The authors surmise
that the discrepancy in educational aspirations and attainment between foster youth and non-
foster youth may be due to different expectations with regard to ability and outcomes for each
group. This finding is particularly important as the researchers controlled for actual ability in
this study.
The Blome study raises several important concerns. First, it is imperative that workers
and teachers have equal expectations for foster youth and encourage them to go as far in their
education as possible. Equal emphasis should be placed on educational attainment for foster
youth as is for non-foster youth. Second, the authors advocate training foster parents to
monitor school performance, training service providers to track the youth's progress in school,
and encouraging birth parents to be involved either physically or mentally in the youth's school
progress. Third, considering the higher rate of school change among the foster youth and the
possible deleterious effects of this, service providers may want to factor in the effects of school
change in their decision of when and where to place the child. The final concern relates to
financial assistance for higher education. The disparity between foster care youth and other
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
23
youth of equal ability in financial assistance suggests that setting aside formal foster youth
funds for help with education and living costs would significantly improve foster care youths'
chances for advanced education.
The Blome study provides an important view of educational outcomes for foster care
youth, but since the focus of the original study was not foster care, the subjects' history in
foster care is unknown. Two other studies examine educational outcomes using samples of
drawn specifically from agencies or programs serving foster care youth which help us
understand the relationships between educational outcomes and characteristics of care.
Courtney and his colleagues at the University of Wisconsin (Courtney, Piliavin, and
Grogan-Taylor, 1995) are currently conducting a longitudinal study of the post-care
experiences of youth who have had relatively long stays in out-of-home care. Their sample
was identified through the Wisconsin Human Services Reporting System (HSRS) which
includes youth from Milwaukee and 41 other counties within the state. The sample included
141 youth who met the following criteria: 1.) had been in out-of-home care for at least 18
months; 2.) were at least 17 years old at time of sample selection; and 3.) were not
developmentally disabled. This on-going study includes three waves of structured in-person
interviews. The interviews require approximately 60-80 minutes to conduct and respondents
are paid for their time. Wave 1 was conducted between February and May of 1995. Wave 2
will be conducted after the youth have been out of care for approximately 6 months and Wave
3 will occur at approximately 18 months after the youth have left care.
The 1995 wave of this study provides useful information about the educational status of
youth as they prepare to leave foster care. At that point, at age 17, 90 percent of the sample
were still attending high school. A full 79 percent expected to enter college and 63 percent
expected to complete college. These figures corroborate Blome's findings that educational
self-expectations of foster care youth are similar to youth in general. At this point Courtney et
al do not provide any comparison statistics. While the enrollment figures are promising, this
sample did report some educational difficulties. In particular, one-third read at or below an
eighth grade reading level, though one-quarter read at a twelfth grade or higher level. Thirty
percent of the sample had at some point failed to complete a grade and 37 percent had been
enrolled in special education classes at some point in their educational careers. One-fifth of the
sample (20 percent) revealed that they had to stop school for at least one month at some point
in the past.
The Wisconsin findings are based on a sample which is 57 percent female, 65 percent
Caucasian, 27 percent African-American, and 6 percent Native-American. Regarding the
types of maltreatment these youth experienced, 66 percent reported neglect, 57 percent
reported an incident of physical abuse, 31 percent reported a history of sexual abuse. One-
quarter (25 percent) reported physical abuse as the primary reason for removal, 12 percent
reported neglect as primary reason, and 11 percent reported sexual abuse. Sixteen percent
reported their placement as voluntary, however, all cases in the sample were in placement due
to court order. Though no information is yet available about how long they had been in foster
care other than the 18 month minimum required for sample inclusion or how many different
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
24
placements they had experienced, the youth were generally satisfied with their placements and
agreed that the placements were necessary. Three-fourths of respondents agreed with the
statement that they were "lucky" to have been placed in out-of-home care. Seventy-two percent
were generally satisfied with their experiences in out-of-home care. Eighty-seven percent
agreed with the statement that "foster parents have been a help to me," although only 50
percent felt the same way toward social workers. Moreover, 85 percent of respondents have
received training in education, job seeking and decision-making skills. While over one-third
(39 percent) indicated that the primary source of their training was their foster parent(s), 32
percent got most of their training from specialized independent living training programs. The
fact that the majority of these youth feel positive about their placements and have some type of
independent living services or support from their foster parents may relate to the fact so many
of them are still enrolled in school.
The federally funded Westat (Cook, 1991; Cook, 1987) evaluation of Independent
Living Programs affords the only nationally representative picture of how foster care youth
fare as they make the transition to adulthood. The Westat study, conducted in 1987, consisted
of two parts: 1.) a process study in eight randomly selected states including 47 counties which
resulted in case record reviews of 1,644 randomly selected youth who were discharged from
care between January 1987 and July of 1988; and 2.) a follow-up study of approximately half
of these youth (N=810) two and one half years to four years following discharge from foster
care.
The first phase of the Westat study found that only 48 percent of the 18 and 19 year
olds had completed high school at the time of discharge. The national high school completion
rate for the same age group was 64 percent, indicating that adolescents leaving care had large
educational deficits. To place these findings in context, it is important to understand the
demographic and case histories of these youth. Seventy percent of these youth had entered the
foster care system as adolescents. Minority and male youth, however, were more likely to
have entered care at younger ages. The majority (82 percent) experienced only one episode of
out-of-home care, with the median length of stay of 2.5 years. However, almost 60 percent
resided in three or more placements during that time period. By the time of discharge, one
third had experienced a serious emotional disturbance, 17 percent of the females had become
pregnant; 17 percent had abused drugs; 9 percent had health problems; and almost half had run
away at least once. With regard to Independent Living Services, over half of the sample (60
percent) had received some type of independent living services prior to discharge, but only
one-third were enrolled in an independent living program. In assessing the impact of these
services on educational outcomes at discharge, the Westat study found that youth who
received the most comprehensive Independent Living Services while in care fared better
educationally than did their counterparts who did not receive Independent Living Services.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
25
Educational Status after Leaving Foster Care
Educational outcomes were among the important issues focused on by studies that
followed the lives of youth leaving foster care. While these studies provide important
information, it is difficult to draw any definitive conclusions as the ages at follow-up vary
considerably, from age 18 to 29. In addition, as all these researchers acknowledge, these
samples represent only those who could be found (Cook, 1991; Festinger, 1983). It is
unknown whether those who could not be found would be doing worse or better than the
sample members who were interviewed.
At the follow-up point, 54 percent of the Westat sample had completed high school.
The median age at the time of these interviews was 21, with a range of 18 to 24. Young
parenthood appeared to affect education completion at the follow-up interview, as 60 percent of
young women had given birth to at least one child and these women were half as likely to
complete further schooling than the former foster care women who had not given birth. Two
and one half to four years after foster care emancipation, these youth's economic situation, in
part due to the lack of educational attainment, resembled those of individuals living below the
poverty line.
Festinger's (1983) follow-up study of 277 youth who had been discharged from care in
New York City in 1975 conducted in 1979-80, though somewhat dated, also provides useful
information about educational outcomes for foster care youth. The youth had been in care for
at least five years and were ages 18 to 21 years old at discharge; three-fourths had been
discharged from foster homes while the remainder had been in group facilities. Festinger
(1983) found that 65 percent had completed high school and among that group, only 40 percent
stopped their education at high school graduation. An additional 25 percent of the high school
graduates reported college enrollment. While Festinger's high school completion rates are
higher than other foster care studies, educational achievement was an area in which youth
formerly in foster care differed greatly from the norms of the general New York City
population. For example, males who were formerly in foster care completed college at a rate
of 2.3 percent, compared to a rate of 22.1 percent for the general population of New York
City.
