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Millennium Council Projects- Preservation/History
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Noa Meyer's Files
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. memo
Huma Abedin to WAVES re list of guests for WW tour (partial) (1
07/11/1998
P6/b(6)
page)
002. list
Seneca Falls signatories (partial) (3 pages)
nd
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Speechwriting (Noa Meyer Subject Files)
OA/Box Number: 17210
FOLDER TITLE:
Millennium Council Projects:Preservation/History
2012-0869-S
kc920
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - 15 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P1 National Security Classified Information |(a)(1) of the PRAJ
b(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office |(a)(2) of the PRA|
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute |(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors. or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy |(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes |(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
TOREASURES
TOUR STUFF
:
1
JUL 14 '98 10:38AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.1
420 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, NY 10018
GIRL SCOUTS OF
THE U.S.A.
Fax
To: Mike O'Mary
Prom: Claudia Davis
Fax: 202-456-6244
Pages:
6
Phone:
Date: 7/14/98
Re: Remarks
CC:
Urgent
For Review
Please Comment
Please Reply
Please Recycle
Comments:
Mike,
Attached are the remarks that our National Executive Director, Marty Evans
will make tomorrow.
Thanks.
JUL 14 '98 10:38AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.2
1
Elinor Ferdon
White House Millennium Council Event
Talking Points
M'Clintock House
Waterloo, NY
July 15, 1998
I am honored to join First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton --
Girl Scouting's National Honorary President -- and all of
you, as we come together at the historic M'Clintock House
to celebrate the birth of the women's rights movement in
this country.
Girl Scouts are thrilled and honored to participate in the
White House Millennium Council's initiative, "Honor the
Past - Imagine the Future," in partnership with the
National Trust for Historic Preservation.
JUL 14 '98 10:39AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.3
2
"Honor the Past - Imagine the Future" is a familiar theme
in Girl Scouting. In fact, since Girl Scouting was founded
in 1912 by Juliette Gordon Low, we have always
encouraged girls to honor their shared past, while keeping
their sights firmly set on tomorrow.
The same vision that guided the women's rights pioneers
we honor today, also sparked Girl Scouting's founder to
create an organization dedicated to serving all the girls of
America. That was a radical idea in 1912. Just as it was
revolutionary 150 years ago for women to vote. But Mary
Ann M'Clintock, and Juliette Gordon Low were visionaries.
They were harbingers of change, advocating new ways of
thinking. Their vision continues to have an enormous
impact on the changing American landscape.
JUL 14 '98 10:39AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.4
3
Today, girls have nearly unlimited options and
opportunities; they can be whatever they want to be -- the
CEO of a multinational firm, an astronaut, an engineer, a
stay-at-home mom, even President of the United States.
These options exist because of the work of pioneers like
Mary Ann M'Clintock and Juliette Gordon Low.
And thanks to Juliette Low's clear and bold vision, Girl
Scouting has not only survived over the past 86 years, it
has thrived. Today, Girl Scouting is a household term, with
three and a half million members in the United States and
over 10-million Girl Guides and Girl Scouts throughout the
world.
JUL 14 '98 10:40AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.5
4
Girl Scouts of all ages have always had ample opportunity
to learn about local community history and to preserve
their neighborhood treasures. Junior Girl Scouts, for
example, can collect and store items of community
significance in a time capsule. When the capsule is
opened in the future, it will reveal something of what life
was like in our time. Or, girls might collect information
about the ethnic groups that have inhabited a particular
area of a city or town.
Older Girl Scouts might compare contemporary passports,
birth certificates, and driver's licenses with those of 50
years ago, to learn what such documents can disclose
about changing habits and lifestyles. Or they can plan and
host a community-wide event to raise awareness about
the preservation of history properties.
JUL 14 '98 10:40AM GIRL SCOUTS USA 800 643 0639
P.6
5
Here in this area, I know that girls from the Seven Lakes
Girl Scout Council will be actively involved in the
preservation of this historic landmark -- the M'Clintock
House.
When girls complete activities like these, they can earn a
very high honor -- a special "Honor the Past, Imagine the
Future" patch, featuring the inspiring White House
Millennium Council logo.
Girl Scouts' participation in the White House Millennium
Council's "Honor the Past - Imagine the Future"
partnership is one of the many ways that contemporary
Girl Scouting is working hard to prepare girls for the world
of change they will face in the years ahead. And this is
how we in Girl Scouting can best prepare girls and young
women to embrace all of the opportunities that will be
theirs in the 21ˢᵗ century.
Jul-10-98 08:07P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.01
CROWNE PLAZA®
ROCHESTER
DATE:
7.10.98
TO:
Huma / Mike O'Mary
COMPANY:
First Lady's Office
FAX NUMBER:
202/456.6244
Number of Pages
Including this Page
FROM:
Ashley Bell rm 514
TELEPHONE:
(716) 546-3450
(800) 243-7760
SALES FAX:
(716) 546-8714
To ensure prompt delivery of faxes to guests or meeting participants, please use
our GUEST FAX at (716) 546-8712
REMARKS: Im sending the Following:
/ Acknowled sements (please CC: to Mike O Mary)
2. Program
3. Info about "Friends" - I marked the
Can be
paragraphs that I think are relevant. I
wrote the contact info. on be bottom of page
4. General Directions (if needed)
To Mike: All background info. is on Web page (will
Forward more specific info.).
CROWNE PLAZA
HOTELS RESORTS
Jul-10-98 08:08P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.02
Acknowledgements for Ganondarge Stat
A. (Main Contacts at Site)
- Peter Jemison ("GEM E SON"), site manager
- Jeanette Miller, wife of Peter Jemison, staff
member of the Friends of Ganondagan
- John Clancy Regional Director, New york State
office. of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation
B. (Roundtable Discussion)
- Clan Mothers (Names TBO)
- Cultural Procentation)
- The young and Little Spirit Dancers
-- The Eilver Cloud Singers
----- TBD, spenker from Park Service
D. Others
The Friends of Genordasar. (all-voluntear group
resconsible for all the programs and activities
at the site)
Jul-10-98 08:09P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.03
Program at Ganondagan State Historic Site:
- Roundtable discussion with Clan Mothers (namesTBD)
of the Handenossunee (Iroquois) Confederacy
- Cultural Presentation
Performance by the young and Little Spirit Dana
and the Silver Cloud Singers
- Tour of the Bark Longhouse
Jul-10-98 08:09P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.04
Friends of Ganondagan State Historic Site
http://www.ggw.org/ganondagan/friends.htm
The Friends of Ganondagan
The Friends of Ganondagan was formed in 1989 to lend physical, spiritual, and
financial support to Ganondagan State Historic Site, Victor, NY. The Friends are
Indians and non-Indians who share a common understanding of the significance
of the past at the site.
Ganondagan State Historic Site is dedicated to the Message of Peace. The Friends
of Ganondagan believe in preserving and promoting that Message by fostering an
informed interest in Native American history and culture -- in particular, the
Seneca relation to the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy. Ganondagan was home to the woman
known as the Mother of Nations She was the first person to accept the message of unity that the
Peacemaker brought to each nation, and helped to form the Confederacy.
The Friends also share the realization that today they help the site move towards an important future.
With your help. Ganondagan can become a center for cultural understanding and a beacon for the
Message of Peace. , a message which Seneca elders have said is the most important lesson for the site to
convey. Your contributions help us to sponsor Cultural Events and allow us to continue to invite guest
speakers and Iroquois craftspeople, naturalists. dancers, and storytellers several times a year.
For many years there has been talk about building a bark longhouse at Ganondagan. Now, at last,
construction of the bark longhouse has begun. You may help in this effort by contributing to the
Campaign of the Heart. Once again, the hearts of the Haudenosaunee will beat strongly on the hill at
Ganondagan.
The Friends of Ganondagan is an all-volunteer group responsible for all the Programs and Activities at
tx
the site. You are cordially invited to become a member of The Friends of Ganondagan! Membership
gives you a chance to join us and help support our programming. We appreciate your support!
Benefits of Membership:
A quarterly newsletter
10% discount on all Gift Shop merchandise
Priority registration and discounts for workshops
Special events reminders
Membership categories:
Patron = $50
Family = $20
Individual < $10
Senior (age 62 and Student = $5
Lof2
7/6/98 10:12 I'm
Jul-10-98 08:11P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.05
Friends of Ganondagan -- Longhouse
http://www.ggw.org/ganondagan/longhous.htm
Contributions may still be made to either the Campaign of the Heart (to help build the Bark Longhouse)
or to the Bark Longhouse Summer Campaign (to film the building of the longhouse and to furnish its
interior). Contributions to either or both campaigns are tax-deductible to the fullest extent of the law.
Please make checks payable to: Friends of Ganondagan, Inc. and mail to:
Friends of Ganondagan, Inc.
P.O. Box 239
Victor, NY 14564
Please indicate on your check whether your contribution is for the Campaign of the Heart or the Bark
Longhouse Summer Campaign.
Back to the Friends page
Back to the Main Ganondagan page
Page created and maintained for the Friends of Ganondagan
by Frank Sadowski, [email protected]
to whom comments and questions about this page should be addressed.
Last updated: April 19. 1998
Copyright © 1996-1998, Friends of Ganondagan. Inc.
http://www.ggw.org/ganondagan/longhous.htm
Friends of Ganondan, Inc.
P.O. Box 239
1488 Victor-Holcomb Road
Victor, New York 14564-0239
Telephone: 716/924.5848
Internet Address:
http://www.agora/asnondea
2 of 2
7/6/98 10:14 PA
Jul-10-98 08:12P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.06
GANONDAGAN
Directions
Finger Lakes Region
State Historic Site
Victor, New York
From the east:
Thruway exit 44. Rt. 332 south 10 second traffic
light. Right on County Road 41. which becomes
Boughton Hill Road At top of hill (flashing red
light). cross intersection. Visitor parking in sec-
and driveway on the right.
From the west:
Thruway exit 45. Proceed to Victor on R1. 96 to
third stoplight. Maple Avenue, which becomes
County Rt. 3. Turn right and proceed south to
Boughton Hill Road (flashing red light), turn
right. Visitor parking in second driveway on the
right.
HOURS OF OPERATION:
Visitor Center open Wednesday through Sunday
9-5, mid-May through first week of November.
Trails open year-round. 8AM to sunset, weather
permitting. Groups by reservation two weeks in
advance.
ADMISSION:
$1 per person for group tours.
ACCESS:
Finger Lakes Region
Visitor Center is fully accessible to people with
mobility limitations.
DATE
ACTIVITIES:
Marked Trails: Earth Is Our Mother Trail and
NEW
Trail of Peace on Boughton Hill, Granary Trail on
Fort Hill Clan exhibit, audiovisual program, and
State of New York
reconstructed longhouse. Special Scasonal
George E. Pataki. Governor
Events. Call site for specific hours.
Office of Parks,
Ganondagan State Historic Site
P.O. Box 239
Recreation and Historic Preservation
1488 Victor-Holcomb Road
Bernadette Castro, Commissioner
Victor. NY 14564-0239
(716) 924-5848
3/98 5M
An Equal Opportunity / Affirmative Action Agency
Jul-10-98 08:13P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.07
Historical Significance of Ganondagan
"Ganordagan, 4: city of village of bark situate at the up of 11 mountain of earth. 10 which one rises by three
terraces. 11 appeared 10 us. from it distance. iv be crowned with round towers..."
M /. the De Belnont, 1687.
G
amondagan State Histone Site is the loca-
tion of a major seventeenth-centary
Seneca town and its palisaded granary.
The town and its associated burial grounds on
Boughton Hill were designated a National
Historic Landmark in 1964. Fort Hill, the site of
the granary. was placed on the National Register
of Historic Places in 1966 because it was part of
the French campaign of destruction in 1687. The
Marquis de Denonville. Governor General of
New France. led an army from Canada against
the Seneca in July. 1687. It was an effort to anni-
hilate the Seneca and eliminate them as competi-
tors in the international fur trade.
Historians emphasize the battle between
the French and the Seneca, which rook place
near Ganondagan over three hundred years ago.
The Seneca recall .) much earlier time period.
when the 111311 referred to as the Peacemaker
journeyed to their territory and met a wornan
known as the Mother of Nations The Seneca
refer 10 Ganondagan as the Town of Peace and
revere and protect the burial site of the Mother of
Namons here.
Trails
I
Hustrated signs mark the three trails where visitors Can learn about the significance of plant life to the
Seneea. about Haudenosaunee droquois) customs and beliefs. and about the features of Fort Hill (the gra-
nary) and the events that occurred there. In the Visitor Center an exhibit by Seneea artist Carson
Waterman explores the importance of the clan system to the Haudenosaunce and a twenty-seven minute video
program surveys the history of Ganondagan.
Jul-10-98 08:16P crowne plaza rochester
716 546 3450
P.08
The Seneca
any Indian nations occupied
M
the North American wood-
lands during the early seven-
reenth century. The froquois-speaking
peoples included the Huron. Cherokee,
Tuscarora. Wenro. Eric and
Susquehannock. as well as the political
confederates known as the Five Nations
troquois. The five nations are. from
west to cast. the Seneca, Chyuga.
Onondaga. Oncida, and Mohawk. The
Frenc in called these nations the Iroquois.
the English referred to them as the Five
Namons. but they call themselves
Haudenosaunee. In 1714. the Tuscarora
joined the Haudenosagnee Confederacy
and hencelonh the English knew the
Confederacy as the Six Nations.
The Seneea have the same cre-
ation story as the other nations of the
Handenosamice. The story relates that
Twins--spirits of the Sky World-cre-
ared the world on the back of J great
spirit turtle. Consequently, our world is
a Turtle Island aswin in an endless
black Sea. Seneca oral history also
relates that from ancient times the
Seneea lived in extended families. set-
ded under one roof in bark houses
known as longhouses. The name
Haadenosaunee translates 11) People
Who Build Houses. This distinguished the Handenosaunce from the peoples who surrounded them.
Another Seneen story relates that a people emerged from the earth at what is now called South Hill
near Canandaigna Lake. about twenty miles from Ganondagan. It is an extremely significant rate. for the
Seneca answer to Onondowagah, literally the People of the Great Hill. Seneca identity is strongly attached to
place. and South Hill is the birthplace of the Scheca people in the distant and unmeasured past.
Seneca oral tradition also tells of a Huron man who arrived among the Mohawks speaking of peace
and an ordered society. This propher is known today as the Peacemaker. The Mohawk, Oneida, and Cayuga
pledged 10 jem his proposed confederation. Following a dramatic interlude. the Seneca agreed also. The dis-
cussion about how to bring in the Onondaga found its way into the house of the Mother of Nations. She pro-
posed a solution which eventually brought the Onondaga into the fold. She lived in the vicinity of
Ganondagan, and is buried nearby.
The Peacemaker established the Gayanesshagowa or Great Law of Peace as the Constitution of the
Handenosanne. The foundation of the law was that thinking and negotiations can replace violence and war-
time as :1 means of setting disputes. The nations of the Confederacy have held Fast to that law since the time
of the Peacemaker.
Jul,10-98 08:18P crowne plaza rochester
716 546' 3450
P.09
The Seneca and the Natural World
raditional Seneca see a benevolent natur-
T
at world which provides human beings
with everything necessary for a healthy
and spiritually satisfying life. Plants and animals
are perceived as allies in life. Seneca oral tradi-
tion expresses a consciousness about the rela-
trinships between the natural world and human
happiness. Today. traditional Seneca open and
close every formal gathering with thanks to the
natural world
for all its gifts.
That speech,
called the
DXI
Thanksgiving
Address. articu-
lates some of
the benefits
derived from
various grasses.
herbs, and trees.
There are many
Seneca uses of
plants. Plants
provide the
materials for
tools. for cere-
monial objects, for games, for clothing. for
works of art. Plants. including trees, provide fuel
for cooking, as well as the food itself. Plants are
also a source of healing. When Seneca pick a
plant for medicinal purposes. they seek not only
the chemically active "agent" within the plant,
but also the spiritually nurturant qualities of that
plant.
The trails at Ganondagan introduce you to the
Seneca's special relationship to the natural
world.
PAGE 01
06/07/1995 20:29 4136370619
EWR
EdithWharton
RESTORATION
FAX
DATE:
PAGES:
(Including cover)
TO: michael o'mary
DEPT. /CO.:
FAX:
456-6244
FROM: Lym
DEPT.:
FAX: 413-637-0619
637-1899
Urgent
For Review
0
Please Comment
Please Reply
Comments
The Mount / Box 974 / Lenox, Massachusetts 01240 / 413637 1899
Fax: 4136370619
06/07/1995 20:29 4136370619
EWR
PAGE 02
EDITH WHARTON/THE MOUNT
LENOX, MASS
FLOTUS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
STEPHANIE COPELAND, PRESIDENT OF EDITH WHARTON RESTORATION (EWR)
SCOTT MARSHALL, VICE PRESDIENT AND THE MOUNT HISTORIAN (EWR)
JONAS DOVYDENAS, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD, EWR
Dovee denni S
JUDITH MCCDONOUGH, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, MASS, HISTORICAL COMMISSION
RICHARD MOE, PRESIDENT, NATIONAL TRUST FOR HISTORIC PRESERVTION
SENATOR TED KENNEDY
CHINOLVER
STATE SENATOR ANDREA NUCIFORO
STATE REPRESENTATIVE CHRIS HODGKINS
STATE SENATOR AND MRS. JOHN FITZPATRICK: Lead donor to The Mount, largest local employer,
and generous donor to local non-profits. Sponsors of the reception.
STATE SENATOR ROBERT DURAND, HEAD OF HISTORIC PRESERVATION COMMITTEE
WILLIAM GALVIN, SECRETARY OF THE COMMONWEALTH
WILLIAM SMITTY PIGNATELLI, CHAIRMAN OF THE SELECTMEN, LENOX
more to come
PAGE 4
FILE No. 415 07/10 '98 06:14 ID:
Jul-10-98 12:24P
P.02
VISIT OF THE PRESIDENT AND THE FIRST LADY
TO
THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER
NATIONAL MUSEUM OF AMERICAN HISTORY
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MONDAY, JULY 13, 1998
EVENT:
Star-Spangled Banner
DATE:
Monday, July 13. 1998
TIME:
7:55 am - 9:30 am
LOCATION:
National Museum of American History
ATTENDEES:
The President
The First Lady
Secretary 1. Michael Heyman, Smithsonian Institution
Spencer Crew, Director, National Museum of American History
Ralph Lauren, Polo Ralph Lauren Company
Rebecca Rimel, President and CEO, Pew Charitable Trusts
Denyce Graves, soloist
Harriet Tubman School Students
Smithsonian Summer Campers
Approximately 150 invites guests, including members of Congress,
members of the White House Millennium Council's Save America's
Treasures Committee, Smithsonian Institution Board and Staff.
representatives of veterans' organizations
PRESS:
OPEN
REMARKS:
The President and the First Lady give remarks.
SCENARIO:
The President and the First Lady will arrive at the National Museum of American History via
motorcade. Mr. Ralph Lauren and family will travel in a VIP car in the motorcade. Upon arrival,
the President and the First Lady will proceed to the Reception Room where they will be greeted
by Smithsonian Institution Secretary 1. Michael and Therese Heyman, Dr. Spencer Crow. Director
of the National Museum of American History; Dr. Ivan and Nine Selin, Chairman of the National
Museum of American History Board; Ms. Rebecca Rimel, President and CEO of the Pew
Charitable Trusts, and Denyce Graves. soloist.
PAGE 5
FILE No. 415 07/10 '98 06:14 ID:
Jul-10-98 12:25P
P.03
Star-Spangled Banner Event
Page 2
The President and the First Lady, Secretary Heyman, Dr. Crew, Mr. Lauren, Ms. Rimel, and Ms.
Graves will proceed to Flag Hall where they will be announced on stage. After announcement,
the President and the First Lady will move to a side stage for the Presentation of the Colors and
the Pledge of Allegiance led by children from the Harriet Tubman School and Smithsonian
Institution summer camp. Other program participants will be on the main stage in front of their
scate. After the Pledge of Allegiance, the President and the First Lady will move to the main
stage and be seated while Denyce Graves sings "American Anthem."
Dr. Crew will then welcome guests and introduce Secretary Heyman. Secretary Heyman will give
remarks, followed by Dr. Crew's remarks in which he will thank the donors. Dr. Crew will
introduce the First Lady. Following the First Lady's remarks, she will introduce the President.
Following the President's remarks, Ms. Graves will sing the Star-Spangled Banner. Upon
completion of the National Athem, the President and the First Lady will work the ropeline and
exit Flag Hall
The President and the First Lady will proceed to the Reception Room where they greet
approximately 30 members of the First Lady's Treasures Tour traveling party. Upon completion
of the meet and greet, the President and the First Lady will return to the White House via
motorcade.
