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Trip of the First Lady to Spain, Austria, and Portugal, July 5-20, 1997 (D. Shipley) [Binder][2]
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POLAND
Table 1. Population: 1996
Table 3. Unemployment Rates : 1991-1995.2
Age
Both Sexes
Male
Female
Year
Male
Female
All ages
38,642,565
18,808,447
19,834,118
1991
7.8
11.9
0-4
2,401,970
1,233,950
1,168,020
1992
11.8
15.7
5-9
2,830,595
1,452,160
1,378,435
1993
13.5
16.6
10-14
3,355,908
1,713,539
1,642,369
1994
15.0
18.3
15-19
3,241,126
1,654,672
1,586,454
1994.1
15.8
17.8
20-24
2,928,291
1,493,053
1,435,238
1994.2
15.2
18.4
25-29
2,480,641
1,267,806
1,212,835
1994.3
14.6
18.8
30-34
2,565,693
1,299,236
1,266,457
1994.4
14.2
18.1
35-39
3,122,611
1,571,426
1,551,185
1995.1
14.3
16.9
40-44
3,223,310
1,606,516
1,616,794
1995.2
13.9
16.9
45-49
2,790,055
1,374,842
1,415,213
50-54
1,741,982
837,125
904,857
55-59
1,807,150
843,743
963,407
60-64
1,783,688
805,853
977,835
Table 4. Educational Attainment: 1988 (In percent)
65-69
1,639,100
697,061
942,039
70-74
1,269,492
481,640
787,852
Completed Secondary
75-79
663,892
237,766
426,126
and above
80+
797,061
238,059
559,002
Age
Male
Female
25-29
35.4
56.0
Table 2. Demographic Indicators
30-39
35.5
51.8
40-49
33.7
40.7
Life
50-59
28.5
27.2
Total
Expectancy
60-64
23.7
15.9
Fertility
at Birth
65+
16.9
11.6
Date
Rate *
Male
Female
University
1990
2.0
66.5
75.5
Age
Male
Female
1991
2.0
66.1
75.3
1992
1.9
66.7
75.7
25-29
7.2
8.7
1993
1.8
67.4
76.0
30-39
9.8
10.3
1994
1.8
67.5
76.1
40-49
11.2
9.9
1995
1.7
67.9
76.3
50-59
9.4
5.7
1996
1.7
68.0
76.4
60-64
7.6
2.8
65+
4.9
1.5
Infant
Mortality **
Date
Both Sexes
Male
Female
* Total fertility rate is the average number of children that would be
born per woman if all women lived to the end of their childbearing
1990
15.7
17.5
13.8
years and bore children according to a given set of age-specific
1991
14.8
16.6
12.8
fertility rates.
1992
14.1
15.7
12.5
1993
13.2
14.6
11.6
Infant mortality is the number of infant deaths per 1,000 live
1994
12.9
14.3
11.4
births.
1995
12.6
13.9
11.2
1996
12.4
13.8
11.0
ROMANIA
Table 1. Population: 1996
Table 3. Unemployment Rates : 1991-1995.2
Age
Both Sexes
Male
Female
Year
Male
Female
All ages
21,657,162
10,579,766
11,077,396
1991
2.2
4.0
0- 4
1,099,425
564,006
535,419
1992
6.2
10.7
5-9
1,580,196
805,492
774,704
1993
8.1
12.9
10-14
1,588,898
810,525
778,373
1994
9.0
13.0
15-19
1,864,128
954,874
909,254
1994.1
9.6
13.6
20-24
1,753,383
898,300
855,083
1994.2
8.9
13.0
25-29
1,833,703
922,629
911,074
1994.3
8.6
12.9
30-34
1,147,029
575,885
571,144
1994.4
9.0
13.0
35-39
1,475,465
735,875
739,590
1995.1
9.4
12.6
40-44
1,596,183
790,972
805,211
1995.2
8.4
11.6
45-49
1,409,444
693,848
715,596
50-54
1,083,992
523,841
560,151
55-59
1,272,056
599,937
672,119
60-64
1,219,308
564,999
654,309
Table 4. Educational Attainment: 1992 (In percent)
65-69
1,065,636
479,793
585,843
70-74
829,417
348,157
481,260
Completed Secondary
75-79
384,658
144,182
240,476
and above
80+
454,241
166,451
287,790
Age
Male
Female
25-29
88.4
87.6
Table 2. Demographic Indicators
30-34
85.1
85.2
35-39
83.0
84.0
Life
40-44
81.2
77.4
Total
Expectancy
45-49
70.8
57.6
Fertility
at Birth
50-54
63.5
48.1
Date
Rate *
Male
Female
55-59
56.3
38.4
60-64
53.2
40.4
1992
1.5
66.1
73.2
65+
38.7
28.5
1993
1.4
66.6
73.2
1994
1.3
65.6
73.3
University
1995
1.3
65.4
73.4
Age
Male
Female
1996
1.3
65.5
73.6
25-29
8.1
8.4
Infant
30-34
10.3
9.1
Mortality **
35-39
11.5
8.1
Date
Both Sexes
Male
Female
40-44
11.2
8.3
45-49
9.4
6.7
1992
23.2
25.6
20.5
50-54
7.3
3.9
1993
23.1
25.8
20.3
55-59
6.2
2.9
1994
23.4
26.4
20.2
60-64
6.9
2.6
1995
23.6
27.0
20.0
65+
5.6
1.9
1996
23.2
26.7
19.6
* Total fertility rate is the average number of children that would be
born per woman if all women lived to the end of their childbearing
years and bore children according to a given set of age-specific
fertility rates.
** Infant mortality is the number of infant deaths per 1,000 live
births.
SLOVAKIA
Table 1. Population: 1996
Table 3. Unemployment Rates : 1991-1995.2
Age
Both Sexes
Male
Female
Year
Male
Female
All ages
5,374,362
2,616,856
2,757,506
1991
6.3
6.9
0- 4
348,229
178,076
170,153
1992
11.1
11.7
5-9
396,510
202,564
193,946
1993
12.5
12.9
10-14
439,872
224,739
215,133
1994
13.8
15.0
15-19
470,539
239,941
230,598
1994.1
14.4
14.8
20-24
444,564
226,094
218,470
1994.2
13.6
14.8
25-29
368,250
187,015
181,235
1994.3
13.4
15.3
30-34
386,676
195,182
191,494
1994.4
13.9
15.4
35-39
406,760
205,596
201,164
1995.1
14.1
15.2
40-44
423,026
211,467
211,559
1995.2
12.4
14.4
45-49
359,294
177,026
182,268
50-54
268,931
126,899
142,032
55-59
237,766
108,795
128,971
60-64
223,849
99,085
124,764
Table 4. Educational Attainment: 1991 (In percent)
65-69
210,529
88,656
121,873
70-74
182,255
72,219
110,036
Completed Secondary
75-79
94,031
35,588
58,443
and above
80+
113,281
37,914
75,367
Age
Male
Female
25-29
88.1
85.9
Table 2. Demographic Indicators
30-34
86.3
79.6
35-39
82.0
72.0
Life
40-49
79.4
64.4
Total
Expectancy
50-59
62.1
36.0
Fertility
at Birth
60+
36.4
14.8
Date
Rate
*
Male
Female
University
1991
2.0
66.8
75.2
Age
Male
Female
1992
1.9
67.6
76.2
1993
1.8
68.4
76.7
25-29
12.7
12.2
1994
1.7
68.4
76.5
30-34
13.9
12.8
1995
1.7
68.9
77.1
35-39
14.2
12.1
1996
1.7
69.0
77.2
40-49
13.4
9.7
50-59
10.5
3.7
Infant
60+
6.7
1.1
Mortality **
Date
Both Sexes
Male
Female
* Total fertility rate is the average number of children that would be
1991
13.2
14.1
12.3
born per woman if all women lived to the end of their childbearing
1992
12.1
14.0
10.1
years and bore children according to a given set of age-specific
1993
11.6
13.4
9.8
fertility rates.
1994
11.2
12.9
9.5
1995
10.8
12.4
9.1
** Infant mortality is the number of infant deaths per 1,000 live
1996
10.7
12.3
9.0
births.
Women's Role in Democracy
The Vienna Women's Initiative is a regional program operated out of the U.S. Embassy
in Austria to empower women in central and eastern Europe as they realize and
perform their role in strengthening the emerging democratic societies. Through a series
of regional activities, U.S. Ambassador Swanee Hunt provides a forum for women to
come together to discuss their participation in their changing societies, and to form
personal and professional networks across economic, academic, social and political fields.
The Stage
T
he basic institutions of central and eastern Europe are
undergoing dran changes todav. This restructuring is
altering the shape of jives at all levels - personal, familial,
societal, and cultural. The fresh opportunities of a market
economy are dazzling. Relief from political oppression is
almost palatable. Some of these changes are negative, particu-
larly those affecting women. The pace and the degree of the
changes are uneven, shaped by local realities. But one com-
mon theme is clear: life is filled with new problems for women
in the emerging democracies of central and eastern Europe.
Throughout this region, political power, employment
patterns, working conditions, income distribution, and social
expectations are shifting in profound ways. According to a
recent report on women in countries in transition from the
UNICEF Regional Office for Central and Eastern Europe and
the Commonwealth of Independent and Baltic States:
What These Women are Saying
W
omen in the region agree there is a need to identify and
involve new women leaders. Many express the desire
to sustain initiatives already underway in their countries, but
the need for new skills, experiences and ideas is evident. They
hope to find new ways to organize, new styles of leadership,
and new models for various aspects of civil society.
For example, a repeated theme is the need for women in
the Balkan region to share among themselves information and
experiences, not only to expiate the ghosts of war, but to create
support structures to rebuild their societies. They say they
need a neutral ground, or a catalyst, to bring them together
away from the highly-charged, hate-fueled environment of the
war zone, to think through how to handle immediate prob-
lems as well as long-term demands.
These women do not describe themselves as concerned
simply about "women's issues." They are playing a role in
business, politics, culture, education, science, technology, legal
structures, and social structures. As U.S. Ambassador to
Croatia Peter Galbraith recently said, "Women are the ones
building bridges between cultures and filling gaps created by
conflict."
These women are seeking opportunities to work together
both informally, and at the official governmental level, on a
range of strategies to improve their lives and society as a whole.
They want to share insights and expertise among emerging
woman leaders in civic dialogue and nonviolence in politically
and socially fragile regions. And they appreciate the concern
of outsiders who are willing to listen to their stories and help
link them to the larger world.
The Vienna Women's Initiative
Conflict in central and eastern Europe has energized
many women to move bevond their traditional roles and work
for change in their societies, developing a more active role for
themselves in determining the direction of these changes.
Although some women are creating extensive networks with
individuals and organizations in the region and beyond, they
lack basic materials, media training, political know-how, and
background in raising funds and mobilizing volunteer support
for the newly developing non-profit sector.
Activities
T
he difficult circumstance under which these women live
is at times exacerbated by unmet hopes raised by well-
meaning but sometimes inadequate programs from the West-
ern world. These women are undertaking ambitious efforts
to alter age-old patterns of behavior in their societies. They
have emphasized how important it is to have a high-ranking
U.S. official with experience in the women's movement to
assist them in their efforts, who listens, passes on their mes-
sages, and gives them the external recognition that can be
critical to their physical safety.
Through a series of activities in the past year, Ambassador
Hunt has reached hundreds of women in the emerging democ-
racies personally, and hundreds of thousands through
speeches, television interviews, and newspaper and magazine
stories. Additionally, she is engaged in an extensive public
diplomacy effort in Austria and the United States that reaches
more than 2 million people weekly, helping women find their
voice.
Activities of the Vienna Women's Initiative include:
Public appearances: At international, regional and
national conferences throughout central and eastern
Europe the Ambassador discusses the role of women in
a democratic society, including outside of "women's
issues" venues. Large numbers of people are reached
through television, newspapers, and magazines.
Looking Forward
H
illary Clinton recently said in her article "Investing In
Sisterhood: An Agenda For The World's Women," that
"investing in people especially women and girls is as essential
to the prosperity of the entire global family as investing in the
development of open markets and trade Women represent
the soundest investment any nation can make in the effort to
jump-start development Investing in their education and
health, and assuring their full political, economic, and social
participation in society ought to be the bottom line in any
development equation."
The participation of women in the emerging democracies
is crucial to the success of the development of these countries.
Women must take their place and be part of the force that
drives each nation, ultimately playing leading roles on a much
larger regional and global stage. As Hillary Clinton reminds
us, "investing in women brings us closer to a world in which
distinctions between men and women are viewed, ultimately,
as complementary parts to a greater whole."
For more information contact:
Valerie Gillen
Vienna Women's Initiative
U.S. Embassy Vienna
Boltzmanngasse 16
A1090 Vienna, Austria
or fax (Country code 43) 1 . 31339 2908
002
THE
CHALLENGE
Women's Movements
OF LOCAL
in Global Perspective
FEMINISMS
edited by AMRITA BASU
with the assistance of C. Elizabeth McGrory
PIACW
07/02/97 WED 16:14 FAX 2026475337
1995
003
373
CENTRAL EUROPE
15
Finding a Voice: Women in
Postcommunist Central Europe
ELZBIETA MATYNIA
PIACW
WHEN I FIRST RETURNED to my native-and already virtually "postcom-
munist"-Poland in the summer of 1989 after an eight-year absence, one of the
things that struck me most vividly was that in the new and exuberant public life of
the country there was an almost total absence of those capable women who had
played such an active and essential role in the clandestine operations of the
prodemoc ratic movements of the 1970s and 1980s. 1 knew many of them well and
had been active along with them, but, like them, I had never defined the crucial
problems in terms of gender. The primary objective of every social protest and
movement then had been to fight for the political rights of all members of society.
All other issues had seemed to be of secondary importance; it was felt that these
07/02/97 WED 16:14 FAX 2026475337
could be dealt with after the final battle for democracy had been won. But now, as
I watched the freewheeling debates in the new Parliament and read about all those
newly created democratic institutions, I found myself wondering where all the
women were.
During the first four years following the collapse of the Berlin Wall, when I fre-
quently visited various countries of the region, 1 could sense a new kind of tension
building up around "the problem of women." On the one hand, the issue of gen-
der, never really discussed in those countries before, has been emerging as a re-
sponse to the deteriorating legal and economic status of women. On the other
Polish women in Gdansk join workersi in protests at the Leuin Shipyard during the summer of
hand, there was enormous sociocultural and political pressure coming from both
1980. Women played a central role in the movement that became Solidarity and brought
men and women to disregard the issue and even to ridicule those involved in dis-
about the end of communist rule.
cussions of it.
374
004
376
Parl Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
377
CZOCH REPUBLIC
SLOVAKIA
GENERAL
GENERAL
type of government: Republic
type of government: Republic
major ethnic groups: Czech (81%); Moravians (13%); Slovaks
major ethnic groups Slovak (8%); Hungarian (10%); Gypsy
language(s): Czech
language: Slovak (official): Hungarian
religions: Atheist: Roman Catholic; Protestant
religions: Roman Catholic: Protestant; Eastern Orthodox: Uniate
DEMOGRAPHICS
DEMOGRAPHICS
population size: 10.3 million
population size 5-3 million
birth rale (per 1,000 population): 13
birth rate (per 1.000 population):
total fertility ( orerage mumber of births per woman): 1.9
total fertility (average number of births per woman): 1
contraceptive prevalence (married women): 6996
contraceptive prevalence (married women): 77%
maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births): 14
maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births): 14
WOMEN'S STATUS
WOMEN'S STATUS
date of women's suffrage: 1920
PIACW
date of women's suffrage: 1910
economically active population: M 77% F 62%
economically active population*: M 77% F 62%
female employment (% of total workforce): 47
female employment (% of total workforce): 43
life expectancy M69 F77
life expectancy M 68.6 F77.2
school enrollment ratio (F/100 M)*
school enrollment ratio (F/100 M)*
primary
97
primary
97
secondary
170
secondary
170
tertiary
73
tertiary
73
literacy* M 99% F 99%
literacy* M 99% F 99%
Detailor Crecherlovalia. 1990
Date for Crectros/ovakis, 1990
07/02/97 "ED 16:15 FAI 2026475337
The very concept of gender as we understand it in the "West" is difficult to con-
Despite the seeming similarity between some of the problems faced by women
vey here since in Polish, Crech, Slovak, and Hungarian the word for gender has
in Western Europe and those faced by women in the postcommunist countries,
only a narrowly grammatical connotation (i.e., the gender of a given noun) and
these are overwhelming differences that, If not fully grasped, present obstacles to
not a sociocultural one, while the word sex has only a narrowly biological conno-
communication between women activists of the West and their counterparts in
tation. The whole situation is additionally complicated by the very complex atli-
the more western countries of the former Soviet bloc that are considered here: Po.
tudes toward feminism in this part of Europe. The very word funinism is per-
land, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia. Communication is often more
ceived as a pejmative one, and it is considered political suicide for a woman active
difficult precisely because these differences do not entail issues as striking or dra-
in public life to identify herself primarily with women's issues.
matic as those of veiling of female circumcision, which women in some postcolo-
005
378
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United Sintes
Central Emope
4.