Other studies of educational outcomes have estimated lower levels of high school
completion than did Festinger's study. Barth interviewed 55 young adults who left foster
care in the San Francisco area and found that only 45 percent reported high school completion.
Zimmerman (1987), studying primarily southern black foster care youths found that while 70
percent of those discharged from foster care had entered high school, only 39 percent had
completed 12th grade, compared to a 69 percent completion rate for all southern blacks.
Finally, one study reported comparable levels of high school completion to Festinger's study.
The Child Welfare League of American Study (Jones and Moses, 1984) of 328 former foster
care youth in West Virginia found that 63 percent had completed grade 12 or earned a GED.
Approximately 60 percent also expressed interest in obtaining additional schooling. Our best
estimate of high school completion comes from a study by Mech (1994) in which he reanalyzed
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
26
the four studies described above (Barth, 1990; Cook, 1991; Jones and Moses, 1984; Festinger,
1983). By combining data across the four studies, he found a 58 percent high school
completion rate.
While estimates vary as to the percentage of youth who had completed high school after
leaving foster care, it is clear that a substantial percentage of the youth are not reaching an
adequate level of educational attainment. To get a sense of whether the lack of education is
affecting youth's rate of employment, we will now explore employment outcomes.
Employment Outcomes
Most of the studies cited above examined employment and economic status in
conjunction with education. Employment outcomes typically included the following: 1.)
percentage employed at time of follow-up, 2.) wages or income and 3.) percentage of youth
receiving public assistance. The Westat study attempted to measure sustained employment by
measuring the percentage who had been in the same jobs for at least one year. The
employment outcomes from these studies are summarized in Table 5. With the exception of
the Festinger sample, the employment and economic status outcomes of the former foster care
sample resemble that of people living at or below the poverty line.
Employment at the Time of Leaving Care
Courtney et. al. (1995) found that of the 141 Wisconsin youth, at age 17, 80 percent
reported being employed at some time. Fifty-seven percent held a job at the time of the
interview. A majority, 92 percent of the respondents, were either "very optimistic" or "fairly
optimistic" about their hopes and goals for the future. Among the Westat sample, 39 percent
had been employed at some point before they left care, a figure much lower than the Wisconsin
study. Comparing the Westat figures with employment figures of the general population of
16-19 year olds suggest a much lower level of employment among youth in foster care. In
1986, 56 percent of young men and 55 percent of young women were employed. It is difficult
to interpret the meaning of employment percentages for youth who may still be in school.
Indeed, some youth may not be able to work because of school commitments. On the other
hand, employment while in school may represent an important avenue to job experience, job
"socialization", and networks for finding future job.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
27
Table 5
Employment Outcomes
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
Employed
Employed at Least
Annual Wages
AFDC
Other
One Year
Courtney, et.
141 youth in
Currently study
80% employed at
92% optimistic
al., 1995
Wisconsin who had
reports only
some point before
about future
been in out-of-home
descriptive data
interview, 57%
employment
care for at least 18
about the sample.
employed at time of
months, 17 years old,
Extensive
interview
were not
multivariate
developmentally
staistical analyses
disabled
will be conducted
Cook, R.
810 former foster
Interviews
49% at time of
38% at time of follow
- $10,000 per year
39% at time of
1991
youth from Arizona,
conducted 2.5 to
follow-up
up
follow-up
California, North
4 years after
Carolina, Illinois,
youth discharged
Missouri,
from care. 69%
Pennsylvania, New
conducted on
York, Tenessee; multi
phone, 31% in
study probability
person
Booth, R.
55 young adults who
Interviews, 76% in
75% at time of
- $10,000 per year
47% at time of
1990
left foster care, San
person and 24%
follow-up, mostly
follow-up
Francisco Bay
by phone
full-time
area/Sacramento
Jones and
607 former foster
Pre-coded
32% full-time or
16% at time of
Moses, 1984
care youth in West
interview
part-time work,
follow-up, mostly
Virginia targeted; 328
schedule. 89%
greater
food stamps, 34%
youth in final sample.
conducted in
employment for
since discharge
Had been in foster
person, 11% by
high-school grads
care for a minimum
phone or mail
of one year.
Table 5
Employment Outcomes
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
Employed
Employed at Least
Annual Wages
AFDC
Other
One Year
Festinger,
364 former foster
Structured
90% held job at
34% of females,
1983
care youth in New
interview
some point after
10% of males
York City targeted,
care, 75% males at
277 were interviewed
follow-up, 55%
females at follow-
up
Zimmerman,
61 former foster care
Interviews,
75% self-supporting
over 33% below
1982
youth, ages 19 to 29
comparison to
poverty line
at follow-up in New
general
Orleans
population of
southern blacks
Employment at Follow-up
Most of the studies of employment of foster care youth focus on some follow-up point
after leaving care. Of all the follow-up studies, the Westat one is the most comprehensive.
Nearly half (49 percent) of the 810 of the Westat sample was employed at the follow-up
interview, with the median income being $10,000. The Westat (Cook, 1991) study used
employment for at least one year as their primary employment outcome. Over one-third (38
percent) of their follow-up sample achieved this outcome. Those youth who received multiple
skills training were more likely to have held jobs for longer than a year than youth who did not
receive multiple skills training, regardless of whether they were involved with Independent
Living. The particular combination of skills training which enhanced employment outcomes
was training in the following areas: money management skills, consumer skills, establishing
and maintaining credit, education and employment. The Westat study also showed that apart
from skills training received while in foster care, other characteristics were related to
employment stability. Finishing high school before leaving care and having at least one job
during foster care were also positively related to maintaining a job for at least one year.
Further, African-American youth were less likely than either white or Hispanic youth to be
employed for one year or longer. Additionally, youth who were assessed as either emotionally
disturbed or handicapped were less likely to be employed. Finally, drug problems and chronic
health problems were negatively related to job stability.
In addition to employment, the Westat study also looked at public assistance
dependency which they called "cost to community." Thirty-nine percent of the Westat sample
were either receiving public assistance, institutionalized, or using Medicaid at the time of the
follow-up. As was the case with employment stability, the types of skills received made the
difference between those who were receiving public assistance and those who were not. The
five core skill areas were money management, consumer skills, establishing and maintaining
credit, education and employment. White females who had been in foster care, even with no
skill training, were the least likely to be a cost to the community. African-American males,
with no skills training, were most likely to be receiving public assistance or institutionalized.
However, with skills training in all five core areas mentioned above, young African-American
males were no more likely than others to be receiving public assistance at the follow-up period.
Several other factors were related to receiving public assistance, including age at foster care
entry, number of months in foster care, and number of placements while in care. Youth who
entered foster care at older ages were more likely to be receiving public assistance at the
follow-up point as compared to those who entered care at younger ages. Youth who were in
care for a longer period of time and those who experienced multiple placements were also
more likely to be receiving public assistance or institutionalized than their counterparts with
shorter stays or fewer living arrangements. Females were more likely to be on welfare than
males, most likely due to early parenthood. Physical handicaps and drug abuse also increased
a former foster care youth's chances of receiving public assistance at the follow-up.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
30
Other follow-up studies have found varied percentages of employment after leaving
care. In Festinger's sample, 70 percent of the males were employed and 55 percent of the
females were employed. Barth found that nearly three in four of his sample were employed,
mostly full-time. For those reporting full-time employment, annual income was only $10,000
(in 1987), a figure similar to that found in the Westat study. One third of Barth's sample
indicated that limitations in education and job skills were obstacles to better paying jobs. In
the Jones and Moses study, 40 percent reported having a job at the follow-up. Those who had
high school degrees were more likely to be employed than those who did not.