FILE No. 420 07/10 '98 08:58 ID:
PAGE 2
JUL-10-1998 09:54
EDISON NHS
1 201 736 8496
P.02
THE VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
THOMAS EDISON NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE
WEST ORANGE, NJ
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1998
EVENT:
Tour of the Thomas Bdison National Historic Site and Remarks to New Jersey
community leaders in hi-tech industries, preservationists, and historians
DATE:
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1998
TIME:
7:30 am to:10:40 are
LOCATION: Building No. 5, Courtyard Themas Edison National Historic Site
ATTENDEES: THE FIRST LADY
Dick Mos, National Trust for Historic Preservation
Robert Stanton, Director National Park Service
Marie RUST, Northcast Regional Director National Park Service
Jack Welch, CEO General Electric
John McKeon, Mayor of West Orange
Board Members of National Park Foundation
Milleanium Council Members
National Park Staff
Community leaders
Lucent Technologies
Carol Wilner, AT&T
Mary McMannis, Luccat Technologies
Representative from NJ/Pa Council Office of American Electronics Assoc,
PRESS:
OPEN/Tour for traveling press, local pool
REMARKS:
Live broadcast of the NBC Today Show, Interactive discussion with & GE Distant
learning conter, Remarks to invited guests
SCENARIO:
The First Lady will arrive by motorcade at the main gate of the Edison Historic Site. The
First Lady will be greated by Maryanne Gerbauckes, Superimendent of the Edison
National Historic Site and Maria Shiver, NBC Today Show. The First Lady and Maria
Shriver will commence a tour of Building No. 5. (NOTE: This tour will be broadcast live
on NBC.) Upon conclusion of the broadcast, there will be some time before the guided
Park Service tour will begin, The First Lady accompanied by Robert Stanton, Jack
Welch, and Maryanne Gerbanckas will Lour the facility beginning in the Library. The
Lour will pause in the Machine Shop where The First Lady will be joined by students of
West Orange High School and Seton Hall Prep for an interactive discussion with the GE
Distant Learning Center in Schenectady, NY. The tour will continue to the Chemistry
Lab and throughout Building 5. There will be an off-stage announcement of the First
Lady to stage,
PROGRAM:
Mayor John McKcon, gives welcoming remarks and roads letter from Senator
Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ); introduces Marie Rust. NE Regional Director, NPS
Mario Bust gives brief remarks and introduces Robert Stanton
Robert Stanion gives remarks and introduces Jack Welch
Jack Welch, CEO of General Electric gives remarks
Robert Stanton introduces THE FIRST LADY
THE FIRST LADY gives remarks
The First Lady exits stage right and works a ropeline right to left. The First Lady departs
via Buscapede en route Newburgh, NY.
TOTAL P.02
07-10-98 09:06AM FROM SEC. OF EDUCATION
TO 94565340
P004/005
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
FORT McHENRY
BALTIMORE, MARYLAND
MONDAY, JULY 13, 1998
EVENT:
Tour Ft. McHenry and Press Roundtable
DATE:
Monday, July 13, 1998
TIME:
2:10 pm - 3:40 pm
LOCATION:
Visitor's Center, Ft. McHenry National Monument
ATTENDEES:
The First Lady
Dick Moe
Mary Kelley, Professor of History, Dartmouth University
Ellen Lovell, Millenium Project
12 Members of the traveling press corps
PRESS:
CLOSED/Traveling Press only
REMARKS:
Brief Remarks/Roundtable discussion
SCENARIO:
The First Lady will arrive Fort McHenry Visitor's Center via motorcade. The First Lady will be
met curbside by Ms. Kayci Cook, Supcrintendent, Fort McHenry National Monument Kayci
Cook will escort The First Lady on a 15 minute tour of the Fort McHenry grounds. Following a
brief tour, The First Lady and Kayci Cook will proceed to the visitor's center auditorium. In the
auditorium, the First Lady sits with assembled members of the traveling press corps, Dick Moe,
Mary Kelley and Ellen Lovell for a Roundtable Discussion/Press Briefing. The First Lady will
open with brief remarks and introduce Dick Moe who will make brief remarks and introduce
Mary Kelley. Mary Kelley will also make brief remarks and field questions from the traveling
press corps. Following the Roundtable, the First Lady departs Fort McHenry Visitor's Center
via motorcade.
Draft #3
Fort
m'
Fort McHenry Press Roundtable
Monday, July 13, 1998
2:30 pm - 4:30 pm
Baltimore, Maryland
07-08-98 12:16PM FROM SEC. OF
E-Windows
6inch
XXXXX
EDUCATION
platform
Seating (20choirs)
MC c/staff
x x HPL
X
1210.00 7W
94565340 OJ
X X X X X
1
P003/003
Rest
Rooms
Hold
FILE No. 415 07/10 '98 06:14 ID:
PAGE 3
FROM : TSELDES
PHONE NO. : 2023632685
Jul. 10 1998 01:57AM P3
Trip of The First Lady
Baltimore, MD
Millennium Council's "Save America's Treasures" Tour
Francis Scott Key Monument Event
Monday, July 13, 1998
MOTORCADE
GREETS STAGE
EUTAW STREET
PARTICIPANTS
FSK MONUMENT
CUT
EUTAW STREET
4'X12'
MAIN STAGE
CHOIR
8'X16
SEATED GUESTS
STANDING
GUESTS
PRESS RISER
4'X24'
=FLOTUS
PUBLIC/PRESS
ENTRANCE
07/09/1998 13:38
4134425661
DCD PITTSFIELD MA
PAGE 02
Trip of The First Lady
To
Pittsfield, Massachusetts
July 14, 1998
EVENT:
Colonial Theatre Tour/Remarks to the people of Pittsfield
PLACE:
Historic Colonial Theatre
TIME:
3:45 p.m.-5:10 p.m.
DATE:
Tuesday, July 14, 1998
HOLD:
TBD
GREETERS:
Gerald Doyle, Mayor of Pittsfield
Bob Boland, Historian for the Colonial Theatre
Stephan Miller, Owner of the theatre building
John Olver, U.S. Congressman, District 1
PRESS:
Pool inside the theatre/Open outside the theatre
PARTICIPANTS: The First Lady
Congressman John Olver
Mayor Gerald Doyle
Bob Boland, Historian
Approx. 1500 invited ticketed people outside
SCENARIO:
The First Lady arrives the Colonial Theatre and is greeted by United States
Congressman, John Olver; Gerald Doyle, Mayor, City of Pittsfield; Bob Boland, Historian for the
Colonial Theatre; Stephan Miller, owner of the Colonial Theatre building.
The First Lady, accompanied by Congressman Olver, Mayor Doyle, Mr. Boland and
Mr. Miller proceed inside the building for a guided tour of the first floor. Upon conclusion
of the tour The First Lady, led by Mayor Doyle, Mr. Boland, and Mr. Miller proceeds upstairs for
a tour of the main theatre area.
Upon arrival to the second floor, The First Lady, is escorted by Mayor Doyle, Mr.
Boland, and Mr. Miller up a flight of stairs to a viewing box. Upon arrival to the viewing box, The
First Lady is introduced to Ms. Alla Zernitskaya, director of the Berkshire Fiddlers, who will then
introduce her 12 member orchestra. Ms. Zernitskaya will then introduce the two pieces that will be
performed. Upon conclusion of the two pieces, The First Lady will descend from the viewing box
and proceed directly to the outdoor event.
Upon arrival to the outside event, The First Lady, accompanied by United States
Congressman Olver, Mayor Doyle, Mr. Boland, Judith McDonnah and Mr. Miller, proceeds directly
Donough
07/09/1998 13:38
4134425661
DCD PITTSFIELD MA
PAGE 03
to the stage. Bob Boland makes brief introduction remarks and introduces Congressman Olver.
Congressman Olver makes brief remarks, then introduces Mayor Doyle. Mayor Doyle makes brief
remarks then introduces The First Lady. The First Lady makes remarks. Upon conclusion of
remarks, The First Lady will exit stage right and work a ropeline right to left. Upon conclusion of
the ropeline, The First Lady will proceed directly to the motorcade.
Staff Note:
Upon arrival to the theatre all staff should either proceed directly to the outside
event or should pre position in the up stairs area of the theatre.
All Millennium Council staff who are not apart of the downstairs tour should
proceed directly to the upstairs event, due to the limited space available
downstairs.
The Berkshire Fiddlers are made up of 5th, 7th and 8th grade public school
children.
THEATRE BUILDING
PAGE 04
Chute
STAGE
Cut
DCD PITTSFIELD MA
Honored Guest Area
Special Guest Area
4134425661
07/09/1998 13:38
PRESS
Press Chute
09/13/1997 18:51
5174799723
PAGE 02
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
THE KATE MULLANY HOUSE
TROY, NEW YORK
WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 1998
EVENT:
Plaque Presentation Ceremony
DATE:
Wednesday, July 15, 1998
TIME:
9:30 AM - 10:30 AM
LOCATION:
The Kate Mullany House
350 8ᵀᴴ Street
Troy, New York
ATTENDEES:
Approximately 700 ticketed guests
PARTICIPANTS:
The First Lady
Congressman Mike McNulty
Mayor Mark Pattison
Josephine Sano, Albany Central Labor Council
Mullany descendent, TBD
Governor Pataki or representative, TBD
State Senator Joe Bruna (R, Troy), TBD
Kate Mullany actress, TBD
PRESS:
Open
REMARKS:
Speaking Program
SCENARIO:
The First Lady will arrive at the Kate Mullany House and be greeted by
Congressman Mike McNulty, Mayor Mark Pattison, Josephine Sano and a Kate
Mullany descendent. The First Lady and the greeting party will then proceed
backstage and join other program participants and await introduction onto the
stage according to the speaking program.
Upon conclusion of the program, The First Lady will be presented with an original
Troy collar and then be invited to unveil 2 plaque commemorating the designation
of the Kate Mullany House as a National Historic Landmark.
The First Lady will exit the stage (ropeline optional) and depart.
FILE No. 399 07/09 '98 15:50 ID:
PAGE 4
FROM CITY OF AUBURN-PHONE#315-255-4115
87.09.1998 10:36
P. 3
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
THE WILLIAM SEWARD HOUSE
AUBURN, NEW YORK
WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 1998
EVENT
Tour of the William H. Seward House
DATE:
Wednesday, July 15, 19998
TIME:
1:50 PM- 2:05 PM
LOCATION:
William Seward House
National Historic Landmark site in Auburn, New York
ATTENDEES:
The First Lady
Descendants of William Soward (3)
Mayor and City Council members
12 members of the traveling press corps
PRESS:
TBD
REMARKS:
Brief Remarks / Presentations
SCENARIO:
The First Lady will arrive Auburn, New York via motorcade and proceed to the William Seward
House Museum. The First Lady will be greeted by Botty May Lowis, curator of the museum for
the last 47 years. She will be introduced to the family members and distinguished guests. Mrs.
Lewis will lead a brief tour of the Seward House museum focusing on the connections between
William Seward and Harriet Tubman. Soward was Secretary of State under President Lincoln
and was Instrumental in the Emansipation Proclamation. The tour will include the Washington
room, the study, the Harriet Tubman display, the Carriage House and the "dormitory" (where the
Seward's hid run away slaves), the formal dining room and living room. The First Lady will then
travel by motorcade along the South Street National Register Historic District on route to the
Harriet Tubman Home..
Draft 1.
FILE No. 399 07/09 '98 15:50 ID:
PAGE 3
FROM CITY OF AUBURN-PHONE0315-255-4115
#7.09.1998 16135
P.2
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
THE HARRIET TUBMAN HOME
AUBURN, NEW YORK
WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, 1998
EVENT
Tour of the Harriet Tubman Residence,
DATE:
Wednesday, July 15, 19998
TIME:
2:10 PM- 3:10 PM
LOCATION:
Harriet Tubman property
National Historic Landmark site, Auburn, New York
ATTENDEES:
The First Lady
Harriot Tubman Family members
Distinguished members of the A.M.E. Zion Church
Mayor and City Council members
12 members of the traveling press corps
PRESS:
OPEN
REMARKS:
Brief Remarks / Presentations
SCENARIO:
The First Lady will arrive Harriet Tubman's residence where she will be greeted by Reverend
and Mrs Paul Carter. (photo opportunity). The entourage will then tour Harriet's home which is
in need of restoration. The First Lady will then proceed to the Harriet Tubman "Home for the
Aged". (A small stage will be set up in front of the building.) Reverend Paul G. Cartor will
welcome the invited guests and present the Thompson Memorial Youth Group to perform a brief
play on the life and times of Harriet Tubman. Several of "Aunt Harriet's direct descendants will
be included within the performance. The First Lady will then make brief remarks. The First
Lady will work repeline and proceed inside the "Home for the Aged"for a tour enrouts to
motorcade..
Draft 1.
Property line 5
S
ST.
HOME FOR THE ABED
GARAGE
6
#utti-Pupose
S 0 0 + A
let
Boilding
FROM R CITY OF AUBURN-PHONE8315-255-4115
FILE No. 399 07/09 399 '98 15:50 ID:
of
B
8
Library
HARRIET TUBAN HOME
180 SoutH STREET
C
AUBUTN, NewYork
13021
95191 0661'60'20
HACO'ST KEWN
&
Block
8" pile sale
PAGE 5
THURSDAY, 15JULY 1998
GANONDAGAN STATE HISI -IC SITE, VICTOR, NEWYORK
ROUNDTABLE DISCUSSION w/ CLAN MOTHERS,
SITE MANAGER'S RESIDENCE
FRONT DOOR
FOYER
Jul-09-98 06:35A crowne plaza rochester
LIVING
U
ROOM
PS
716 546 3450
DINING
KITCHEN
ROOM
BACK DOOR
A Bell DRATT1
P.02
PARKING LOT
1.9.98
Jul-09-98 07:58P
P.02
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
NEWBURGH, NY
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1998
Draft #3
EVENT:
Tour Washington's Headquarters
DATE:
July 14, 1998
TIME:
11:55 am - 12:15 pm
LOCATION:
Washington's Headquarters State Historic Site
ATTENDEES:
Rep. Maurice Hinchey
Mayor Audrey Carey
Harry Porr
Bob Binneweise, PIPC
PIPC Board Members
PRESS:
TBD
REMARKS:
None
SCENARIO:
The First Lady is greeted by Rep. Maurice Hinchey, Mayor Audrey Carey, Harry Porr,
Bob Binneweise, PIPC, and PIPC Board Members.
The First Lady tours the Hasbrouck house guided by Tom Hughes, Bob Binneweis.
The First Lady exits the rear of the Hasbrouck house and walks to the Tower of Victory.
The First Lady exits the Washington Headquarters Historic Site by the North gate at
Washington St. and Grand St.
The First Lady boards the bus for Lander St.
Jul-09-98 07:58P
P.03
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
NEWBURGH, NY
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1998
Draft #3
EVENT:
Walking tour to showcase community development
DATE:
July 14, 1998
TIME:
12:30 pin - 12:55 pm
LOCATION:
Landers Street, South St., and Grand St.
ATTENDEES:
Representative Maurice Hinchey
Arnold Moss, developer
Nancy Abraham
Allison Lee, CEO of the Kingston Newburgh Enterprise Community
Peter Smith, Architect
PRESS:
TBD
REMARKS:
None
SCENARIO:
The First Lady drive via Grand St. along which significant historic buildings are pointed
out by Representative Maurice Hinchey.
The First Lady is greeted by developer Amold Moss and his wife Nancy Abraham, Allison
Lee, CEO of the Kingston Newburgh Enterprise Community who will serve as her guides,
possibly will be joined by Peter Smith, Architect.
The First Lady goes into on of the partially rehabilitated houses where she views the
ongoing work.
The First Lady walks to Grand St. via South St. accompanied by Rep. Maurice Hinchey,
Audrey Carey, Harry Porr who tells her of the history, architecture, and rehabilitation
plans for the buildings she will pass.
Jul-09-98 07:59P
P.04
VISIT OF THE FIRST LADY
TO
NEWBURGH, NY
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1998
Draft #3
EVENT:
Remarks to the People of Newburgh, NY
DATE:
July 24 th, 1998
TIME:
1:00 pm - 1:45 pm
LOCATION:
Dutch Reformed Church, Newburgh, NY
ATTENDEES:
Rep. Maurice Hinchey
Mayor Audrey Carey
City Manager Harry Porr
French Council General TBD
J. Winthrop Aldrich
NY State office 0 Parks, Recreation, and
Historic Preservation
PRESS:
Open
REMARKS:
Speech
"Wint" Deputs state Historic
Preservation officer
SCENARIO:
The First Lady arrives at the rear of the church where she greets City Council members.
The First Lady enters the church from the rear side door.
The First Lady joined in the church by the stage party:
Rep. Maurice Hinchey
Mayor Audrey Carey
City Manager Harry Porr
French Council General TBD
J. Winthrop Aldrich
The First Lady is given a brief tour of the church by Karen Heroy, Newburgh Center for
the Arts.
The First Lady and the stage party exit the front of the church and walk to the stage where
they are seated.
The speaking program begins:
Mayor Audrey Carey
J. Winthrop Aldrich
Rep. Maurice Hinchey
The First Lady
The First Lady works a rope line.
The First Lady returns to the bus.
P.05
Jul-09-98 07:59P
T
Jul-09-98 07:59P
P.06
Victory
Tower
Museum
Hasbrouch House
Med
Rapm
Kichen
Airch due Cump Offs
Busses depart
Beat
Reom
Partner
Office
Washington St.
Newburgh, NY
Busses Arrive
Liberty St. Washington's Heal
Draft 2 - 7/9/98
DeltaCad DEMO
Public Library
Jul-09-98 07:59P 07
Dutch Reformed Church
reeters
Fuser
Busses depart
Band
Grand St.
Stage
Barricade
Newburgh, NY
Dutch Reformed Church
House
Draft 2- - 7/9/98
P
20
P.07
DeltaCed DEMO
07/12/98 SUN 15:15 FAX 202 395 7234
MILLENNIUM COUNCIL
0
005
Jul-11-98 0B:47A
01/16/20 11.60
P.04
JUL-10-1998 15:55
CAPITAL CAMPAIGN DFC
202 633 7366 P.02/82
FOR PROGRAM COPY-
The flag that flew over Baltimore's Fort McHenry during the War of 1812 and Inspired the
words of the National Anthem will undergo three years of conservation treatment
beginning this fall A national reasure, the Star-Spangled Banner has been on exhibit
almost continuously since 12 first came to the Smithsonian Institution in 1907. Despite
receiving the DEBE possible care, the flag is deteriorating from decades of exposure to light,
pollution and temperature fluctuations.
When the three-story-high Bag is removed from its current display and laid fist on a
special platform in the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History Flog Hall, it
will be thoroughly examined and 5 full treatment plan will be devised. The flag will then
be moved to a specially-buitt conservation Laboratory which will allow Museum visitors to
visa the conservation efforts as they progress. When the Star-Spangled Banner returns to
Flag Hall is 2002, It will take center stage in B completely renovated exhibition area what
will allow better public virwing of the Flag, while at the same time. protecting the Fleg in a
contralisd-environinent display case. The Sunthsenian Institution and the National
Mussum of American History are proud to join The President, The First Lady, and the
American people to these historic afforts to preserve our precious heritage
The Smithsonian Institution and the National Museum of American History wish to extend
their deep appreciation to those American citizens, private foundations, and community
groups who have provided support and generous grants to the Star-Spangled Banner
Preservation Project. These include the dedicated Beard and staff of the National Museum
of American History and its Board Chairman, Ivan Sclin, The Paw Charitable Trusts. The
John B. and James L. Knight Foundation, Tbs Brown Foundation, The Susan and Ellbu
Rase Foundation, Warren Winiarski and Family, Tbs Ivan and Nine Salin Family
Foundation, Montgomery Watson Americas, Robert Hempaill, The Veterans of Foreign
Ware and the Ladies Auxiliary to the Veterans of Foreign Wars. and the Society of the
War of 1812.
Must particularly, in response to the President's Sum of the Usion Address and in
recognition of the opportunities afforded him by the United States of America, Mr. Ralpb
Louree and the Polo Raiph Lauren Company a made B generous grant to the Star-
Spengled Banner Preservation Project This contribution represents the single largest
corporate donation ever received by the Smithsonian Institution. Tbis gift will ensure that
this great American icon will be preserved for fature generations of Americans.