379
POLAND
HUNGARY
GENERAL
GENERAL
type of government: Democratic Republic
type of government: Parliamentary democracy
major etheric groups: Polish (9896): German; Ukranian: Byelorussian
major ethnic groups: Magyar (91%); German (2.5%); Gypsy (j%); Serb; Slovak:
language(s) Polish
Romenian
religions: Roman Catholic (94%): Eastern Orthodox; Protestant
language(s): Hungarian
religions: Roman Catholic (6%); Protestant (25%)
DEMOGRAPHICS
date of independence: 1001 (unification)
population size: 38.4 million
birth rate (per 1,000 population): 14
DEMOGRAPHICS
total fertility Inverage number of births per woman): 1.9
population size: 10.3 million
contraceptive prevalence (married women): 75%
birth rate (per 1,000 population): 12
maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births): is
total fertility (average number of births per woman): 1.8
contraceptive prevalence (married women): 73%
WOMEN'S STATUS
maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births): 15
date of women's suffrage: 1918
PIACW
economically active population: M 77% F60%
WOMEN'S STATUS
female employment (% of total workforce): 46
date of women's suffrage: 1945
life expectancy 66.8 F75.3
economically active population: M 72% F 53%
school enrollment ratio (F/100 M)
female employment (% of total workforce): 45
primary
95
life expectancy M66 F75
secondary
103
school enrollment ratio (F/100 M)
tertiary
127
primary
95
literacy M 99% F 99%
secondary
98
tertiary
115
literacy M 99% F 98%
07/02/97 WED 16:16 FAX 2026475337
nial countries must contend with. The differences arise primarily out of the sub-
stantially different experience of women throughout the Soviet bloc during the
recent forty-year period of their officially proclaimed equality and all their offi-
the Ottornan Empire, which left its mark on the Balkans) and to some democratic
cially extended "privileges." To understand the dynamic of, and the prospects for,
values and institutions between the world wars as well as the fact that they were
the women's movement in the postcommanist societies, I have found it useful to
the only countries to generate a succession (every twelve years!) of uphearals
review the discourse regarding their own position that was initiated just a few
against the communist system: the Hungarian October in 1956, the Prague Spring
years ago by women in Poland. Hungary, and Czechoslovakia.
in 1968, and Polish Solidarity in 1980-198L The experience of these movements
My choice of these countries is based not just on geographic considerations but
has significantly reinforced the already existing cleavage between these three
on cultural affinities and certain similarities in their historical experience. These
countries of Central Europe and the rest of the postcommunist states. Polish his-
include their shared exposure to the world of the Hapsburg Empire (as opposed to
torian Adam Michnik has pointed out that the protest movements in Hungary,
008
380
Central Europe
Czechoslovakia, and Poland shared the goal of broadening national, and civil
rights, while they differed in the dynamics of their social change.¹ But the experi-
ence-however different for each country-of building civil society has certainly
contributed to the emergence since 1989 of a greater degree of independent dis-
course'on the situation and role of women than has emerged in other countries
the region.
"Until recently I never divided issues into male and female issues. Now 1 am no-
ticing that actual women's rights in Poland are being threatened. So women's is-
sues have faced me right here on our own front doorstep, and not just slipped in
through the international back door."2 This confession, made in the fall of 1992 by
a physician who was then deputy speaker of the Polish Parliament, Olga
Krzyzanowska, reflects an extremely crucial process now-slowly and with & lot of
resistance-taking place throughout the female population of East and Central
Europe: the process of discovering and acknowledging that there is a problem of
women in the first place. With the exception of the former Yugoslavia, where both
a women's movement and the introduction of free market mechanisms started
well before 1989, this process is conspicuously parallel to the closely monitored
and studied process of transition from communism to democracy and a market
economy.
PIACW
Krzyzanowska's statement was made in an interview that was considered coura-
geous in Poland and yet at the same time indicative of a changing attitude among
ever-larger groups of women. The process of discovering, acknowledging, and de-
fining women's problems is not an easy one, especially in the context of
postcommunist societies undergoing systemic transformation. One of the by-
products of this transformation has been the rise of nationalist ideologies in
which the rights of the nation as a community are given priority over the rights of
the citizen. Women are defined here as bearers of the community's distinctive eth-
nic lineage and are therefore considered 1 vital factor in national survival. This
logic provided a strong argument for the antiabortion lobby in Hungary; it has
taken a more perverse form in the at least partially systematic gape of Muslim
07/02/97 WED 16:16 FAI 2026475337
women in Bosnia as an instrument of "ethnic cleansing."
ilist 1/W
Women in East and Central Europe are now beginning to recognize both the
constraints they were subjected to in the past and those they are facing now. The
scale and the depth of this change in awareness are different in each of the four
postcommunist countries I am considering here-Poland, the Czech Republic,
Slovakia, and Hungary-but in any case it has already begun to create a hitherto
unknown intellectual and political climate around women and the question of
women.
My focus on these four countries, as I have already indicated, is not accidental
A Hungarian woman carries a machine gun in Budapest during the 1956 revolt against the
They are not only perceived by the outside world (with its watchful agencies: the
Soviets.
World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Community, and
the Council of Europe) as the most stable ones in the region and the most ad-
007
38.
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
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383
vanced in the transition process, but they are the ones that presented the greatest
the most vocal political groupings in these countries see this development as help-
challenges to totalita-ianism over the past for years and that, to varying degrees,
ful in the new effort to define a woman's role in terms of mother and homemaker.)
gained practical experience in building dissent, creating alternative social struc-
Looking at the lives of women in particular, one can observe a pair of striking
tures, and expanding civil society within the communist order. The best-known
paradoxes. The first is that for many in politics the most politically rewarding be-
outbreaks of freedom provided these societies not only with the memory of a joy-
havior in the first postcommunist years seemed to be that which facused on eradi-
ous taste of democracy but also with practice in self-organization, which could
cating all remnants of the previous system, which included, ironically, its own un-
potentially enhance an emerging movement's chances of success.
fulfilled commitments to human rights in general and to women's rights in
So in many ways the situation of women in the four countries is similar; yet on
particular. The second paradox is that the only spheres of freedom available under
closer inspection one finds that in each country the situation is different. The sim-
communist rule, those provided by the Church in Poland, by the so-called second
ilarities stem from the shared model of the communist order, which was imposed
economy in Hungary, and by the family in Czechoslovakia, have now for women
on the bloc as a whole, its legislation uniformly devised in accordance with ideo-
become spheres of constraint.
logical principles, its clonelike, Soviet-type institutions structuring the social life
In all four countries (three before 1993), a quots system had been designed by
of each country in similar ways. The differences arise from the specificity of pre-
the Communists to ensure that women's participation in Parliament would be nu-
1945 cultural and political traditions and also from the divergent applications of
merically high but passive (about 30 percent in all three). Various analyses of the
the Soviet model, known as the countries' different "roads to socialism." The dif-
composition of the Polish Parliament show that women had always been selected
ferences were further modified during the last decades by the citizenries' varied
to demonstrate the thesis that even young, inexperienced nonprofessionals with-
experiences and accomplishments in their efforts to create civil societies.
out political backing could become members of Parliament (MP). Women were
In all four countries, the existing constitutions still guarantee-as they did be-
sejected in such a way as to represent all these features simultaneously. This is why
fore 1989-the fundamental rights and freedoms of all, regardless of differences of
women, to a greater extent than the male MPs, played the role of fillers. They were
PIACW
sex, race, religion, ethnic background, and so on. Yet equality for women never
always a numerical minority, but their influence was even smaller than their num-
did-and still does not-extend much beyond their participation in employ-
bers might have suggested.'
ment. If one looks at the numbers, the similarities become especially striking. All
Since the quota was dropped after 1989, the participation of women has been
four countries show very high employment rates for women (70-90 percent), a
numerically much smaller: about B-14 percent in each Parliament. But those
striking gender segregation of the labor force, and 20-30 percent lower pay for
women now participating are much more visible in the public life of the country,
women than for men. The high participation of women in the labor market re-
which is sometimes attributed to their average level of education, which is statisti-
sults from the needs of postwar industrialization, identical in all four countries;
cally higher than that of men, and to their considerable legislative and political ex-
from the priority given to ideological principles; and from the pressure on indi-
perience. Yet even among those women visible in public life, it is still the excep-
vidual families to supplement the family income.
tion rather than the rule when they pay any attention to the mounting problems
However, the principle of equal pay, explicit in the legislation of all four coun-
facing women or act on their behalf. On the contrary, there is a continuing as-
tries, was and remains a purely theoretical declaration, and in the context of the
sumption among many women policymakers and lawmakers that women's prob.
07/02/97 WED 16:17 FAX 2026475337
market economy gender discrimination, especially in hiring practices, is more
letns are inseparable from the problems facing society as a whole and should not
pronounced than ever (and is openly expressed in the language of newspaper
be gendered. One of the reasons for such a widely shared position is the need to
want ads). Growing unemployment, which results from the restructuring of in-
avoid resembling either of the two models of the woman activist that have been
dustries, the closing of Soviet markets, and the shrinking of interbloc trade, af-
widely ridiculed: that of the thoroughly discredited official communist "women's
fects women more than men, especially in Poland and Slovakia.
representative" (whether in Parliament or in some other high office) and that of
Similarities are also evident in the legacy of fairly uniform communist legisla.
the Western feminist, parodied with some success by the communist media as a
tion, such as protective labor legislation, child care provisions, and abortion
spoiled, pathetic, professionally unsuccessful activist who, on top of everything
rights. All of these are now endangered because of new economic and political
else, frequently uses the language-so compromised here-of socialist doctrine.
factors. The old structural supports for working women-a system of nurseries
But in the course of the 19905, in Warsaw, Budapest, Prague, and Bratislava-
and kindergartens, similarly designed in the four countries, overcrowded, and of
places where the political scene is more and more frequently looked upon with
ten criticized in the past for causing developmental problems in children-are
disappointment and disgust-one has also been able to detect the reemergence of
now collapsing, either closing their doors or drastically raising their fees. (Some of
a public-spirited ethos exemplified more often than not by certain individual
008
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Part Fair: Russin, Europe, and she United States
Central Europe
385
women and women's groups in parliaments and beyond. Such an ethos combines
own separate organizations, with only very weak connections to women's
the experience and civic commitment of former dissidents (from the democratic
groups.
opposition of the 1970s and 1980s) with a readiness to address imaginatively the
unfamiliar challenges of new political and economic circumstances. These
women are beginning to be respected by both the broader public and the political
Finding a Voice
elites either because of- -or in spite of-their commitment to women's issues.
In Hungary and Pol and it was the fight for the preservation of reproductive
At the end of 1992 one of the first books to articulate the problems of women in
rights that helped cryst allize such an ethos and bring about a broader recognition
postcommunist countries was published as the result of a grassrools effort in Po-
of women policymakers. In each of the four countries the new women's initiatives
land The publication, entitled Women Hare the Floor,' is not a translation from
are introducing to political and public life an anticonservative agenda and are
English, German, or French but a collection of original essays by Polish women on
working on those issues that are the least rewarding politically. In Poland such
what il means to be 8 woman in Poland. The book documents one of the key pre-
women established the Women's Parliamentary Group and successfully competed
occupations of most active women in the region after 1989: conducting a debate
with men in the sutumn 1993 elections to Parliament, increasing their participa-
on the recent past-that is, on the specificity of women's experience under com-
tion from 9 to 13 percent. In Hungary such women MPs created in 1992 the Foun-
munism and its repercussions for the character of the women's movement in these
dation of the Women of Hungary (MONA), dedicated to women's issues, and or-
countries. Similar questions appear in a Hungarian feminist periodical, Nostemely
ganized a national women's roundtable the following year, which for the first time
(Female), published irregularly since 1991, and in the Slovak Aspeks (since 1993).
brought together all Hungarian women's organizations, representing the full po-
Such questions are also raised at every conference, seminar, and workshop where
litical spectrum-an initiative unthinkable for the dramatically divided political
women from the region get together, often with their Western counterparts.
PIACW
parties in 1993 Hungary. In Czechoslovakia, a well-known former dissident and
There are several reasons one should look closely at these debates. In most of
member of Charter 77 (the human and civil rights movement founded in 1977 by
the postcommunist countries, where there are various women's groups but no siz-
Václav Havel and others), Jirina Siklova, established in 1992 a gender studies cen-
able, organized movement at the national level, the very existence of the debates
ter, lending a badly needed credibility to the budding discourse on the social posi-
brings women's issues into better focus. In fact, they are the very first manifesta-
tion of women. After the "Velvet Divorce" of Czechoslovakia in 1993, a group of
tion of women's self-mobilization around women's issues and, in some countries,
women in the new country of Slovakia not only launched a journal, Aspeks, de-
the only one. In Poland and in Hungary more challenging circumstances (espe-
voted to "unpopular" women's issues but also flouted the official political line in
cially antiabor legislation) mobilized women earlier OR. Women's movements
pointedly disregarding the Czechoslovak breakup by making their journal,
in other countries, too, may emerge in response to immediate circumstances, but
though published in Bratislava, a joint Czecho-Slovak initiative.
the character and strategies of all of them will be largely determined by the past of,
In its often Sisyphean effort to build and strengthen women's organizations, to
more precisely, by the outcome of their reflection upon those elements from the
communicate their concerns effectively to broader groups of women, and to win
past that have shaped the identities of Polish, Hungarian, Czech, or Slovak
07/02/97 WED 16:17 FAX 2026475337
sympathizers, readers, members, and activists, the emerging women's movement
women.
has downplayed some issues that are regarded as too radical for the general public.
As I look at the debates in those countries with which I am most familiar, the
Only rarely does one hear women's groups addressing in public the problem of
most frequently raised theme is the complexity, of the situation women lived in
sexual harassment or domestic rape and, almost never, sexual difference. Lesbian
under communism. The argument most commonly offered throughout the re-
women involved in women's groups are choosing, usually for tactical reasons, not
gion to explain the absence of women's protest in the past-an argument that pri-
to confront the issue and further jeopardize the movement's chances of growing.
marily reflects the views of women from the intelligentsia-runs as follows: There
It is hard enough in some women's groups just to call oneself a feminist; one must
existed a sense of solidarity between men and women under state socialism since
struggle to overcome 1 prejudice against the very word.
they regarded themselves as equally repressed by the centrally controlled institu-
The problem of women and race, limited as il is in this part of Europe, is begin-
tional structures of the state; so the energies of every social movement were di-
ning to gain some attention with regard to the Roma women, or Gypsies, espe-
rected entirely toward activities having the potential to effect systemic change.
cially in the countries with a significant Roms population (Hungary, percent,
Therefore, as most women in these countries point out, all other issues-indud-
Czech Republic, 4-6 percent, and Slovakia, 4-8 percent). Roma women have their
ing women's issues-seemed at that time (o be of secondary importance.