Clearly, having a high school degree is important for foster care youths' long term
employment. However, the low wages cited in the studies above raises concern about the long
term economic self-sufficiency of these young adults.
While the exact percentage of foster youth participating in the labor market is not clear,
what is clear is that a substantial percentage of youth exiting foster care are unable to get and
maintain a job. As explicated in the first section on economic prospects among the general
youth population, solutions to increase the economic success of youth are not simple. The
population of youth coming out of foster care is varied and cannot be easily characterized;
some of the youth are capable and have the personal resources to get a job while others need
multiple services just to help them survive.
Fanshel (1990) expanded the research conversation by considering extensive
background characteristics that may affect an individual's education and thus economic
success. Fanshel examined educational outcomes of graduates of the Casey Family Program
and found a modest linkage between the educational performance while in care and educational
attainment after leaving care. The youth who had experienced severe abuse as children
performed less well in school while in care, a pattern which followed them into their adult life.
This was especially true for males who had been physically abused.
The review of existing studies of employment and educational outcomes for youth after
they leave care illustrates two common themes. First, among youth raised in foster care, high
school completion rates lag behind youth in general. Second, with respect to economic well-
being, foster care youth, on average, resemble individuals living at or below the poverty line.
These two themes point to several important areas which need to be addressed.
To help improve the educational achievement of youth raised in foster care, the
following are important:
School stability is a key factor in ensuring high school completion and where
possible, placement decisions need to account for such continuity.
It is unrealistic to assume that youth raised in foster care can continue higher
education without some social or institutional support, therefore, the
emancipation age for children in foster care should be 21 in all states.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
31
The disparity in financial resources for higher education between youth in foster
care and youth in the general population suggests that setting aside scholarships
for former foster care youth would improve their chances of school completion.
The encouragement and involvement of foster care providers in the educational
progress of youth is critical to staying in school, therefore training and support
need to be available for foster care providers to achieve this goal.
Given the similarity in aspirations between foster care youth and other youth,
foster parents and school personnel need to help youth to plan for steps that need
to be taken to reach their educational goals. Starting this process at earlier ages
would prove most beneficial.
From the literature on employment outcomes, we offer the following observations:
As teenage employment is an important predictor of adult employment, foster
care youth should be encouraged to obtain employment experience either
through part-time work or through volunteering.
Helping youth acquire multiple independent living skills, particularly money
management skills, consumer skills, education about credit acquisition and
maintenance, as well as assistance with continuing education and employment
skills, will increase their chance of adult employment.
Given the prevalence of discrimination in youth employment, employers and
employees need to be trained in cross-cultural interactions.
While a certain percentage of youth coming out of foster care will succeed, a
substantial proportion have serious problems that need to be addressed in future descriptive and
multivariate research as well as in development of and evaluation of interventions. In order to
make recommendations for future research and interventions, we need to fully understand the
barriers to employment and the resiliency factors that make a difference in the short and long
term educational and economic outcomes of youth.
V. BARRIERS OF FOSTER CARE YOUTH TO SUCCESSFUL TRANSITIONS TO
ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE
While deficits in education and employment preparation hinder the ability of youth
raised in foster care to become economically self-sufficient, they are also more likely to
experience additional challenges which make finding and sustaining employment difficult. In
particular, previous research identifies four areas of concern:
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
32
significant developmental barriers including mental health, developmental delay
and physical health problems;
drug and alcohol problems;
justice system involvement; and
homelessness.
The studies examining barriers to employment are summarized in Table 6.
It is important to note that these issues were among those identified by youth labor
market experts as barriers to employment for youth in general. Because of the greater
incidence of these barriers among youth in foster care, the impact of these barriers on youth
may be magnified.
Developmental Barriers
Mental Health
While most would agree that youth raised in the foster care system suffer emotional
trauma stemming from childhood abuse and/or placements within the foster care system itself,
relatively few studies have attempted to document the prevalence of mental health problems
among youth in out-of-home care. Fortunately, some recent studies have acknowledged the
importance of mental health issues. In particular, Fanshel (1990) has been an important
advocate for the consideration of mental health issues within foster care studies.
The most predominant mental health problems found in children in out-of home care
have been psychological and/or behavioral. As can be seen in the descriptions of concurrent
and longitudinal foster care studies, consistency of measures and definitions are problematic.
Thompson and Fuhr, (1992) found evidence of psychopathology in 60 percent to 80 percent of
the children in their out-of-home-care sample. Hulsey and White, (1989) found that the mean
behavior scores on the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist for maltreated children in out-of-
home-care were significantly higher than for those of a control group who had never been in
care. Mech, Ludy-Dobson, and Hulseman (1994), in a study of 534 older adolescents in care,
report that half to three-quarters of their study group had social-emotional adjustment
problems. Finally, Iglehart (1994) interviewed 152 adolescents in care in California and
subsequently reported that 22 percent of her sample had mental health problems. Furthermore,
adolescents with mental health problems had difficulty taking responsibility and taking care of
themselves, creating a supportive physical and emotional environment and being ready for
employment. Thus, Iglehart goes as far as to recommend specialized programs for adolescents
with mental health concerns.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
33
Table 6
Barriers to Economic Self-Sufficiency
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
Mental Health
Delinquency/
Homelessness
Drug/Alcohol
Incarceration
Problems
Roman and
21 homeless service
Combination of
36% had foster
Wolfe, 1997
organizations
case record
care history
throughout the country
reviews of 1,324
people, survey
data from 1,209
homeless and
case studies of
former foster care
residents who are
homeless
Courtney, et. al.,
141 youth in Wisconsin
Currently study
47% received mental health
71% reported
1995
who had been in out-of
reports only
services. Psychological distress
committing a
home care for at least
descriptive data
is higher in foster care youth
delinquent act
18 months, 17 years
about the sample.
(including both White and
old, were not
Extensive
Black subjects) than in the
developmentally
multivariate
general population.
disabled
staistical analyses
will be conducted
Iglehart, 1994
152 youth (16+) in out-
Interviews with
22% of the sample had mental
of-home placements in
youths,
health problems
California
caseworkers and
caregivers
Table 6
Barriers to Economic Self-Sufficiency
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
Mental Health
Delinquency/
Homelessness
Drug/Alcohol
Incarceration
Problems
-
Cook, R. 1991
810 former foster
Interviews
47% were handicapped; 38%
25% in trouble with
25% spent at least
42% alcohol used
youth from Arizona,
conducted 2.5 to
were diagnosed as mentally
law, 4%
1 night without a
within 30 days (vs.
California, North
4 years after
distubed.
incarcerated
place to stay.
62% general
Carolina, Illinois,
youth discharged
poulation), 13%
Missouri,
from care. 69%
marijuana use (vs.
Pennsylvania, New
conducted by
13% general
York, Tenessee; multi-
phone, 31% in
population), 50%
study probability
person
never use illegal
drugs (vs. 51%
general
population.
Mangine et. al.,
74 homeless persons
Survey and
No different from general
16% had foster
1990
in Lexington Kentucky
structured clinical
population
care history
interviews at
homeless drop-in
center and soup
kitchen
Jones and
607 former foster care
Pre-coded
20% problems with
Moses, 1984
youth in West Virginia
interview
alcohol
targeted; 328 youth in
schedule. 89%
final sample. Had
conducted in
been in foster care for
person, 11% by
a minimum of one
phone or mail
year.