TOTAL P.02
PLAN2 SCH
Page 1
Notional Schedule for the Milliennium Council's
"Save America's Treasures" Tour
Monday, July 13 - Thursday, July , 1998
Draft #14
Monday, July 13, 1998
PLEASE SEE ACTUAL SCHEDULE FOR UPDATED MONDAY JULY 13
Scenario
8:00 am-
STAR SPANGLED BANNER EVENT w/POTUS
9:00 am
American History Musuem
Format:
-Funding announcement
9:10 am
DEPART via Presidential motorcade en route The White House
[drive time: 10 minutes]
9:20 am
ARRIVE The White House
9:25 am-
DOWN TIME
Washington partly cloudy
10
10.30
11:50 am
highET low-10
30
11:55 pm
DEPART via motorcade en route Baltimore
12:55 pm
ARRIVE Francis Scott Key Monument
1:00 pm
FRANCIS SCOTT KEY MONUMENT EVENT
Press Kits=>
1:45 pm
Baltimore, MD
partly cloudy
high 86 low 67
1:50 pm
DEPART via motorcade en route Ft. McHenry
[drive time: 20 minutes]
Scenare
2:10 pm-
PRESS BRIEFING
3:40 pm
Ft. McHenry
3:45 pm
DEPART Ft. McHenry via motorcade en route train station
[drive time: tbd]
4:00 pm
ARRIVE train station
4:36 pm
DEPART via train en route Newark, NJ
[travel time: 2 hours 9 minutes]
PLAN2 SCH
Page 2
Light
6:45 pm
ARRIVE Newark, NJ
partly cloudy high 84 low 68
7:00 pm
DEPART Newark Train Station via tbd en route Short Hills, NJ
[drive time: 20 minutes]
7:20 pm
ARRIVE Short Hills Hilton
OPTION:
8:00 pm
DINNER w/Millennium Committee & other guests
Short Hills Hilton
RON
Short Hills Hilton
Short Hills, NJ
Tuesday, July 14, 1998
7:05 am
DEPART Short Hills Hilton via motorcade en route Thomas Edison
Invention
Factory
[drive time: 20 minutes]
7:25 am
ARRIVE Thomas Edison Invention Factory
7:30 am-
TOUR W/MARIA SHRIVER
8:00 am
Thomas Edison Invention Factory
Scanatics
9:00 am-
THOMAS EDISON INVENTION FACTORY EVENT
10:30 am
W. Orange, NJ partly cloudy high 84
Elizabett sleak
low67
Format:
-Tour of 2nd and 3rd floors to demonstrate needs
-tour of library, machine shop, chemistry lab
-event with children and an interactive/futuristic component
-possible funding annoucement
10:40 am
DEPART via bus en route Newburgh, NY
[drive time: 1 hour 10 minutes]
11:50 am
ARRIVE Newburgh, NY
partly cloudy high 84 low 64
11:55 am
TOUR Washington's Headquarters
12:15 pm
12:20 pm
DEPART via bus en route Lander Street
[drive time: 5 minutes]
PLAN2 SCH
Page 3
12:25 pm
ARRIVE Lander Street
12:30 pm-
WALKING TOUR to showcase community development
12:55 pm
Lander Street
1:00 pm-
REMARKS TO THE COMMUNITY
1:45 pm
Dutch Reformed Church, Newburgh, NY
1:50 pm
DEPART via bus en route Pittsfield, MA partly cloudy high Tc
[drive time: 2 hours]
low 60
3:50 pm
ARRIVE Pittsfield, MA
Scenorio
4:00 pm-
COLONIAL THEATER EVENT
5:30 pm
Format:
-Tour paint store/theater
-remarks to community on the street outside the theater
5:35 pm
DEPART via bus en route The Mount - Edith Wharton Residence
[drive time: 15 minutes]
5:50 pm
ARRIVE The Mount - Edith Wharton Residence
5:55 pm-
TOUR/PHOT
PS
6:30 pm
Edith Wharton
6:30 pm-
RECEPTION
7:00 pm
The Mount - Edith Wharton Residence
Lenox, MA
7:05 pm
DEPART via bus en route Albany, NY
[drive time: 1 hour]
8:05 pm
ARRIVE Albany, NY
RON
Desmond Hotel
Albany, NY
partly cloudy high 22 bw60
Wednesday, July 15, 1998
9:00 am
DEPART via bus en route Troy, NY
[drive time 20 minutes]
PLAN2 SCH
Page 4
Somaries 9:20 am
ARRIVE Troy, NY
9:30 am-
KATE MULLANY HOUSE VISIT
10:30 am
Format:
-Present the National Historic Preservation Site Plaque
10:45 am
DEPART via bus en route Auburn, NY
[drive time: 3 hours]
1:45 pm
ARRIVE Auburn, NY
senario
1:50 pm-
TOUR WILLIAM H. SEWARD HOUSE
2:05 pm
William H. Seward House
2:10 pm-
DEPART Seward House via bus en route Tubman House
[drive time: 5 minutes]
2:15 pm
ARRIVE Harriet Tubman House
2:20 pm
PHOTO OP in Harriet Tubman Home
2:25 pm
2:30 pm-
REMARKS at Harriet Tubman Home for the Aged and Infirmed
3:00 pm
3:05 pm
DEPART via bus en route Victor, NY
[drive time: 1 hour]
4:05 pm
ARRIVE Victor, NY
4:10 pm-
GANONDAGAN STATE HISTORIC SITE EVENT
5:10 pm
Victor, NY
Web ate
Format:
-Roundtable discussion with clan mothers
-cultural presentation
Noney colombo -State Park
Peter Januson
5:15 pm
DEPART via bus en route Waterloo, NY
[drive time: tbd] 4.5minates
6:00 pm-
M'CLINTOCK HOUSE EVENT
6:45 pm
Format:
upin the or
Park Supers) Welcom
Expert=) what/Why Important
28 states
Girl Scout President
GirlScout. .) dates HRL
PLAN2. SCH
Page 5
-tour
-Girl Scout Badge Announcement
7:00 pm-[T] DROP -BY Women's Rights Convention Decendants Reception
7:20 pm
Park Visitor's Center
RON
Seneca Falls area, hotel tbd
Thursday, July 16, 1998
10:00 am REMARKS to 150th Anniversary of the Women's Rights Convention
11:30 am Mynderse Academy High School Football Field
11:45 am- [T]
RECEPTION w/Women's Rights Convention
12:15 pm location tbd
12:30 pm- CLOSING LUNCHEON w/Millennium Committee
2:00 pm Site tbd
5:00 pm [t] HINCHEY RECEPTION
Ithaca, NY
n
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. memo
Huma Abedin to WAVES re list of guests for WW tour (partial) (1
07/11/1998
P6/b(6)
page)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Speechwriting (Noa Meyer Subject Files)
OA/Box Number: 17210
FOLDER TITLE:
Millennium Council Projects:Preservation/History
2012-0869-S
kc920
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - |44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P1 National Security Classified Information |(a)(1) of the PRA]
b(1) National security classified information |(b)(1) of the FOIA|
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute |(a)(3) of the PRA
an agency |(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information |(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy |(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA|
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
concerning wells |(b)(9) of the FOIA|
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
07/12/98 SUN 10:59 FAX 202 456 6244
OFC OF THE FIRST LADY
[00]]
001
*** TX REPORT ***
TRANSMISSION OK
TX/RX NO
2699
CONNECTION TEL
55349
CONNECTION ID
ST. TIME
07/11 17:18
USAGE T
00'26
PGS. SENT
1
RESULT
OK
TO: WAVES
FROM:
Huma Abedin
OFL, Room 100
X66266
Please wave in the following for 6:00 pm tonight (Saturday) for a west wing tour.
(Last name first)
Sheikh, Hadeel
(U.S. citizen)
Klucefski, Michelle
(U.S. citizen)
Sheikh, Essam
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Sharbatly, Ahmed
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Siraj, Abdurahman
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Siraj, Huda
P6/(b)(6)
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Karata, Sheikha
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Sheikh, Mohammed
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Sheikh, Amina
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Ashram, Mohamed
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Ashram, Ahmed
(Saudi Arabian passport)
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
002. list
Seneca Falls signatories (partial) (3 pages)
nd
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Speechwriting (Noa Meyer Subject Files)
OA/Box Number: 17210
FOLDER TITLE:
Millennium Council Projects:Preservation/History
2012-0869-S
kc920
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
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[002]
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1817. Married Samuel, a
carriagemaker, with property valued at $600 in 1850. Four children at home in
1850. Wesleyan Methodist.
*88) Tewksbury, Betsey.
No information.
89) Tillman, Samuel D.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1812 or 1813. Lawyer.
Married France H. Dixon in 1869. Died August 31, 1875.
*90) Underhill, Edward F.
No firm identification. Probably married to signer Martha and moved to
Missouri by 1850.
*91) Underhill, Martha.
No firm identification. Probably married to signer Edward and moved to
Missouri by 1850.
92) Vail, Mary E. (Mount).
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born between 1823 and 1828.
Married Gilbert, a furnaceman, 1844. Two children at home in 1850. Daughter
of signer Lydia Mount. Died December 9, 1910.
93) Van Tassel, Isaac.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
P6/(b)(6)
(home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
17
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[002]
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1813. Cooper. Married Naomi.
Four children at home in 1850. Expelled from Methodist Episcopal Church,
1844.
94) Whitney, Sarah.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1820. Wesleyan Methodist.
95) Wilbur, Maria E.
White female. Residence Rochester and elsewhere. Married Isaac? At
least four children. Quaker.
96) Williams, Justin.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1818. Spinner. Died October
17, 1878.
*97) Woods, Sarah R.
No information.
98) Woodward (Pierce), Charlotte.
White female. Residence DeWitt, Onondaga County? and Waterloo. Born
1830 in New York State. Glovemaker. Died after 1922.
99) Woodworth, S(tephen) E.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1816. Merchant, with
property worth $4000 in 1850. Married Ann E. Gilbert or Mary Gilber. One
child at home in 1850. Member of Baptist Church.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
P6/(b)(6)
(home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
18
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[002]
100) Wright, Martha C(offin).
White female. Residence Auburn. Born 1806. Married David Wright,
lawyer. Property valued at $20,000 in 1850. Five children at home in 1850.
Quaker. Died August 24, 1875.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
P6/(b)(6)
(home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
19
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contribution box for money, and the committee made arrangements with
65
Frederick Douglass to have the North Star press print the minutes.
So ended the first women's rights convention. They had met for two full
days, continuing far into the night. Stanton was elated and somewhat
surprised by the success of the meeting. The meeting had been "a grand
success." "The deepest interest was manifested to its close." "The house was
crowded at every session, the speaking good, and a religious earnestness
dignified all the proceedings," Stanton remembered. Frederick Douglass
confirmed this impression. "Their whole proceedings were characterized by
marked ability and dignity," he noted. "No one present.
.will fail to give them
credit for brilliant talent and excellent dispositions.
There were frequent
differences of opinion and animated discussion; but in no case was there the
slightest absence of good feeling and decorum. 66
No one has ever found Mary Ann M'Clintock's manuscript minutes from
the Seneca Falls convention. Presumably they went with Frederick Douglass to
Rochester to be printed shortly by the North Star press as a small (3" X 5"),
twelve-page booklet, with a light blue cover. These printed minutes contained
the names of one hundred people (sixty-eight women and thirty-two men)
who had signed the Declaration of Sentiments. Forty years later, Frederick
Douglass, himself one of the signers, would reflect on the composition of this
group. "Then who were we," he asked, "tor I count myself in, who did this
thing? We were few in numbers, moderate in resources, and very little known
in the world. The most that we had to commend us, was a firm conviction that
we were in the right, and a firm faith that the right must ultimately
67
prevail
Of these signers, only four-Douglass, Lucretia Mott, Martha Wright, and
Stanton herself--would achieve national recognition. The others remained
virtually unknown beyond their own families and communities. We know,
however, that most of them came from either Seneca Falls or Waterloo, with a
few more from Rochester or from small villages near Syracuse. (So many lived
in Waterloo, in fact, that the Buffalo Morning Express referred to the meeting
as the Waterloo Female Convention.) Most were mature adults (in their thirties
or forties), more likely than their neighbors to have come from families who
68
migrated from New England.
In terms of work and wealth, most came from families which were
affiliated in some way with the emerging market economy, whose main
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income came from work in the law, manufacturing, commercial farming, or
retail sales. Most of them owned at least some property. Not all of them,
however, were well-to-do, and some of them (George and Margaret Pryor, for
example) were downright poor. Statistical anaylsis of property assessments
from the 1850 census for Seneca Falls and Waterloo and for assessment records
from Seneca Falls suggests no relationship between property ownership and
signing the Declaration of Sentiments. 69
If wealth was not a good predictor of which people would sign the
Declaration of Sentiments, family styles did reflect a difference between
signers and non-signers. Signers tended to incorporate non-related members
within their households. In 1850, for example, the M'Clintocks counted two
black girls as household members.
Almost all families in Seneca Falls and Waterloo were nuclear families,
defined by the relationships between husbands and wives Signers, however,
clearly viewed their nuclear families in a larger context. While they lived in
nuclear households, they settled in close proximity to parents and siblings. In
particular, they valued relationships between brothers and sisters. Unlike
conjugal relationships, connections between siblings were inherently
egalitarian. They also bridged the physical space between nuclear households.
For these signers, families were not an escape from the world. Rather, they
formed the very basis of community life. Many women who signed the
Declaration of Sentiments had strong identities as sisters as well as wives.
They were used to relationships of respect, relative equality, and community
responsibility. Reflecting the importance of extended family networks, almost
seventy percent of known signers came with one or more family members--
parents came with children (including adult children), husbands with wives,
brothers with sisters. Stanton came with her sister, Harriet Eaton, for
example. Rachel Dell Bonnel came with her uncle, Richard Dell, and her
cousin, William Dell. Four M'Clintocks signed the Declaration, both parents
and two adult daughters. Elisha and Euncie Newton Foote, husband and wife,
signed together. And so the list continued.
In terms of community institutions, religious affiliation certainly
played an important role in attracing people to the convention. Most signers
from Seneca Falls and the immediate area were either Methodist (including
Wesleyan Methodist) or (perhaps reflecting Stanton's connections with this
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church) Episcopalian. Signers who came from outside Seneca Falls, except
Frederick Douglass himself, were almost all Quakers.
Some of the signers were certainly influenced, as was Stanton herself,
by debates over the Married Women's Property Act. Signers were more likely,
for example, to have daughters in the household or to be female heads of
households themselves than were non-signers.
Most importantly, however, the majority of signers can be linked
directly to one of two egalitarian networks: either the Free Soil Party in
Seneca Falls or the Congregational Friends of Waterloo and Rochester. Both
groups had broken traditional ties--either with political parties or with the
Society of Friends--in June 1848. And both had come to the women's rights
convention as a way to explore the meaning of their newly-articulated
commitment to equality, not only in terms of race or religion but also in terms
of gender. Stanton, with ties to leaders among both Free Soilers in Seneca Falls
and Congregational Friends in Waterloo, acted as what network theorists would
call a broker, bringing the two groups together to form an entirely new
70
movement.
In the Seneca County Courier, Nathan Milliken summed up local
response to the women's rights convention. The meeting was "novel in its
character," he explained to his readers, "and the doctrines broached in it are
startling to those who are wedded to the present usages and laws of society.
The resolutions are of the kind called radical." Like Douglass, Milliken
emphasized that, in spite of the radicalism, "some of the speeches were very
able--all the exercises were marked by great order and decorum." As for the
Declaration of Sentiments and resolutions themselves, Milliken predicted that
"they will provoke much remark," ranging from curiosity to respect to
"disapprobation and contempt." Little did anyone realize just how accurate his
predictions really were. Local in its origins, the Seneca Falls convention
would touch off an immediate public debate about the role of women in a
democratic republic, a debate which would continue into the late twentieth
71
century.
1
²Theodore Tilton, "Elizabeth Cady Stanton," in Laura Curtis Bullard, ed., Our
Famous Women, 613.
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3
HWS, I, 69 mentions "several volumes of the Statutes of New York." Report,
[3] mention Lucretia Mott as one of the first speakers on July 19. Mary A.
[Bascom] Bull, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms," Seneca Falls Reveille,
July 9, 1880 describes the M'Clintocks.
4 Mary A. [Bascom] Bull, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms," Seneca Falls
Reveille, July 9, 1880. The Wesleyan Church was not old in 1848; it was, in fact,
the newest church in the village. Stanton did not recall herself as being stout
in 1848.
5
HWS, I, 69; Report, 6.
6 This version is taken from the first printing of the Declaration in Report of
the Woman's Rights Convention. Held at Seneca Falls, N.Y., July 19th and 29th,
1848 (Rochester: John Dick at the North Star office, [1848]), 7-11.
7
HWS, I.
8
Philip Foner, ed., Declarations of Independence [?], Water Bucket, July 8, 1842;
New York Tribune: Liberator, May 26, 1848; North Star, July ?, 1848. Fifty years
later, Stanton would note that "the year 1848 when the first organized demand
was made for woman's rights, was marked by many revolutionary movements,
'in the old world, as well as the new.' Rebellion was not only in the air, but in
the earth beneath. In that year California startled us with her first
earthquakes showing that mother earth sympathized with her daughters."
Typescript, 1898, University of Rochester, p. 1.
9
Seneca County Courier?
1010,
North Star, July ?, 1848.
11
Seneca County Courier, July 11, 1848. This advertisement was dated April 21,
1848 and appeared in many issues of the Courier.
12
13
HWS, I, 68; International Council of Women (1888), 32-32.
14
Mott to Stanton, July 16, 1848, noted that "I have just returned from a
meeting with the prisoners & many others--have another appointment this
evening at 6 at the Universalist Church." Lucretia Mott to Richard D. Webb,
September 10, 1848, Garrison Papers, Boston Public LIbrary noted that "it is our
practice, to furnish ourselves with reform papers, whenever we go from
home, (wh. is very often) & scatter them abroad. Thousands of Anti-Slavery
Papers have we thus distributed. We never suffer a Moral Paper to be torn or
wasted. There are Political productions enough to supply the world with waste
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paper. Part of preachg. [sic] at anti=slavery mgs. [sic] is the divine mission of
scattering tracts. How much have Abolitionists already done, by this means, as
well as by the living agent. Had we been told that the Church and the world,
would be so thoroughly aroused or agitated, in less than 20 years, we should
have thanked God & taken courage; & gone on rejoicing."
15
Lucretia Mott to E.Q. [Edmund Quincy], "in the absence of our loved Wm. L.
Garrison," August 24, 1848, printed in the Liberator, October 6, 1848; Robin
Winks.
16
Mott to E.Q., August 24, 1848, in Liberator, October 6, 1848.
17
18
Stanton gives several different lists of those who attended this tea party. In
most of them, she seems to collapse this tea party at the Hunt house, where she
and others wrote the call to the convention, with the tea party at the
McClintock house a few days later, where Stanton and the McClintocks worked
on the Declaration of Sentiments and resolutions. For the tea party at the Hunt
house, Stanton in HWS, I, 67, lists four women--Lucretia Mott, Martha C.
Wright, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Mary Ann McClintock--as authors of the
call. In her obituary for Elizabeth McClintock Phillips in Woman's Journal,
vol. 27, no. 47, p. 373 (November 21, 1896), Stanton seems to have collapsed the
two tea parties into one and to have added several names to the organizing
process. She noted that "the discussions as to the wisdom of calling a
convention took place at their home. The historic table round which the
moving spirits, Lucretia Mott, Martha Wright, Mary Ann McClintock, Jane
Hunt, James Mott, Thomas McClintock, Richard Hunt, the two daughters and
myself drew up the declaration and resolutions, is still in possession of the
family." By 1898, in Eighty Years (148-9), Stanton included five women, the
four she had mentioned in HWS plus Jane Hunt. "The call," she wrote, "was
inserted without signatures.
but the chief movers and managers were
Lucretia Mott, Mary Ann McClintock, Jane Hunt, Martha C. Wright, and
myself." In "Mrs "Stanton's Letter to the Suffrage Convention. Held in
Washington, D.C., in 1898," '(Scrapbook 3, Stanton Papers, Vassar College), she
noted that "the seven women who inaugurated this movement, were Lucretia
Mott, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Martha C. Wright, Jane Hunt, Mary Ann
McClintock and her two daughters," presumably Elizabeth and Mary Ann, Jr.
(A typescript which seems to be a version of this letter is now at the
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University of Rochester.) In an undated "Reminiscences" at the Minnesota
Historical Society, Stanton noted that "this committee consisted of five
quakeresses and myself."
19
Fluted Doric columns replaced the original small porch in the 1920s. fn.
20
When Richard P. Hunt died in 1856, an inventory listed all of these articles
in the hall and parlor, including a center table and a sofa in the parlor.
(Probate File #572, Surrogate's Court, Seneca County Courthouse, Waterloo, New
York, December 8, 1856) After Jane's death in 1889, a second inventory
mentioned "1 Table, square, marble top in parlor" and "1 Sofa, red velvet in
parlor," and these may have been the same ones listed in 1856. (Probate File
#2214, Surrogate's Court, Seneca County Courthouse, Waterloo, New York,
February 7, 1890)
21
The 1850 ccensus listed three other members of the household, George
Hunter, a 30-year-old Irish laborer; Ann McClelland [?], twenty-five years old,
also born in Ireland; and Eliz. Kinnard [?] thirteen, born in New York State.
Weltha Bacon Woodward, Bacon-Woodward Pedigree of Paternal Branch, Vol. I,
Series VI, unpublished typescript (1968), 430, Waterloo Library, noted that
baby Jane M. Hunt had been born on June 23, 1848. If Jane Hunt retired to
rest for part of the afternoon, she may not have been in the room when the
idea of a convention first surfaced. This might explain why ECS (in HWS)
omitted Jane Hunt's name from the list of those who planned the convention.
When Stanton published her autobiography, however, she included Hunt's
name (Eighty Years, 148), noting that "the chief movers and managers were
Lucretia Mott, Mary Ann McClintock, Jane Hunt, Martha C. Wright, and
myself." Later, Stanton added that two more women had also attended the
meeting.
22
Eighty Years, 147-8.
23
Hunt's grandson, also named Richard P. Hunt, told the story as it had been
told to him by his father. "The ladies were indignant," the grandson recalled
in an interview with John Becker, March 19, 1948, quoted in Becker, History of
Waterloo (Waterloo: Library and Historical Society, 1949), "and very much
excited about the wrongs being borne by women, when my grandfather came
into the room. They explained their ideas to him. Grandfather Hunt was a
Quaker, but a Quaker who thought, 'Faith without works, is dead.' His reply
was, 'Why don't you do something about it?' They thereupon resolved upon
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action with a fixed intention to obtain a change in laws and customs
governing women, and to call a convention to consider steps to take in order to
carry out their determination and to assert woman's rights." Richard P. Hunt,
husband of Jane, was certainly sympathetic to the women's rights convention.
He himself would attend it. It is unlikely, however, that he was the only one
who suggested action. Certainly, the sense of the meeting emerged from the
discussion of women's wrongs initiated by Stanton herself.
24
HWS, I, 68; Seneca County Courier, July 11, 1848.
25
Report, [3].
26
Stanton noted in Eighty Years, 149, that "We wrote the call that evening and
published it in the Seneca County Courier the next day, the 14th of July, 1848,
giving only five days' notice, as the convention was to be held on the 19th and
20th." The first notice, however, clearly appeared in the Courier on July 11.