600
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Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
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307
I
Now that those first steps have been accomplished, two new goals are in order:
This strong preference for the private sphere in general and the family in partic-
democratization and marketization. Are women taking part in advancing them?
ular, as the only realm where Václav Havel's "living in truth" is possible, is further
Are they included in the shaping of the new legal, social, and economic order?
reinforced by the Czechs' and Slovaks' relatively limited experience of civil society
How do they regard their situation under the new circumstances? Are they actu-
in the 19703 and 1980s. After the crackdown on the Prague Spring of 1968, Czecho-
ally involved in addressing their own situation as women? The very state of the
slovakia became one of the most repressive regimes in the region, and Charter 77's
women's movement i; closely related to how the women in each country are han-
activities, though well known abroad, were confined to a relatively small circle of
dling these questions.
courageous intellectuals. The combination of these two elements has made the sit-
There is yet another goal formulated immediately after the collapse of the Ber-
ustion of Czech and Slovak women-since the very beginning of the changes in
lin Wall and intensely pursued ever since by the governments of Poland, Hungary,
1989-quile different from that of the Pules and Hungarians In Slovakia, which is
and the Czech and Slovak republics. It is captured in the popular slogan "Return
Catholic and whose population is generally more religious than the faintly Protes-
to Europe!" But given the fact that in the process of democratization and the tran-
tant Czechs, the focus on family has a less secular explanation. The family was and
sition to a market economy virtually no room has been allowed for the participa-
is the traditional center of spiritual life, offering asylum from the pressures of the
tion of women or women's organizations-that, in fact, women's role is being rel-
official structures to conform. Czechoslovak families also developed successful
egated to hearth and home-there has arisen an uncomfortable issue for the gov-
strategies for accessing the goods, both material and cultural, controlled by the
ernments of the region: that they do not meet the standards of the European
state by placing various family members in different key positions. This very spe-
Community and the Council of Europe when it comes to equality between men
cial role of the family (analyzed by a sociologist from Brno, [vo Mozny) in playing
and women, as required in the various documents of these organizations. Wom-
the game, or cheating the state, in a "redistribution of commodities" further
en's groups in all four countries are using these instruments more and more (even
strengthened the family's position in Czechoslovakia.
though some only have the character of recommendations) to argue their case and
Through my visits to Prague and Bratislava over the last couple of years I have
to initiate discussion on practical ways to realize the constitutional principle of the
come to realize that the vast majority of women here do not feel they are in any
PIACW
equality of all citizens without regard to gender.
way worse off than men are. Slovak women told me in the summer of 1994 that
most of the problems they face are not specific or exclusive to women but are fam-
ily problems caused by the economic transformation and the split of Czechoslo-
Czech and Slovak Women After
vakia (unemployment, loss of social services, divided families, the sex trade, and
Communism: An Escape from
citizenship issues). One Czech participant in the debate on women's issues, Hana
Havelkova, observed in 1992 that "nothing has yet happened publicly to show
Forced Emancipation
women the importance of their solidarity, their lobbies, and their political repre-
For a Westerner, one of the most puzzling trends in post-1989 Czechoslovakia has
sentation, and they do not yet think about it themselves."
been the expressed desire of women to withdraw from the world of work into the
The antiabortion legislation that provoked Polish and Hungarian women to or-
world of the household, domesticity, and the family. Several factors underlie this
ganize themselves did not take place in either the Czech or Slovak republic Abor-
07/02/97 WED 16:18 FAX 2028475337
trend, and most of them are related to the way women experienced the commu-
tion is still legal, but Czech women have to pay a fee that comes close to their aver-
nist sociopolitical order. But in the Czech Republic especially, an additional factor
age monthly salary and that thus discriminates against poorer women. The severe
is the fact that economic reform was not introduced in the manner of "shock ther-
restriction on the right to abortion that was attempted by the Christian-Demo-
apy," and has neither caused massive unemployment nor generally lowered the
cretic government in Slovakia never materialized. Abortions performed during
standard ofliving.
the first six weeks of pregnancy are free, and those performed during the second
For this retreat into domesticity, the simplest and most frequent explanation
six weeks require a relatively small payment. There is yel another serious problem,
offered by Czech women is, "We were overemancipated and still are." This attitude
that of female prostitution, which is not discussed publicly at all in this Catholic
seems to be quite disturbing for many of the women activists from the West who
country: But it is only a one-hour drive from Bratislava to Vienna, Slovaks do not
visit fashionable Prague. The energies of Czech and Slovak women activists and
need visas to get to Austria, and for enterprising women the exchange rate can
intellectuals are directed toward explanations that often tend toward defensive-
make such trips very lucrative.
ness (e.g., the argument, which I examine more closely in the following section,
Among the more than thirty women's organizations that one might find (most
that emancipation was not a matter of choice but was imposed from above).
of them only on paper) in the Czech Republic and a comparable number regis-
gun
1111
1.01 Merini
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Part Four: Russia, Europe, and she United State
Central Europe
389
tered in Slovakia, there are very few that express any interest in actually advancing
avic ideals of the first prodemocratic and antinationalist movement in post-1989
the position of women. Some of them, relies of the past such as the for merly com-
Slovakia, the Public Against Violence, is trying to disregard the split of Czechoslo-
munist Czech Women's Union and Slovak Women's Union (which still retain con-
vakia and has created through a joint editorial board a bridge between the readers
siderable property and claim memberships in the hundreds of thousands). have
in both countries who are interested in women's issues. The group around Aspekt.
lost all their legitimacy. Every political party has its own women's section, conve-
constantly striving lo remain as informal as possible, has managed to open a 11-
nient for the leadership in its foreign contacts but not particularly active on the
brary in Bratislava, which is the starting point for an educational center in gender
national scene.
studies.
In both countries of the former Czechoslovakia, as in Poland and Hungary,
there is a strong negative reaction among women to the idea of participation in
any large nationwide organization. The image of the sodruzka, the communist to-
The Czech and Slovak Debate: Emancipation from Above
ken woman, is still associated in their minds with such structures and still haunts
By 1948, argues lirina Siklova, it was clear to the Crechoslovak Communist Party
them. "We are neither sodruzky nor feminists. We are women." And they prefer to
planners that the women's emancipation movement could serve the ideological
define themselves, for example, as female intellectuals from Bratislave. This cau-
objectives of the communist system. These entailed a buildup of heavy industry,
tious search for self-identity and for a definition of women's position in society
especially in Slovakia, and a transfer of the labor force from the countryside to the
has been conducted since 1990 through an ongoing debate and through activities
cities. The party regime argued that the effective emancipation of women de-
that help facilitate that debate. One item of documentation produced in this effort
pended upon their entering the labor force, which could lead to their economic
is the so-called Blue Book, entitled, Bodies of Bread and Butter: Reconfiguring
independence. Therefore, party leaders popularized the "working woman" as a
Women's Lives in the Postcommunist Crech Republic.
role model throughout the 19505. Hana Navarova, one of the few Czech sociolo-
Only relatively recently have projects been developed that actually address the
gists studying women's issues, says in her paper "What Did Socialism Give to
PIACW
concrete problems of women. One such transitional institution that recognizes
Women?" that by the 1960s it was also clear that through this emancipation
both the need for debate and the need to tackle immediate problems is the Meet-
women were being forced to take on a dual role: working woman and house-
ing Place. Supported partially by the Gender Studies Center, its major activity en-
wife/mother.10 Moreover, their family obligations were holding them back profes-
tails organizing legal and psychological services for elderly women while tapping
sionally. In a vicious circle, this disadvantageous position at work would further
their memories of the past. Foundation ROSA is mostly preoccupied with orga-
indine them to retreat to the family.
nizing help for divorced women, and work has begun on setting up 1 crisis botline
Around this time, Czechoslovakia experienced a significant drop in population,
and resource center for female victims of violence.
and the state offered a variety of privileges to women who opted for childbearing.
The debate brings women together in conferences, seminars, lectures, and pub-
Siklova points out that such privileges were awarded only to women when it was
lications, and-what is more important-it gradually and constantly extends the
felt they would further the development of socialism. For example, when the
number of those engaged in it. The first institutional and inspirational hub of
cheap labor force needed in the 1950s was an economic priority, the maximum
these activities was the Gender Studies Center, founded in 1991 by former dissi-
maternity leave was four months; but in the 1970s, when the labor market was sat-
07/02/97 WED 16:19 FAI 2026475337
dent Jirina Siklova and situated for its first two years, along with an impressive li-
urated, priorities changed, and maternity leave was gradually extended to as much
brary of feminist literature, in her own apartment in Prague. The statement of its
as three years. According to research, the very high rate of female employment
goals reflects what 1 call the debate-oriented character of this young movement:
(currently 90 percent of all working-age women) is primarily the result of finan-
"10 raise gender consciousness in society: to encourage public discussion, re-
cial necessity and only partially an expression of women's professional aspira-
search, writing, publication, and study that re-evaluate the roles, images, and po-
tions."
sitions of men and women."
In Slovakia, which had traditionally been rural, rapid industrialization over the
In Bratislava 2 group of women originally associated with the progressive liter-
past forty years created a huge army of workers who still live in villages and culti
ary monthly Slovenske Polilady (Slovak Views) and prompted by the government
vate their small plots of land but who commute long distances to work in the cit
decision to close it established their own-this time, female only-quarterly. Its
ies. At the factories women usually work the early shift, and just as they head bad
title, Aspekt, is discreetly accompanied by the female sign: The editoria article
for home, their husbands are starting the second shift, often at the same factory
of the first issue (1993) states their mission clearly: "The old social roles are falling
Helena Wolekova, until June 1992 Slovakia's minister of labor, has characterize
apart and we have to find our place in the new ones." Aspekt, which cultivates the
this as an even further crippling of the family, in which, in accordance with th
011
3.
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
391
Czechoslovak model, both parents work in any case. These women are doing tri-
abstract articles. translations, and, much less frequently, materials that deal spe-
ple duty: in the factory, on the farm, and in the home. What sort of emancipation
cifically with women in Slovakia. But since Aspekt and its circle are perceived as
is that? she asks." Women "were reduced to a cheap source of labor that could be
belonging to the antinationalistic and anti-Meciar opposition, the journal has up-
plugged in anywhere without regard to specific capabilities, prerequisites, or am-
peal for a broader group of democratically minded intellectuals and is therefore
bitions"-so argue two Slovak women philosophers from the Aspektcirde."
able to lend legitimacy to university gender studies, which still badly need it at the
As a result of thi. forced emancipation of women in Czechoslovakia, which can
local level. No matter how elitist the current initiatives by women intellectuals
be interpreted eith in terms of ideological necessity (for the state) or economic
may be, they are breaking new ground and are opening up a space-unthinkable
necessity (for families, most of which needed two incomes to survive), there now
just a few years ago-in which women's issues can be considered at all.
exists among women a kind of allergic reaction to all forms of public involvement.
Today liberation de es not mean escaping from domesticity. It means acknowledg-
ing the family's recent role as a refuge, a place providing shelter from a paternalis-
tic state that always knew "what was best" for the people. And so today for many
Hungarian Women: Between the
Czech women liberation means precisely a return to the family, seen as a space
Past and the West
where one's lost dignity can be recovered. In Slovakia the question of who can af-
An outside observer can notice some similarities between the activities of Hun-
ford this newfound freedom is answered as follows: businessmen's wives
garian women and those of women in the former Czechoslovakia is mobi-
The traumatic experience of the crushing of the 1968 Prague Spring introduced
another factor into the "centrally planned emancipation" of many women of the
lizing women from various-though still mostly intellectual-circlés and bring-
Czechoslovak intelligentsia. In order to escape the increased pressures of official
ing them together is their reflection on their former and present situations and
ideology, an entire generation of politically active young women turned to the
how these compare with the experience of Western women. One might reasonably
family because the family was the only realm sheltered from state control. in the
argue that in trying to position themselves vis-à-vis the West and vis-à-vis the
PIACW
words of Miroslava Holubova, an English teacher and colounder of a women's
past, Hungarian, Czech, and Slovak women are engaged in laying the necessary
group called New Humanity, "If we had won in '68, Idon't think I would have had
groundwork for confronting the challenges they will inevitably face as 8 group.
a family right away. I would have been a public person: a journalist, a politician.
Hungarians talking lb Western feminists try to refute the latter's easy assump-
But for me the only choice, psychologically, was emigration or having babies."
tions about the privileges women were granted under communism. Eniko
Alexandra Berkova, a well-known writer and the author of New Humanity's man-
Bollobas, who in 1989 founded a political discussion group called Hungarian
ifesto, argues that women, who came home from work to meet their first prior-
Feminists, challenged the widespread stereolype of women from the region dur-
ity-creating a protective environment for the family-emerged from the totali-
ing a meeting in Strasbourg in the fall of 1992: "Women are not suffering because
tarian system psychologically stronger than men, who were more completely
of the collapse of Communism, but because of the damage Communism has done
exposed to the system.
to their mentality. This has not yet collapsed."
These educated and critical women, now in their forties, are in fact excited
Like some of the Czech feminists, Bollobas points to a problem that may be the
07/02/97 WED 16:19 FAX 2026475337
about the possibilities for reentering a public arena that is no longer monopulized
greatest obstacle not only to the emergence of a women's movement but also to
by a repressive state. But for twenty years-as they frankly admit-the family was
the very process of democratization in the postcommunist countries. As individu-
their safe haven and the only place where they could find fulfillment. They are well
als, people were not encouraged to develop and,experience-much less allowed to
aware of the fact that to the outsider they appear to be full of contradictions, with
exercise-their autonomy, self-reliance, or initiative. Despite such general simi-
their mixed conservative and progressive ideas about women's roles in a changing
larities, certain specificities of Hungarian communism made the experience of
society. And they will have to face a still small but growing number of younger
women in this country quite different.
women still in university and taking their first gender studies courses whose views
The departure from the previous system in 1989 was not as dramatically clear-
are both less accommodating to the home-and-hearth tradition and more resis-
cut and spectacular here as it was in Czechoslovakia. Structural changes in the
tant to the current situation in which women have no voice.
Hungarian economy had already begun in the late 19605 with the general mixing
For the moment such student women are the main constituency for the Brati-
of the command economy with a free market. By the 19,8es the process that led to
slava-based Aspekt. Run rather cautiously by women scholars and writers who for
the emergence of this "second economy" had created the peculiar socioeconomic
the most part do not want to be labeled as feminists, the journal presents highly
experiment known as "goulash communism."
012
392
Part Four: Russin, Europe, and the United States
Center Europe
393
The Hungarian Debate: The Goulash Economy
Economic necessity underlies the popularity of early marriage in gary.
As
Toth points out, establishing a family offers Hungarians more strategies for sur-
and Women's Triple Burden
vival than does remaining unmarried: special social benefits, a better chance for
By introducing a liberalized economic and employment policy in the mid-1960s, a
an apartment, at least two incomes, and the necessary conditions for entering the
time of chronic shortages. the Kadar regime established conditions under which
second economy. Yes juggling the roles of employee, housekeeper, and mother
people were able to improve their living standards by taking second and even
throughout an extremely long working day {including those evening and weekend
third jobs in their own or other small businesses. This second economy. or "pri-
hours when the husband is at his second or third job) has contributed to a very
vale sector," a sphere of economic activity that was legal but outside of the state
high rate of emotional and mental disorders among Hungarian women: 37 per.
monopoly and came to be known as the goulash economy, had a major impact on
cent in the most active age group (30 to 59).
many areas of production. Between 1960 and 1980 it built more apartments and
produced more agricultural goods than did the state sector. For individuals, the
second economy provided a sphere of freedom from total state control that was
Why There Is No Women's Movement in Hungary
unknown in other socialist countries. It created a climate in which people could
On Hungary's present political stage, as in any other postcommunist country,
learn how to make their own choices, take responsibility for their own decisions,
there is a striking absence of women. There is also at the moment only a slim
and find a new kind of self-respect. (The only comparable situation existed in the
chance for the emergence of a women's movement on the national level. For one
Polish countryside, where the majority of private middle-sized farms were in the
thing, since 1989 there has been no radical change in the social and economic sta-
hands of peasants and were never nationalized.) This important vehicle for main-
lus of women. As yet the most serious economic and social problems of the new
taining economic standards and reclaiming some degree of personal autonomy
Hungary are not specifically "women's" problems. Despite growing unemploy-
from the state depended heavily upon the support of the family unit and a kind of
ment, for example, especially outside of Budapest, women are not affected by it to
PIACW
family self-exploitation. It therefore imposed limitations in other areas, and one
the same extent as men since the biggest reduction in jobs has taken place in heavy
of those areas affected women: It forced them to concentrate on their traditional
industry and mining, where most employees are men. It is expected that a second
role as homemaker even while working and often being otherwise professionally
wave of unemployment will hit light industry (because of the collapse of the So.
active at the same time.
viet market), service industries, and the public sector (because of cutsin state and
The second economy, argues sociologist Olga Toth." required a very specific
local budgets). The victims of these employment cuts will mainls be the women
division of labor within the family, one that reinforced existing assumptions
who predominate in these industries.