Festinger, 1983
364 former foster care
Structured
Arrest rates no
youth in New York City
interview
different from
targeted, 277 were
general N.Y.C.
interviewed
population
Table 6
Barriers to Economic Self-Sufficiency
Design
Outcomes
Study
Sample
Method
Mental Health
Delinquency/
Homelessness
Drug/Alcohol
Incarceration
Problems
Zimmerman,
61 former foster care
Interviews,
50% needing or seeking mental
10% incarcerated
1982
youth, ages 19 to 29 at
comparison to
health services, 5%
follow-up in New
general
hospitalized for mental illness
Orleans
population of
southern blacks
In the recent Wisconsin sample, nearly half (47 percent) reported receiving some form
of mental health or social service, primarily individual counseling or therapy. The RAND
Mental Health Inventory was used to measure psychological stress in the Wisconsin sample.
Lower scores on this measure indicate greater psychological distress. Interestingly, although
scores for the foster care sample as a whole were lower (indicating more psychological
distress) than the general population, mental health scores did not differ by ethnicity. The
average score for Whites in the Wisconsin sample was 65.7, compared to an average of 70.9 in
the RAND sample (drawn from the general population.) The mean for sample Blacks was
65.8, compared to a RAND sample mean of 75.4
Studies of individuals after they leave foster care also support that about half needed or
were seeking mental health services, with about 5 percent being hospitalized (Zimmerman,
1982). Unfortunately, many longitudinal studies have not specifically tracked mental health
outcomes. Former foster care youth in the Westat study were asked about their satisfaction
with life. Eight percent of the youth volunteered that they felt depressed and were reported as
having emotional problems. Had a direct measure of mental health problems been used, rates
for problems may have been higher. As can be seen in the descriptions of concurrent and
longitudinal foster care studies, consistency of measures and definitions of mental health
problems is a difficult issue that needs to be addressed.
In addition to studies concentrating on clinical or quasi-clinical diagnoses of mental
health problems, a number of studies have focused on problems relating to self-image and self-
esteem. A recent study attempted to examine the differences in self-image between male
adolescents in foster care and their peers in the normal population and to relate specific foster
care characteristics to self-image development (Lyman and Bird, 1996). The study sample was
comprised of 58 12-19 year old residents of a group home in Virginia. Eighty percent were
placed for the first time after age 10, 65 percent had been in care for two years or less, with
the remainder spanning up to 15 years in care. Seventy-nine percent had been in one or two
placements, the remaining 21 percent had experienced 3-10 placements. Over 70 percent of the
sample came from families with less than $15,000 in annual income. All of the youths had
contact with at least one parent. All respondents attended public school and had the opportunity
to participate in community activities. Eighty percent of the youths were white, and 20 percent
were African-American. The comparison group was the normative population of 1,385
adolescents used to establish the standardized norms for the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire for
Adolescents (OSIQ). The 130 item instrument measures self-image in 11 domains considered
to be important in the psychological world of the adolescent. The study revealed that there
were no differences in global self-esteem between the adolescent males in foster care and their
counterparts. There were differences, however, in specific domains of self-esteem. The foster
care sample scored significantly higher than the normative sample on the social relations sub-
scale and scored significantly lower on the family relations and emotional health sub-scales.
The study supports the findings of Evans and Hoffman (1988) who found that when family
support is low, social relationships gain importance. The study findings suggest that the family
relations domain was the most depressed for these adolescents. Consistent with the findings of
Fanshel and Shinn (1978), 25 percent of the sample had self-image scores in the emotional
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
37
health domain that fell outside the normal range, indicating the presence of severe
psychopathology. This study suggests that while foster care youths lack family support,
relationships other than with family may be providing the support necessary for the majority of
youths to establish a healthy self-image. However, there is apparently a substantial portion of
the youth who lack family support and have not been able to develop a positive self-image
through their social network. Interestingly, the study did not find that any of the
characteristics of foster care, such as number of placements or length of stay to be related to
differences on self-image.
Cognitive Delays
Children in out-of-home-care also appear to have elevated rates of developmental delay
and educational problems. Evidence of developmental delay has been found in 25 percent to 61
percent of pre-school children (Hochstadt, 1987, Kendall, et.al., 1995) while 45 percent to 75
percent of school aged children have had school problems (Fanshel and Shinn, 1978, Hochstadt
et. al., 1987). Thirty-five percent to 48 percent of children in out-of-home care have failed at
least one grade (Chernoff, et. al, 1994, Sawyer and Dubowitz, 1994). The Westat study
examined the issue of special education specifically in terms of an adolescent population and
found that 37 percent of the youth involved in the foster care system were receiving special
education services.
Although substantial proportions of youth have been placed in special education
services, a comparable amount of study on this issue has not resulted. Oversights in recent
research have demonstrated the need for an increase in the awareness of the connection
between foster care and the presence of disabilities. While a number of studies examining
foster care populations have noted the high incidence of developmental delay, there are few
studies focusing on children in foster care who also have disabilities. Some studies have even
excluded developmentally delayed or disabled youth from their sample which unfortunately
contributes to our lack of information regarding this population (Coutney, 1995). In addition,
large studies of children with disabilities such as the National Longitudinal Transition Study,
have not typically examined the relationships within the family as related to the disability
resulting in a dearth of information regarding foster care involvement among children with
disabilities (Wagner, personal communication, 1997).
Physical Health
The youth labor market literature indicated that health problems can seriously interfere
with finding and maintaining employment. Regarding health problems, several studies indicate
that youth raised in foster care experience far more health problems than other adolescents.
The Wisconsin study used the RAND General Health Rating Index to assess the health status
of the 141 youth in their sample (Courtney, et al., 1995). Whites scored 68.0 compared to
RAND sample Whites 72.4, indicating that youth in foster care did have lower health scores.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
38
Interestingly, there was no difference in the health status among African-Americans in
Courtney's sample compared to a sample from the general population.
While the health information on adolescents as they leave foster care is limited, the
health status of children in care gives some indication of the extent of health problems in this
population. Recent studies of children entering care have found that while 87 percent to 95
percent have at least one physical health problem, 50 percent to 60 percent have multiple
physical abnormalities. (Hochstadt, et. al., 1987; Chernoff, et. al., 1994.) Further studies of
current children in foster care suggest that these children are not obtaining the health care they
need to remedy their health issues. Moffat, et. Al., (1985) reported from a sample of 257
foster children, 79 percent of whom had been in care for more than one year, that 18 percent
had no known source of health care and that nearly half had not been examined in the past
year.
Thus, a particular problem facing the foster care population seems to be the receipt of
services. The data presented in this section reports relatively large portions of the children and
youth in foster care as having physical and mental health problems as well as developmental
delays. Despite reports of high incidence, many children and youth are not receiving
appropriate services. For example, Simms, (1989) reported that 60 percent of the children
with developmental delays were not involved in any treatment program, although they had
been in foster care for an average of six months. Additionally, Dubowitz, et. al., (1990)
reported that of 144 children diagnosed as depressed or having emotional problems, only 18
(12.5 percent) were receiving treatment. Finally, Risley-Curtiss et. al., (1996) reported on the
health care use by 291 children entering foster care. They found that fewer than 50 percent of
referrals for physical, dental and mental health care were completed despite the fact that the
children were part of a new health project designed to improve their health care and in the
custody of an agency under a federal consent decree specifically requiring the provision of
adequate health care. Health care access is evidently still a problem when youth leave care.
The Westat study reported that 30 percent of emancipated youth did not have adequate access
to medical care when needed.
Drug and Alcohol Abuse
Use and abuse of drugs and alcohol may present a barrier to educational attainment,
employability and ultimately one's economic success. A substantial number of foster care
placements have been initiated due to alcohol and drug abuse. The U.S. General Accounting
Office estimates that drug and alcohol abuse play a role in more than 75 percent of the
placements of all children in care. In fact, substance abuse has been the most significant factor
in the increasing number of children in foster care (Child Welfare League of America, 1997).