27
Mott to Stanton, July 16, 1848, Stanton Papers, Library of Congress; ECS to
Elizabeth M'Clintock, Grassmere, Friday morning [July 14, 1848], Women's
Rights National Historical Park. Special thanks to Park staff, especially to
Vivien Rose, Historian, and to descendents of the M'Clintock family for
preserving both this letter and the letter from Frederick Douglass to Elizabeth
M'Clintock on July 14, 1848. Stanton, "In Memoriam," [obituary for Elizabeth
M'Clintock Phillips], in Woman's Journal, Vol. 27, No. 47: 373 (November 21,
1896). Stanton never gave a "great speech" at Seneca Falls, so Mott's note
probably refers to what would become a draft of the declaration itself.
28
Mary Bascom Bull, July 9, 1880. Mott to Stanton, July 16, 1848, Stanton Papers,
LC. The Report list four places where Stanton may have given this speech. On
the morning of the first day, right after the selection of Mary Ann M'Clintock
as secretary, the Report noted that "the object of the meeting was then stated
by Elizabeth C. Stanton." When the meeting met again at 2:30 p.m. on the first
day, "E.C. Stanton then addressed the meeting." On Thursday morning,
Stanton's name appeared in a list of those who "freely discussed" the
Declaration. And on the evening of the second day, "E.C. Stanton volunteered
an address
"
I have placed this on the first day instead of the second partly
because internal evidence suggests that the audience for this speech was made
up of women. Stanton refers, for example, to "our husbands" and to the right
to vote as "ours" (31, 32), although she also refers to "women themselves" and
to "woman
.her," (33). She also uses the future tense: "None of these points.
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.will be touched in this Convention
"
It seems likely that she gave this
speech in the afternoon of July 19, when the Report state that she "addressed
the meeting," rather than in the morning, when she merely stated "the object
of the meeting."
29
30
ECS to Elizabeth M'Clintock, Grassmere, Friday morning [July 14, 1848].
Frederick Douglass to ECS, Rochester, July 14, [1848], Women's Rights National
Historical Park.
31
Mott to ECS, July 16, 1848, Stanton Papers, Library of Congress.
32
This tea table was in the possession of the McClintock family in 1881 (HWS, I,
68); in 1888 (Report of the International Council of Women (1888), 323; and in
1896 Woman's Journal, vol. 27, no. 47, p. 373 (November 21, 1896). In 1898, a
photograph of the table was on display at the woman suffrage convention in
Washington, D.C. (ECS, typescript, 1898, University of Rochester, 4). Sarah J.
McClintock gave it to Stanton shortly thereafter. Stanton presented it to Susan
B. Anthony on her eightieth birthday, February 15, 1900. After Anthony's
death, the table went to her niece, Lucy Anthony, and Anna Howard Shaw,
both active in the National American Woman's Suffrage Association. On
February 11, 1920, the NAWSA gave it to the Smithsonian Institution. See letter
from the Smithsonian to Mrs. David St. George, copied "for our files" December
11, 1973, Seneca Falls Historical Society.
"On Sunday morning," Stanton recalled in HWS, I, 68, "they met in Mrs.
McClintock's parlor to write their declaration and resolutions and to consider
subjects for speeches." But who else sat with her? Stanton implied in HWS that
her companions were the same women who had written the original call for
the convention. In later writings, however, she added to the list. In her
obituary for Elizabeth M'Clintock, in the Woman's Journal, vol. 27, no. 47, p. 373
(November 21, 1896), she noted that "the historic table round which the
moving spirits, Lucretia Mott, Martha Wright, Mary Ann McClintock, Jane
Hunt, James Mott, Thomas McClintock, Richard Hunt, and the two daughters
and myself drew up the declaration and resolutions, is still in possession of the
family." Yet we know that neither Martha Wright nor Lucretia and James
Mott drank tea at the McClintock house that day, for Mott wrote to Stanton from
Auburn, dating the letter Sunday, July 16, saying that James was sick. In fact,
it was Stanton and the McClintocks alone who attended this second meeting and
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who did the real organizing for the convention. Both Lucretia Mott and
Martha Wright later confirmed this. In 1855, Mott recorded some of her
recollections to aid Stanton in a proposed history of the women's rights
movement. "In thy coming work," Mott advised, "thou must do thyself justice.
Remember, the first convention originated with thee.
I have never liked
the undeserved praise in the Report of that meeting's proceedings, of being
'the moving spirit of that occasion,' when to thyself belongs the honor, aided
SO efficiently by the McClintocks." (Mott to Stanton, March 16, 1855). Martha
Wright agreed. In 1856, she recounted the story of Henry B. Stanton's visit to
her house in Auburn. "He was laughing," she wrote to Mott, "at the meeting of
Mrs. Stanton & the McClintocks previous to the first W.R. [sic] Convention,
when they had such hard work, as he averred, to get up grievances enough
for their Declaration." (Wright to Mott, January 6, 1856, Garrison Papers, Smith
College). Sarah J. McClintock was probably present, though she did not
participate actively in the convention, for she later recorded, in connection
with the tea table, that "I do remember all about the time the Declaration was
written upon it in our own parlor." Copy of a letter [from the Smithsonian] to
Mrs. David St. George, SFHS.
33
HWS, I, 68.
34
ECS, Revolution, Vol. 2, No. 11 (September 17, 1868): 161-162 noted "What a
time we had writing it!" and that "some one suggested our Fathers of 1776.
After a careful reading, it was pronounced by all to be just the thing." ECS did
not mention the meeting at the M'Clintock house or the writing of the
Declaration in Eighty Years. Stanton never took personal credit for the idea of
using the Declaration of Independence as a model. She emphasized instead the
group nature of that decision. "One of the circle" (of herself and the
McClintock family) was the closest she ever came to identifying a specific
person. This is consistent with a note from Stanton's daughter, Harriet Stanton
Blatch, to Alma Lutz. "In all probability," wrote Blatch, who was anxious that
her mother be given as much credit as possible for organizing the Seneca Falls
convention, "my mother had the idea of using the Declaration of
Independence as the superstructure and twisting the words of the fathers. But
I never heard her speak with any pride of originality or of authorship."
Blatch to Lutz, August 11, 1933, Lutz Papers, Vassar College.
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35
HWS, I, 68; Stanton, Revolution, Vol. 2, No. 11 (September 17, 1868): 161-162.
In HWS, I, 67-8, Stanton reported that "Knowing that women must have more to
complain of than men under any circumstances possibly could, and seeing the
Fathers had eighteen grievances, a protracted search was made through
statute books, church usages, and the customs of society to find that exact
number. Several well-disposed men assisted in collecting the grievances,
until, with the announcement of the eighteenth, the women felt they had
enough to go before the world with a good case." Ann Gordon in Selected
Papers, 86, suggested that Elisha Hurlbut, Essays on Human Rights, and Their
Political Guaranties (New York: Fowler and Wells, 1848) was a particularly
important influence on the authors of the Declaration, who "followed Hurlbut
in all their examples."
36
HWS, I: 67?; Martha Wright noted that "Elizabeth [M'Clintock] is really
engaged, David [Wright] thinks, to Mr. Mumford a young lawyer who appeared
on very easy terms. I dont [sic] know whether there was any other evidence--
"; Wright to Mott, [fall 1848], Garrison Papers, Smith College; HWS, I, 69
mentions "one youthful lord;" Revolution, Vol. 2, No. 11 (September 17, 1868):
161-162 makes it clear that this was Charles McClintock, "a son of Mrs.
McClintock.
.now the father of a family, smoothing the wheels of fortune
mid the oils [sic] wells of Pennsylvania."; Charles McClintock was born on
November 29, 1829, Ora B. Kearns, "McClintock Family Records, 2 vols, mss.
(Syracuse, 1985), Syracuse Public Library; Laura Curtis Bullard, "Elizabeth Cady
Stanton," Our Famous Women, 613-614; Martha Wright to Lucretia Mott, 1856,
noted Henry Stanton's account of the attempt to Elizabeth and the McClintocks
to find "grievances enough for their Declaration."
37
Bullard, "ECS," Our Famous Women, 612, noted, wrongly, that this was "the
earliest recorded public demand made for woman suffrage within the memory
of persons now living." Stanton herself claimed credit many times for
introducing this point at the convention. "I stood alone in the demand for the
right of suffrage," she wrote in 1898, typescript draft of letter to 50th
anniversary meeting, University of Rochester. "Declaration of Sentiments,"
Report, 8, 5. In later years, as suffrage organizations narrowed the broad-
based women's movement initiated at Seneca Falls, it would become
increasingly important to Stanton's children to claim credit for their mother's
introduction of the voting rights issue at Seneca Falls.
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38
Theodore Tilton, "ECS," in Bullard, ed., Our Famous Women, 613-614. Tilton
quotes Henry Stanton as saying "You will turn the proceedings into a farce; I
wash my hands of the whole business; I shall not enter the chapel during the
session." Tilton also reported Lucretia Mott's reaction: "Lizzie, thou wilt make
the convention ridiculous." Neither of these quotations, from Henry Stanton or
from Lucretia Mott, appeared anywhere else until Stanton and Blatch
incorporated them into their 1922 revision of Eighty Years. As Margaret Hope
Bacon, Mott's most recent biographer, noted in conversation with the author,
Mott's comment contradicts what we otherwise know of her openness to new
ideas. I am inclined to admit tentatively that at least the spirit of these
quotations is genuine, however, because Tilton noted in the same paragraph
that he talked personally to Stanton ("she has unheroically confessed to me.")
While Stanton's propensity for telling a good story may have dramatized these
statements, I have accepted them as general indications, though probably not
exact quotations, of Henry Stanton's and Mott's reactions. The two words,
"farce" and "ridiculous" sound unstereotypical enough perhaps to be genuine.
Given Mott's lifelong work with non-voting abolitionists as well as with non-
voting Quakers, her sudden confrontation with this idea, at the very time it
was to be presented to the whole convention, might truly have shocked her.
New York Tribune, July 19, 1848, reported that Henry lectured in Canadaigua
on July ?
39
Interview with Charlotte Woodward Pierce, quoted in Rheta Childe Dorr,
Susan B. Anthony: The Woman Who Changed the Mind of a Nation (New York:
AMS Press, ), 47-49. "Oldest Suffragist Hits Woman's Party," newspaper article,
Philadelphia, June 2, [1921?], NAWSA Papers, Library of Congress, notes that
Charlotte Woodward "was born 25 miles from Albany and later lived in
Waterloo, New York. She has lived in Philadelphia for 60 years." Charlotte
Woodward Pierce's recollection about Stanton may have been hindsight.
Seneca County Courier, July 18, 1848.
40
Dorr notes that Charlotte "sat in a back seat, a silent but delighted spectator,"
47. HWS, I, 69, includes the story of "an embryo Professor of Yale College"
unlocking the door. Daniel Cady Eaton, Stanton's 10-year-old? nephew, later
became a Professor of ? at Yale. Dorr suggested that the door of the Chapel may
have been locked "because the minister had repented his hospitality to such a
gathering." In fact, the minister, Saron Philips, added his own name to the list
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of supporters of the Declaration of Sentiments. Stanton, "In Memoriam,"
Woman's Journal V. 27, no. 47, p. 373 (November 21, 1896) notes that the
McClintocks acted as ushers. It is possible, as with the tea party, that these
accounts of this convention have collapsed both days into one.
41
Charlotte Woodward Pierce noted the presence of about fifty men in Dorr, 4.
Bull, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms," Seneca Falls Reveille (1880), noted
that an "embryo professor of Yale" was boosted through the widow and that he
then "attended every session." HWS, I, 69, noted that James Mott took the chair
on the first day: "It had been decided to have no men present, but as they were
already on the spot, and as the women who must take the responsiblity of
organizing the meeting, and leading the discussions, shrank from doing
either, it was decided, in a hasty council round the altar, that this was an
occasion when men might make themselves pre-eminently useful. It was
agreed they should remain, and take the laboring oar through the Convention.
James Mott, tall and dignified, in Quaker costume, was called to the chair." The
Report, p. [3], however, clearly state that "the question was discussed
throughout two entire days: the first day by women exclusively, the second day
men participated in the deliberations." No men's names appear in the Report
of the first day's meeting, but the Report do note (p. 6) that James Mott assumed
the Chair on Thursday morning.
42
Bullard, "ECS," Our Famous Women, 613-614. Bullard quotes Henry Stanton
as saying "You will turn the proceedings into a farce; I wash my hands of the
whole business; I shall not enter the chapel during the session." Bullard also
reported Lucretia Mott's reaction: "Lizzie, thou wilt make the convention
ridiculous." Neither of these quotations, from Henry Stanton or from Lucretia
Mott, appeared anywhere else until Stanton and Blatch incorporated them into
their 1922 revision of Eighty Years. As Margaret Hope Bacon, Mott's most
recent biographer, noted in conversation with the author, Mott's comment
contradicts what we otherwise know of her openness to new ideas. I am
inclined to admit tentatively that at least the spirit of these quotations is
genuine, however, because Bullard noted in the same paragraph that she
talked personally to Stanton ("she has unheroically confessed to me.") While
Stanton's propensity for telling a good story may have dramatized these
statements, I have accepted them as general indications, though probably not
exact quotations, of Henry Stanton's and Mott's reactions. The two words,
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"farce" and "ridiculous" sound unstereotypical enough perhaps to be genuine.
Given Mott's lifelong work with non-voting abolitionists as well as with non-
voting Quakers, her sudden confrontation with this idea, at the very time it
was to be presented to the whole convention, might truly have shocked her.
Report, [3].
43
Report, [3-4].
44,
Bullard, Elizabeth Cady Stanton," Our Famous Women, 614, noted Stanton's
surprise "that her tongue was loosed, and that she could rise and reply to
objections with happy success."
45
Report, 4.
46
Report. 4-6. Capron, National Reformer, August 3, 1848, quoted in Gordon,
Selected Papers, 87.
47
Report, 6; HWS, I, 69, noted that Martha Wright herself "read some satirical
articles she had publised in the daily papers answering the diatribes on
woman's sphere." No copy of Wright's articles has been found. Mary Bascom
Bull, July 9,1880; Wright to Mott, October 1, 1848, Garrison Papers, Smith
College.
48
Seneca County Courier, July 21, 1848; Mott to Stanton, July 16, 1848; Capron,
National Reformer, August 3, 1848, quoted in Gordon, Selected Papers, 84.
49
Seneca County Courier, July 21, 1848. North Star masthead, check.
50
HWS, I, 69; Eighty Years. ; Rhoda Palmer in Geneva Daily Times [1916?];
Mary A. [Bascom] Bull, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms," Seneca Falls
Reveille, July 9, 1880.
51
The Declaration of Sentiments, including these grievances, was first printed
in the Report, 7-11. As printed, the grievances fall into sixteen paragraphs,
rather than the eighteen that the women aimed for. Some of these points,
however, might be divided into two, as perhaps they were originally
conceived. "He has monopolized nearly all the profitable employments, and
from those she is permitted to follow, she receives but a scanty remuneration,"
for example, might have originally been two points. So might the next
grievance: "He closes against her all the avenues to wealth and distinction,
which he considers most honorable to himself. As a teacher of theology,
medicine, or law, she is not known." Possibly the grievance about women
being excluded both from the ministry and from public participation in
church affairs might be considered two points, as well. If so, the fourth
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paragraph of grievances ("Having deprived her of this first right of a citizen,
the elective franchise, thereby leaving her without representation in the
ahlls of legislation, he has oppressedher on all sides.") might have been
thought of as a paragraph of summary and transition, rather than as a
separate grievance. Or possibly, one or more grievances simply got lost
between its original creation and publication of the Declaration.
52
Stanton was wrong about one detail in these indictments. In New York State,
since the Married Women's Property Act had passed in April, 1848, married
women could own property. By the time of the convention, however, the
implications of this law were still not clear. And the law itself said nothing
about wages. Women still were not legally entitled to the wages they earned.
53
Report, 6-7; HWS, I, 69.
54
Eighty Years, 149; Report, 6-7.
55
Seneca County Courier, July 21, 1848, noted that the Declaration was read
and opted Thurday morning, and "it was then signed by many persons
present." Report, 10-11. Thanks to Mary Kelly Black, who first brought to my
attention the fact that men were not recorded as signers of the Declaration
itself but were listed as "gentlemen present in favor of the movement." Mary
Kelly Black first confronted this question while giving a tour of Women's
Rights National Historical Park to a group fo students from Syracuse
University student. Thanks also to that anonymous student who noticed this.
It is possible that this debate reflected a split not only within the convention
as a whole but, more particularly, between Stanton and Mott. While Stanton
believed thoroughly in equality of rights for women and men, she several
times recorded her belief that women themselves should undertake this work.
In a speech given several times locally after the Seneca Falls convention,
Stanton noted, for example, that "woman herself must do this work; for woman
alone can understand the height, the depth, the length, and the breadth of her
own degradation." (Speech given to Junius Monthly Meeting, 1848.--check
citation in ECS/SBA) Mott, on the other hand, offered one last resolution, on
the last evening of the conference, which began, "Resolved, That the speedy
success of our cause depends upon the zealous and untiring efforts of both
men and women.
(Report, 12)
56
Bascom, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms,''' Seneca Falls Reveille, July 9,
1880, recalled that Mary Anne [sic] McClintoc [sic attended "with four
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daughters around her." It is quite likely that Charles M'Clintoc attended with
the rest of the family. Amelia Bloomer, "Bloomerism, the Lily, and Mrs.
Stanton," July 12, 1880, printed in the Seneca Falls Reville, July 30, 1880, noted
that she attended the last evening; Rhoda Palmer noted that her father, Asa,
drove her to the meeting. We do not know for certain that the list as printed in
the Report is in fact the whole list of people who supported the Declaration at
the convention itself. In Eighty Years, 149, Stanton noted "that most of the
ladies who had attended the convention and signed the declaration, one by
one, withdrew their names and influence and joined our persecutors." The
HWS, I, 73, suggests, however, that the total number of signers was originally
one hundred. "The Declaration was signed," noted the HWS, "by one hundred
men, and women, many of whom withdrew their names as soon as the storm of
ridicule began to break." In the absence of other compelling evidence, I am
assuming that the list as printed in the Report is the original one, before
names were deleted. The Report were "Printed by John Dick at the North Star
office," and I am assuming that publication occurred very shortly after the
convention itself, before people in Seneca Falls would have had a chance to
react to hostility from the national press. Perhaps Frederick Douglass took
Mary Ann M'Clintock's manuscript Report with him when he returned to
Rochester after the convention.
57,,
Anniversary of Western A.S. [sic] Society--Free Soil Political Party,"
Liberator, September 22, 1848.
58
Mary A. [Bascom] Bull, "Woman's Rights and Other 'Reforms' in Seneca Falls,"
Seneca Falls Reveille, July 9, 1880.
59
Seneca County Courier, July 21, 1848. No copy of the letter from William
Howitt has ever been found.
60
Report, 11.
61
HWS, I, 73; ECS, International Council of Women, 323-4; Margaret Stanton
Lawrence, "Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1815-1915," 28-19, Stanton Papers, Vassar
College. Lawrence prefaced this story with the comment that "my Mother fails
to relate in her Autobiography one incident that I think most significant--and
which I have heard her relate many times." Then she describes the
interaction with Douglass. Margaret Stanton Lawrence related a similar
version of this story in "Who Was Elizabeth Cady Stanton? and Who Started
Votes for Women? A Bit of Ancient History for the Girls of To-day, by Mrs.
Seneca Falls
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Stanton's Daughter, Margaret Stanton Lawrence," typescript, n.d., Stanton
Papers, Vassar College, 7-8. North Star, June 30, 1848. Waldo E. Martin, Jr. in
The Mind of Frederick Douglass (Chapel Hill: University of North Caroline
Press, 1984), 147-8, argued that "no aspect of his [Douglass's] woman's rights
cause meant more to him than his pivotal support of woman's right to vote at
the Seneca Falls convention." "I have done very little in this world in which
to glory except this one act--," Douglass recalled in 1888, "and I certainly glory
in that. When I ran away from slavery, it was for myself; when I advocated
emancipation, it was for my people; but when I stood up for the rights of
woman, self was out of the question, and I found a little nobility in the act." in
Foner, Douglass on Women's Rights, 116. (International Council of Women,
1888). Stanton's account differ as to whether the convention passed the
resolution unanimously or "by a small majority."
6262
Amelia Bloomer, July 12, 1880, printed in the Seneca Falls Reveille, July 30,
1880, noted that "I was not at the convention, nor within fifteen miles of it,
until the last evening, and then was compelled on account of my late arrival,
and the immense 'crowd'a Iready congregated, to take a seat in the gallery. I
can verify Mrs. Stanton's statement of a 'crowd' so far as that evening was
concerned, whatever may have been the attendance at other sessions of the
convention." Mott had predicted that haying might keep some farmers away.
Mott to ECS, July 16, 1848.
63
Report, 12. HWS, I, 69, noted that "Samuel Tillman, a young student of law,
read a series of the most exasperating statutes for women, from English and
American jurists, all reflecting the tender mercies of men toward their wives,
in taking care of their property and protecting them in their civil rights."
The Report do not mention Samuel Tillman making any public speech,
although his name is listed as one of the "gentlemen present in favor of the
movement." (11) Instead, the Report note only that Thomas M'Clintock read
these extracts.