There are three groups of reasons offered by Hungarian women to explain the
about gender roles. Typically, both husband and wife worked in the first (state-
absence of a women's movement, and the arguments one hears have been 3 part of
run) economy. Then the wife returned home to assume the domestic responsibili-
the debate since the late 1980s. The first argument, already mentioned, points to
ties, while the husband went to his second wage-earning job and often on week-
the heritage of the communist past: a paternalistic state that infantilized society
ends lo a third one. By managing the household, and serving as liaison between
and typecast women. The second-true for all countries of the region but often a
07/02/97 WED 16:20 FAX 2026475337
the family and the bureaucracies governing housing, health care, schools, and
revelation for Westerners-is that women's issues have not achieved agenda sta-
even vacation planning, the wife made it possible for the man to be involved in the
tus; on the contrary, since 1989 they have constituted a forbidden agenda. In
second economy, thus benefiting the family. Observers often stress that without
March 1994, six weeks before the parliamentary elections, women's groups orga-
this mutual support within the family, the second economy could not have func-
nized a forum for the main political parties and asked them what their policies to-
tioned since most single men and women could not have handled such a triple
ward women were. They did not have any. They also had very few women running
burden: a first job, a second job, and the bureaucratic and household demands of
for Parliament. The situation, argue Hungarians, is 3 vicious circle: Women do
everyday life. Approximately 75 percent of families participated in the second
not get into decisionmaking positions if they talk about women's issues, and they
economy in various ways, and in effect, since 1989, they still do. Since the late
are represented in public life precisely because women's issues are not taken
19705. this Hungarian specificity, which socialogist Julia Szalai has described as
seriously. The third argument cites the vulnerability of the existing women's orga-
symbolizing autonomy, cooperation, and success for men and women who share
nizations, trapped between the past and the West. For example, there are two or-
their efforts within it,"¹⁸ has complicated the already difficult situation of women
ganizations of professionally active urban women in Hungary: the Association of
in Hungary.
Hungarian Women and the Feminist Network. Both of them are perceived ascon-
013
3
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
395
troversial, but for opposite reasons: The association, for its connection with the
communist past, and the network, for its links to the West.
The problem of foreign interest in women's issues in Hungary has another di.
The Association of Hungarian Women was established in 1989 as the successor
mension. As 1 was frequently reminded during my stay in Hungary, almost all
to the Women's Council, which was an official organization backed by the Com-
scholarly research on women in Hungary has so far been inspired, financed, and
munist Party. Although it inherited the council's considerable property, the asso-
published by foreign institutions or agencies. Although this activity has raised the
ciation now emphasizes its nonpartisan orientation. In its brochure published in
awareness of women's problems among the cosmopolitan circles of Budapest's
1992, it claims to represent the interests of women and families from different
women intellectuals (one of them, Maria Adamik, scknowledging that Western
walks of life, with the main objective being "the realization of women's social
women played an important role as facilitators of feminism), many say that out-
equality and equal rights."
side of academia there seems to be no market for this research on women's issues.
The Feminist work, established in 1990, is a much smaller, monbureaucratic,
Critics point out that it tends to address a Western set of questions, is tailored to
activist-driven organization whose major goal, as stated in its flier, is "to work
fit the programs of international conferences and English-language publications,
against all forms of discrimination against women [and] to encourage the par-
is not channeled back to Hungary, and therefore has virtually no impact on the
ticipation of women in political life." The network's main liability is that its active
way Hungarians perceive women. Those engaged in the Hungarian debate are
aware that there is a lack of connection between academia and the "real world."
participants include a few women from the West: Americans and Britons studying
or working in Hungary. Additionally, their organization's name, which was delib-
And they recognize yet another cleavage: that between Budapest and the prov-
inces. Both these gaps, while not limited to women's issues, impede in particular
erately selected to indicate a commitment to a feminist perspective, is widely con-
sidered pejorative in Hungary and has a clearly nondomestic, Western connota-
the laying of any groundwork for a nationwide women's movement.
tion. As I learned when attending one of the network's meetings, all of the
participants (mostly in their twenties, thirties, and early forties) had originally be-
PIACW
come interested in feminism through foreign contacts: a trip abroad or a Western
Poland: From Debate to Action
visitor.
When in April 1989 a team of sociologists asked a representative sampling of Poles
Recognizing that the perception of the group's activities is constantly damaged
to choose from a list the one category that best defined their identity, gender came
by the very word feminism, the Feminist Network, which has recently been func-
in last place, after (in this order) human being, Pole, parent/and octupation. The
tioning as a much looser structure, is gradually dropping the discredited label.
survey was conducted at the time of the roundtable negotiations between the Soli-
The new projects it launched in the beginning of 1994 and through which it wants
darity-rooted opposition and the ruling Communist Party, during which the
to reach more women are using straightforwardly self-descriptive names: Women
communist regime was being forced by society to share power. The feeling of soli-
for Women Against Domestic Violence (NANE) and Women's House. The former
darity against the system on the part of all citizens was very strong, and in this
has organized the first telephone holline in Hungary and counseling in cases of
struggle gender was a negligible social variable.
domestic and sexual violence and has plans for organizing a public education
But today, after more than five years during which women's civil rights have
campaign on violence, including a training program for professionals such as law-
07/02/97 WED 16:20 FAX 2026475337
been put into question and even denied, the same survey would probably yield
yers, physicians, and members of the police force.
very different results, with gender almost certainly winning a much higher place
The second project, Women's House, was organized by an initiative known as
on the list. The new antiabortion legislation, whichwent into effect in March 1993,
the Ombudswoman's Office, which is affiliated with the Department of Social
was preceded by four years of escalating protests organized by women. These, to-
Policy at ELTE University. Women's House, which occupies two rooms in an old
gether with the additional impetus given to the mobilization of women by the
former building of the Communist Party, is open during evening hours and offers
spectacular rise of women's unemployment after 1990, in fact laid the foundation
women the free services of a lawyer and a social worker on matters involving di-
for a new and growing women's movement in Poland.
vorce laws, custody laws, child support, or the need for lodging in one of Buda-
The relatively long experience of the Solidarity movement of 1980-1981, in
pest's two shelters for women. There is a visible effort under way in Budapest to
which Poles-with the notable participation of Polish women-practiced the self-
play down Western feminist connectionsand to rely more on domestic or regional
organization of citizens independently from governmental structures, is an im-
collaborations. In establishing the NANE hotline, experienced women from Bel-
portant source of the difference between the state of the women's movement in
grade's SOS-HOTLINE, who came to Budapest to provide training for eighteen
Poland and that in the other countries of East and Central Europe. Another differ-
Hungarian hotline volunteers, played an important role.
erice comes from the unusual position the Catholic church has occupied in Polish
0014
39
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
397
The Polish Debate: Between Motherhood and Motherland
For the last forty-five years, Poles have been as much affected by the Catholic
church-the only institutional survivor from the past-as by the institutional
framework of "real socialism." The threatened position of the church vis-à-vis the
communist regime afforded the church a particularly strong position vis-à-vis
Polish society. Its already high moral authority was further strengthened in the
early 1970s when the church became an ally of the democratic opposition and pro-
vided a base for many oppositional activities. Before 1980 (pre-Solidarity times)
and after the imposition of martial law in December 1981, the church provided the
only space where Poles could feel a real sense of freedom and dignity, protected
from state control, and it was perceived by the majority of the society as the only
possible guardian of spiritual values. Among the closely related elements of the
dominant value system was the identification of çatholicism with Poland. or, to
put it another way, the identification of catholicism with the national tradition of
struggle for the independence of the motherland.
A specifically Polish religiosity centers around the cult of the Madonna. The
Polish textile workers, among swelve thousand townspeaple in Zyrardów protesting food
content of this folk-type religiosity committed to a Marian tradition-through its
shortages in late October 1981. pray at n makeshift alias outside a factory. The church's cen-
iconography, religious festivals, and pilgrimages-celebrates heroic, self-sacrific-
PIACW
tral role in Polish life and politics has proven to be a challenge to the contemporary women's
ing women and motherhood in a national context provided by Polish history and
movement.
romantic patriotic literature. In this literary tradition, the main duties of Polish
women are maintaining the family and preserving Poland's national identity,
while men (husbands and sons) fight for the motherland. conspire against foreign
political life. According to popular wisdom, as manifested in the parliaments
occupiers, and often spend their lives in prison. This form of "managerial matri-
throughout East and Central Europe, the first step toward a successful transfor-
archy" (best captured by the ideal of the Matka Polka the "Polish Mother," the still
mation to democracy must be a radical departure from the communist past. The
widely revered role model for Polish women) historically provided women not
vacuum left after the collapse of communism in Poland-and after official ideol-
only with dignity and prestige but also with psychological gratification. These
ogy had vanished-was quickly filled by the Catholic church. The new political
could be gained in virtually no other way than through this role of mother and
WED 16:21 FAX 2026475337
correctness that emerged is visible in parliamentary laws (religious instruction in
family caretaker.
school, antiabortion laws. restitution of church property), in the recently signed
After 1945-just as in the other countries of the bloc-this traditional model
concordat with the Vatican, in the media (now obliged to observe "Christian
was upset by a massive enlistment of women into the labor market as a result of ideo-
values"), and in public life. The Polish debate on women's issues therefore exam-
logical and economic pressures. Women were urged to assume new roles, becom-
ines the impact of the church on the past and current role of women.
ing workers and building a new social order alongside men. But in October 1956,
Feminism made its very first, shy appearance in Poland among university stu-
after the communist state had suffered its first setback with a workers' protest in
dents in the early 1980s, and this is when the debate on women's issues began. Be-
Poznan, this crudely promoted concept of a "new breed of socialist women" had
cause of its longer history, today's discourse-compared with that in the other
to be discarded. At the same time, the colléctivization of private farms was sus-
countries I am examining here-is much less Western oriented and Western
pended; the primate of Poland, Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski, was released from in-
driven and to a much greater degree generated by indigenous questions and prob.
terment; and religious instruction was reintroduced into the schools. Since then,
lems. It involves women scholars, journalists, and politicians but also a new breed
the officially promoted model of Polish women has been largely a by-product of
of women activists. The experience of the past is examined and discussed but is
the intricate relationship between the Catholic church and the communist state.
only one of the many issues reflected in the debate.
The socialist model never recovered its original hard-line position, while the con-
servative model continued to gain visibility, especially during times of relative
015
3.
Part Fair: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
399
freedom (Solidari 1980-1981), when the Catholic church increased its influence
and presence and thus had a greater impact on public affairs.
I !
1061 5 :
des machines
fatre
des extents
Issues, Groups, an 1 Projects
NON!
There are several dozen women's groups at work in different parts of Poland,
which, though functioning at the local level, constitute a thriving network of proj-
babiety
i =
rebieele :
ects and initiatives dealing with current women's issues, especially the problems of
delead
reproductive rights and of women's unemployment.
NIE!
Reproductive Rights. The year 1989 was critical for the Polish women's move-
ment, less because of the final break with the communist system than because of
the abortion bill prepared by a group of Catholic deputies for the last communist
Parliament. The first draft of this bill specified a five-year prison term for a
woman who had an abortion. This provoked the rapid establishment of numerous
new women's organizations. Among the first registered were the Polish Feminists'
Association (PFA), and Pro-Femina. Both of these groups are relatively small (50
to 60 members), urban, young, and intelligentsia based. Pro-Femina is devoted
almost entirely to the issue of abortion. PFA's core group in Warsaw had already
been meeting informally throughout the 1980s, at which time it resembled today's
PIACW
debate-oriented women's movement in the Czech and Slovak republics. Its pro-
gram has been broader than Pro-Femina's from the beginning, and in the early
BE
1990s it launched branches in several large university cities (Wroclaw, Szczecin,
Poznan, Gdansk, and Kraków), which have since turned themselves into autono-
mous groups having one feature in common: that they all openly call themselves
Gender and reproductive rights issues that had been buried
feminists.
under communism reemerged with democratization. This car-
The Warsaw PFA group has good international contacts and has earned credi-
toon, printed in Poland-stating "No! We are not machines
bility with women in Parliament, with the ombudsperson, and with other wom-
for making children!"-publicized an issue faced by.women in
en's groups. The group's natural environment is the university community, and
many countries.
members have few contacts with women workers or peasants. Their leaders,
07/02/97 WED 16:22 FAX 2026475337
Jolanta Plakwicz, Beata Fiszer, and Magdalena Uminska, speak fluent English.
The abor issue and the general feeling of helplessness on the part of society
Their general interest is political and includes a monitoring of the legislative pro-
vis-d-vis its elected representatives have become major catalysts for the most im-
cess to see how the new laws address women's needs and comply with European
pressive, liberal-oriented social movement in postcommunist Poland: the
standards. The concer of the Kraków group are more oriented toward a cultural
"proreferendum movement." Between November 1992 and March 1993, hundreds
feminism. There they organize conferences, discussions, and film festivals and
of committees established themselves throughout the country to exert pressure on
publish the women's periodical Pelitym Glosem (With 0 Full Voice). The first Polish
Parliament to refrain, at the very least, from criminalizing abortion. The commit-
feminist book of essays, edited by Slawka Walczewska, was the work of the Kraków
lees collected 1.5 million signatures of adult Poles requesting that a referendum be
group. The Polish Feminist Association is 1 good example of the way in which the
held to decide whether abortion should be punished. The referendum committees
new women's groups in Poland are constituting themselves. In the variety of its lo-
continue to have a life of their own, even after their movement was effectively dis-
cal forms it represents one model of organization: grassroots, flexible, non-
hierarchical, and committed to preserving ils own internally democratic self-gov-
armed by Parliament's decision in the final bill that only the physician performing
ernance and to expressing the needs and interests of its own members.
an abortion is to be punished and not the woman undergoing it.
018
Part Four: Russin, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
401
The latest parliamentary elections (October 1993) reflected widespread support
A respect for the individuality of the various groups' programs has not been an
for the proreferendum movement when its most vocal leader, Barbara Labuda,
obstacle to the occasional creation of issue-oriented coalitions like the one for med
gained twice as many votes as Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, a legendary figure from the
in the spring of 1992 by pro-choice groups to promote and lobby for reproductive
Solidatity period and a very popular politician, who was running in the same dis-
rights, called the Federation for Women and Family Planning. Among the partici-
trict. Labuda, despite many predictions to the contrary, was not hurt by her
pants are the Polish Feminists' Association, Pro-Femina, Neutrum, the Women's
openly feminist and anticlerical stand. Moreover, the new Parliament has a signi-
League, the Young Women's Christian Association, and the Polish Association of
ficantly larger proportion of women representatives (up from 9.1 to 1}.4 percent).
Sexologists. The federation, which for tactical reasons avoided the use of the
Asked whether she thinks there is a women's movement in Poland, Slawka
phrase reproductive rights in its name, already has a considerable number of
Walczewska, an activist and cofounder of the Foundation of Women in Kraków,
achievements to its credit The women's hotline provides assistance mostly on
says, "We have many groups-but a movement? Women are extremely resistant to
questions of contraception, rape, violence, and legal matters for women with life-
any idea of centralization or of furthering the formal structuring of their activities.
threatening pregnancies. The offices of the Federation and its hotline (which in
None of the existing groups is willing to join or submit itself to a larger struc-
Polish is called the trustline) are functioning as a major resource center for
ture." This insistence on horizontal autonomous structures results not only
women and for the media as well. The latter are regularly supplied with informa-
from the negative reaction to the superhierarchical communist organizations but
tion on the relationship between the church's ban on contraception and the in-
also from the experience of Solidarity, both during the period of the triumphantly
crease in the need for abortions, in deaths caused by illegal abortions, in under-
self-governing society tolerated by the regime in 1980-1981 and-after the govern-
ground clinics, and so on,
ment crackdown-during the years of rebuilding the union's structures under-
Another model of organization is one that has been inherited from the previous
ground. The less centralized the activities, the more successful they were-and the
system: a somewhat transformed version of the large-scale, centralized organiza-
more difficult for the police to disrupt. This is one of the reasons women in Po-
tion with a sizable bureaucratic apparatus This model is represented by two orga-
land prefer very loose networks or, as they put it, just "a directory of groups."
nizations that claim rather large memberships: the Women's League, with thirty-
PIACW
"Give me a list of addresses, and if we need to act, well contact them." said one of
five hundred members, and the Democratic Women's Union, with six thousand
the activists in Kraków. In fact, the main tool facilitating communication between
members. The Women's League, founded in 1945, was the only women's organiza-
groups is an address directory of all the women's organizations and initiatives,
tion in the People's Republic of Poland. It still retains a considerable part of its
which was recently prepared by the Women's Promotion Center. This is how
property, offices, and staff. The Democratic Women's Union was established in
women organized themselves in the-as they stressed-informal group Women
1990 for the purpose of accommodating those women, previously members of the
Too in preparation for the local elections in Poland. Their activities for several
Communist Party, who did not want to remain a part of the Women's League.
months (November 1993-May 1994) were focused on searching for the best
Interestingly, neither of these organizations is excluded from the community of
women candidates and helping them prepare their election campaigns. They ran
new women's groups in Poland. They are both listed in the roster of existing
seminars and published a handbook, How to Win the Elections, which includes a
groups. Despite all the resentments about the communist past and reservations
special section offering self-help exercises in leadership, public speaking, negotia-
about centralized national organizations, what emerges from the meetings, dem-
07/02/97 WED 18:22 FAX 2028475337
tion and conflict resolution, stress management, and 50 forth. They also had a
onstrations, conferences, and joint publications is a growing recognition of com-
hotline for women candidates from outside Warsaw.
mon interests and sense of community and the realization that a major step is be-
And there is still another factor-that of strategy-that Polish women will have
ing taken-by women-loward the further restoration of civil society in Poland.
to give considerable attention to as they consider what kind of movement could
best grow and succeed in Poland. There is still little doubt that any centralized
Women's Unemployment. The second major problem that has mobilized women
women's movement operating on a national scale would first have to become a
in Poland has been the unprecedented rise in unemployment. The collapse of
strongly anticlerical movement. But given the peculiarity of Polish society-that
trade with the former Soviet Union, the closure of big and costly state enterprises,
its vast majority is pro-choice and yet deeply connected to the church-such an
the restructuring of certain industries, and the reduction in the number of civil
anticlerical orientation might jeopardize the very existence of the movement. This
servants all contributed to an unemployment rate in Poland of 15.41 percent at the
was one of the reasons the referendum movement did not succeed: It would have
end of 1993. While women constitute 53-4 percent of the unemployed, in regions
had to turn against the church. And in Poland it is considered too early to take
that are centers of the textile industry and in some of the large conglomerates
such a risk.
women suffer unemployment at a rate that is twice as high as that for men.