Not only are alcohol and drug abuse a problem in the biological families of the youths, but
among the population of youths in foster care themselves. The Child Welfare League of
America, in their discussion guide for the Take this Heart campaign, report that 56 percent of
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
39
adolescents in care report using street drugs. Other studies have not reported such high levels
of incidence. The Westat study reported illegal drug taking in 50 percent of their foster care
youth population which is comparable to the rate of illegal drug taking in the general high
school senior population. The Westat study also reported that the rate of alcohol consumption
was actually less than in the general population (42 percent vs. 62 percent). Although the rate
of substance use may reflect levels in the general population, this is not to say that the issue
should be ignored. Because youth coming out of foster care have many other associated risks,
the use of substances could lead to more serious short and long term detrimental effects for
those youth.
Abuse of alcohol and drugs in the family of origin may exacerbate or lead to other risk
factors. Substance-abusing family environments are associated with low self-esteem,
depression, anger and acting-out in adolescents (McGaha, 1995). Furthermore, depression is
related to the onset of alcohol abuse (Chaffin, 1996) which has also been implicated in negative
developmental outcomes for children and youth (Levendosky, Okun & Parker, 1995).
Children from alcohol and drug abusing families have much longer stays in foster care and are
more likely to have multiple periods of placements as their families typically have a harder
time maintaining a safe home (Child Welfare League of America, 1997).
Delinquency and Incarceration
Involvement with the juvenile justice system represents another barrier to economic
self-sufficiency. The studies which address this issue reveal mixed results. Of the 141 youth in
the Wisconsin sample (Courtney, et.al., 1995), 71 percent reported committing a delinquent
act, with the number of delinquent acts committed ranging from one to more than seven. Acts
committed ranged from public rowdiness and petty theft to dealing in stolen goods, auto theft,
assault with intent to do serious harm and drug dealing. The study does not indicate how many
members of the sample were adjudicated delinquents, however. In Zimmerman's follow-up
study of 61 former foster care youth in New Orleans, he found that 10 percent were
incarcerated at the time of the follow-up. Finally, the Westat study reported that 25 percent of
the youth had been in trouble with the law and 4 percent were incarcerated. It is noteworthy
that many of the studies following youth formerly in foster care report that attrition rates were
in part due to incarceration (Fanshel, 1990).
In contrast, other studies suggest that incarceration among former foster care youth is
no different that the general population. Festinger's (1983) follow-up study of 364 former
foster care youth in New York City showed that their arrests were comparable to the general
New York City population.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
40
Homelessness
The majority of follow-up studies did not look at homelessness as an outcome.
However, a number of studies of the homeless population indicate that former foster care youth
are disproportionately represented in homeless shelters. Figures range from 23 percent with
foster care histories in homeless shelters in New York City to 45 percent in Chicago (Roman &
Wolfe, 1997). The Westat study (Cook, 1991) did look at homelessness as an outcome and
reported that 25 percent of the sample had spent at least one night without a place to stay.
While 45 percent of those particular youth were able to stay with friends, 19 percent spent the
night in a shelter and 36 percent lived on the street or in a car.
In a national study of the relationship between foster care and homelessness, Roman
and Wolfe (1997) found individuals with foster care history were over-represented in the
homeless population. The study also found that those with childhood foster care placement
tended to become homeless at earlier ages and remain homeless for longer periods of time than
did homeless individuals who had not been in foster care. The Roman and Wolfe study relied
on multiple sources of data: 1.) foster care history on 1,134 individuals supplied by 21
homeless service organizations around the country; 2.) survey data on 1,209 homeless
individuals collected by 40 homeless service and housing providers; and 3.) ten case studies of
former foster care residents who are homeless. Each of the three Roman and Wolfe study
components revealed remarkably consistent findings. The information collected from the
1,134 individuals provided by the Homeless Service and Housing Providers showed that 36.2
percent had a foster care history. The survey data from the 1,209 homeless individuals
revealed that 43 percent had lived outside of their home as children. The ten case studies
provided some insight into why former foster care youth were likely to become homeless.
Some respondents pointed out that the lesson learned from multiple placements is that the way
to deal with problems is to leave and go somewhere new. Other respondents confirmed that the
previously reported problems foster children experience in developing support networks
contributes to potential homelessness.
The four barriers discussed in detail in this section represent some of the most serious
problems one can expect to encounter in a subset of the youth leaving out-of-home care.
However, there are other factors that will exacerbate or at least add to the problems
encountered when trying to plan for the self-sufficiency of a population of foster care youth.
First, teenage and early parenting may have an impact on self-sufficiency success rates. The
Westat (1990) study reports that 60 percent of the young women had given birth to a child two
to four years after discharge from foster care (24 percent of men had also fathered a child in
this sample). Having a child may have a multiplicative effect in that many other factors are
affected: employment, high school graduation, higher education, financial responsibilities,
need for social support, family planning and psychological well-being. Furthermore, one must
always consider the background of the youth when trying to understand and alleviate the
present barriers. Although the situations of the youth are unique to the individuals, it is clear
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
41
that all the youth have experienced some kind of trauma that initiated their entrance into foster
care. For example, Courtney (1995) reports that 66 percent of the sample members had
experienced situations constituting neglect, 57 percent had experienced physical abuse and 31
percent had experienced sexual abuse.
Finally, we present our observations with regard to the barriers to economic
opportunities. Barriers to economic opportunity include biological (cognitive deficiencies) and
environmental factors (home environment). From extant research it is virtually impossible to
determine causal links between these types of factors (what caused what). Thus, current
research typically assumes that bi-directional, interactional influences are prevalent between
biological and environmental factors. Following this logic, our observations with respect to
barriers to economic opportunity relate to the individual barriers as well as the broader aspect
of barriers as a whole. Thus, our observations follow:
Children and youth who need comprehensive social services do not always
receive them. Thus, efforts should be made to coordinate and deliver
appropriate services.
Systematic reform needs to occur in the area of foster care research and practice
with respect to our knowledge, awareness and appreciation of children with
disabilities within the foster care system.
The over-representation of foster youth among the homeless population is
alarming. Preventative measures are needed to ensure successful independent
living.
Concentrating on the alleviation of barriers will not be sufficient to ensure
continued self-sufficiency in youth leaving foster care. Positive youth
development is a critical component of any successful youth intervention
(Nixon, 1997).
When considering impact models of barriers on economic viability, we promote
the use of a holistic perspective. That is, one should consider not only the
connection of the individual barriers to out-of-home placement but the
connection of the various barriers to each other.
Understanding the barriers to economic opportunity gives us part of the picture. In
order to understand the actual impact of these barriers on short and long-term economic
stability and to set the stage for developing interventions to alleviate these barriers, we need to
understand the factors that contribute to the resilience of individuals.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
42
VI. RESILIENCY FACTORS
The term resiliency is used in this paper to identify factors that research indicates will
enhance a child's ability to overcome life situations that place youth at risk. Research on risk
and protective factors looks at individual or environmental hazards that increase the young
person's vulnerability to negative developmental outcomes and at the factors which mitigate
against a negative outcome in spite of these hazards. The presence of risk factors does not
guarantee a negative developmental outcome, but rather increases the odds, the possibilities
that problem behavior will occur. Even in the face of overwhelming odds, some children
exhibit a remarkable degree of resilience (Werner, 1990). Research which examines both
individual and community protective factors seeks to enhance an individual's ability to
overcome circumstances which have placed that individual at risk.
For the past thirty years, research in the area of juvenile delinquency prevention has
focused on prevention strategies that look at the factors that place youth at risk for delinquency
or violent behavior and at the protective factors that either reduce the impact of those risks or
change the way a person responds to them (OJJDP, 1995).