Apparently, Stanton never did give a "great speech." A printed version of a
speech that she supposedly delivered at the convention appeared in 1870,
Address Delivered at Seneca Falls and Rochester, New York (New York: Robert
J. Johnson Printers, 1870), portions of which were reprinted in Houston
Peterson, ed., A Treasury of the World's Great Speeches (New York: Simnon &
Schuster, Inc., 1954), 389-92, and in Ellen Carol DuBois, ed., The Elizabeth Cady
Seneca Falls
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47
Stanton-Susan B. Anthony Reader, (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1992), 27-35. This is actually, however, an edited version of a speech that
Stanton delivered after the Seneca Falls and Rochester conventions. A note
attached to the manuscript of this speech by Harriot Stanton Blatch identifies
it as "the first address made by Elizabeth Cady Stanton--after the Seneca Falls,
N.Y., first convention.
"
Susan B. Anthony endorsed this in a cover sheet:
"This is the earliest address written by Elizabeth Cady Stanton--at Seneca Falls,
N.Y. sometime in 1848--after the Seneca Falls & Rochester Conventions. She
evidently had no written speech at either of these--or if she had--she did not
preserve it." See [Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Speech, 1848], Stanton Papers,
Library of Congress.
64
Report, 12.
65
Report. 12.
66
Eighty Years, 149; HWS, I, 73; Douglass,
67
After the convention, according to Stanton's report in her autobiography,
"so pronounced was the popular voice against us, in the parlor, press, and
pulpit, that most of the ladies who had attended the convention and signed the
ceclaration, one by one, withdrew their names and influence and joined our
persecutors." We do not know whether the list as printed in the minutes of the
convention contains the names of all of the original signers, including those
who later withdrew their names. I would guess that it did. It seems logical that
Frederick Douglass would have printed the minutes and signatures from the
notes that Mary Ann M'Clintock, Jr., secretary of the Seneca Falls convention,
took at the convention, with the original list of signatures. One supposes that
Douglass took all this material back to Rochester with him from the
convention itself and that those who withdrew their names did so only
afterwards, in response, as Stanton noted, to negative press reaction. On the
other hand, when the Liberator reprinted the report of the convention
excerpted from the July 21 and August 4 editions of the Seneca County Courier,
it appended a note that "More than an hundred names were subscribed.
"
[italics added], Liberator, 8/25/48. Report on the International Council of
Women (Washington, D.C.: Rufus H. Darby, 1888), 329.
68
For a more complete description of these signers, see the appendix and
Wellman, "The Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention: A Study of Social
Networks," Journal of Women's History 3 (1991): 9-37. Morning Express,
Seneca Falls
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48
August 7, 1848, p. 4. "Ride of Women." headlined the Express. "It appears that
women can rise without the aid of the Waterloo Female Convention. A barrel
of yeast, upon which a woman was sitting, recently burst on board an English
vessel, when the lady was thrown about 10 ft. into the air." Quoted in Laura
Schmitt, "A Study: Women and the Buffalo Press in 1848," unpublished
manuscript, 1972, Special Collections, Penfield Library, SUCO.
⁶⁹₁ worked on simple hand analysis to develop cross-tabulation charts for this
material. Robert Schell helped analyze this data using the Statistical Package
for the Society Sciences. John Kane used Limdep to work with the same data
sets. In no case would we find correlations between wealth and signing.
70
Ronald S. Burt, "Models of Network Structures," Annual Review of Sociology
6 (1980):91, fn. 8, identifies a broker as one who is "the only connection
between two subgroups of actors."
71
Seneca County Courier, July 21, 1848. On August 4, 1848, the Courier printed
the resolutions passed at the convention.
Seneca Falls
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31
Like Frederick Douglass and like her own cousin, Gerrit Smith, Elizabeth
Stanton was a builder of bridges. Both connected existing political divisions.
Both incorporated ideas from Garrisonian-Quakers and political abolitionists.
Both joined idealism with practical action. Both followed their own sense of
logic and of moral right to create unique places for themselves in U.S. history.
And both drew on their OW personal experience to help create a public
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscrint--SE
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
6:38 PM
1/32
31
Like Frederick Douglass and like her own cousin, Gerrit Smith, Elizabeth
Stanton was a builder of bridges. Both connected existing political divisions.
Both incorporated ideas from Garrisonian-Quakers and political abolitionists.
Both joined idealism with practical action. Both followed their own sense of
logic and of moral right to create unique places for themselves in U.S. history.
And both drew on their OW personal experience to help create a public
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
06:44 PM
1/32
31
Like Frederick Douglass and like her own cousin, Gerrit Smith, Elizabeth
Stanton was a builder of bridges. Both connected existing political divisions.
Both incorporated ideas from Garrisonian-Quakers and political abolitionists.
Both joined idealism with practical action. Both followed their own sense of
logic and of moral right to create unique places for themselves in U.S. history.
And both drew on their OW personal experience to help create a public
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter cousin wife and friend brought her
Victor, NY: Ganondagan State Historic Site
The Seneca
- The Seneca are among the Iroquois speaking people, which included several other people,
including the political confederates known as the Five Nations Iroquois (Seneca, Cayuga,
Onondaga, Oneida, Mohawk). The French referred to these nations as the Iroquois; the English
called them the Five Nations (later the Six Nations when the Tuscarora joined in 1714); but they
refer to themselves as the Haudenosaunee--which translates to People Who Build Houses.
- The fact that they built houses distinguished the Haudenosaunee from the other peoples who
lived around them.
- The Seneca built longhouses from the trees and other natural materials that surrounded them,
and these houses provided shelter for an entire extended family.
Ganondagan
- For historical background and more information, see the Millennium sheets.
- Ganondagan was previously known as Gannagaro and it was reputedly a capital of the Seneca
Nation. It was the largest Iroquois settlement, and in fact rivaled any European settlement in
America when it arose sometime between the 1650s and 1670s.
- It was a prosperous and vital center of Seneca life until it was destroyed a French attack in
1687. After the attack, the Seneca built several smaller villages, but they never again constructed
a center on the scale of Ganondagan.
* See below section on myths for story about Bare Hill, a site nine miles from Ganondagan.
Stories and Myths
- The Seneca have the same creation myth as the other peoples of the Haudenosaunee. The story
goes that twin spirits of the sky world created the world on the back of a great spirit turtle,
meaning that our world is a turtle island in the midst of a great sea.
- This story is linked to the Seneca's great concern for the natural world. They see a benevolent
natural world which provides humans with the all necessary elements for healthy and spiritually
satifying life.
- Because of their attachment to the natural world, today traditional Seneca open and close all
formal gatherings with a thanks to the natural world for all its gifts, known as the Thanksgiving
address.
- A popular Seneca story holds that a people emerged from the earth at Bare Hill, a site nine
miles from Ganondagan and near Canandaigua Lake. The story has great significance, and, in
fact, the Seneca call themselves Onondowagah, which translates to People of the Great Hill. The
Seneca see Bare Hill as the birthplace of their people, and their identity is strongly attached to the
site.
Women
- Women played important poltical and economic roles in the Seneca nation. See Millennium
notes for the role of Seneca women as clan mothers who selected chiefs.
- In addition, through horticulture, the fruits of women's labor dominated the Seneca economy
(see more below in Fort Hill section).
- There is also the story of Mary Jemison (see Millennium notes. We can get more on this from
Peter Jemison, a descendant who now works at Ganondagan).
Fort Hill
- The Seneca call this site Gah-a-yan-duk, while early European settlers called it Fort Hill.
- Gah-a-yan-duk served as a refuge in times of enemy attack. In addition to a fort, the site also
had a spring which could provide water during a lengthy siege. To prepare for such a siege, the
Seneca stockpiled dried corn in the fort. The amount of corn stored suggests, though, that Gah-a-
yan-duk served as a depository which provided grain to the other towns within the Iroquois
Confederacy, and perhaps other nations. The Seneca intentionally produced more grain than they
needed, exporting it elsewhere. Hence, Gah-a-yan-duk highlights the complex nature of the
Iroquois economy. It should also be noted that women were the primary producers of corn, and
hence wielded great power as they were so integral to the Seneca economy.
- While some Seneca favored using the Gah-a-yan-duk when the French attacked, a larger
number favored an ambush. The Seneca abandoned the fort and the French burned it.
- Looking south from the hill on a clear day, one can see Bare Hill, the legendary birthplace of
the Seneca Nation.
Ige p.04 for 7 GENERATIONS quote
VICTOR, NY: GANONDAGAN STATE HISTORIC SITE
Description
Ganondagan State Historic Site (approximately 18 miles SE of Rochester) preserves the remains of a
large seventeenth-century Seneca village and fortified granary destroyed by the French in
1687, is cherished as the home and burial place of one of the most important figures in
Iroquois history, Jikohnsaseh, the Mother of Nations, and is a site associated with a culture
which reaches back thousands of years. The Seneca remember the invasion, yet the site is
revered as a place of peace. This is consistent with the Iroquois and their tradition, that the
places they choose to commemorate are not battlegrounds, but are those of peace.
The State Historic Site consists of two parcels: 245 acres, Broughton Hill, the site of the Seneca town
and associated burial grounds, and 33 acres, encompassing Fort Hill, the site of the fortified
granary. Trails with interpretive signs throughout both parcels guide visitors throughout both
parcels; a very small visitor's center with some meeting and exhibit space and gift shop; and
late-19th century building that is now the residence of the site manager. Broughton Hill is a
National Historic Landmark (1964); Fort Hill is listed on the National Register of Historic
Places (1966).
Historical Significance
The history of this site can be traced to as long as 900 years ago, when Jikohnsaseh worked with the
revered historic figure The Peacemaker, a Huron man who arrived among the Mohawks
speaking of peace and an ordered society. Jikonsasch was the first person that accepted The
Peacemaker's message. Jikonsaseh was an important figure because she had a cabin that was
on the trail used by the warriors as they went back and forth to fight. Jikonsaseh offered them
food when they came by, and it is said she relished the stories the men would tell as they came
back from fighting. In effect, she was just as much a part of the evil that was happening as the
ones who were carrying it out because she fed on the stories. Jikonsaseh eventually accepted
The Peacemaker's message and aided him in the work of bringing five warring nations under
one Great Law of Peace, the constitution of the Haudenosaunee, or the Confederated Iroquois.
The Mohawk, Oneida, and Cayuga pledged to join his proposed confederation. Following a
dramatic interlude, the Seneca agreed also. The discussion about how to bring in the
Onondaga found its way into the house of Jikonsaseh. She proposed that the Onondagas
would be the central fire of the confederacy. They would have more chiefs than any other
nation and an Onondaga would be made the head man. Jikonsaseh is known as the Mother of
Nations. **NOTE: The exact burial place of the Mother of Nations should remain the
exclusive knowledge of traditionalist Iroquois, per information from the 1983 Master Plan.**
The Peacemaker established the Gayanesshagowa, or Great Law of Peace, as the Constitution of the
Haudenosaunee. The foundation of the law as that thinking and negotiations can replace
violence and warfare as a means of settling disputes. (18th-century Euro-American observers
noted the Iroquios' sophisticated use of oratory, causing one to compare them to the Romans
and Greeks.)
2
The nations of the Confederacy have held fast to that law since the time of The Peacemaker. In 1987,
the Manager of the Ganondagan State Historic Site was interviewed, and the following are
quotes from the interview:
At this moment, there is fighting going on in who knows how many
different countries of this world It is important to talk about the
message of peace and its history in this country. And the Iroquois
Confederacy and its impact on the forming of the United States
Constitution and the minds of the men who drafted the Constitution,
which formed this country on representational democracy And that
woman who lived here and whose remains are in this area, she was a
part of that
We have a set of laws, which are called the Great Law and this is
what the Confederacy is founded on, the Gayanesshagowa, in the
Seneca language. It's very hard t live up to that law. It is harder
than the U.S. system of government, of law. But it got us here. It's
why we have any land at all. And it is why we are existing at all
when most of the East Coast Indians who lived here are gone and
their lands taken. We have to live with it. We have to rekindle all
those feelings about it. And I hope - and this is a big, big ambition,
of course - that this site plays a role in that future for us.
Women had "political" roles as "Clan Mothers" who were elected by the women in their clan (extended
family/communal unit) and the Clan Mothers then chose the male chief because, having been
involved in raising the children, they would know which boys/men would be fit for leadership.
The Clan Mothers could also remove a chief. In addition, women controlled allocations from
communal stores and acted as communicators of culture bctween generations. This leadership
role for women came out of the "Mother of Nations" role in creating Iroquois confederacy.
These chiefs still hold more clout in Iroquois communities than the elected chiefs that Canada
and U.S. imposed on the culture because they wouldn't recognize the non-elected (women
chosen) chiefs.
Somewhere between 1650 and the 1670s, a major Haudenosaunee ("Hoe-dee-nee-sow-nee"), or
Iroquois, community developed which rivaled any European settlement in North America at
the time in population, commerce, production, trade, manufacture, social organization and
military might. It is estimated that over 100 longhouses existed here, a number which
approached the accounts of contemporary observers who counted as many as 150 dwellings.
The nine-acre oval of the town area has been plotted through a test-pit survey conducted by the
Rochester Museum and Science Center in 1977. This confirmed the size, location and
configuration of the site which had been known to antiquarians, archeologists, and pot hunters
for a century. This site was the principal town or capital of the Senecas in the 17th century
and the largest 17th century Seneca town known to exist. The town included houses, stores,
fields, crops and livestock. With its vast granaries and extensive fields of corn, Ganondagan
was the "breadbasket" of the League of the Iroquois, and illustrates the organic
3
interdependence of all the communities which constituted the League.
On July 13, 1687, the Ganondagan community was destroyed during an attack by forces under the
Marquis Denonville. These forces included French army regulars, Canadian militiamen, and
Mohawk and Algonquin warriors and the attack on Ganondagan was part of the plan to destroy
the villages of the Seneca in an attempt to annihilate them as a people, and, therefore, as
competitors in the lucrative international fur trade. The battle between the Seneca youths and
the French took place within view of Ganondagan's longhouses on Boughton Hill.
Sally Roesch Wagner, PhD, has written about the influence of Iroquois women on the feminists of the
day (largely those involved with Seneca Falls) ("The Untold Story of the Iroquois Influence on
Early Feminists"). In particular, the vision of suffrage leaders such as Lucretia Mott,
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Matilda Joslyn Gage were shaped by knowing Iroquois women
who practiced rights, such as owning property, wearing comfortable clothing, being food
producers, being revered and not physically abused, and were able to "divorce," of which they
could only dream.
After the War for Independence, the site was used for agricultural purposes. In the 1930s,
Tonawanda Seneca Chief Freeman Johnson began work to protect the site from the theft of
sacred Indian artifacts and against development that threatened its historical remains. J.
Sheldon Fisher, an amateur archeologist and founder and President of the Gannagaro (sic)
Association has also worked to preserve and promote the site as a National Historic
Landmark. It became a State Historic Site (NY State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic
Preservation) in 1987.
Current programs at the site include working with inner city Rochester youth (650 annually) to bring
them to the site for "Elders Gatherings" where youth are taught to listen and learn from elders
and respect them. They've also started the Young Spirit Dancers and the Spirit Dancers.
There are special seasonal events. A major population served by Ganondagan is families,
school children and educators, including over 130 schools. Vistitation in 1997 was over
31,000. Further, Ganondagan is the only entity bringing on-going cultural and educational
family programming to non-reservation Native families and youth in the Greater Monroe
region: a dispersed community, some fighting the effects of alcoholism, isolation, and poverty
that erodes family well-being. For them, Ganondagan creates a sense of belonging, pride in
their heritage, and restores family and community relationships amongst Native participants.
Preservation Needs
Based on a conversation between NY SHPO staff and the Site Manager Pete Jemison, Ganondagan
State Historic Site, the most critical need is the lack of an adequate year-round interpretive
center to orient and educate the public to the history and culture of this site. An interpretive
center in which to display artifacts and hold interpretive programs is critical to an
archeological site in that there is no longer any standing structure for the public to view and
experience. In addition, the center can display artifacts of the Ganondagan, which provides
evidence of their social order, spiritual values and history.
4
The present center is only open 6 months a year, can only display a portion of their artifacts, and only
seats 25 (which means that school groups visiting the site, which average between 50 and 60
children, cannot learn about the site in a coherent or efficient manner). The site's Native
American artifacts, including a recently-acquired private collection associated with the
Ganondagan, is being temporarily stored at the Rochester Museum & Science Center until an
adequate, on-site interpretive center and muscum can be constructed.
The site is currently in the midst of reconstructing a longhouse, based on oral, archeological, and
historical records. This will be nearing completion by mid-July. (Dedication ceremony
planned for July 25, during Ganondagan's 2-day "Native American Dance and Music
Festival.") The longhouse project has 3 components: construction; documentation (two Native
American produced and directed video documentaries: 1 designed for 4th graders and 1
designed for the general public); and internal furnishings (replicated artifacts and period pieces
from overseas trade; installed after completion of longhouse). The total project has an
estimated cost of $456,700 of which $155,000 is still needed.
Another critical need is protecting the agrarian viewshed from Fort Hill, the site of the Seneca
community's fortified granary. The site's surrounding natural and agricultural landscape is
experienceing increasing dvelopment pressure as the town of Victor grows from a sparsely
developed farming community to a desirable suburb within easy community distance of the
city of Rochester. If the viewshed is not protected, the site's agricultural and natural setting,
which is so important to its interpretation, will be significantly impacted and eventually lost.
The Friends of Ganondagan, a 501(c)(3) corporation, was formed in 1989 as a private educational
partner to the State Historic Site. The Friends have raised over $300,000 for the
reconstruction of the longhouse, the accompanying video, and the furnishings.
Link to the Future
Decisions made by the Iroquois Nation today are evaluated as to their impact for generations to come.
As explained by Carol Jacobs, Cayuga Bear Clan Mother (in Presentation to the United
Nations, PP. 116-117), "In making any law, the chiefs must always consider three things: the
effect of their decision on peace; the effect on the natural world; and the effect on seven
generations in the future. We believe that all lawmakers should be required to think this way,
that all constitutions should contain these rules We are a powerful people. We are the
carriers of knowledge and ideas that the world needs today. We know how to live with this
land: we have done so for thousands of years and have not suffered many of the changes of the
Industrial Revolution, though we are being beffeted by the waves of its collapse. Our families
are beyond the small, isolated nuclear families that are so convenient to big industry and big
government and so damanging to communities."
Contact
Peter Jemison and Jeanette Miller (married). Mr. Jemison is Site Manager. Ms. Miller is only staff
of the Friends of Ganondagan and works with a Title IX Indian Education Program. Jemison
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
4:53 PM
1/2
DATE:
Saturday, July 11, 1998
MEMO
TO:
Laura Schiller, Hillary Clinton's Office
FAX:
202 456-6244
FROM: Mark Malo-Wellman
PAGES: 2
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
4:54 PM
2/2
July 11, 1998
TO: Laura Schiller
FROM: Judy Wellman
RF: Seneca Falls stuff
Hi Laura! I have faxed the following documents:
1) brief biographies of several interesting signers.
2) "Declaring Women's Rights," one of the chapters from
my book manuscript The Road to Seneca Falls. It deals
with preparations for the convention and the convention
itself, including the Charlotte Woodward story.
3) a list of all the signers, with brief descriptions of each.
4) an article entitled "Elizabeth Cady Stanton: The Personal Is the
Political" that gives some background about Stanton
herself.
5) a transcript of the Declaration of Sentiments.
On Monday, I will fax a short biography of the M'Clintock family. If you
do not receive any of this, let mc know. I can be reached either by phone or
by e-mail later today.
I hope this helps. I am honored to have you and Mrs. Clinton interested
in this material. Best wishes. See you in Seneca Falls!
Cordially,
Judy Wellman
315-598-4387
[email protected]
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
4:56 PM
1/20
DATE: Saturday, July 11. 1998
MEMO
TO:
Laura Schiller, Hillary Clinton's Office
FAX:
202 456-6244
FROM: Mark Malo-Wellman
PAGES: 20
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
4:56 PM
2/20
APPENDIX II
SIGNERS OF THE SENECA FALLS DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS
The following list includes brief biographical data for all known
signers of the Declaration of Sentiments. Much more information exists for
many of these people. Asterisks mark those whose identity is unknown or
doubtful.
Most of the residence information comes from the 1850 manuscript
census. For consistency, I have also noted information about children and
property only from that census, even when other data exists. Religious
affiliation may indicate some connection with a particular church, rather
than actual membership in 1848.
1) Barker, Caroline (Cornell)
White female. Residence Walworth, Wayne County. Born 1814 or 1815 in
New York State. Married William G., farmer and signer. Property valued at
$5000 in 1850. Six children (four boys and two girls) at home in 1850. Quaker.
Died June 9, 1892.
*2) Barker, Eunice.
No firm identification.
3) Barker, William Gould.
White male. Residence Walworth, Wayne County. Born 1808 in Canada.
Married Caroline Cornell, a signer. Farmer. Property valued at $5000 in 1850.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
1
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
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Six children (four boys and two girls) at home in 1850. Quaker. Died December
22, 1897.
4) Bonnel, Rachel D.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born June 30, 1827. Married Edmund
W. Matchell, November 1848. Father a farmer.
5) Bunker, Joel D. (or Bonker)
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born about 1807 in New York State.
Cooper. Married Hannah. Three children in 1850. Wesleyan Methodist.
6) Burroughs, William.
White male. Residence Fayette, Varick, Seneca Falls, and Waterloo.
Born May 19, 1825. Farmer and lawyer. Superintendent, Town of Varick, 1855,
1857-1859. Married Lucy Ann Bochman. One child (boy) by 1850.
*7) Capron, E.W.
White male. Residence Macedon, Wayne County. Editor of The Voice of
Freedom, 1843, and the Auburn National Reformer in 1848. Quaker.
8) Chamberlain, Jacob P.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born1802 in Massachusetts.