017
40.
Part Four: Russia, Europe, and the United States
Central Europe
403
The decentralization of the Polish women's groups and their generally local fo-
women's movements operating on a national level in any of these countries, there
cus encouraged a relatively prompt response to the issue of unemployment Either
are signs of close collaboration among different women's groups in the region.
local women's groups created and launched their own special programs to amelio-
This makes il additionally tempting to see the initiatives of Polish, Czech, Slovak,
rate the hardships (such as retraining programs), or women activists solicited the
or Hungarian women as contributing to a significant change in the sociopolitical
collaboration of other organizations to establish such programs (such as the col-
landscape of the entire region.
laboration in Lodz 0 the Center for the Advancement of Women with the Inter-
Interestingly, recent collaboration on joint projects by women from different
national Women's Fc undation or the Women's Promotion Program, a project of
East and Central European countries has frequently been facilitated by a new,
the Foundation for Democratic Action).
nonpatronizing breed of Western women's organizations that seek genuine un-
Women are also aware of another reason for the higher rale of female unem-
derstanding of, and dialogue with, women from the postcommunist countries.
ployment. It is a result of those still functioning legal regulations that were de-
Among these is the Network of East-West Women, initiated by women from the
signed to let the socialist woman take on the double role of mother and worker.
United States but now with members in all the postcommunist countries, includ-
These stipulate, for example, that women have the "exclusive privilege" of taking
ing Russia, and with joint governance by an international steering committee. A
paid leave to care for 8 sick child. These and similar laws, argues Malgorzata
conference on women and the law, organized by the network in early June 1994 in
Fuszara, director of the Center for Social and Legal Studies on Women, are detri-
Budapest, helped women conceptualize not only the issues but also the ways in
mental to women in today's competitive labor market. They encourage open dis-
which to address them in each country's legal environments. Other groups most
crimination against women on the grounds of their lesser productivity. This issue
frequently interested in collaboration with East European women come from Ger-
is particularly distressing since, in the absence of other labor legislation, it is ex-
many and the Scandinavian countries. So women's movements are gaining a firm
tremely difficult to bring to bear the constitutional principle of the equality of all
foothold in much of East and Central Europe, stimulating growth and develop-
citizens without regard to gender. Women's groups not only recognize the dis-
ment of civil society. If successful, they may not only get women's issues onto the
PIACW
criminatory effect of yesterday's privileges, but through the Parliamentary Wom-
official agendas of their respective governments and parliaments, but they may
en's Group they are also demanding prompt changes in labor legislation. Also un-
also influence the very process of democratization in their societies.
der way is the introduction to the floor of Parliament a bill called the Act on the
Equal Status of Women and Men.
NOTES
1. Adam Michmik, Letters from Prison and Other Essays (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni-
Conclusions, or Is There a Women's
versity of California Press, 1985). p. 27.
2. Agnieszka Metelska and Ewa Nowakowska, eds., Gdzie Diabel Nie More (Warsaw:
Movement in East and Central Europe?
BGW, 1992). P. 145.
3. Rensta Siemienska, "Wybierane i Glospjace," in Kobiety: Dawne i Nowe Role (Warsaw:
One of the results of the changes in the poskommunist countries is the emergence
Centrum Europejskie Universytetu Warszawskiego, Bluletyn Nr. 4 1994). p. 27.
of autonomous activities focused on a set of issues that have never been discussed
4. lbid, P. 33.
07/02/97 WED 18:23 FAX 2026475337
here before-even by women themselves-and that are related to the problem of
An article on lesbian activism in the Czech Republic was written by Susanna Troka and
gender equality in a democratic society. At the moment most of these activities are
published in Susanna Trnka, with Laura Busheilon, eds., Bodies of Bread and Butter:
still in an initial stage of mapping the field: questioning the past and the present
Reconfiguring Women's Lives in the Posicommunist Czech Republic (Pregue: Prague Gender
and articulating the problems. But this debate-driven moment is crucial for any
Studies Center, 1993).
potential movement; it is here that women meet, problems are identified, goals
6. Slawka Walczewska, ed., Kobiery Maja Glos (Kraków: Convivum, 1991).
drafted. organizational structures initiated, and forms of activity considered. The
7. Hane Havelkova, "A Few Prefeminist Thoughts" In Nanette Funk and Magda Mueller,
eds., Gender Politics and Post-Communism: Reflections from Eastern Europe and size Former
initial themes of the debate have been prompted by an urgent need on the part of
Soviet Union (New York: Routledge, 1993), P. 72
many women to rethink their situation both as it was in the recent past under state
8. Trnka, with Busheikin, Bodies of Bread and Butter.
socialism and as it is now during the process of transition to democracy and a
9. lana Cvikova. "List Z Bratislavy: Pokus 0 Postsocialisticky Feminismus," Aspekt
market economy. An awareness of the many similarities between their respective
(1993):1.
efforts, and the very uniqueness of these efforts historically speaking, frequently
10. Hana Navarova, "Co Dal Socialismos Zenam?" in Pastaveni Zen W Ceskoslovenske
brings women from these countries together. Whereas it is stilldifficult to speak of
Spolecnosti (Prague: Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, 1991).
018
404
Part Four: Russia, Europe. and the United Sie
11. See, for example, the research by Maria Cermakova, "Gender and the Employment of
Higher Education Graduates in Czechoslovakia," Prague: Czechoslovak Academy of Sci-
WESTERN EUROPE,
ences, 1991.
12. Interview: ith Helena Wolekovs, Bratislava, summer 1991.
13. Zuzana Kizkove and Etela Farkasova, "The Emencipation of Women: A Concept
That Failed," in 11. Funk and M. Mueller, eds,, Gender Politics and Past-Communism: Reflec-
tions from Enster Europe and she Former Sovies Union (New York: Routledge, 1993), P. 89.
16
14. Interview with Miroslava Holubova, Prague, summer 1992.
15. Interview with Alexandra Berkova, Prague, summer 1992.
16. Eniko Bollobas, "The Role of Women and the Transition to Democracy in Central
and Eastern Europe" (Paper presented at a conference of the Council of Europe, Center for
Extending the Boundaries of
Democracy, Strasbourg. October 1992).
17. Interview with Olga Toth, Budapest, summer 1992. (Toth elaborates her point in in
Citizenship: Women's Movements
unpublished paper on women and their changing role in the family and society in Hun-
gary.)
of Western Europe
18. Julia Szalai, "Some Aspects of the Changing Situation of Women in Hungary," Signs
(Autumn 1991), P. 161.
19. Interview with Slawka Walczewska, Kraków, August 1993.
JANE / J ENSON
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WOMEN'S MOVEMENTS IN Western Europe have a long history. At the end of the
nineteenth century movements emerged in many countries, claiming women's
right to vote, to work for fair wages, and to have some individual autonomy from
fathers or husbands. Organizing in separate women-dominated organizations or
as part of existing political parties and trade unions, this first wave of the women's
movement was not totally different from its second-wave successors. These latter-
day women's movements also mobilized and worked in many different ways. A
snapshot of the Dutch women's movement in the mid-1980s captures an image of
the situation in many Weskrn European countries since 19687when the women's
07/02/97 WED 16:24 FAX 2026475337
movement burst out of the New Left, the old Left, and the student movements:
The movement covers an extremely wide range ofideologies and concrete activities.
There are political interest and pressure groups-women for peace, women for legal-
ited abortion, women against sexual violence, women dependent on public support,
and women's groups within political parties and unions. There are counseling. educa-
tion and training groups for women seeking radical therapy; groups for women in
midlife; crisis hotlines courses on society (the so-called VOS, or "Women's Orienta-
tion to Society" course) for women with only a few years of secondary education.
There are cultural groups such as women's cabarets and theaters, women's art galler-
ies, women's publishing and printing companies, women's bookstores, women's
newspapers and magazines. And there are more general groups and activities: wom-
en's houses or cafes, consciousness-raising groups and women's groups in commu-
40!
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002
Activities Addressing Women's Issues in the NIS
Promoting Women in Development (PROWID), funded by USAID's Office of Women in
Development, seeks to improve the lives of women in developing countries and economies in
transition and enhance their full participation in the development process. With FY 1995 funding,
the following two grants were provided to Russian organizations:
The Moscow Center for Gender Studies: Combating Legal Discrimination Against Women.
Seeks to analyze and focus on gender-sensitive legislation, such as employment, reproductive
rights, and migration.
Women, Law and Development International: Russian Lawyers Advocacy Project. WLDI
is working with five crisis centers for women in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Murmansk, and
Saratov to help the centers better inform lawyers, victims, and other providers on the laws
and the legal system to combat violence and assert women's rights. Lawyers will learn how to
make the law accessible to women as well as how to initiate and implement legal reforms.
The American Bar Association/Central and East European Law Initiative (ABA/CEELI),
placed a full-time specialist in Moscow to work on gender issues, who recently held the first of a
series of roundtable discussions with women's rights advocates and women attorneys to learn
more about their ideas, interests and concerns. Other seminars and workshops have focused on
(1) sexual harassment and what laws can be enacted to help protect Russian women, (2) the
development of associations of women attorneys that can provide legal advice to victims of, and
educate the public concerning, domestic violence and sexual harassment, (3) the effective use of
expert witnesses in domestic violence cases, co-sponsored with Winrock International, and (4)
ABA/CEELI and Women, Law, and Development International have presented a first in a series
of training for lawyers who have agreed to provide representation to crisis center clients.
The Eurasia Foundation has provided grants to support (1) a public-private partnership
between Connect U.S.-Russia and the Nizhny-Novgorod Regional Administration to develop
domestic violence legislation, as well as create a mechanism to implement legal protections in the
region, (2) a two-way exchange to address the issues of family violence in Russia with the
Committee on the Family, Women and Children in the Russian Duma, (3) creation and broadcast
of an episode of the TV program "If," devoted to women's rights in the workplace with Oblik TV
Studio and (4) a seminar on "Non-Violence in Schools" for middle school teachers.
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided training to many Crisis
Center staff members in Russia through NET training courses in the U.S. (violence against
women, effective legal advocacy for women, women's NGO management). USAID grantees,
such as Winrock International and the League of Women Voters, have conducted seminars on
topics such as sexual harassment, domestic violence, and legislative regulation of women's rights.
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The Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Matters, Office of International Criminal Justice (INL/ICJ), with DOJ and FJC, recently
hosted a U.S.-Russia seminar on "Combating the Sexual Exploitation of Women and Children" in
Washington The seminar proved to be a valuable starting point to address issues on trafficking
women and domestic violence. As part of their on-going anti-crime training and technical
assistance program, INL/ICJ has implemented a "pilot program" in Moscow, Nizhniy-Novgorod,
and Arzamas that integrates law enforcement, medical/hospital services, and NGOs for women
and children who are victims of domestic violence.
U.S. Information Agency (USIA) supports programs that focus on women's issues through
small grants administered by Embassy Democracy Commissions and FREEDOM Support Grants
for U.S.-based programs on women's issues. Recently, USIA has funded, through Embassy
Kiev's Democracy Commission, the Ukrainian Center for Women's Studies, an organization of
women scholars engaged in research that emphasizes issues such as women's political
participation and domestic violence. This summer, USIA plans to bring delegations from
Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, and Moldova to participate in U.S.-based FREEDOM Support Grant
programs focusing on topics such as women's issues, social issues, women in leadership, and the
role of women in politics and government.
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June 30, 1998
5PM
Sampling of U.S-funded.activities
to support the advancement of women in central and eastern Europe
*
Organized according to Vienna Conference issue tracks
(Note that country specific info with more detail will be available later this week.)
Politics and persuasion track
-
training for women judges
-
training for women public administrators
-
training for women in political parties
Law and Leadership
-
civic participation programs to support women NGOs
both as social service deliverers and as advocates
-
professional exchanges of NGOs
-
domestic violence and violence against women hospital programs to
provide health services to abused women
-
enforcement seminars to address trafficking in women and girls
-
support for human rights foundations which include women's
human rights
-
support for single parent households organizations, such as
the mothers of soldiers organizations in Russia
Business and Beyond
-
job retraining
-
reconstruction money targeted to get women back in the labor force
-
funds and training for women entrepreneurs
07/03/97 THU 17:55 FAX 2026475337
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002
Economic Impacts on Women in Central/Eastern Europe
and the Former Soviet Union: Some Positive Factors
While women have borne a disproportionate burden in the
transition to a market economy (e.g. higher rates of unemployment
and poverty than men; discrimination in the workplace) there are
also some positive developments and trends. In the transitional
period of East European and New Independent States of the former
Soviet Union (ENI) countries toward competitive market economies,
small and micro- enterprise development plays a significant role
in economic growth and employment generation, particularly among
women.
ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS SUPPORTING WOMEN
FUNDUSZ MICRO Poland: Established in 1994 with support from the
USAID-funded Polish American Enterprise Fund, Fundusz Micro
promotes the development of the Polish private sector through
loans to microenterprises. Fundusz Micro operates a network of
branches throughout Poland. It is the largest microenterprise
fund in the Europe and New Independent States region and is aimed
at microenterprises that are unable to obtain bank loans, either
because their requirements are too small to be profitable to
banks or because they lack the necessary collateral/track record.
In 1995/96 Fundusz Mikro had its first full year of lending
operations. During that time, it extended over 2000 loans,
through 1' branches. By March, 1997, Fundusz Micro had made over
4,000 loans. Over 50% of these loans were made to women
entrepreneurs. The repayment rate on loans has been over 99% and
15% of these loans have been extended to repeat clients.
Foundation for International Community Assistance (FINCA)
Kyrqyzstan: FINCA has developed a village banking methodology to
help very low income entrepreneurs, primarily women, to left
themselves out of poverty. The provision of basic financial
services has an immediate impact on the lives of its clients,
encouraging them to invest and grow their businesses, build
assets through savings, and take full and productive part in
their local economies. Currently FINCA has 264 village banks and
3300 members in 3 regions. 88% of village bank members are
women. Most village bank members are small traders (70%) however
some are micro producers (30%) in such areas as bread and dairy
products. Repayment rates on loans exceed 98%.
Opportunity International: Opportunity International builds
indigenous independent microenterprise development institutions
(Partner Agencies") with are managed by voluntary Boards of
Directors made up of local leaders. They are now active in six
countries (Bulgaria, Russia, Poland, Romania, Macedonia, and
Croatia) with direct and indirect support from USAID. In 1996,
more than 1,200 loans were disbursed amounting to more than $3.3
million dollars. More than 3,700 jobs were created or sustained.
66% of these loans were to women. On average, each $1000 lent
impacts at least one new job. In 1997 Opportunity International
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003
will make more than 3,750 loans totaling $7.5 million.
Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) Women
Entrepreneurs in Hungary:
In Hungary with support from CIPE, the Small Enterprise
Development Foundation (SEED) exemplifies the impact that
advocacy based on well researched information can have in
furthering the cause of women entrepreneurs in national policy
making circles. SEED conduced and in-depth study on Hungarian
women's entrepreneurial activities and participation in the labor
force. The survey concluded that women entrepreneurs now
represent more than 40% of the businesses founded in Hungary
since 1990. Its findings led to the creation of government
agencies focused on dealing with the multifaceted problems facing
women in business, including the creation of the Equal
Opportunity Office at the Ministry of Industry and Trade to
address some of the major issues women entrepreneurs face.
Other Areas of Positive Impact:
* In virtually all of the countries in Central/Eastern Europe and
the former Soviet Union, the first phase of privatization
involved the sale of retail shops. Many were purchased by the
store managers, a large percentage of whom were women.
* Associations of businesswomen are multiplying across the
region. Throughout East/Central Europe, in Russia and Ukraine,
and even in Central Asia, professional women involved in business
are coming together to push for greater access to start-up and
investment capital, an end to discriminatory labor practices and
other issues related to women's full participation in the
emerging market economy.
*
A smaller number of NGOs/PVOs involved in issues of principal
concern to women have begun to tackle higher unemployment rates
for women through such strategies as formation of agricultural or
other types of cooperatives (e.g. in Albania), and job retraining
programs (e.g. in Kyrgyzstan). In war-torn Azerbaijan,
international donors and their in-country partners are funding
income generation projects (small loans and basic business
training) targeting women refugees and internally displaced
persons, and registering excellent results.
* There are strong generational differences with respect to the
economic impact on women of the end of Soviet style central
planning. The transition has taken an especially high toll on
pensioners, the large majority of whom are women. Moreover,
education is and will continue to be a major factor in how well
people do in the emerging market economy and younger women have
much higher education levels than their senior counterparts.
There is reason to think the younger women (and probably urban as
opposed to rural women) are better off than the overall data
convey.
06/30/97 MON 18:36 FAX 202 647 0414
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002
U.S. ASSISTANCE TO PROMOTE DEMOCRACY AND
ECONOMIC REFORM IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE
What is U.S. policy? What is the U.S. doing?
The U.S. assists the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in their transition to free
market economies and democratic governments through the SEED (Support for East
European Democracy) Program. Since 1989, the United States has provided more
than $2.5 billion in SEED assistance to Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech
Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, the Former Yugoslav Repoublic of
Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, aned Slovenia. Assistance is coordinated by
the State Department (EUR/EEA) and implemented largely by the Agency for
International Development, although several other USG agencies provide technical
assistance with SEED funding.
What's next?
Budget: The Administration has requested $492 million for the FY 1998 SEED
appropriation. At this funding level, we can continue Bosnia economic
reconstruction, wrap up the SEED program in the Northern Tier states by 1999, and
redirect relatively large amounts of resources toward the major remaining challenges
in Southeastern Europe.
Graduation: Decisions to phase out SEED assistance are based on each country's
progress in attaining political and economic goals. (See attached chart.) Estonia, the
Czech Republic, and Slovenia have "graduated" from the SEED program. Upcoming
graduations include Hungary and Latvia in FY98 and Lithuania, Poland, and Slovakia
in FY99. ("Graduation" refers to the final year of funding; it typically takes up to a
year for assistance activities to wind down after that.)
Bosnia: SEED funding has concentrated on assuaging the ravages of the war, as part
of the President's $600 million commitment to economic reconstruction. In addition,
SEED funding has contributed to police training and monitors, the conduct of local
and national elections, demining, and the creation of independent media outlets.
Serbia: With the exception of a few small democracy and/or media-related grants, we
have not been able to conduct a normal SEED program in Serbia. FY96 assistance to
Serbia amounted to approximately $500,000, done with Congressional consultation
but implemented under "notwithstanding" authority. In view of the dynamic
developments in Serbia, we expanded our program in FY97 to about $3 million in the
areas of deocratization and independent media, and are weighing a more complete
SEED program for FY 1998 if circumstances permit.
Enterprise Funds: The Enterprise Fund program, under which U.S. funds are used for
both equity investments and loans to private enterprise in SEED countries, has had
spectacular success (the Poland Fund is expected to generate profits of over $200
million) and failure (the Czech Fund lost 90 cents on the dollar). In several SEED
countries, the Enterprise Funds represent the only source of financing for the private
sector in light of structural inefficiencies in their financial sectors.
Clinton Presidential Records
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06/30/97 MON 18:19 FAX 2026475337
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United States Department of State
Office of the
Under Secretary of State
for Global Affairs
Washington, D.C. 20520-7250
(202) 647-9358 Phone
(202) 647-0753 Fax
SENIOR COORDINATOR FOR INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
INTERNATIONAL FOLLOW-UP TO THE UNITED NATIONS FOURTH WORLD
CONFERENCE ON WOMEN
as of April 1997
FRICA
Regional Initiatives
Delegates from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) gathered to
agree on sub-rgional priorities for implementing the Beijing Platform for Action. The
delegates agreed to work towards the establishment of a gender desk or other mechanism
to promote women's issues in SADC, the creation of a standing committee of ministers
responsible for gender affairs in the region and the cstablishment of gender focal Points
to ensure that gender is routinely taken into account and placed on the agenda of
ministerial meetings.
Angola
Women members of parliament hosted a forum on gender equality attended by political,
civil society and religious leaders. The forum's participants agreed to put together an
action plan to address gender equality in Angola and to form a permanent review body to
monitor issues of gender equality.
Burkina Faso
The government, in conjunction with UNDP, launched a fund to make loans available to
women in villages.
The country's new penal code explicitly prohibits sexual harassment and the practise of
female genital mutilation. Under the new code, female genital mutilation is a crim,
whose perpetrators are subject to prison sentences of six months to three years and 4
significant fine.
The government has also worked to eradicate female genital mutilation through
educational efforts. A newly formed national committee launched a campaign aganst
the practice.
06/30/97 MON 18:19 FAX 2026475337
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The government has made the expansion of education a priority and is currently drafting
a bill to extend compulsory education, for both girls and boys, from six to nine years.
The Thai government announced its intentions to target equal pay and benefits for
women.
Sri Lanka
The government's Minister for Women's Affairs office has become increasingly active
since the Beijing conference and appointed a special ombudsman within the ministry to
receive complaints from women.
Women in rural areas are now being trained in income-generating projects. They report
that as they bring their new skills into their home and teach their husbands. they get
greater respect and recognition for their contribution to the family and village.
EUROPE AND CANADA:
Azerbaijan
The government'established ten commissions to focus on such women's issues as health,
violence. and education.
Bosnia-Herzegovina
Follow-up by the United States: On July 11, 1996, at the G-7 Summit in Lyon, President
Clinton pledged $5 million to aid Muslim women who survived the capture of the town
of Serbrenica by Bosnian Serbs in rebuilding their country, opening businesses and
getting back on their feet economically.
Follow-up by other countries: During the attack on Serbrcnica, in the war. most of the
survivors fled to Tuzla. On July 11, 1996, women who lost male relatives gathered there
for a rally commemorating the fall of the town. The event was sponsored by women
from other countries. including the American Ambassador to Austria, Swanee Hunt,
Queen Noor of Jordan. and Emma Bonino, the European Union humanitarian aid
commissioner. A representative of the organizers said they raised over $3 million to
finance rehabilitation programs for the survivors.
Canada
The secretary of state for the status of women launched the federal guide to gender-based
policy analysis. This guide is a tool for designing and evaluating policies, programs and
legislation to ensure equitable results for men and women.
The 1996 Canadian census included specific* questions which addressed unremunerated
work, specifically on the amount of time spent on unpaid housework, child care and care
of seniors.
The government completed its first gender impact analysis of policy changes to
unemployment insurance which determined that the policy changes were adequate.
13
06/30/97 MON 18:20 FAX 2026475337
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Denmark
The government launched initiatives on equal pay and equal status for men and women.
The parliament encouraged the government to mainstream gender perspectives into
administrative, policy and planning activities.
The government plans to increase its efforts to ensure that boys and girls are provided
with equal educational opportunities.
Poland
The Legislature passed a law liberalizing access to the full range of reproductive health
services.
The government is currently developing a national plan of action for women.
The Parliamentary Women's Caucus drafted a law on the equality of wamen and men.
The draft law contains powerful provisions addressing issues of vital concern to women.
Portugal
The government created the post of High Commissioner for the Promotion of Equality
and Family Issues.
Russia
The government created an inter-ministerial commission on the improvement of the
status of women which will prepare recommendations for the government on women's
issues.
The government is developing a national plan which will address women's rights,
protection of equal rights in the labor market, protection of women's health and violence
against women.
Slovakia
The government passed a new labor law which includes provisions for paid maternity
leave.
Spain
The government is working on programs to integrate women into the work force and
ensure opportunity and security of employment in the business and corporate sectors.
The government allocated funds for sectoral studies on women and gender issues. In
1996. $800.000 was allocated. The amounts earmarked for the next three years are
$960.000. $1.2 million and $1.6 million.
14
06/30/97 MON 18:20 FAX 2026475337
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Sweden
The government proposed a new labor market policy and employment bill which
includes proposals to improve the situation of women workers.
Turkey
The National Legislature is considering a draft bill on the amendment of the civil code
which. if enacted. will remove a considerable portion of Turkey's reservations to
CEDAW.
The government ratified a national women's reproductive health and family planning
strategy which aims to improve reproductive health and family planning services in
Turkey.
Ukraine
The government created a committee for women's affairs. motherhood and childhood
and a section for health protection. motherhood and childhood. These two cabinet-level
departments will be merged to form the Ministry of Women's Affairs. Family and
Demographic Policy.
The government launched two initiatives on family planning and child health.
LATIN AMERICA:
Argentina
Argentina's law on reproductive health. rejected for four consecutive years, has now
succeeded in receiving partial sanction from Congress. NGOs are working to secure full
enactment of this modern legislation designed to protect the health of women and
adolescent girls.
Bolivia
Congress passed the Law on Domestic Violence which classifies rape as a public crime.
Public agencies state that the number of reported incidents of abuse have increased as a
result of the new law.
Comprehensive legal services offices have been established to help and support women.
Special family protection police units. staffed by 30 female officers. are now operating.
As a part of its program for the protection of women. the government changed the school
curricula.
Health care providers are now being educated about how to deal with female patients.
The government inaugurated a new medical security program which guarantees free
medical care to women of reproductive age and to children under the age of five, based
on economic need.
15
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EASTERN EUROPE
Regional Initiative
From April 25-26 in the Hague the EU Ministerial Conference ended with
a "Declaration on European Guidelines For Effective Measures to Prevent and
Combat Trafficking in Women For the Purpose of Sexual Exploitation." Many
EU "candidate states" of Eastern Europe, which are also primary sources of the
European sex industry sent observers to the conference.
POLAND
Challenge
Legal and traditional barriers in the workplace and domestic violence still
prevent women in from securing equal rights.
Initiative
Polish women's rights groups have combined public activism with research and
advocacy programs in order to combat these barriers. The Women's Rights
Center monitors and analyzes legislation which pertains to women's
issues and provides counseling for rape victims and victims of domestic
violence. The Center for Advancement of Women has been helping women
who have suffered from recent economic changes in Poland. The Polish
Federation for Women and Family Planning campaigns against domestic violence.
The Polish government has its own women's rights advocate called
"The Government Plenipotentiary For Family and Women." The current
Plenipotentiary, Jolanta Banach, is a member of the Prime Minister's cabinet
and has the duty of ensuring that the cabinet considers women's issues
when designing policy. Banach has directed the drafting of the Polish
"Plan of Action" which will address the goals set out in the
Beijing Declaration and provide a set of directives to ministries
and government agencies. The Action Plan is not yet public.
Banach wants the "Plan of Action to be adopted by January.
The "Plan of Action" focuses on increasing women's access to preventative
medicine. It also calls for more rigorous enforcement of Poland's laws against
trafficking in women and for improved police training to handle cases of rape,
harassment, and domestic violence.
The Fourth World Conference on Women has prompted the Parliamentary
Women's Caucus to draft a law on the equality of men and women. The Law has
06/30/97 MON 18:21 FAX 2026475337
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not yet been forwarded to the SEJM, but the caucus plans to do so. If passed, the
law will forbid forms of sexual discrimination, require the government to
provide incentives to employers who use "Affirmative Action" programs, grant
parental leave to both sexes, establish a commission on "equal rights", require
equal access to sex education, and require that at least forty percent of public
employees in every "organ of state" be women.
RUSSIA
Challenge
Providing women with a means to earn a decent income remains a challenge.
Forty percent of women in St. Petersburg are the sole breadwinners of their
families. Nearly sixty percent of the unemployed are women.
Initiative
On June 18, women joined together to improve women's economic status in
Russia. Women affiliated with over 120 business projects from various regions of
Russia participated in the Fourth Annual Exhibition, "Women's Project- 97."
Goals of the conference included attracting business clientele, providing a forum
for small businesses run by women, fostering business contacts, and attracting
business investors to finance women's projects. The conference was organized by
the International Institute for Women and Management, an organization which was
founded in 1994 and which currently teaches a wide range of business courses for
women.
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U.S. Agency for International Development
Advancement of Women
New USAID Funding Areas in 1998
USAID expects to commit up to $3 million in the next year for
programs that will directly support the objectives of this
conference. These include:
Democracy Commissions
Democracy Commission activities across Central and Eastern
Europe and the NIS (administered by USIA with FREEDOM
Support Act and SEED Act funding) will specifically reserve
10 percent of Fiscal Year 1998 funds for women's
organizations and initiatives -- approximately $200,000 for
CEE and $200,000 for NIS, for a total of $400,000. This
Small Grants Program, has made awards of up to $25,000 each
to women's NGOs and related projects in more than 13'
countries across the ENI region and will now even more
explicitly target women. Information on these programs can
be obtained from the U.S. Embassies in countries of the
region.
Politics and Persuasion
Small grant, technical assistance and training efforts to
promote Women in Media and Women in Political Party Building
are planned in Hungary and in Albania, with activities
totalling about $700,000.
Law and Leadership
In Ukraine, Winrock/Countrerpart support for training in
women's legal issues will be undertaken for women lawyers;
and NGO efforts will seek to improve the regulatory
environment within which women's NGOs must operate.
(Approximately $325,000). In Bulgaria, violence against
women will be addressed through policy outreach to
parliamentarians, research into legal and juridical
mechanisms and work with Bulgarian media to expand awareness
of this issue.
Business and Beyond
In Albania, training to women entrepreneurs, technical
advice to women's professional associations, job training
and microenterprise support for women will be funded at
about $500,000.
In Poland, women-owned business support organizations and
small businesses will receive technical assistance,
USAID
01/20'd 9973 647 202
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95:60 2661-20-701
U.S. Agency for International Development
training, and micro-lending of approximately $1 million. of
this, a new Women's Rural Enterprise Development loan fund
targetting women-owned small and medium businesses will
receive a $200,000 grant in fall, 1997.
While this paper identifies programs which specifically include
women as primary beneficiaries, participation of women in the
massive economic and democratic transitions underway in the
region is fundamental to our objectives and the concept and
purpose of inclusion is intrinsic to the entire USAID program.
These and other USAID-supported activities seek to give women the
requisite tools to shape their respective countries' policy
agendas and to combat problems such as higher levels of
unemployment and poverty for women, virtual collapse of the
social benefits system, widespread discrimination, limited access
to investment capital, exclusion from top policymaking circles,
and rising domestic violence.
Examples of Current USAID Support for Women
USAID will continue support for a range of programs that provide
small grants, training and technical assistance which are
available to all indigenous non-governmental organizations,
including women's groups. These activities expand the efforts of
indigenous groups that strengthen women's voices in both the
public and private sectors. Some examples include:
The Democracy Network, with a $30 million multi-year grant,
has been the largest source of small grants and training for
NGOs/PVOs in East/Central Europe. Grants have gone to
support an array of organizations and projects benefitting
women, from groups promoting women's legal rights and
political organization and advocacy skills to associations
of women entrepreneurs and institutes conducting research on
the status of women.
For the states of the former Soviet Union, the
Administration's fiscal year 1998 funding request to
Congress includes a $275 million increase over fiscal year
1997 to fund a new Partnership for Freedom program. This
program would significantly focus U.S. assistance on
partnerships that sustain civil society and develop people-
to-people linkages. Women's groups would be heavily
involved.