It is clear that the foster care youth we are dealing with have experienced numerous risk
factors both within the family of origin, and to some degree, through their experience within
foster care (Kumpher, 1993). Again, focusing on juvenile delinquency prevention strategies,
the National Juvenile Justice Action Plan, Combating Violence and Delinquency, identifies
several areas where enhancement of protective factors can increase an individual child's ability
to be successful. These areas focus not only on individual skills and abilities but on changing
and improving social systems that create or contribute to risk conditions:
Protective factors in the social support network, such as maintaining and encouraging
contact with siblings, birth parents, mentors and foster care providers, are substantial. The
provision of love, especially as expressed through involvement in the youth's activities and
through monitoring and supervision, is important. Other family-oriented protective factors
include family stability and adequate financial resources.
Positive personal attributes, such as intelligence, a steady disposition, social skills
(including the ability to solve problems without resorting to violence) and a conventional
belief system.
Schools that positively shape the behavior of young children and teenagers due to stern
policies on violence and drugs, and teachers who care about students and illustrate their
concern for their students' social and academic growth also help to insure successful
development. When youth are prepared for school, succeed in school, and are committed
to the educational system they are less likely to become delinquent.
Communities that provide opportunities and social controls. Communities that exhibit a
high level of organization and cooperation, with neighbors working together to meet
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
43
common objectives, channel youth behavior towards positive outcomes. For example,
communities with active PTAs, after-school activities, churches and religious organizations
and youth social clubs help to protect youth from the temptations and hazards that exist in
society.
Youth participation in and acceptance by prosocial peer groups. Peer influence is
particularly important during adolescence.
Adult supervision of and involvement in youth group activities to provide added protection
against developing delinquent behavior. (U.S. Dept. of Justice, 1996)
Resiliency research focusing on adolescents who are moving to independent living from
foster care, have focused primarily on two issues: the ability of young people exiting foster
care to develop a support network (Mech, 1994), and the influence of an informal role model
or mentor (Rhodes, 1995; Mech, 1995).
Development of a Support Network
Mech describes the research on family, social, and community support indicators as
impressionistic, anecdotal, and quite general (Mech, 1994). In Barth's report of 55 young
adults who left foster care in the San Francisco area, nearly 90 percent reported some contact
with former foster parents or group home personnel after leaving care. The average number of
contacts was five times per year. Most indicated an intention to continue contact. Although
one in four identified foster/group home parents as their psychological parents, nearly 15
percent were unable to identify a psychological parent or someone of significance to turn to
for advice. In Festinger's sample of 277 young adults in New York City, less than 50 percent
of those who left care from foster homes reported keeping in contact with their biological
families. A high percentage of those leaving a foster home arrangement, however, kept in
frequent contact with their last foster family (87 percent ). In contrast, a majority of those
discharged from group placements reported contact with their own parents or relatives
(Festinger 1983).
The West Virginia study (Jones and Moses 1984) administered a 10-item informal
support scale to respondents. Females were reported to have stronger informal support
systems than males. Caucasian respondents were rated lower in social supports than non-
Caucasian respondents. The living arrangements of respondents was significantly associated
with the relative strength of his or her support system. The highest support system ratings
were obtained by respondents who lived with a spouse or partner. Those who lived only with
siblings received the lowest rating on the support scale. The authors concluded that
"formalized attachments and obligations produce a stronger support network" (Jones and
Moses 1984). Overall, in the West Virginia sample, only 30 percent reported belonging to a
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
44
community, social or religious organization. Most of the community affiliations reported were
church-related.
In the Westat follow-up study (Cook, 1991), youths were asked to identify up to five
people in their lives who provided strong support for them. The majority of youths (86
percent ) were able to identify at least one person in their lives. On the other hand, 14 percent
of the youth in this study could identify no one. When asked to identify up to two of the most
important people in their lives, the largest number (45 percent ) identified a friend. Other
important people included birth/adoptive parents (24 percent ), foster parents (23 percent ),
other relatives (20 percent ), significant other (20 percent ), counselor/social worker (18
percent ), siblings (17 percent ), child, teacher, employer, other (less that 10 percent for each)
(Cook, 1991).
Mentoring
Mentoring is increasingly being used as a support service to assist older foster care
youths to make the transition to adult living (Mech, Pryde & Rycraft, 1995). These
relationships can be either natural or assigned mentor relationships and to date have not been
the subject of rigorous research efforts.
At the invitational research conference, Preparing Foster Youths for Adult Living, Jean
Rhodes presented a paper entitled: Natural and Assigned Mentor Relationships with At Risk
Youth: Promising Directions for Research and Intervention. She noted that adolescents who
grow up under extremely difficult circumstances, and yet somehow succeed, often credit their
success to the influence and informal role model of mentor (Anderson, 1991; Freedman, 1993;
Lefkowitz, 1986; Williams & Kornblum, 1985). Reports of mentors' protective influence are
supported by a growing body of research which strongly suggests that relationships with caring
adults can make an important difference in the lives of vulnerable children and adolescents
(Cowen & Work, 1988; Garmezy, 1985; Rutter, 1990; Werner & Smith, 1982). She cautions,
however, that very little research on the underlying characteristics of mentor relationships has
actually been conducted. Her subsequent study on mentor relationships and the career
development of pregnant and parenting African-American teenagers (Klaw & Rhodes, 1995)
examines the influence of natural mentor relationships on the career outlook and overall life
optimism on the sample, 204 students at an alternative school for pregnant and parenting
students in a large midwestern city. Natural mentors are defined as a role model or mentor,
other than your parents or whoever raised you, who you go to for support and guidance.
Participants were told that a mentor is not someone around your age or a boyfriend. Several
characteristics of the mentor relationship were then listed, including: (1) that you could count
on this person to be there for you. (2) that he or she believes in and cares deeply for you, (3)
that he or she inspires you to do your best, and (4) that knowing him or her has really affected
what you do and the choices you make, (5) that he or she is a model for the kind of person you
would like to be, and (6) that he or she is a model for the kind of career successes you would
like to have. The study revealed that the existence of natural mentor relationships was
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
45
positively related to participants' increased life optimism as well as their participation in
career-related activities and beliefs that education would lead to future jobs which were each
positively related to increased life optimism. Natural mentor relationships are characterized as
a powerful, supportive emotional ties between older and younger persons in which the older
member is trusted loving, and experienced in the guidance of others (Bronfenbrenner, 1986;
Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson & Mckee, 1978; Merriam, 1983). In this study, the
majority of participants (57.8 percent ) nominated adults whom they considered to be mentors.
Nearly half (46.3 percent ) had known their mentors for at least 15 years and more that 80
percent expected to maintain the relationship forever. Nearly half (47.7 percent ) of the
participants reported that they saw their mentors daily, and an additional 48 percent reported
that they saw their mentors at least once a week. Similar findings regarding the important
protective influence of natural mentors were revealed in a study of mentoring among young
Latino mothers (Contreras, Rhodes & Mangelsdorf, 1993).