Farmer and miller. Married Catharine Kuney. Six children at home in 1850.
Member of Methodist Episcopal Church. Died October 5, 1878.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
2
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
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9) Conklin, Elizabeth.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1812. Daughter of William
Conklin, who was a gardner and member of Wesleyan Methodists (and later a
Congregationalist).
*10) Conklin, Mary.
White female. May be sister of Elizabeth and daughter of William, in
Seneca Falls, Wesleyan, or may be a Mary Conklin from Waterloo.
*11) Culvert, P.A.
Female. Perhaps a member of Rochester Monthly Meeting of Friends.
No other information.
12) Davis, Cynthia.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born 1822. Married November 1839
to Niles Daves (who died before 1848?)
13) Dell, Thomas.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born 1828. Nurseryman. Father
William S., a signer. Quaker. Died 1851.
14) Dell, William S.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born 1801, in New Jersey.
Nurseryman, with property worth $7000 in 1850. Married Charlotte Dunham.
Two children at home in 1850, including Thomas, a signer. Quaker. Died 1865.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
3
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
5:00 PM
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15) Doty, Elias J.
White male. Residence Macedon, Wayne County. Born July 14, 1799 in
New York State. Married Susan, a signer. Five children (three boys and two
girls) at home in 1850. Quaker. Farmer. Property valued at $5000 in 1850. Died
May 24, 1871.
16) Doty, Susan R.
White female. Residence Macedon, Wayne County. Born 1808 in
Massachusetts. Married Elias J., a farmer and signer. Property valued at $5000
in 1850. Five children (three boys and two girls) at home in 1850. Quaker.
Died June 7, 1852.
17) Douglass, Frederick.
African-American male. Residence Rochester. Born 1817 in Maryland.
Married Anna. Five children (three boys and two girls) at home in 1850.
Editor of North Star. Property valued at $6000 in 1850.
18) Drake, Julia Ann.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born 1814. Lived with Phoeber
King, a signer, in 1850. Married John B. Smith in 1852.
19) Eaton, Harriet Cady.
White female. Born October 5, 1810. Married Daniel Cady Eaton. Two
children. Sister of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, signer.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
4
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
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20) Foote, Elisha. White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1809 in
Massachusetts. Lawyer and inventor. Property worth $3000 in 1850. Married
Eunice Newton, a signer. Two children at home in 1850. Died October 22, 1883.
21) Foote, Eunice Newton. White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born July 11,
1819. Married Elisha Foote, a signer. Two children at home in 1850.
*22) Frink, Mary Ann.
Female. May be white, residence Camillus, born 1823, widowed with one
child in 1850. Doubtful identification. May also be from Rochester.
23) Fuller, Cynthia.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born about 1795. Withdrew from
Methodists in 1843. Died January 8, 1870. Sons were a machinist and a laborer.
(Is this the mother of Ansel Fuller and grandmother of signer Cynthia Davis?)
24) Gibbs, Experience Porter.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born about1820. Married Ansel
Gibbs, a miller, livery stable keeper, and groceryman, with property worth
$1600 in 1850. Three children at home in 1850. Died March 17, 1899.
25) Gilbert, Mary.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Milliner. Wife or sister-in-law of
S.E. Woodworth, a signer. Methodist by 1858.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
5
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
07/11/98
05:02 PM
7/20
*26) Gild, Lydia.
No information.
27) Hallowell, Mary H. (Post)
White female. Residence Rochester. Born 1823 in New York State.
Married William R., a woolen manufacturer. Property valued at $5000 in 1850.
No children. Quaker. Died C. March 1913.
28) Hallowell (Willis), Sarah (Kirby).
White female. Residence Rochester. Born January 16, 1818, in
Westbury, New York. Married Jeffries Hallowell in 1838 and Edmund P. Willis
in 1853. Sister of Amy Post; aunt of Mary H. Hallowell. Quaker. April 10, 1914.
29) Hatley, Henry.
White male Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1825 in New York State.
Cooper. Married Nancy. One child at home in 1850.
30) Hoffman, Sarah.
White female. Residence Junius. Born 1812. Married Lawrence A., a
farmer. Four children (boys) in1850. $2520 worth of property in 1850. Died
May 5, 1879.
31) Hoskins, Charles L.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1799. Merchant, with $6500
worth of property in 1850. Married Sophia (1828), then Eliza Goodwin (1830),
then Mary E. Woolsey (1836). Six children at home in 1850. Died July 10, 1895.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
6
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(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
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32) Hunt, Jane C.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born June 6, 1812. Married Richard
P., a signer. Five children at home in 1850. Quaker. Died November 28, 1889.
33) Hunt, Richard Pell.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born September 2, 1797. Married
Matilda Kendig, then Ann Underhill, then Sarah McClintock, then Jane C.
Master. Farmer, mill owner, and real estate investor, with property worth
$40,000 in 1850. Died Nov]ember 7, 1856.
*34) Jenkins, Margaret.
No information.
35) Jones, John.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born about 1801. Son of Lucy
Jones, a signer. Steamboat agent. Married Alvira. Two children at home in
1850.
36) Jones, Lucy.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls (formerly of Waterloo). Born
about 1785-87, in Connecticut. Married Thomas. Mother of John Jones, a
signer. Joined Presbyterian Church in 1837. Died Feburary 18, 1865. Son
Walton a sash manufacturer.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
7
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(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
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37) King, Phoebe.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born 1794, in Connecticut.
38) Latham, Hannah J.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1810. Daughter of Lovina
Latham, a signer. Member Trinity Episcopal Church. Died January 25, 1859.
39) Latham, Lovina (Janes).
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born June 26, 1781, in
Connecticut. Married Obadiah L. Mother of Hannah, a signer, and ten other
children. Member of Trinity Episcopal Church. Died January 21, 1859.
40) Leslie, Elizabeth.
White female. Residence Fayette. Born 1826, New Jersey. Married
Willard, a woolen manufacturer. No children at home in 1850. $900 worth of
property, 1850.
41) Martin, Eliza.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Married Joshua W., boatbuilder.
Probably sister of signers Ann Porter and Experience Gibbs. Died February 13,
1899.
*42) Martin, Mary.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
8
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
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Several possibilities, but possibly the Mary (white female) from Seneca
Falls who married Joshua Martin (cooper), and died March 11, 1861.
43) Mathews, Delia.
White female. Residence Waterloo and Seneca Falls. Born about 1798.
Married Jabez, a carpenter.
44) Mathews, Dorothy.
White female. Residence Tyre. Born 1804. Married William. Seven
children by 1857. Died July 22, 1875.
45) Mathews, Jacob.
White male. Waterloo and Seneca Falls. Born abut 1805. Married
Phoebe. One child at home in 1850. Mason. Died February 2, 1874.
46) McClintock, Elizabeth W.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1821. Daughter of
Thomas and Mary Ann, and sister of Mary Ann, signers. Married Burroughs
Phillips in 1852. Quaker. Died November 7, 1896.
47) McClintock, Mary Ann.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
9
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
05:08 PM
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White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1799-1800, in
Pennsylvania. Married Thomas, a signer. Quaker. Died May 21, 1884.
48) McClintock, Mary Ann.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1823. Daughter of
Thomas and Mary Ann and sister of Elizabeth, signers. Married George
Hacknell? Quaker.
49) McClintock, Thomas.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1792, in Delaware. Married
Mary Ann. Druggist. Four children at home in 1850. Quaker. Died 1776.
50) Metcalf, Jonathan.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. School teacher. Married Betsey
Miller. Baptist and then Methodist; dismissed from Methodists in 1844.
51) Milliken, Nathan J.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1822, in New Hampshire.
Printer and editor of Seneca County Courier.
*52) Mirror, Mary S.
No information.
53) Mosher, Phoebe.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
10
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(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
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White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1810. Married Ruben P., a
farmer. Four children at home in 1850. Quaker. Died March 7, 1860.
*54) Mosher, Sarah A.
White female. Residence Junius. Born 1807 or 1808. Married Israel?
Quaker. Died August 5, 1875. She may have been a teacher in Waterloo. (There
are dozens of Sarah Moshers in central New York. This is the best
identification to date.)
55) Mott, James.
White male. Residence Philadelphia. Born Married Lucretia Coffin.
Wool manufacturer. Quaker.
56) Mott, Lucretia (Coffin).
White female. Residence Philadelphia. Born January 3, 1793, on
Nantucket Island. Married James Mott, signer. Quaker. Died November 11,
1880.
57) Mount, Lydia.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1802. Married Randolph
Mount, who died in 1842. Two children at home in 1850. Sister of Hannah Plant
and Richard P. Hunt. Property valued at $13,800 in 1850. Died December 23,
1862.
58) Paine, Catharine C.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
11
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
7/11/98
$5:10 PM
13/20
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1829. Married Rev. David
Blair, Methodist minister, and moved to Oregon in 1852. Father a candle-maker.
59) Palmer, Rhoda.
White female. Residence Phelps, Ontario County. Born June 15, 1816.
Never married. Father (Asa) a farmer, with property valued at $3500 in 1850.
Died August 9, 1919.
60) Phillips, Saron.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Minister to Wesleyan Methodists in
1847-8.
*61) Pitcher, Sally.
Possibly Sally Freeland Pitcher, Seneca Falls, who became a Wesleyan
Methodist in 1843 and a Methodist in 1846.
62) Plant, Hannah.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1795. Married Henry w.,
who died in 1843. One child. Quaker who later joined St. Paul's Episcopal
Church. Sister of Lydia Mount and Richard P. Hunt.
*63) Porter, Ann.
Judith Wellman
315-341-2170 (work)
History Department
315-598-4387 (home)
State University of New York
Oswego, New York 13126
12
Mark Malo-Wellman
(315) 598-4387
17/11/98
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White female. Probably sister of signers Experience Gibbs and Eliza
Martin.
64) Post, Amy (Kirby).
White female. Residence Rochester. Born 1803. Married Isaac, a
druggist. Property valued at $2500 in 1850. Three children (all boys) at home
in 1850. Quaker. Died January 29, 1889.
65) Pryor, George W.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1780, in Pennsylvania.
Married Margaret, a signer. Farmer. Quaker.
66) Pryor, Margaret.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1785, in Pennsylvania.
Married George W., a signer. Quaker.
67) Quinn, Susan.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1834 to Patrick and Mary
Quinn. Married William Clark (lawyer), December 9, 1855. Member Trinity
Episcopal Church.
68) Race, Rebecca.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1808. Married Whiting
Race (lumber dealer). Six children at home in 1850. Member Trinity Episcopal.
Died July 18, 1895.
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*69) Ridley, Martha.
No information.
70) Schooley, Azaliah.
White male. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1805-1807, in Canada.
Married Mercy L., who died in 1836, then Margaret, a signer. Five children at
home in 1850. Farmer, with property worth $7500 in 1850. Quaker. Died
October 24, 1855.
71) Schooley, Margaret.
White female. Residence Waterloo. Born about 1808, in New Jersey.
Married Azaliah, a signer. Five children at home in 1850. Quaker.
*72) Scott, Deborah.
No information.
*73) Segur, Antoinette E.
No information.
74) Seymour, Henry.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born January 10, 1803, in Vermont.
Married Susan. Four children at home in 1850. Pump manufacturer and later
storekeeper, with property worth $3000 in 1850. Died August 3, 1879.
75) Seymour, Henry W.
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White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1815, in Connecticut. Married
Malvina, a signer. One child at home in 1850. Pump manufacturer. Member of
Trinity Episcopal Church. Relationship to Henry Seymour unknown.
76) Seymour, Malvina (or Melvina).
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born about 1812. Milliner.
Married Henry W., a signer. One child at home in 1850. Member of Trinity
Episcopal Church.
*77) Shaw, Catharine.
May be white female from Tully, living with Joshua Smith and family.
Born 1765 in New York State. No firm identification.
78) Shear, Stephen.
White male. Residence Junius. Born 1798 in New York State. Married
Gertrude. Farmer. Property valued at $12,000 in 1850. Six children (three
boys and three girls) at home in 1850.
*79) Sisson, Sarah.
Two possibilities, both white females from Seneca Falls, one born about
1811 and married to Philip Sisson, carpenter, the other born about 1801 and
married to Mathew Sisson, brewer.
80) Smallbridge, Robert.
White male. Residence Seneca Falls. Born 1821, in England. Cooper.
Married S.A. Two children at home in 1850.
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History Department
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*81) Smith, Elizabeth D.
No firm identification. Two Elizabeth Smiths lived in the area in 1850.
*82) Smith, Sarah.
No firm identification. Five Sarah Smiths lived in the area in 1850.
83) Spalding, David.
White male. Residence Spafford, Onondaga County. Born 1794. Married
Lucy, a signer. Farmer. Property valued at $4000 in 1850. Three children at
home in 1850.
84) Spalding, Lucy (Fowler?).
White female. Residence Spafford, Onondaga County. Born 1796.
Married David, a signer. Farmer. Property valued at $4000 in 1850. Three
children at home in 1850.
85) Stanton, Elizabeth Cady.
White female. Residence Seneca Falls. Born November 12, 1815. Married
Henry B. lawyer. Three children at home in 1850. Died October 26, 1902.
86) Stebbins, Catharine F(ish).
White female. Residence Rochester, but moved by 1850. Married Giles
Stebbins.
87) Taylor, Sophronia.
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History Department
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be limited to those who gave up some of their own time or money for the
greater good of the whole community. In this republican world-view, if
women owned property and paid taxes, what logical reason remained to
prevent women from voting?
Proponents of the Married Women's Property Act recognized its radical
implications and rejoiced in them. One anonymous orator in Ogdensburgh,
New York, argued, for example, that "ALL ARE CREATED FREE AND EQUAL." This
was a "fundamental doctrine" of the United States, he asserted, and "none
should ever be allowed to restrict its universality. Women, as well as men, are
entitled to the full enjoyment of its practical blessings." Men deprived of
representation in their government are called slaves, and "such is the
degraded condition of women, in this boasted land of liberty." 16
Rhetoric like this echoed in Stanton's mind, re-awakening memories of
herself as a young girl, of the teasing she had received from her father's law
students, of Flora Campbell, and of her father's advice to go to Albany to try to
change the laws. Now she had a chance to do exactly that, and she used her
father's own legal and political connections to do it. After her parents moved
to Albany in 1843, she lobbied members of the legislature, both in their own
offices and in social situations, to get the bill passed.
By the mid-1840s, then, Stanton had expanded her world from her
parents' comfortable if conservative life-stye to the more open world of her
cousin, Gerrit Smith, to the active world of reform outside of her immediate
family. Through her father, her cousin, her husband, and her friends, she
had met key people among perfectionist abolitionists, political abolitionists,
16 Lecture Delivered Befre the Ogdensburgh Lyceum, on the Political Rights of
Women (Ogdensburgh, N.Y.: Tyler and James, n.d.), 2-3. Copy in the library of
William Henry Seward and Frances Seward, Seward Home, Auburn, New York.
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and legal reformers. In July, 1848, she would use these connections in a most
unexpected way.
Act IV: Seneca Falls
In 1847 and 1848, personal and political events once more converged in
Stanton's life. Stress and tragedy in her family life led Stanton to look outward
once again, to see her own personal situation as part of the larger political
condition of women everywhere.
Scene I: Seneca Falls, New York, a large, rambling house on the edge of
town, which has been empty for the past few years. With gusto, Elizabeth is
supervising the work of refurbishing what will become her new home. Ansel
Bascom, a local reform lawyer, arrives for a neighborly visit. Surrounded by
carpenters, paper-hangers, and painters, Stanton takes the opportunity to
urge Bascom's support for the proposed Married Women's Property Act.
Bascom fears he will be a "laughing stock," but Stanton persists. Undaunted in
fixing up her new home, she is also undaunted in her reform efforts.
Stanton's initial enthusiasm is about to give way to exhaustion. Stanton
moved to Seneca Falls in April 1847. She came alone, armed only with her wits
and her father's money, to fix up a house that Daniel Cady gave to her, in her
own name. Several weeks later, she brought her children to Seneca Falls.
Henry, however, remained in Boston, as editor an anti-slavery paper.
Elizabeth was forced to cope as a single parent with three rambunctious boys.
Elizabeth's spirits drooped. "To keep a house and grounds in good order,
purchase every article for daily use, keep the wardrobes of half a dozen
human beings in proper trim, take the children to dentists, shoemakers, and
different schools, or find teachers at home, altogether made sufficient work to
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keep one brain busy," she recalled, in a lament that any American mother,
past or present, might echo. 17
She felt overwhelmed. Sickness and death added to her depression. The
children and servants all caught malaria. She herself probably experienced a
miscarriage. And her nephew, the son of Henry's sister, Susan, died of
whooping cough while on a visit to the Stanton's on his first birthday. Did the
loss of her own unborn baby and of the death of this small boy re-awaken in
Stanton the traumatic feelings associated with the deaths of her own brothers?
Whatever the causes, her mood was sombre in the spring and early
summer of 1848. "Up to this time life had glided by with comparative ease, but
now the real struggle was upon me.
Cleanliness, order, the love of the
beautiful and artistic, all faded away in the struggle to accomplish what was
absolutely necessary from hour to hour. Now I understood, as I never had
before, how women could sit down and rest in the midst of general disorder." 18
Motivated in part by a need to resolve her own personal distress, she
turned outward toward political action in the larger world. There, three
events had generated considerable debate and public support for women's
rights. First, New York State finally passed a Married Women's Property Act in
February 1848. As Stanton noted, passage of this act "encouraged action on the
part of women.
.if the men who make the laws were ready for sme onward
step, surely the women themselves should express interest in legislation." 19
Second, political abolitionists, including Henry B. Stanton, linked forces with
business interests and farmers to form a new political party. They called it the
Free Soil Party, because its prime object was to keep slavery out of the
territories. And finally, Garrisonian-Quaker abolitionists in upstate New York,
17 Eighty Years, 145, 147.
18 Eighty Years, 147.
19 History of Woman Suffrage, I, 63?
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everyone of them a supporter of women's rights, found a new sense of identity
and cohesion as many of them left established Quaker meetings to form their
own groups of Congregational Friends.
Stanton's own personal relationships and personal experiences
connected her to key people in all three movements. Daniel Cady had taught
her to argue for legal rights for women and had given her credibility with
legal reformers. Henry B. Stanton had taught her about the power of the vote
to create social change and and had given her connections among political
abolitionists. Lucretia Mott strengthened her commitment to total equality for
women and men and welcomed her into the company of Garrisonian-Quaken
abolitionists. Thus, when Lucretia Mott came to visit Quaker abolitionists in
Waterloo, just west of Seneca Falls, about July 9, 1848, the stage had already
been set, over a period of many years, for the country's first women's rights
covention.
Scene II: The parlor of Jane and Richard Hunt's plain, two-story bricj
home in Waterloo, New York. The parlor is carpeted. A center table, a sofa, two
rocking chairs, and six parlor chairs complete the main furnishings. The
chairs are now probably drawn up around the center table, for Jane Hunt is
having a tea party. Lucretia Mott is the honored guest. Mott's sister, Martha
Wright, and a few Quaker women from Waterloo are also there. So is Elizabeth
Cady Stanton, who has seen Mott only once or twice since the World Anti-
Slavery Convention in London. Immediately, they pick up the topic that
Stanton and Mott had left incomplete eight years before--the idea of a woman's
rights convention. Stanton's personal frustration boils over. "I poured out,
that day," she later wrote, "the torrent of my long-accumulating discontent,
with such vehemence and indignation that I stirred myself, as well as the rest
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of the party, to and dare anything. "20 What they dared to do was to call,
finally, the country's first women's rights convention.
Scene III: Wesleyan Chapel, Seneca Falls. Stanton stands at the front of
the room. She has just presented a resolution that
.Someone in the audience
objects. Stanton has anticipated this problem. Before the meeting she had
tried out the idea on her own husband, who opposed her so strongly that he
refused to attend the he convention. Even Lucretia Mott, who believes in
"Truth for Authority, Not Authority for Truth," is doubtful. "Lizzie," she had
said, "Thee will make us ridiculous."
Yet Lizzie Stanton persists. And she has found a powerful ally--
Frederick Douglass. Not for nothing was Douglass raised in his earliest years
by a loving grandmother. Not for nothing had he discussed women's rights
with Stanton years before. Not for nothing does the masthead of the North
Star carry the motto, "Right Is of No Sex,." Douglass speaks out against
oppression wherever he finds it, and the oppression of women has become a
special concern. That concern has brought him to Seneca Falls. And it brings
him willingly to argue, in a "brilliant defense," that women, like African
Americans, need the right to vote. His eloquence, added to Stanton's own,
convinces the convention, by a slight majority, to endorse the demand for
women's right to vote. One hundred people (sixty-eight women and thirty-two
men) sign the Declaration of Sentiments, incorporating the demand for
women's suffrage.
Out of all of the influences on her, personal and political, Stanton
created a unique blend of radical goals and pragmatic means, of total
commitment to equality combined with a willingness to use political power.
20 Eighty Years, 148.
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She used her own very personal relationships to forge a base for a very public
action, one whose ideas continue to affect us into our time.
Yet there is an irony here. Stanton lived during a time of deep change
in the United States. People were moving from rural areas to cities, from farm
work to factories, from large families to small ones, from east to west. So
dramatic were these changes that even historians (normally the most cautious
of observors) call them revolutions--in transportation, industrialization, and
urbanization.
These changes had corollary shifts in the way that people viewed
themselves. People who once had defined themselves primarily as members of
a group--a family, a church, a community--now began to see themselves more
as individuals, competing with other individuals in the economic marketplace.