The Eurasia Foundation, with a multi-year grant to provide
small grants, technical assistance and credits to non-
governmental groups, has thus far devoted $25 million for
similar women's programs in the NIS. Over half of Eurasia's
USAID
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25:60
U.S. Agency for International Development
beneficiaries are women receiving small grants or credits.
Up to $20 million will be provided to Eurasia in fiscal year
1998.
USAID has provided over $40 million for micro-enterprise
development (both loans and technical assistance/training),
of which a large proportion of beneficiaries are women.
Loan size averages $2000.
The National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the
International Republican Institute (IRI) both carry out
skills training programs for women political leaders and
promising, younger female activists to ensure women are
integrally involved in decisionmaking at the community,
regional and national levels.
Delphi STAR (Strategies, Training, and Advocacy for
Reconciliation) is a tremendously successful $2 million
program in three former Yugoslav republics (Bosnia, Croatia,
and Macedonia) to strengthen women's NGOs, develop skilled
women's leadership in the political, economic, and social
spheres, and promote inter-ethnic reconciliation, tolerance
and pluralism.
Strengthening indigenous groups in Russia working to reduce
discrimination and violence against women, including
promotion of legal rights, crisis centers, and advocacy
training. Hospital Partnerships programs also support women
in this area.
USAID's Women's Reproductive Health programs in Russia,
Ukraine, Moldova, Romania, Albania, and Central Asia have
devoted more than $40 million to modernizing reproductive
health services and reducing reliance on abortion. In
Ukraine, a $4 million effort directed at areas affected by
Chernobyl is screening, diagnosing and treating women
afflicted by breast cancer.
In Ukraine and Russia, Winrock International's NIS-U.S.
Women's Consortium, is providing seed grants, training, and
advocacy programs for women's NGOs. USAID grants to Winrock
include $950,000 for Russia and $1.1 million for Ukraine.
A $1.5 million USAID project, PROWID (Promoting Women in
Development) administered by USAID's Office of Women in
Development, provides grants to local women's NGOs in
Central Europe and the NIS for research and advocacy in
women's issues. PROWID grants include awards to combat
legal discrimination against women (Russia), to educate
lawyers working in domestic violence (Russia), to develop an
integrated reproductive health strategy (Poland), to build
skills for participation in public life (Ukraine), and to
USAID
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U.S. Agency for International Development
broaden human rights activities (Croatia) Two U.S. NGOs
(International Center for Research on Women, ICRW, and the
Center for Development and Populations Activities (CEDPA)
implement this program.
The American Bar Association/Central and East European Law
Initiative (ABA-CEELI) assists in the development of
indigenous women's bar and judges associations, and
development of committees focussed on professional or career
issues related to women. In Russia, seminars and workshops
have also focussed on sexual harassment and domestic
violence.
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Albanian Women also participated in an exchange with NaNe, and utilized this
experience to incorporate NaNe's successful fundraising strategies into her organization's
plans.
ALBANIA
Democracy Network (DemNet) Program. USAID has been instrumental in
advising women's NGOs affecting important economic and political decision-making in
Albania. DemNet assisted in the creation of the first indigenous women's rights advocacy
group in Albania, the Women's Legal Group, composed of Albanian lawyers representing
11 women's NGOs. The Group engages in policy analysis, formulation, and advocacy of
legal rights and protections for women and girls. USAID provided legal and strategic
advice to the Women's Legal Group in their review of the draft Labor Code, and the
group succeeded in lobbying Parliament to adopt 12 of its recommended changes. As a
result, the new Labor Code of Albania mandates equal employment opportunities for
women through a legal prohibition on sexual discrimination in the workplace, guarantees
parental leave to care for a sick child, limits children's and pregnant women's working
hours, and permits women to work at night. In addition, DemNet Albania has awarded
12 subgrants totaling $35,000 to 7 NGOs focused on women's issues. Illustrative grants
include:
Through the League of Albanian Anti-Communist Women, research and advocacy
for policy reform on behalf of politically persecuted women, and support for increased
economic activities for these women though education, training, and relocation. The
League is now respected as an effective partner of the Albanian government in
preparation of its National Platform of Action for Women as a follow up to the UN's
Beijing Conference on Women ($2,094).
Through the Albanian Family Planning Association, public education on
reproductive rights and support for the drafting of a comprehensive law on reproductive
health. If enacted, the law would guarantee women access to family planning options and
to more accessible, higher-quality reproductive health care. ($13,000)
BULGARIA
Democracy Network Program. USAID has awarded grants to 12 primarily
woman-run NGOs undertaking activities in such areas as law, public education, and
ethnic reconciliation, and has provided training to woman-focused NGOs, including the
"We the Women for Dignity and Equality" Union in Sofia ($204,000 total). Illustrative
grants:
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voters are most concerned with economic issues. ($12,000 of the $35,000 referenced
below in "Law and Leadership").
Law and Leadership
CEE REGIONAL
Democracy Network (DemNet) Program. Through an agreement with the
International Center for Not- for-Profit Law, USAID has provided over $2 million in
support of NGO legal environment strengthening in 11 (soon to be 13) Central and East
European countries. ICNL is also a member of two newly-funded NGO development
consortia in Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, and the Central Asian Republics. In each of
these countries, ICNL works closely with NGO leaders, lawyers, and government officials
to build indigenous capacity to improve the legal and regulatory climate for NGOs.
Women-focused organizations -- like all NGOs -- benefit from improvements to laws
governing their establishment, operation, and tax status. In many countries, including
Albania and Macedonia, representatives of women's organizations have been at the
forefront of efforts to strengthen NGO legislation.
A second DemNet regional agreement with the National Forum Foundation has
provided asssitance to women's NGOs within the context of its mandate to strengthen
NGO networks CEE-wide ($206,000 total).
Activities supporting women have included:
Regional project grants promoting information dissemination, research, and
advocacy on women's and children's health and welfare issues ($9,200)
U.S.-based NGO internships for three women NGO leaders from the Czech
Republic and Albania working on issues related to women. Afroviti Gusho, Program
Coordinatro for an Albanian NGO, utilized her internship experience with the Women's
Education Center in Minnesota to organize seminars and round tables on women,
publish surveys, and establish a women's education center providing counseling and
training for women in business ($2,400).
Professional exchanges for NGo leaders from women-focused organizations in
Central and Eastern Europe. A recent exchange placed Maria Mikova of the Animus
Foundation, a Bulgarian NGO providing medical, psychiatric, and social assistance to
abused women, with an organization in Budapest called NaNe, which is highly successful
in the field of women's rights and support services. Jeta Vojkollari of Assistance to
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Through the 100% woman-run NGO "Legal Initiative for Education and
Development, " training for Bulgarian judges, prosecutors, lawyers, and jury members
($40,000)
Support to abused women ($5,995).
Social services for Roma women and children in Plovdiv ($5,100).
PROWID. Supports two NGOs, the Bulgarian Center for Human Rights and the
Bulgaria foundation, USAID is disseminating information to politicians, the media, and
the general public on the issue of violence against women ($?)
CENTRAL ASIA
Counterpart Consortium. Seed grants to women-focused organizations within a
comprehensive NGO strengthening program ($166,400 to date. 1995-1999 total funding is
$16 million, with $? estimated for women-focused activities).
CZECH REPUBLIC
Democracy Network Program. Thirty micro-grants to women's NGOs and
women-led NGOs covering a variety of topics including women in politics, women's
leadership training, human rights, nature conservation, mental illness, and family
counselling ($117,000 total).
ESTONIA
Democracy Network Program. Two grants ($20,000 total)::
Through the Estonian Association of Business and Professional Women, training
in international political participation, national/regional economic development, law and
politics, networking, and confidence-building ($14,000).
Through the Parnu Regional Union of Single Parents and using volunteers,
creation of a network of relevant groups, strengthen position of single parents through
legal and psychological consultations ($6,000).
HUNGARY
Democracy Network Program. Grants to organizations working on child and
family issues, women's business clubs and entrepreneurship, integrating Roma women
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into public life, advocating for disabled women, and developing a shelter and
reintegration program for single mothers ($57,000).
LATVIA
Democracy Network Program. Nine grants spanning issues such as children
rights, family planning, home health-care, training of social workers, and women's
leadership skills ($63,000 total). Illustrative grants:
Through Association for Family Planning and Sexual Health, creation of 12-part
video series, seminars, and telephone hotline ($7,800).
Training for home health care professionals to strengthen private, local provider
capacity ($2,500).
LITHUANIA
Democracy Network Program. Three grants awarded to women NGOs to assist
elderly women, small business creation, and protection of rights of unemployed and
economically at-risk women ($37,500 total). Illustrative grants:
Training and information services about laws, services, and jobs through the
Public Elderly Women Activities Center ($5,000).
Exhibitions, roundtables, and seminars on women's small business creation
($15,750).
A campaign to improve legislation protecting unemployed and at-risk women,
through seminars, a conference and a hotline ($17,000).
MACEDONIA
Democracy Network Program. Eight grants to woman-run NGOs active in
environmental protection activities, including environmental awareness campaigns, park
revitalization, and restoration of city parks ($40,000 total).
POLAND
Democracy Network Program. Ten grants covering women/family issues such as
alcohol-related abuse prevention, women leadership training, and at-risk children
($153,000 total). Illustrative grants:
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Training, medical and psychological support for mothers of autistic children
($15,000).
Through the SPES Association for the Disabled, training in advocacy skills for
mothers of physically or psychologically disabled children ($19,000).
Providing women with needs assessment, service planning/implementation, and
fundraising skills to address their communities' most pressing social problems ($8,000).
ROMANIA
Democracy Network Program. 15 grants to NGOs led by women and/or
promoting a wide variety of advocacy issues affecting women, including human rights,
unemployed divorcees with children, mother/child protection centers, and a national
action plan for mental health ($603,600 total). Illustrative grants:
Training for women in advocacy skills and to establish a national action plan for
mental health ($46,800).
Improving advocacy skills leading to passage of a law offering benefits to one-
parent families ($32,773).
Developing/promoting legislation to create mother and child protection centers
($24,000).
RUSSIA
ARD/Checchi - Rule of Law Consortium. In partnership with the Moscow Center
for Gender Studies and the Ukrainian Center for Women's Studies, practical training and
technical assistance to women's NGOs to further develop the sustained role of women in
legal reform, and support to women's legal committees working to increase NGO
participation in legal reform at the local, regional, and national levels. U.S.-based training
and internship programs on local government for 10 Russian women leaders. Support to
the Association of Women Journalists in Russia for domestic violence and sexual
harassment awareness activities, and to the Mother's Right Foundation for legal advice to
parents of soldiers killed in battle ($250,000).
Civic Initiatives Program. Small grants to women's organizations undertaking such
activities as public information campaigns and partnerships on health issues including
AIDS, and the development of a women's health and family planning clinic ($1 million to
date).
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Eurasia Foundation. Small grants to woman-led or focused NGOs engaged in civil
society development (including independent media), and political and economic reform.
($4.5 million total).
Academy for Educational Development. Participant training for women leaders in
a variety of sectors. ($20,000,000 total).
PVO/NIS Project. Grants to women-focused NGOs, specialized leadership training
for women, support for publications on women's human rights and breast cancer.
($5,683,632 total).
Illustrative grants include:
As part of an alcohol rehabilitation project, counseling for women on birth defects
and fetal alcohol syndrome.
Advocacy and public information on women's disability, and training on laws
protecting disabled workers.
Training and advocacy on reproductive health issues.
NIS/US Women's Consortium. Seed grant, training, and advocacy programs for
women's NGOs ($400,000).
SLOVAKIA
Democracy Network Program. Four grants to NGOs on issues such as women's
position in Slovak society, citizen initiatives, human rights protection, and protection of
abused children. ($131,000 total). Illustrative grants:
Through the Help Foundation, analysis of the position of women in Slovak society,
including reproductive rights, planned parenthood, sex education, and health/disability
issues. Goal is bring women more actively into dependency prevention ($25,000).
Through the Health City Foundation of Banska Bystrica, extension of community
activities throughout the region and a special citizen initiatives fund aimed at women's
concerns ($22,800). Democracy Network Program. USAID has awarded $1800 in grants to
two women's NGOs engaged in expanding women's contribution to the public debate.
These grants financed two seminars on women in Czech and international politics.
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ARD/Checchi - Rule of Law Consortium. In partnership with the Moscow Center
for Gender Studies and the Ukrainian Center for Women's Studies, practical training and
technical assistance to women's NGOs to further develop the sustained role of women in
legal reform, and support to women's legal committees working to increase NGO
participation in legal reform at the local, regional, and national levels. U.S.-based training
and internship programs on local government for 10 Ukrainian women leaders
($150,000).
Counterpart Consortium. Increases the NGO sector's capacity to provide social
services and engage in advocacy, and to strengthen the legal environment for NGOs.
Seed grants to women NGOs have totaled over $100,000, and numerous women-led
NGOs have participated in Counterpart's training programs ($100,000 in seed grants plus
$? in training of $7.5 million total).
Illustrative grants include:
Training and employment for women through the preservation of traditional crafts
($45,000).
Production and distribution of prosthetic devices to breast cancer survivors
($46,000).
Public education for women on political and economic issues ($10,000).
NIS/US Women's Consortium. NGO strengthening, entrepreneurship training, and
unbiased public information on human rights, legal defense, reproductive health, access
to western scholarships and grants, and advocacy issues ($350,000 obligated of total $1.1
million planned).
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Business and Beyond
ALBANIA
Land O'Lakes Dairy Improvement Campaign. Created a network of over 5,000
women (who make up 82% of livestock workers) that acts as a conduit for assistance
from other Albanian or international development groups.
Democracy Network Program. As further described above, DemNet Albania has
made a strong contribution towards women's equal participation in economic life. Small
grants to the Women's Business Association of Korca and to DeMeTra (Development,
Management, and Training) have created an assistance center for business associations
which provides institutional support to its members, education and training on business
issues, as well as coordination on policy analysis, formulation, and implementation of new
laws affecting business development. ($17,000 of the $35,000 referenced above in "Law
and Leadership.")
BULGARIA
Social Welfare to Employment Program (SWEP). Combines the services of labor
and social welfare agencies in addressing the problems of long-term welfare dependency
and preventing the cycle of poverty. A major target group are single mothers ($?)
BOSNIA
Bosnian Reconstruction Finance Facility On-Lending Management Unit. To date,
this program has created nearly 2,900 jobs for women.
International Rescue Committee. Psychosocial needs of war-traumatized women
and children ($7.6 million).
Delphi (STAR project). Training in organizational development, advocacy,
computer training, and networking to local women's groups. One result has been
the start of two women's magazines in Sarajevo ($2.1 million).
RUSSIA
Opportunity International. $3.6 million for programs targeting women
entrepreneurs (micro-credit, leasing, and business incubators.)
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Center for Citizen Initiatives and the Alliance of American and Russian Women.
Micro-credit, training, business incubator, and leasing programs targeting women
entrepreneurs ($4 million total).
Counterpart Consortium. Conference and follow-on training on "The Role of
Women in Rebuilding the Russian Economy" ($75,000 in 1994)
UKRAINE
Breast cancer screening program. Screening, diagnosis, and treatment of victims of
breast cancer associated with the 1986 Chernobyl reactor accident.
Training (USIA). Two training courses for women: Credit Programs for Women
Entrepreneurs, and Women in Politics ($250,000 total).
NIS-US Women's Consortium. Through a sub grant to Counterpart Creative
Center, this program provides training and technical assistance to women entrepreneurs
($171,513 of $1.1 million total referenced in "Law and Leadership.")
POLAND
Women's SME Development. Through ACDI/VOCA, USAID is providing
technical assistance to women-owned small and medium sized businesses and
women-owned business support organizations. ($ 3.4 million for an on-going project)
Women's Rural Enterprise Development Loan Fund. In the fall of 1997, USAID
will be awarding a grant to fund the only revolving loan program in Poland that targets
women-owned SMEs. ($200,000)
CEE/NIS REGIONAL
Women's Reproductive Health Programs. Women's health clinics, training for 's
health care providers, and increased access to contraceptives ($32 million to date in the
NIS. $8 million programmed in Romania, and $1.5 million in Albania).
Participant Training. In Central Europe, over 1,500 women benefitted from
USAID participant training during FY 1996. In the NIS, more than 1,600 women
participated in the NIS Exchanges and Training (NET) Project in FY1996. In excess of
$5.4 million of USAID funds were spent to train NIS women in FY 1996.