Mech and others examined the use of mentoring programs as an intervention for youth
considered to be at-risk, vulnerable, or likely to be unprepared for adult living. The programs
fell generally into five categories: (1) transitional life-skills mentors who attempt to provide
mentees with social support, friendship, and serve as role models to facilitate the acquisition of
independent living skills, and to assist mentees to develop tangible and intangible life skills; (2)
cultural-empowerment mentors who are matched with the individual from the same cultural or
ethnic group. The rationale for this model is that minority status groups are recipients of
negative societal messages and that a positive role model from their minority group can have a
beneficial influence on mentee identity, aspiration levels and future orientation; (3)
corporate/business mentors who tend to be private sector/business community members that
are matched with older foster adolescents. This model provides jobs, monitors work
experience and offers career development opportunities for mentees who successfully complete
a prescribed program; (4) mentors for young parents. In this situation, young mothers are
matched with experienced mothers. Mentors share their child rearing experiences and try to
help young mothers develop responsibility confidence and a positive orientation toward raising
children; and (5) mentor homes in which four to six foster adolescents are placed in a home
with an adult mentor. The mentor is in residence and is responsible for guiding the activities
of the youth in terms of education, employment and community involvement.
Other Efforts to Empower Youth
There has also been research on programs designed to empower youth in foster care
through culturally specific rites of passage. The African American Rites of Passage Program
(AA-RITES) seeks to further the knowledge base of participants about their African American
heritage and to empower them through the operationalization of African-centered principles
and values. Preliminary interviews of program participants reveal several themes: (1) positive
racial identification; (2) positive self-concept; (3) importance of learning through education; (4)
intrinsic view of success; (5) inner power; (6) self-responsibility; (7) responsibility to
community; (8) importance of cultural heritage; and (9) respect for women. While the study
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
46
authors caution that the study was conducted without an experimental design and therefore will
not allow inferential analysis and generalizability of findings, the themes that did emerge from
these interviews were consistent with program goals (Gravassi, Alford & McKenry, 1996).
Research from successful youth employment programs identified certain factors that
contribute to successful outcomes. DeJesus sought to discover what worked for successful
youth by talking to youth who had been consecutively employed for at least one year. These
young people participated in job related programs including the Center for Employment
Training (CEDT), Jobs Corps, Conservation Corps, YouthBuild, STRIVE, JTPA, IIC
programs, privately funded initiatives and alternative/charter school. His research found that
the most critical outcome of these programs was a change in mentality, attitude or outlook on
life. Several things contribute to this change:
1.
activities that engage and expose young adults with positive adult role models;
2.
activities that build self-confidence and self-esteem;
3.
activities that teach interpersonal and communication skills;
4.
activities in which young adults feel support and genuine concern;
5.
activities that help young adults realize their educational objectives; and
6.
activities that allow young adults to be of service in the larger community.
Although there is still very little research on the impacts of programs designed to
enhance protective influences on adolescents in placement, the literature, specifically that
related to adolescent development and prevention of juvenile delinquency suggests that specific
protective factors can influence a child's ability to cope with difficult and stressful
circumstances.
VII. FUTURE RESEARCH AND PROGRAMMATIC DIRECTIONS
Key Findings
The review of the literature has provided many answers to our questions but in many
ways has raised additional questions or alerted us to gaps in the extant research. For each
question raised in the beginning of the paper, we highlight the key lessons learned and what
questions need further investigation.
How large is and what are the demographic characteristics of the foster care
population who drop out or age out of the system nationally each year?;
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
47
National data on the size and demographics of the foster care population illustrate
several striking facts⁶. First, forty percent of the children in foster care (169,259 children) are
adolescents, and over one third of these children (59,241 children) are between the ages of 16
and 21. These older youths will be leaving care within the next one to five years. In most
cases, these youth will live independently of any significant familial support. Over half of these
youths will have lived in the foster care system for a minimum of two years; most of the
guidance and support they have received to prepare them for adult roles will have been
delivered through the foster care system. Based on 1996 AFCARS data we know that six
percent of the children discharged during the six months period from April through September
(3,792 children) were discharged as emancipated, and additional four percent (2,527 children)
were discharged as runaways and are also attempting to live self-sufficiently. Doubling the
figure (to estimate 12 months of discharge data) our estimate would result in a figure of 12,638
children discharged as either emancipated youth or runaways. These estimates are conservative
when compared to other estimates in the literature. Cook (1988) estimated that approximately
18,000 youths exit foster care at age 18 each year, and in the same year Senator Daniel P.
Moynihan (1988) estimated that 25,000 to 30,000 teenage youth were likely to be discharged
from the foster care system.
We also know that if these youths parallel the racial/ethnic makeup of the foster care
population as a whole they will be 44 percent African-American, 38 percent White, 14 percent
Hispanic, two percent Native American, one percent Asian, and one percent children of
unknown ethnicity. These youth will have come from a variety of placements reflecting a
continuum of restrictiveness in their living situations.
What are the differences in the transition to adulthood between youth raised in
foster care and the general population of youth?
Leaving adolescence and taking on adult roles is a critical transition for all youth.
Viewed from a life course perspective, this transition includes a combination of any of the
following: completing one's education, obtaining one's own residence, becoming employed
full-time, having a child, or getting married. As Mech (1994) points out, relationships with
family, friends, and community supports are being redefined during this period. While many
of these transitions may be dependent on one another, the key adulthood transition discussed in
this paper was becoming gainfully employed and economically self-sufficient. When making
the transition, youth raised in foster care and youth in the general population must face many
of the same hurdles: educational attainment, employment experience, maintaining credible
references, remaining financially afloat, and obtaining health insurance. While the follow-up
research on youth raised in foster care shows great variability in educational and employment
success, the foster youth population, on average, tends to experience many of the same
difficulties as vulnerable youth mentioned in the literature on the general youth labor force. In
addition to the problems encountered by youth such as early parenting, cognitive deficiencies,
6 In this summary paragraph AFCARS estimates are inflated by a factor of 1.45 to allow the
projection of AFCARS data (representing 55 percent of the children in foster care), to an
estimate of all children in foster care.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
48
and participation in illegal activities, youth raised in foster care tend to have a number of
additional barriers such as mental health issues and homelessness. Examining the general
youth population is illustrative of some of the factors that may hamper the transition to
economic self-sufficiency, but it is critical to view the population of youth raised in foster care
as unique in that their experiences before foster care and while in care produces different needs
and requires increased levels of support as they move into adulthood.
What follow-up studies have been conducted on youth who exit the foster care
system?
We reviewed studies involving educational and employment outcomes at the point of
leaving care and at some time after leaving care. It was clear that youth leaving foster care
lagged behind in terms of high school completion rates. Furthermore, although a portion of
the former foster care population were employed after care, as a whole, the former foster care
population resembled the population of those living in poverty. This was evidenced by low
labor force participation rates, low wages for those who were employed, homelessness, and
welfare dependency.
However, it is important to point out that these findings are based on only a few studies
that followed youth once they left care. Thus, longitudinal educational and economic outcomes
are still an area for further exploration. Four research design issues are important for
improving the quality and robustness of future follow-up studies. First, to further understand
the differences between youth raised in foster care and other youth it is critical to use
appropriate comparison groups which reflect individual characteristics of these groups.
Looking at aggregate comparison figures, such as percent of a city's population of a certain
age range who is employed does not allow us to examine the impact of specific demographics,
foster care history or academic abilities on educational or employment outcomes. The second
issue involves examining individuals of the same age and during the same timeframe.
Researchers who study what happens to youth while they are in care agree that picking a
cohort and following them through time produces results which can best inform policy. The
same approach should be used to study this group after leaving care. Furthermore, comparable
measures must be given to each group so that differences can be rigorously studied. Finally,
larger sample sizes are required to have sufficient power to test complex multivariate
hypotheses.
What barriers to employment and education are encountered among youth in
general and what barriers are specific to the foster care population?