Who your parents were was becoming less important than who you were, in
terms of intelligence, character, and willingness to work hard. In the older
world view, most people--men and women--measured their success in life by
how well they performed their responsibilities to other people. Roles were
more important than personality. Now a new model was elbowing out the old
one. Rights became as important as responsibilities. We can see this in a shift
in world-view from what historians call "republicanism," which dominated
male political action in the late eighteenth century, to "liberalism" which
became popular by the mid-nineteenth century, from sacrificing one's own
interests for the common good to promoting one's own interests in a
competitive, individualistic world.
Just as Stanton built bridges between various reformers in the 1840s,
she also built bridges from one time period to another, from an older,
communal world-view to a newer ethos of individual rights. She built upon
her personal. traditional roles as daughter, cousin, wife, and mother to launch
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a public movement that emphasized not responsibilities but rights, not group
identity but individualism.
This was Stanton's paradox at the Seneca Falls convention. She led a movement
to establish women as independent, free, and equal members of the body politic. Yet
her success as a leader depended not on her individual gifts alone but also on her
relationships with a network of family and friends. A movement that ostensibly
promoted individual rights was made possible by the connections that bound Stanton
into very strong (and very traditional) family networks.
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Introduction--
grab reader's attention
personal identification with characters--Stanton,
Douglass, Mott, Wright, Quakers, abolitionists, not
HBS
conflict-women's right to vote
theme--personal is the political
childhood
early marriage
balance between personal and political action
I. Girlhood
Daniel Cady and Margaret Livingston Cady
father's law office
II. Turning Points--Gerrit Smith
Harriet Powell
Harriet B. Stanton
World Anti-Slavery Convention
Lucretia Mott
III. From Home to the World
Frederick Douglass
Married Women's Property Act
Liberty Party V. Garrisonians
Life in Boston
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Seneca Falls
alone for almost a year
three children, one miscarriage
Context--reform in upstate New York
Quakers
Married Women's Property Act
SF and Waterloo
Abby Kelley
Ansel Bascom
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,
among them Edward Bayard (newly-married to Elizabeth's oldest sister, Tryphena)
and Edward's brother, Henry. Both Edward and Henry are fun-loving and
affectionate companions for all the Cady girls, and Edward is a father-figure to the
three youngest.
There seem no doubt that events in Elizabeth Cady Stanton's twelfth year
indelibly influenced her life and subsequently the lives of many other people
from her own time to the present. When she was twelve years old, she
confronted the death of her only brother, a crisis in her religious experience,
and a painful introduction to the power of the law. Intertwined with all these
awakenings was a new awareness of the disabilities that family, church, and
law imposed on her because she was a girl. When she was twelve years old, she
fought against these disabilities in the best way she knew how. She would
continue to fight against them, in increasingly effective ways, until she died.
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Once upon a time, most historians told the stories of public events in terms of
public causes. They ignored--often because they had little evidence--personal
experiences in childhood and within families. Yet Elizabeth Cady Stanton's
public career cannot be explained without understanding her relationships
with family and friends.
MOM ILOVE YOU!
AMALIYA: I LOVE YOU, TOO!
Entering her father's office, she takes down several law books from the shelves
lining the wall. Scissors in hand, she carefully opens the first volume. She scans it
quickly, looking for laws that keep women from owning their own property and
from taking charge of their own lives. If these laws are the problem, why not simply
cut them out?
And, oh yes, when Flora Cambell died, the Cadys buried her on their own plot in the
graveyard, just a few feet away from Eleazer.
Most people at the meeting were ordinary citizens who had come from Seneca
Falls, Waterloo (four miles west), or Rochester, forty miles west. Two, however,
were nationally-known radical reformers. Lucretia Mott was a Philadelphia
Quaker minister, and Frederick Douglass, who had escaped from slavery only a
decade before, was an abolitionist orator and editor of the North Star in
Rochester, New York.
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Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Frederick Douglass came from very different
backgrounds. Stanton had been raised in upstate New York in a wealthy,
slave-owning family. Douglass had grown up in Maryland as a slave himself.
He had met Elizabeth Cady Stanton in Boston several years before, and they had
found themselves kindred spirits, not only as abolitionists but also as advocates
for women's rights. They agreed that supposedly free American women-both
white and black-- suffered legal, political, social, and religious discrimination.
Elizabeth Cady took this advice to heart. That is exactly what did.
Elizabeth asserted her own independence clearly. She said and did what she
thought was right, no matter what Henry's opinion. When she attended an
anti-slavery meeting with Henry in 1841, she protested her exclusion from the
separate meeting for women abolitionists. "How could I know of the exisence
of such meetings [when] no one told me. Had I known of them why should I
have been disinclined to go? because Henry might not have wished me to do?-
-You do not know the extent to which I carry my rights," she told a friend. "I
do in truth think & act for myself knowing that I alone am responsible for the
saying & doings of E.C.S."²¹
Only brief glimpses remain, here and there, of Elizabeth's developing sense of
self and society in the early 1840s. But these glimpses suggest a woman who
21 Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Elizabeth Neall, November 26, [1841], Sidney Howard
Gay Papers, Columbia University.
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was gaining increasing confidence in herself and her emerging women's
rights mission.
New York State law, like the laws of most states, was based on William
Blackstone's eighteenth century codification of English common law.
According to Blackstone, when a man and woman married, they became as one,
and that one was the husband. Married women had no legal identity at all.
They could not sue or be sued. Certainly they could not own property.
was a well-known abolitionist orator. He was also editor and chief fund-raiser
for the North Star, an anti-slavery newspaper that Douglass had started the
year before in Rochester, New York. Douglass was eloquent both in person
and in print. He himself had escaped from slavery barely a decade earlier, and
he spoke powerfully for abolition from his own experience.
The model first became identified with white males. In the 1820s, state after
state changed their constitutions to admit all white adult males to full voting
rights--universal suffrage, they called it. White adult males gained political
rights to match their existing rights to own property. "Virtue" changed from
a male characteristic to a female one. As males emphasized survival in a
competitive world, self-sacrifice and moral training fell, in theory, into
women's hands, as mothers gave of themselves to raise children who could
carry out their obligations as democratic citizens.
For the rest of society--85% of the people in most communities, more in
places where slavery existed--the old model of responsibilities, of deference, of
group identity remained strong.
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Like Frederick Douglass and like her own cousin, Gerrit Smith, Elizabeth
Stanton was a builder of bridges. Both connected existing political divisions.
Both incorporated ideas from Garrisonian-Quakers and political abolitionists.
Both joined idealism with practical action. Both followed their own sense of
logic and of moral right to create unique places for themselves in U.S. history.
And both drew on their OW personal experience to help create a public
movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
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movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
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movement.
It was Stanton's gift to identify strongly with both of her parents, and through
them with her own ability and desire to carry out both male and female roles,
that led her to challenge existing role limitations for women.
Her traditional roles--as a daughter, cousin, wife, and friend--brought her
immediate and unconditional acceptance as an equal, worthy, and respected
member of movements for legal reform, non-resistant abolitionism, and
political abolitionism.
RA736
.033
WH
MASTER
BUILDERS
A GUIDE TO FAMOUS AMERICAN ARCHITECTS
NATIONAL TRUST FOR HISTORIC PRESERVATION
Davis
Master Builders
57
56
ALEXANDER J. DAVIS
Jane B. Davies
At the time when American romanticism was flourishing
in literature and Hudson River landscape painting,
Alexander J. Davis (1803-92) brought a similar spirit of
romanticism to American architecture. Imaginative, origi-
nal and influential, he was an innovative leader in the
important styles of the middle third of the 19th century-
Alexander J. Davis, by George Free-
the Greek, Tuscan and Gothic revivals, the Italianate and
man, 1852. (Avery Architectural
the bracketed. Although he never studied or even traveled
and Fine Arts Library, Columbia
abroad, he created inventive American interpretations
University)
inspired by foreign sources, designing with adept ver-
satility some of the finest buildings of the period.
By midcentury Davis was the outstanding American
The adventurous imagination, temperament, eye and
architect of romantic country houses, unsurpassed in his
skill of an artist gave Davis's work a special quality. He
mastery of asymmetrical massing, control of scale and
began as an architectural illustrator, and his approach to
delicacy of detailing. He designed many of the earliest and
architecture was always visual. He was primarily a
finest American villas and cottages in the Gothic Revival,
designer, constantly experimenting, excellent in composi-
Italianate and bracketed styles, such as Henry Delamater's
tion, proportion and detail, with a scenic sense for the
charming Gothic cottage (1844), Rhinebeck, N.Y.; the
harmony of building and setting and for the drama of bold
enchanting Gothic villa Belmead (1845-48) for Philip St.
features and strong contrasts. His skillful watercolors are
George Cocke in Powhatan County, Va.; Llewellyn S.
considered among the finest architectural renderings of
Haskell's handsome Italianate villa, Belmont (1850-52),
his generation.
near Belleville, N.J.; and the Gothic splendor of Lyndhurst
Although Davis lived in New York City most of his
[1838-42, 1865-67), Tarrytown, N.Y.
life, his work ranged from Maine to Florida, from Detroit
Davis's influence spread widely through his works and
to New Orleans. He designed buildings in many styles
his book, Rural Residences (1838), and through his
and of many types-public, institutional and commercial
collaboration from 1839 to 1850 with the tastemaker
buildings, churches and chapels, and town, suburban and
Andrew Jackson Downing on the latter's publications, for
country-houses.
which Davis drew most of the architectural illustra-
During two periods-1829-35 and 1842-43-Davis was
tions-his own designs, a few supplied by other architects
a partner of the eminent Ithiel Town, who had the
and many created jointly by Davis and Downing. The
greatest architectural library in America. Most of their
English ideas of the picturesque, which they espoused,
buildings were advanced examples of the new Greek
revolutionized the American house, relating it to its
Revival style, as seen, for instance, in the bold temple-
setting, giving irregularity to its shape, plan and surface
form Indiana State Capitol (1831-35), Indianapolis, and in
and freeing it from the austere rigidity of the traditional
the typically Davis multistory windows of the Lyceum of
box pattern. The diversity of the new styles enriched the
Natural History (1835-36), New York. Throughout his
American scene. Many of the forms and features were
career Davis continued to use his characteristic windows
imitated so much that they passed into the vernacular,
with neoclassical styles for most institutional and urban
and some-such as asymmetrical massing, bay windows,
buildings, often favoring the wide eaves and strong
board-and-batten siding, wide decorated eaves and expan-
features of individualistic versions of the Tuscan style, as
sive verandas-became lasting contributions to American
in the Bridgeport City Hall (1853-54), Bridgeport, Conn.
domestic architecture. A
Federal Hall National Memorial (U.S. Custom House) 11833-42, with Ithicl
North Carolina State Capitol (1833-40, with Ithicl Town et al.), Raleigh,
Town), New York, an American adaptation of the Parthenon. (HABS)
with giant Doric columns and antae. (North Carolina Museum of History)
Master Builders
Davis
58
59
Below and middle: William J. Rotch House (1845-46), New Bedford,
Mass., a cottage villa in the rural Gothic style, rendered by Davis. The
dramatic design and intricate, elegant ornamentation give it exceptional
charm. (Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library, Columbia University;
Metropolitan Muscum of Art)
Gatehouse at Blithewood (1836),
near Barrytown, N.Y., the
prototypal American Gothic cot-
tage. (Avery Architectural and Fine
Arts Library, Columbia University)
Davis's design for a cottage villa in
the bracketed style, featuring brack-
eted eaves and veranda supports
and his distinctive windows, from
Andrew Jackson Downing's Cottage
Residences (1842).
Lyndhurst (1838-42, 1865-67), Tarrytown, N.Y., the culmination of Hudson
Davis's preliminary design for Grace Hill (1854-57), Brooklyn, N.Y.,
River Gothic, rendered by Davis. (Metropolitan Museum of Art)
featuring a radiating, interconnected plan. (New-York Historical Society)
Master Builders
Downing
60
61
ANDREW JACKSON DOWNING
Andrew Jackson Downing from a
George B. Tatum
daguerreotype made about 1850.
(George B. Tatum Collection)
When she praised a number of the villas and cottages
encountered on her American tour of 1849-50, the
Swedish novelist Fredrika Bremer was advised that the
architectural qualities she admired might be traced to the
writings of Andrew Jackson Downing (1815-52), the
popular landscape gardener from Newburgh, N.Y. "No-
body, whether he be rich or poor, builds a house or lays
out a garden without consulting Downing's works," she
Unexecuted design (1847) by Alex-
was told.
ander J. Davis in collaboration with
Although Downing had contributed to the American
Downing. Two years later Davis
editions of the works of several English authors and his
submitted a slightly modified ver-
own writings on the fruits of the United States had
sion of this design to a client in
Ohio, for whom it was built.
assured him a respected place among pomologists, it was
(Metropolitan Museum of Art)
clearly to his role as architecture critic that Bremer's
informant referred. His Treatise on the Theory and
Practice of Landscape Gardening Adapted to North
America (1841) contained a long section on rural
architecture, which was also the subject of a smaller
volume entitled Cottage Residences, published the follow-
ing year. The success of both books was immediate.
Together with later essays in The Horticulturist, the
journal Downing edited from its inception in 1846 until
his untimely death in a steamboat explosion in 1852, and
The Architecture of Country Houses (1850), Downing's
third and last major work dealing with architectural
subjects, these two publications did much to establish
their author as a kind of arbiter of taste. Soon houses
adapted from their illustrations appeared throughout the
American countryside, and numerous imitators brought
out a variety of pattern books based on this new approach
to architectural design.
Much of Downing's practical knowledge of horticulture
was gained in the Newburgh nursery he and his brother
had inherited from their father, but the artistic principles
he advocated were largely distilled from English sources,
especially the publications of John Claudius Loudon. To
illustrate his writings, Downing occasionally used the
work of contemporary architects such as Richard Upjohn
Daniel Parish House (1852), New.
or John Notman, but he depended principally on
port, R.I., designed by Downing and
Alexander J. Davis, who not only provided examples of his
Calvert Vaux in the new Renais-
own work but also undertook to transform Downing's
sance style then coming into vogue
in America.
rough sketches into finished drawings suitable for
engraving. Classical elements made the Italianate style
only remnants of which are extant.
appropriate for sites near towns or cities, but the irregular
From time to time Downing served as consultant for a
terrain of the countryside called for the more picturesque
design drawn up in its final form by Davis, but he does
forms of the Gothic. And should either of these styles
not appear to have considered himself a practicing
prove too ambitious, Downing recommended the simpler
architect in his own right much before 1850. In the
bracketed mode, derived ostensibly from Swiss and Italian
summer of that year, he had his first trip to England and,
sources and as near an original American style as the
while there, persuaded young Calvert Vaux to immigrate
period was to come.
to Newburgh as a member of the architectural firm he
Downing advertised that for $50 he would furnish
was in the process of forming. The new firm did not want
landscape drawings by mail, and for $20 a day he was
for commissions, some of the most important of which
prepared to visit the site. Plans supplied in this way were
were later published by Vaux in his Villas and Cottages
probably destroyed in use; at least, none is known to
(1857). Downing was the natural choice to provide a
survive, and the loss or destruction of Downing's office
design for the public grounds in Washington, D.C., and
records has deprived us of a list of his clients. Matthew
although in 1901 the present Mall replaced the informal
Vassar was one, and contemporary views and descriptions
lines of his 1851 plan, both the early date and the success
provide a good deal of information about Springside
of the latter have led its designer to be counted among the
(1850-52), the Vassar estate near Poughkeepsie, N.Y.,
originators of the public park in America.
Master Builders
Downing
62
63
Italianate villa, from Downing's Cottage Residences, usually considered the
Cottage in the English, or rural Gothic, style, one of the most copied
first example of this popular form published in America. Downing wrote
designs in Cottage Residences and apparently based in large part on the
that the campanile conferred a character of boldness and dignity.
work of Alexander J. Davis.
Opposite: Plan for Springside
(1850-52), near Poughkeepsic, N.Y.
(Benson Lossing, Life of Matthew
Vassar, 1876)
Downing's plan for the public
grounds (1851), Washington, D.C.,
showing Robert Mills's original de-
sign for the Washington Monu-
ment. (Smith and Jenkins, Library
of Congress)
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DATE: Saturday, July 11, 1998
MEMO
TO:
Laura Schiller, Hillary Clinton's Office
FAX: 202 456-6244
FROM: Mark Malo-Wellman
PAGES: 32
Mark Malo-Wellman
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1
TRUE STORIES
The Personal and the Political: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and
the Seneca Falls Women's Rights Convention
Seneca Falls, July 20, 1848
On a hot July afternoon, thirty-two-year-old Elizabeth Cady Stanton
stood at the front of the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls, New York. She was at
the beginning of what would become the most visible and publicized work of
her life--the fight for total equality for women, as citizens, family members,
workers, students, church members, property owners, and people, including
the right of women to vote.
They had gathered to debate nothing less than a new version of the
Declaration of Independence. This Declaration of Sentiments, as they called it,
asserted not that "all men are created equal" but that "all men and women are
created equal." Like the original Declaration, this one listed demands. Instead
of colonial grievances against King George, however, these were the
grievances of women against a patriarchal, male-dominated world.
In the eyes of the law, charged the Declaration, married women were
"civilly dead," without the right to own property, keep their own wages, or be
tried for crimes. Legally, marriage itself resembled slavery. As masters,
husbands had the right to punish their wives and keep control of their
children in case of divorce. Single women could own property and pay taxes
but had no voice in determining how their taxes would be spent. Men
dominated work, education, and religion, too, either excluding women entirely
or keeping them subordinate. Men maintained a double moral standard. They
also asserted their right to define women's place in the world, when that right
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"belongs to her conscience and her God." And they tried, in every way they
knew how, "to destroy her confidence in her own powers, to lessen her self-
respect, and to make her willing to lead a dependant [sic] and abject life." Such
a list was compelling, indeed, and the audience supported it with hardly a
dissenting voice.
Not so with another major set of grievances, however. Stanton had
prepared these herself. She asked the convention to endorse not only "social,
civil, and religious rights and duties," as the original invitation had explained,
but also political rights for women, too. Specifically, she asked for women's
right to vote. Men, she charged, have never permitted women to exercise
their "inalienable right to the elective franchise." Many people in the
audience were Quakers and radical abolitionists, who had withdrawn from
political participation as a matter of conscience. Why, they wondered, should
they endorse political participation for women when they themselves believed
that God's will, not any human government, should determine their actions?
Nevertheless, when the convention adjourned, one hundred people
(sixty-eight women and thirty-two men) had signed the Seneca Falls
Declaration of Sentiments, all of it, including the demand for women's right to
vote. Most of the signers were relatively unknown citizens from Seneca Falls
or the neighboring community of Waterloo. Two of them, however, we
nationally-known reformers. Lucretia Mott, peace activist, anti-slavery
organizer, and Quaker minister from Philadelphia came to Seneca Falls from
her travels to Auburn prison, to fugitive slave settlements in Canada, and to
Seneca Indians in western New York. Frederick Douglass, born into slavery in
Maryland, had escaped the South only a decade before and had made his career
as an eloquent abolitionist orator and editor of the North Star in Rochester,
New York.
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These one hundred people--Douglass, Mott, and Stanton included--
created a nationwide debate about women's rights and made the Seneca Falls
convention a major public event in its own time. The Declaration of
Sentiments generated intense newspaper debate through the country. Most
editors opposed it. The New York Evening Post reported incredulously that
"the convention had seriously resolved that all men and women are created
equal!" "The change is impracticable, uncalled for, and unnecessary," intoned
the editor of the Mechanic's Advocate. "It would prove a monstrous injury to
all mankind." Other papers endorsed the Declaration, however. "Railroad
speed" to this new reform, urged one editor from Herkimer County, New York.¹
Even in our own time, the Declaration of Sentiments startles us with its
clarity and contemporary relevance. Almost 150 years later, we still debate
most of the same issues. Of the major demands presented at Seneca Falls,
Americans have fully implemented only one--women's right to vote
(guaranteed by the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, approved in
1920). In the late twentieth century, the country still struggles with questions
of equality in jobs, marriage, education, politics, religion, and the law. Women
still confront a double standard of sexual behavior. And they still face attacks
on personal respect and personal autonomy. Recognizing the significance of
the Seneca Falls convention for Americans in the late twentieth century, the
National Standards for the Teaching of History (1994) mentioned Seneca Falls
six times.²
How did Elizabeth Cady Stanton, daughter of a very conservative upstate
New York family, find herself in the company of such radical reformers as
Frederick Douglass and Lucretia Mott? How did she come to defend a
reprinted in History of Woman Suffrage, I, 803.
²Lynn Cheney, Wall Street Journal, citing National Standards for the Teaching
of History (1994).
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Declaration of Sentiments that everyone agreed was "of the kind called
radical" and that Stanton, never modest about her achievements, would call the
beginning of "a rebellion such as the world had never before seen, the
greatest movement for human liberty recorded on the pages of history--a
demand for freedom to one-half the entire [human] race."?3 To answer this
question is to recognize a paradox. Although the Seneca Falls convention was
a highly visible public event, we can understand its origins only in the
context of very personal developments in Elizabeth Cady Stanton's own life.
For Stanton, the private was inextricably intertwined with the public, the
personal with the political.
From her early teenage years until her marriage at twenty-five,
Stanton lived surrounded by a large and dynamic family. Key personal
relationships from her childhood and through her early years of marriage--
especially with her father, her cousin Gerrit Smith, her husband, Henry B.
Stanton, and her friend, Lucretia Mott--brought her into contact with reform
movements in the larger world. At the Seneca Falls convention, Stanton
would act as a catalyst, bringing together people from three major reform
networks--legal reform, political abolitionism, and perfectionist abolitionism-
-to support the emerging movement for women's rights.⁴
Imagine that Stanton's life is a video, an imperfect movie to be sure.
Most of its parts are lost in time. Enough of this tape remains, however, for us
to see key scenes. Each of these illustrates the intricate interweaving of
Stanton's personal relationships as daughter, cousin, wife, and friend with
political issues in the larger world.
3Nathan Milliken, editorial in the Seneca County Courier; Stanton, History of
Women Suffrage, I, 68.
⁴Elisabeth Griffiths, In Her Own Right, emphasizes the importance of key
people in Stanton's life as
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Act I: Home
Scene one: August 1826. We see a darkened room (an old-fashioned
parlor), with picture frames and mirrors (for this family was wealthy enough
to afford such things) draped in white, a sign of mourning. Dominating the
room is a casket, also draped in white. Inside the casket is the body of a young
man, twenty-one?-year-old Eleazer Cady, who has just come home, newly
graduated from Union College, to die. Eleazer's parents, Daniel Cady and
Margaret Livingston Cady have already given up their other sons--three in
all--to death. And now Eleazer, too, is gone. Although they still have five
daughters, the loss of Eleazer has left his parents devastated. Daniel Cady sits,
immobile, beside Eleazer's body. His middle daughter, eleven-year-old
Elizabeth, quietly enters the room and stands for a long time at her father's
side. He does not notice her. Finally, she climbs on to his knee. Mechanically,
he puts his arm around her. They sit in silence for a long time. Finally,
sighing, Daniel Cady speaks. He has no words to comfort them both in their
loss. Instead, he says, "Oh, my daughter," he said, "I wish you were a boy!"⁵
Scene Two: Daniel Cady's law office, attached to their home, late 1820s.
Elizabeth is thirteen to fifteen years old. A series of vignettes.
1) Elizabeth Cady has just heard Flora Campbell, a Scotch Irish woman from a
nearby farm, sobbing in Daniel Cady's office. Her husband has died, she said. Her
farm has gone to her son, who has sold it out from under her. How is she to live?
What is she to do? Do the best you can, Mrs. Campbell, Daniel Cady counsels and I will
see that you and your children are never in want.
⁵Eighty Years, 20.
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2) It is Christmas morning. Elizabeth Cady enters her father's law office to
show off her new presents to her father's law students. This Christmas, Elizabeth is
especially pleased with her new coral necklace and bracelets. One of the young men
sees a chance to tease Elizabeth. "If in due time you should be my wife," he declares
"those ornaments would be mine. I could lock them up, and you could never wear
them except with my permission. I could even exchange them for a box of cigars,
and you could watch them evaporate in smoke."
3) It is evening. Daniel Cady sits in his office, alone with his daughter. Flora
Campbell, ever loyal to Daniel Cady, has told him about his daughter's plan. Elizabeth,
tired of "odious laws" that fail to protect either Flora Campbell or herself from male
control, has decided to take direct action. In pencil, she has marked passages that she
finds particularly offensive, and she intends to cut them out of her father's law books
and get rid of them forever. Daniel Cady, without revealing that he knows about this
plan, explains to his daughter that there are hundreds and thousands of law books
throughout New York State. If she wants to change the laws, he tells her, she must
wait until she grows up. Then she can go to Albany and ask the legislators to make a
change.
Strongly bonded to her father, Elizabeth Cady learned three lessons from him.
First, only one attribute kept her from being perfect in her father's eyes: she was a
girl, not a boy. Young Elizabeth tried her best to be like the boys she knew. What do
boys do that girls do not? she asked herself. They read Greek and they ride horses,
she decided, and that is exactly what she learned to do. She even brought home a
prize in Greek, proud to show it to her father. His response? "If only you had been a
boy!"
Second, being a girl was a defect not only in her father's eyes but also in terms
of the law. Americans based much of their own law on British common law, as
codified by William Blackstone. According to Blackstone, when a man and woman
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married, they became as one, and that one was the husband. Married women were
legal nonentities. Legally, they simply did not exist. They could not sue or be sued,
and they certainly could not own property. Wealthy and legally sophisticated
parents had sometimes managed to give property to married daughters through
special trust provisions, enforced through equity courts. In 1827, however, New
York State abolished equity courts, and parents could no longer securely protect
property for their married daughters. Even Elizabeth Cady's new coral jewelry would
not belong to her if she married.
And, finally, in spite of her gender, Daniel Cady deeply loved his daughter.
She learned from him that she was intelligent, gifted, and worthy of respect. Along
with frustration for being born the "wrong" sex, she also found empowerment as
Daniel Cady's daughter. He had advised her to go to Albany to change the laws. When
she grew up, she would do exactly that.
Act II: Peterboro
Scene One: The Home of Gerrit Smith and Ann Fitzhugh Smih. A large white
house, at one end of the village green in Peterboro, New York. The size and location
of the house, together with a columned porch across the front, indicate the wealth of
its owners. They do not, however, reveal the commitment to equality, simplicity, and
respect for all people that Gerrit and Ann Smith have placed at the center of their
lives. Here, Elizabeth Cady will find a second home. Here she will meet the man who
will be her husband, and here she will discover a whole new world of egalitarian
reform. Most importantly, she discovers abolitionism. Intertwined with her new
political sensibilities are new personal relationships, especially with Henry B.
Stanton, an abolitionist lecturer who will become her husband.
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1) Imagine a large dining room. The furnishings are plain. Seated around
the center table, and perhaps around smaller tables at the edges of the room, is a
motley group of people. One visitor lists them:
an Irish Catholic priest, a Hicksite Quakeress minister, a Calvinistic
Presbyterian deacon of the Jonathan Edwards school, two abolition
lecturers, a seventh-day Baptist, a shouting Methodist, a Whig pro-
slavery member of Congress, a Democratic official of the 'Sam Young
school,' a southern ex-slave holder and a runaway slave, Lewis Washington
by name, also his wife, one or more relatives, and 'Aunt
Betsy' Kelty. And he
[Gerrit Smith] managed them all. Not one was
neglected. He did the honors of
the table, carving his meat like a
gentleman bred, and to the manner [sic]
born; conversing with each
in such a sweet way as to disarm all criticism, and
making everyone feel that, if he could be other than
himself, he would rather
be
Gerrit Smith than any other living man. 6
2) 1839: Gerrit Smith calls Elizabeth and her friends from the parlor to a large
room on the third floor of the Smith mansion. There sits a young woman, Harriet
Powell. She is almost white in complexion, and she wears a printed poplin dress,
earrings, and three gold rings. Yet she has just escaped from slavery. Sold in the
New Orleans slave market when she was fourteen, she worked as a ladies' maid for a
Mississippi family. Although Elizabeth Cady grew up with enslaved people in the
Cady household (for a time (the slave Peter was her closest adult friend), Harriet
Powell is probably the first escaped slave she has ever seen. Elizabeth is becoming
aware, as she has never been before, of slavery's challenge to American democracy.
3) October 1839: Elizabeth Cady, now twenty-five years old, turns her
considerable charm on an anti-slavery lecturer ten years older than herself. Henry
⁶Gerrit Smith to Elizur Wright, April 20, 1840, Smith Papers, Syracuse
University; Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith, 140-143. [Check]
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Brewster Stanton is a key staff person for the American Anti-Slavery Society and one
of the most dynamic abolitionist orators in the U.S. He has come to Peterboro to give a
series of anti-slavery lectures. Elizabeth finds herself enthralled, both with Henry's
lectures and with Henry himself. Her political awakening to abolitionism is
interwoven with her personal awakening to sexuality and love. "It seemed to me that
I never had so much happiness crowded into one month," she recalled. "I had
become interested in the anti-slavery and temperance questions.
.I felt a new
inspiration in life and was enthused with new ideas of individual rights and the basic
principles of government, for the anti-slavery platform was the best school the
American people ever had on which to learn republican principles and ethics." But
the orator as well as the oratory inspires her. On bright October days, she takes
horseback rides around Peterboro with Henry. She walks and talks with him on
"bewitching moonlight nights", as well. Returning home on horseback after a long
ride, Henry puts his hand on the horn of Elizabeth's saddle and asks her to marry
him. She listens with "pleasure and astonishment," and she accepts.⁷
Elizabeth Cady's world expanded in her late teens and early twenties to include
visits to her grandmother's house, east of Albany, New York; attendance at Emma
Willard's Academy in Troy, New York, the best girls' school in the country; and a trip
to Niagara Falls with her father and brother-in-law in 1831. She also made frequent
visits to the home of her cousin and his wife, Gerrit and Ann Smith, in Peterboro,
New York.
By all measures, the Smiths were wealthy. From his father, Gerrit Smith had
inherited enormous tracts of land in central New York, land that once belonged to
the Oneida Indians. Smith had augmented his inheritance with strategic investments
elsewhere, most importantly in Oswego, New York. Gerrit Smith's wite, Ann Caroll
⁷Eighty Years, 58-60.
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Fitzhugh Smith, came from a slave-holding family in Maryland. Their marriage thus
joined two wealthy families, one from the North, one from the South.
One might expect that such wealth, with southern connections added to it,
would lead the Smiths to hold very conservative political ideas. Not SO. Both Gerrit
and Ann put spiritual values at the center of their lives. As they tried to live out
their ideals of Christian love, they developed a very inclusive, egalitarian, and
radical vision of the world, a vision that would lead them to work for temperance,
abolitionism, and women's rights, and that would eventually lead Gerrit to give away
much of his land.
At Gerrit and Ann Smith's house, Elizabeth discovered a whole new
world. The Smiths offered her a model of congruity between personal values
and political commitment. Every aspect of their lives reflected their beliefs in
equality, simplicity, and the centrality of spiritual concerns. They used their
home as a base for welcoming all kinds of people and for asserting the
essential equality of each person. In such an atmosphere, Elizabeth Cady
blossomed, mixing personal growth with a new level of political awareness.
So far, with the exception of her mother, Stanton's most important role
models had all been men--her father, her cousin, and her husband-to-be. She
measured herself against them and was pleased with what she saw. Whether
in Greek language skills, riding horses, legal and philosophical debate, or
witty parlor repartee, she knew she could hold her own in any company. She
had more intelligence, enthusiasm, and drive for achievement than most men
she knew. She thought that she was entitled to define herself in the world just
as they did. Only one problem prevented her. She was female. Such personal
affirmation by the most important men in her life helped turn the young
Elizabeth Cady into one of the most important women's rights advocates in
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American history. In the decade of the 1840s, she would find her own voice,
and the country would never be the same.
Act III: From Home Into the World
After an on-again, off-again courtship, Elizabeth and Henry married in
the parlor of her parents' home in Johnston on May 10, 1840. Afterwards, they
left for their honeymoon. Today, most young married couples view their
honeymoon as an extremely private event. They go somewhere to get away
from other people. In the nineteenth century, newlyweds might have gone to
visit family or friends. They might even have visited Niagara Falls. But not
the Stantons. They went to London, to the World Anti-Slavery Convention.
Like most couples, the Stantons used their honeymoon to solidify their
connection to each other and to their families and friends. But, unlike most
couples, their personal relationships intersected with a major public event.
The World Anti-Slavery Convention crystallized Elizabeth's commitment to
women's rights. It transformed her own personal proto-feminist rebellion
into a public campaign for the rights of women everywhere. And it led her,
eight years later, to the Seneca Falls women's rights convention.
Scene One: London, Freemasons' Hall, June 12, 1840. Sitting in a "low
curtained seat like a church choir," Elizabeth Cady Stanton listens for the
whole first day of the convention to an impassioned debate, not over slavery,
but over the right of women delegates to take their seats on the convention
floor. So boisterous is the controversy--full of shouts of "order, order," "divide,
divide," "No, no no, no no," "Vote, vote, vote," and "Chair, chair," notes one
observor-that visitors can hardly tell what is happening. At the end of the
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day, however, the convention votes by a large majority not to admit the
women.⁸
Elizabeth Cady Stanton is "humiliated," "chagrined," and contemptuous
of the "shallow reasoning" and "all-sustaining conceit" of those who oppose
women's rights. And she is not alone. By excluding women from the
convention floor, opponents of women's equality unwittingly have done the
nascent women's rights movement an enormous favor. For as the women sit
together, eat together, and walk together through the streets of London, they
talk of little else but the convention. "It is about time some demand was made
for new liberties for women," they decide.⁹
Most important for Elizabeth Cady Stanton is her meeting with one of
those excluded delegates, Lucretia Mott. Mott is a Quaker from Philadelphia, a
noted public speaker, and one of the best-known American abolitionists at the
convention. Mott's views on the equality of women and men open up a whole
new vision for Stanton. Mott, she thinks, is a "peerless woman," with a "clear
head and a warm heart." Although Stanton finds some of Mott's views to be
"new and strange," she loves Mott herself and finds "great delight in her
company." On her part, Mott, too, is impressed. Stanton is a "bright, open,
lovely" young woman, Mott confides to a friend. "I love her now as one
belonging to us." In later years, Stanton would credit Mott with a major change
in her own life. She "opened to me a new world of thought," Stanton recalled,
and "I embraced every opportunity to talk with her. "10
⁸Fighty Years, 78-83; Maria Waring, Letter to members of the Webb family,
[June 1840], in Clare Taylor, comp., British and American Abolitionists: An
Episode in Transatlantic Understanding (Edinburgh, 1974), 96. [Check]
⁹Eighty Years, 80, 82.
¹⁰ECS to Angelina Grimke Weld and Sarah Grimke, June 25, 1840; Eighty Years,
83.
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What they talk about, of course, was women's rights. After the first day
of the convention, Stanton recalled, she and Mrs. Mott walk home, "arm in
arm." As soon as they go back to America, they decide, they will hold a
convention and form a society solely to promote the rights of women. 11
Interrupted by Stanton's babies and Mott's spiritual responsibilities,
they waited eight years to fulfill that pledge. The result would be the Seneca
Falls women's rights convention.
What Stanton had stumbled into, by virtue of her marriage to Henry B.,
was a rift so deep that it split both American and British abolitionists into two
very hostile camps. One side, represented by Lucretia Mott herself and William
Lloyd Garrison, controversial editor of the Boston-based Liberator, believed
that abolitionists should stay entirely away from the existing political system.
God's will alone should govern their actions. Garrision began to advocate a
policy of "no human government." These perfectionist abolitionists--
Garrisonians and Quakers alike--welcomed women into their ranks. Whether
abolitionists were voters or non-voters, men or women mattered little to these
radicals, since they eschewed established political influence in favor of
agitation and non-violent resistance.
The other side, represented by Henry B. Stanton and the organizers of
the new Liberty Party, believed that abolitionists who refrained from voting
played directly into the hands of southern politicians and their sympathizers.
Since pro-slavery politicians always controlled Congress (and usually the
Presidency, too), the nation was doomed to remain half slave and half free
unless abolitionists could challenge the politicians on their own ground.
This political split assumed very personal dimensions within the
Stantons' marriage. Superficially, Henry and Elizabeth appeared to be on
11
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
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(315) 598-4387
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opposite sides. Henry supported political abolitionism. Elizabeth's sympathies
were all with the Garrisonian-Quaker group, because they supported women's
rights. And she made no attempt to hide her opinions. "I do in truth think &
act for myself knowing that I alone am responsible for the saying & doings of
E.C.S." she wrote to a friend in 1841. 12 Quote:
Yet superficial differences concealed a more complex reality. Henry
supported women's rights as well as political abolitionism. On the floor of the
London convention, for example, he made an impassioned speech supporting
the right of women delegates to be seated. For her part, Elizabeth came to
recognize the pragmatic value of voting as a way to promote social change. By
1843, she had clarified her own position as a bridge between the two political
abolitionists and perfectionists. There is "a sort of connecting link between
the two grand divisions composed of those who have strong sympathies with
both.
.I am one of this party," she wrote to a British friend. One the one
hand, she admired Garrison tremendously. On the other hand, she "was not yet
fully converted to the doctrine of no human government." "I am in favour,
therefore," she concluded "of political action." It gives "a reality to
antislavery principles which 'no voting'
.cannot boast." Henry and
Elizabeth incorporated their intellectual differences into their marriage. As a
result, they each developed a more sophisticated world-view. 13
Elizabeth and Henry lived first with her parents in Johnstown Then,
from 1843 to 1847, she divided her time between summers with Henry in
Boston, Massachusetts, and winters with her parents in Albany. In each place,
she gained invigorating reform experience, in Boston with abolitionists and in
Albany with legal reformers. By the time she moved to Seneca Falls in 1847,
12 Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Elizabeth Neall, November 26, [1841], Sidney Howard
Gay Papers, Columbia University.
13 Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Elizabeth Pease, February 12, 1842.
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July 11, 1998
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her period of education and incubation would be over. In these years, she
solidified an intellectual and philosophical world-view (including a
sophisticated melding of key ideas from both political abolitionism and the
Garrisonian-Quaker branch) that would sustain her for the rest of her life,
and she made her first small efforts at direct political action. Only brief
glimpses remain, here and there, of Elizabeth's developing sense of self and
society in the early 1840s. But these glimpses suggest a woman who was
gaining increasing confidence in herself and and a growing commitment to
her emerging mission for women's rights.
While they lived in Johnstown, Henry studied law with Daniel Cady and
Elizabeth read, wrote letters, held a Sunday School for African American
children, attended temperance and anti-slavery meetings, and enjoyed the
comfort of her parents' home. There she bore her first child, a son named
Daniel, after her father. Two more sons would be born to them in the 1840s,
Henry in 1842 and Gerrit in 1845. She also visited her older sister and brother-
in-law, Tryphena and Edward Bayard, in Seneca Falls. And in Seneca Falls, she
gave her first public speech.
Scene II: A temperance meeting in Seneca Falls, in the fall of 1841.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton is speaking with passion to an audience of about one
hundred women committed to ending the sale of alcoholic drinks in their
town. So powerful is her plea that both she and her audience ind themselves
in tears. She incorporates into her speech "a homoeopathic dose of woman's
rights. "14
When the Stantons moved to Boston in 1843, Elizabeth began a period of
intense exposure to spiritual and reform ideas that would leave her with a new
¹⁴ECS to Elizabeth Neal, November 26, [1841], Sydney Howard Gay Papers,
Columbia University.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
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sense of mission. There she visited William Lloyd Garrison himself. There she
met American intellectuals such as Bronson Alcott (father of the now more
famous Louisa May Alcott), Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Nathaniel Hawthorne.
There she heard the sermons of the renowned minister, Theodore Parker. She
was so impressed with his liberal, optimistic vision of Christian teachings that
she attended his whole series of sermons twice.
And there she also met, for the first time, Frederick Douglass.
Scene III: A Boston street., about 1842 or 1843. Two people--Frederick
Douglass and Elizabeth Cady Stanton--are walking home from a social
gathering with Quaker friends. Superficially, these two seem to have little in
common. One is black and one white, one male and one female, one poor and
one relatively well-to-do, one self-educated and one a product of the best
education available to females. Yet they share a common passion for equality
and respect for all people. Douglass, escaped from slavery only a few years
before, now works as an abolitionist lecturer. His eloquent attacks on slavery,
from one who experienced it first-hand, amazes and astounds his hearers.
Stanton is just beginning to find her own voice, to apply what she has learned
from the abolitionist movement to another group of Americans--women. And
she turns her own considerable eloquence on Douglass, to convince him that,
like African American males, women of whatever race have a right to a
political voice in the United States. Douglass responds to her arguments with
pleas that "custom," the "natural division of duties," the "indelicacy of woman's
taking part in politics," and the idea of "woman's sphere" all justify the
exclusion of women from public life. Stanton meets his objections with
compelling logic of her own. A republican government can function well
only when it is based on the wisdom, morality and intelligence of its people,
she argues. What logical person would exclude half the population--and some
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would argue the most moral half--from a political voice? None! Douglass
agrees. His own recent experience with "the lash and sting of bondage at the
South, and the intense bitterness of the popular prejudice against color at the
North," echo in his mind. Why should prejudice against women be any more
acceptable than prejudice against people of color?
For the rest of his life, Douglass would be a "woman's rights man."
When he started his newspaper, the North Star, in 1847, its masthead would
read "Right is of No Sex." And years later he would maintain that "I would
give woman a vote. precisely as I insisted upon giving the colored man the
right to vote. .I have never yet been able to find one consideration, one
argument, or suggestion in favor of man's right to participate in civil
government which did not equally apply to the right of woman. 15
During the winters, the Cadys stayed in Albany, and there Elizabeth
gained her first experience as a lobbyist. The issue? The right of married
women to own property. Since 1836, the New York State legislature had
debated a proposed Married Woman's Property Act. Wealthy parents who
wanted to give property to their daughters, safe from profligate sons-in-law,
supported the Married Women's Property Act. So did sympathizers of women's
rights.
Many people feared, however, that giving married women the right to
own property would lead directly to women's equality in other areas, too,
especially to political equality. At the time of the American Revolution, many
Americans believed that political participation itself, including voting, should
Frederick Douglass, "Why I Became a 'Woman's Rights Man," in Life and
Times of Frederick Douglass (Hartford, Conn., 1881)), 473-82; "The Woman's
Suffrage Movement," Address Before Woman Suffrage Association, April 1888,
The Woman's Journal, April 14, 1888; Frederick Douglass to the Editor of the
New Era, October 22, 1885. All of these are reprinted in Philip Foner, ed.,
Frederick Douglas on Women's Rights, 105-107, 109-115, 163.
J. Wellman
July 11, 1998
Unpublished manuscript--SF