Barriers to employment and education for the general youth population include low
educational attainment, lack of employment experience, lack of credible references, early
parenting, health problems, competition for and location of available jobs, place of residence
(urban VS. rural), influential others and unfair housing and hiring practices. Barriers for the
foster care population include the above barriers in addition to housing issues, mental health
issues, social support issues, high incidence of disabilities (cognitive, emotional. behavioral
and social), and the lack of positive adult role models. Furthermore, many of the barriers that
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
49
exist for a minority of youth in the general population are seen in substantially higher numbers
among youth raised in foster care (early parenting, cognitive deficiencies). Finally, some of
the barriers to youth, especially those youth that have spent a substantial amount of time in the
foster care system, are more intangible. In general, the notion of turbulence in one's life from
multiple placements and the lack of contact with one's birth parents and family can negatively
affect the development of foster care youth. Overall, barriers to youth in foster care are
magnified and multiplied as compared to youth in the general population.
Barriers also exist to researchers and practitioners attempting to examine and develop
strong and effective interventions programs. Certain sub-samples of youth have been neglected
in recent research. Children and youth with disabilities are one of those neglected samples.
These children have special needs that would need to be addressed in any successful transition
program. Making the review of the literature even more difficult was the lack of comparability
in definitions of developmental disabilities across studies. There is a need for a large scale
collaborative effort across studies of youth transitioning out of foster care to make the data
comparable and easier to understand. Additionally, most studies addressing barriers to
economic self-sufficiency have not looked at individual barriers but have focused in on the
interactions between barriers. In order to get a true sense of what services need to be put in
place for the youth to succeed, we need to know exactly what barriers exist and how the
barriers interact with each other to affect the individual's outcomes.
What resiliency factors among youth who have been in foster care have been
documented in the current literature as enhancing their transition to economic
self-sufficiency?
The research reviewed pointed to several potential protective factors among adolescents
in general. Personal attributes that may serve as protective factors are intelligence, a steady
disposition, social skills and a conventional belief system. Protective factors beyond the
individual include the development of a support network and the influence of an informal role
model or mentor. The provision of educational support within the school and in the
community by individuals in the youth's support network is critical for the youth's continued
success. In addition, cultural supports, in the form of specifically designed youth
empowerment programs, are a necessary ingredient to positive youth development and
economic success.
While a number of protective factors have been identified, very little research has been
conducted in this area with foster care youth. Therefore, our understanding of exactly how
such protective factors work to enhance the ability of youth raised in foster care to achieve
economic success is limited.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
50
Suggestions for Future Research
To understand more clearly what types of adulthood preparation youth need as they
leave foster care requires a comprehensive and careful account all the factors addressed above.
While the current studies on educational and economic outcomes, barriers and resiliency
factors provide useful information about how to best help this population, they fail to
adequately address these issues simultaneously and therefore fail to answer important
questions. Some questions remaining to be answered include:
What is the relative effectiveness of various supportive interventions for
improving the economic self sufficiency of youth as they leave care?
What specific program components are necessary to improve youth's economic
and educational outcomes?
What specific supports are necessary to assist youth who have developmental
delays or mental health problems?
Are some supportive programs more effective for certain types of foster care
youth than for others?
After reviewing the literature, we propose the following model which draws on some of
the strongest aspects of previous studies.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
51
BACKGROUND
BARRIERS
PROTECTIVE
OUTCOMES
VARIABLES
FACTORS
History of Abuse
Early Parenting
Social support
Education
and Neglect
system
Turbulence-
Mental Health
Mentors (natural
Employment
# of placements
Problems
or assigned)
Type of placement
Cognitive Delay
Intelligence
Economic self-
sufficiency
Foster Care
Behavioral
Social skills
Experience
Problems
Ethnicity
Physical disabilities
Ability to form
secure attachments
Gender
Substance abuse
Living
arrangements/
homelessness
Delinquency/
incarceration
Moving from this general model to specific recommendations, we recognize that three
of the previously mentioned studies have strong components which need to be incorporated
into future research on this topic. Fanshel's study of Casey Family Program youth represents
an excellent model of including clinical and child maltreatment background. This study, in
contrast to the others, was able to give us some indication of the impact of early childhood
maltreatment and the trauma of separation had on later life success. Second, Courtney and his
colleagues' current study of what happens to youth once they leave care provides a strong
prospective longitudinal study design. It also collects critical information about social support,
health, mental health, substance use, juvenile delinquency, and aspirations. The type of
information collected by the Courtney study is similar to the types of information collected on
well known data sets which address youth employment, such as the National Longitudinal
Study of Youth. Finally, the programmatic information about Independent Living services
included in the Westat study are an important component to help us understand how services
should be structured, what should be offered and how soon we should begin working with
youth to prepare them for adulthood roles.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
52
Finally, to improve upon some of the methodological weaknesses of earlier studies, the
type of research which needs to be conducted should have the following design:
a prospective longitudinal study;
the sample should be drawn from current youth in a variety of settings;
the sample should be followed at set intervals of time until the sample is in their
late twenties; and
special sub samples should be drawn of youth with mental health issues and
developmental delays to further explore the needs of this population.
As has been pointed out by all the researchers who conducted follow-up studies,
actually locating their sample proved to be an onerous task. Starting the study at the point at
which youth are still in the care would reduce the difficulty of attempting to find youth.
Courtney and his colleagues at Wisconsin are using this approach and it should be replicated
using a more representative sample.
Next Steps
A key area not addressed in this background paper is that of the types of transition
services available to youth and the effectiveness of those services. The next phase of this
project will be devoted to collecting information about such services. In addition, we are
currently collecting information from a variety of youth about their experiences with
transitional services and their own concerns regarding future education and employment. Such
information will help us begin to formulate more clearly the questions about what
programmatic and policy avenues need to be pursued to assist these youth. In addition, we are
surveying Independent Living programs, Casey Family Programs and other programs serving
youth to understand the types of programs available. The specific questions to be addressed in
the next phase are:
What are the types and utilization of transitional services offered by public and
private agencies?;
What are foster care youth and providers' views on service needs?;
From foster care youth and providers' perspectives, which transitional services
are most effective?;
What types of access do these youth have to post-secondary school or training?;
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
53
Does the child welfare system's philosophy and program structure contribute to
feeling of dependency?;
What is the impact of other social service systems (such as schools and job
training programs like JOBCORPS) on assisting youth who leave care?;
What are employers' experience hiring foster care youth?;
What is the communities role in supporting foster care youth's transition to
economic self-sufficiency?; and
What is the role of family support in fostering a successful transition?
We will also supplement the educational and economic outcomes information presented
in this current paper with information based on the responses to the youth survey. The youth
survey will be distributed to approximately 1500 youth across the country. We will examine
how youth fare on the following indicators: living arrangements, high school completion,
employment, welfare dependency, parenting, substance abuse and armed services participation.
The goal of the second phase of this project will be to combine what we have learned
from the literature review and from our own data collection effort to derive a set of questions to
guide a programmatic and research agenda. In addition we will suggest an approach to
determine the extent to which adult transition support services for foster care youth should be
separate or integrated with support services for youth not in the foster care system, such as
Upward Bound. It will also describe a process for determining realistic outcomes and measures
of accountability for transitional employment services for foster care youth. Finally, we will
suggest an approach to determine which types of programs are most successful in assisting youth
who grew up in the foster care system to become economically self-sufficient. In essence, we
would outline an evaluation plan which tests the effectiveness of several diverse approaches on
adult transition outcomes. Such an evaluation plan could be designed as a quasi-experimental
design which compares various approaches which are revealed through our surveys (e.g., Foster
Care Transition Model, Family Support and Connectivity) with a group of foster care youth who
are not part of these services. This approach would allow us to determine which program
elements are most successful for which youth. This information will be used to help suggest
some "best practice" models which could then be the basis of a research and demonstration
initiative.
Improving Economic Opportunities for Young People Served by the Foster Care System
54
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