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UZBEKISTAN
Women's Microenterprise Development. Through a grant to Counterpart
Foundation, USAID will provide the Business Women's Association (BWA) with
technical assistance and training in client service provision, market research and
marketing, publication and dissemination of business information, regulations, credit and
partnership opportunities, networking and advocacy ($1,000,000 in FY97 or 98?).
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Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately scan
such dividers. The title from the original document is indicated below.
Divider Title: Tab E
AS PREPARED
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
THE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, DC
MAY 22, 1997
Dean Wolfowitz, Ambassador Nitze, administrators, faculty, students, award winners,
alumnae, relatives, friends, and distinguished guests:
Thank you for inviting me to help you celebrate this wonderful occasion. This school is
truly a microcosm of the world. Its graduates have made -- and will continue to make -- their
marks not just in diplomacy but in every arena connected to foreign policy, from business to to
law to communications to academia to grass roots advocacy. I know the President is grateful to
have a number of SAIS graduates working in his Administration.
Given your diverse backgrounds, interests and ambitions, it is fitting, I believe, that your
graduation comes so close to the 50th anniversary of the birth of the Marshall Plan. Secretary of
State George Marshall's vision shaped a new world in the second half of the 20th century. You,
with the benefit of the knowledge and wisdom you have acquired here, have the chance to shape
an even better world in the century that lies ahead.
And because you are, at least for a few more minutes, a captive audience, I want to take
this opportunity to share a few of my own observations about the responsibilities and challenges
that await you. I speak not as a foreign policy expert or as a spokesperson for the White House,
but merely as someone who cares deeply about our nation's engagement in the world and the
preservation of our democratic interests at home and abroad.
You in this room know better than most that, on the eve of a new century, our foreign
policy does not lack for challenges. Earlier this month, the President met with our democratic
partners in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean to advance our Hemisphere's efforts to
build an inclusive and expanding global economy. Next week he will travel to Europe to
celebrate the Marshall Plan and to reaffirm our nation's commitment to Marshall's dream of a
united, democratic and peaceful Europe.
Every day, the Administration is working to create new opportunities for trade and
cooperation in Asia, to seize new opportunities for peace from Northern Ireland to the Middle
East, to promote new opportunities for economic progress and democracy in Africa, and to build
on the opportunity we now have to integrate fully the countries of the former Soviet Bloc into the
family of free nations.
1
And the President continues to work to safeguard our people from the threats of nuclear
war, terrorism, extremism, international crime, the proliferation of drugs and environmental
degradation - all of which can produce instant global crises, as well as the "crisis simulations
that some of you study with Professor Holborn each spring.
While each of these challenges requires vigilance and commitment, I want to suggest
another foreign policy flashpoint that demands equal attention. I am talking about social
development - particularly investments in women and children - which I believe represents a
realistic, practical and moral approach to foreign policy. A way to fuse both American ideals and
interests.
I have long subscribed to the belief that investments in people are just as essential to the
prosperity and stability of our national family and global community as investments in open
markets and trade. That belief has only been deepened by what I have seen first-hand as I have
traveled around the world on behalf of the United States during these last four years.
From Brazil to Bangladesh, Estonia to Eritrea, Mexico to Mongolia, Thailand to
Tanzania, I have seen how social investments -- often supported by America's public, private
and non-profit sectors -- are giving more people, especially women, the chance to participate
fully in the political, economic, social and civic life of their countries.
I can't count the times that women have come up to me - in rural villages, in poor
barrios, in urban slums - to recount how their lives have been transformed because they
received a small loan and started their own business. Or because their daughters now had the
chance to go to school. Or because a family planning clinic opened in their area and, for the first
time, they could plan how many children to have and when to have them. Or because a new law
had been passed protecting their rights to own property, hold office, or vote.
Increasingly, governments, businesses, and leaders around the world are recognizing that
as long as discrimination and inequities persist -- as long as women are valued less, fed less, fed
last, overworked, underpaid, unschooled and subjected to violence in and out of their homes --
our potential to create a stable, peaceful and ultimately prosperous world will be far from
realized.
They are also recognizing that a democracy without the full participation of women is a
contradiction in terms. For too long, in too many places, women have lived on the outskirts of
opportunity. Today, women comprise 70 percent of the world's poor and two-thirds of those who
are not taught to read and write. Women die daily from diseases that could have been prevented
or treated. They too often are forced to watch their children succumb to malnutrition caused by
poverty. They too often are denied the right to go to school by their own fathers and brothers.
And they too often are barred from the bank lending office and banned from the ballot box.
2
In some countries, women continue to be denied the right to participate fully on cultural
or historical grounds. But, as Secretary of State Albright has said, excluding women -- denying
them their God-given rights -- is not cultural, it is criminal.
It is also impractical and shortsighted in the age in which we live. I will always remember
the wise words of Uganda's vice president -- a woman -- who told me: "For too long our leaders
forgot that women are the ones who knit society together. They forget that women are the ones
who care for their families, anchor their communities, look to the future and worry not just about
themselves, but about society. Finally, today, we are remembering. And our country is better for
it."
We know that we cannot build the kind of future we want without the contributions of
women. In fact, I often wonder what would happen to the economies of the world if women just
stopped working - inside and outside the home.
This is much more than speculation. Deputy Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers, who
has studied and written about the economics of development for many years, argues that,
"Investment in the education of girls may well be the highest return investment available in the
developing world."
In Uganda, one of six countries I visited on my recent trip to Africa, I saw the fruits of
President Museveni's efforts to promote the education of girls when I went to the Seguku
Primary School in Kampala. A very patient and determined teacher, who was in charge of 74
students, proudly told me that for the first time she has more girls than boys in her class.
Everywhere I turned, it seemed that Ugandans understood that investing in girls is tantamount to
investing in the country and its future.
But even if you subscribe to the notion that social investments are critical to progress in
developing countries, some of you may be asking yourselves why investing in women should be
a concern of our foreign policy here in the United States?
We live in a time of great transformation. One need only read the daily headlines to
understand that, even as country after country embraces democracy and free markets, the rapid
pace of change, global competition and the Information Revolution are creating new pressures on
every institution in society, from governments on down to families.
The superficial cultural homogenization of the world means that people on every
continent wear the same jeans, eat the same fast food, and listen to the same music. But these
surface similarities do not override a longing for identity and meaning in their lives. Despite
improving material conditions in advanced economies, families seem under greater stress. The
gap between rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries such as ours, the social safety net --
health care, education, pensions, decent wages and good jobs -- is in danger of fraying for those
less able to navigate this new world.
3
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for us as we approach the 21st century:
Questions about how to balance individual and community rights and responsibilities; about how
families will raise children in the face of pressures from the mass media and the consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of globalization, information overload, and
high technology; about the roles of women in society; about how people will be able to preserve
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about how nations will protect their
sovereignty while cooperating regionally and globally with others; about how or whether
multinational corporations will be regulated within or across borders; and about how
governments will combat threats from international cartels and terrorists.
As the President has said, our challenge is to balance these competing and sometimes
contradictory pressures of global integration and disintegration.
As we consider how free nations like ours will meet this this challenge, we may need to
be reminded that democracy is not just about our legally protected rights, elections, or even free
market economies. It is about the internalization of democratic values in people's hearts, minds
and everyday lives. It's about developing among democratic nations what I call an "alliance of
values" based on the shared values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility, community and
respect for human rights.
And that alliance means that every nation bears the responsibility to ensure that all of its
citizens - no matter their race, gender, religion or ethnic background - have the chance to take
their seat at society's table.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important for women -- even for women in
countries such as ours who still are striving to attain and define their rightful place in
government, the economy and civil society and claim their share of personal, political, economic
and civic power. And it has serious implications for whether our democracies, individually and
collectively, will meet the challenges of the future.
Will democracies on every continent come to understand that issues affecting women are
not soft or marginal, but are central to the prosperity and progress of every nation?
Will public and private institutions help empower women with the tools they need to take
responsibility for their lives? And by that I mean: Will education be affordable and accessible SO
that women can acquire the skills and knowledge they need to help themselves and contribute to
society? Will businesses initiate policies that make work more family-friendly. like child care,
flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers values women by paying them equal pay for
equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more efficiently to protect women from
violations of their legal rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
4
Will financial institutions provide credit for women - especially poor women who,
around the world, have shown that with access to small loans they can lift themselves and their
families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that issues of concern to women are
issues that affect us all?
These are not abstract questions. They reflect, in practical terms, the kinds of issues you
will face as diplomats, bankers, lawyers, business people, and advocates once you leave SAIS.
Because inevitably, if we care about opening foreign markets if we care about
making
our
country and our allies secure in the face of new post-Cold War threats
if we care about
enlarging the world's community of democracies
if we care about widening the circle of
peace and prosperity
then we have to address the conditions and circumstances of the world's
women.
What we have learned around the world is that if women are healthy and educated, their
families will flourish. If women have a chance to work and earn as full and equal partners in
society, their families will flourish. And when families flourish, communities and nations
flourish.
This is not just true for the developing world. In our own country, and across Europe,
there is a serious debate underway about how to sustain economic growth without tearing at the
social fabric and ripping apart the social safety net. There is a growing awareness that solutions
cannot be solely government-driven or market-driven. They must reflect a balance of public,
private and individual power. And women must be part of the equation.
That is why, for the first time, our own government is recognizing the importance of
microcredit as a way of expanding the tools of opportunity for people on the margins of society,
most of whom are women. It is why our Justice Department now has, for the first time, an office
devoted to ending violence against women.
It is why we are supporting efforts in other countries to establish special police stations
where women can be assured of fair and just treatment when they are victims of crime or abuse.
It is why we support the International War Crimes Tribunal in Arusha, which is investigating and
prosecuting those who use rape as a weapon of war. It is why we will take part in global efforts to
crack down on the illegal trafficking of women and girls, just as we seek justice and punishment
for those who traffic in drugs.
I, for one, am proud that the United States is a leader in this area and that, as Secretary of
State Albright has said, we are committed to making women an integral part of our foreign policy
not just in theory, but in practice. I am proud of our efforts, through the U.S. Agency for
International Development and other entities, to support investments in women in Asia, Africa,
Latin America and Europe.
5
The plain fact is: a modest investment in foreign aid -- less than one percent of our budget
-- yields dramatic returns. Not that I believe that American aid, whether for microcredit projects,
family planning, girls education or any other social investments, is a panacea for women or for
democracy around the world. Nor that I am starry-eyed enough to believe that every just cause in
the world, whether or not it is related to women, is ours to embrace.
But I do believe that social investments are vital to spreading our democratic ideals,
strengthening free market interests, and enhancing our security. And I do believe that we have
learned over time that our ideals and interests cannot be divorced from the political, economic
and social cross-currents swirling around us.
Social development, the investment in people and their potential, is foreign policy, not
social work. It is, as I said earlier, a realistic and moral way for the United States to help expand
the global economy, nurture democracy, and improve our own chances for peace and prosperity.
And as we move ahead to a new century, I hope we will measure American engagement
not just in terms of our strategic alliances, trade agreements, and humanitarian aid in the wake of
tragedy and crisis. I hope we will measure it in the democratic values we reinforce, the human
rights we defend, and the opportunities we create for ourselves at home and for our friends
abroad.
And I hope that in the days and months ahead, after you have taken leave of this
wonderful school, you will remember George Marshall and the vision he created at a time when
the world seemed just as challenging and unpredictable as it does today. I hope you will carry
with you a belief in democracy and in its promise to give all citizens the chance to live up to their
God-given potential. And mos of all, I hope you will always have faith in your own capacity to
move us closer to a peaceful, just and prosperous world.
Thank you. And Godspeed.
###
6
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10
10TH STORY of Level 1 printed in FULL format.
Copyright 1997 Federal Document Clearing House, Inc.
FDCH Political Transcripts
March 12, 1997, Wednesday
TYPE: NEWS EVENT
LENGTH: 5769 words
HEADLINE: DELIVERS REMARKS WITH FIRST LADY HILLARY CLINTON AT A STATE
DEPARTMENT EVENT IN HONOR OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY; WASHINGTON, D.C.
SPEAKER:
MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, SECRETARY OF STATE
HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON, FIRST LADY OF THE
UNITED STATES
BODY:
ALBRIGHT: Thank you very much.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you very much, Tim, for that exceptionally warm and friendly
introduction.
Mrs. Clinton, Dame Eugenia Charles, Geraldine Ferraro, Members of Congress,
Excellencies, and friends, I am delighted to welcome hte first lady and all of
you to the State Department's observance of International Women's Day.
I also want to thank that really great feminist Tim Wirth and Teresa Loar for
the tremendous job that they are doing. When the globe is your constituency,
you tend to be pretty busy, and no one burns energy more efficiently than our
team at global affairs.
Let me begin this morning with one very simple statement. Advancing the
status of women is not only a moral imperative, it is being actively integrated
into the foreign policy of the United States.
(APPLAUSE)
It is our mission. It is the right thing to do. And frankly, it is the
smart thing to do.
The reason is that, as we approach the new century, we know that we cannot
build the kind of future we want without the contribution of women. And we know
that, around the world, women will only be able to contribute to their full
potential if they have equal access, equal rights, equal protection, and a fair
chance at the levers of economic and political power.
Towards these goals, we have made progress. I said once that if I had been
born a generation or two earlier, and if I had wanted to make a definitive
statement on American foreign policy, my only option would have been to enter
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
society and then pour tea into an offending ambassador's lap.
(LAUGHTER)
Today, women are engaged in every facet of international affairs from
policymaking to deal-making, from arms control to trade, from court room at the
War Crimes Tribunal to the far-flung operations of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, and to the top floor of the State Department.
So we have much to celebrate. We also have much further to go.
During my recent round-the-world trip, I met with six presidents, four prime
ministers, eight foreign ministers, three defense ministers, two premiers, one
chancellor, one secretary general, and one trade minister.
And if you put us all in one room, you would have had 26 suits and my skirt.
(LAUGHTER)
This lack of representation at the top is mirrored throughout the political
and economic structures of most nations. Whether one is bumping against a glass
ceiling or standing on a dirt floor, equality remains for most more aspiration
than reality.
It is in America's interests to change this. Advancing the status of women
is directly related to our foreign policy goals. We want to build peace and
expand the circle of democracy. We want to sustain a growing global economy
that creates good jobs for Americans. And we want to see a future in which the
values we cherish are more widely shared.
ALBRIGHT: In each case, we can't get from where we are to where we want to go
if women are left on the sidelines. Women must be integrated at every step of
the way.
Consider, for example, the pursuit of peace. I am not among those who
believe that if the world were run solely by women, war would disappear. The
human capacity for folly and miscalculation is widely shared. But the history
of this century tells us that democracy is a parent to peace. And common sense
tells us that true democracy is not possible without the full participation of
women.
The Beijing conference has created new momentum for women to speak out, get
involved, organize, vote and become candidates for office. The vast network of
non-governmental organizations that women have built is focused on these tasks.
Greater participation translates into richer democracy and more representative
policies. And in those regions where democracy makes the greatest difference for
peace, women are hard at work creating and expanding the institutions for
freedom.
I have seen in Bosnia the efforts of women's groups to heal the wounds of
ethnic division. The women of that country are determined to build a society in
which they, who have paid a fearful price for wrong decisions in the past, will
have a role in making the right decisions in the future.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
I have seen in Central Europe and the new independence states the birth of
movements designed to give women a real voice in the construction of new
democracies. This is crucial because women were hardest hit by the economic and
social disruptions of recent years.
I have seen in Burundi hundreds of women from the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic
groups working side by side to prevent in their country the genocidal violence
that caused so much suffering in neighboring Rwanda.
During and since the women's conference, I have seen representatives of
groups from around the world African, Asian, Latin, Jewish, Islamic and
Christian -- joined in a common cause of sustaining the global momentum towards
more open and representative political systems. That is, their goal, and, as
Americans, it is our goal. So is economic growth.
Since 1993, under President Clinton's leadership, we have negotiated more
than 200 trade agreements, given a tremendous boost to international commerce,
and created millions of new jobs. But for the world's economy to keep growing,
women everywhere must have increased
access to the building blocks of economic opportunity and power. A growing
economy requires a modern economy. And as Turkey's Kemal Ataturk said seven
decades ago, you cannot catch up with the modern world by modernizing only half
the population.
Despite recent gains, women remain an undervalued and underdeveloped human
resource. That is not to say that women have trouble finding work.
ALBRIGHT: In many societies, in addition to bearing the children, women do
most of the non-child-related work, but often women are barred from owning land,
excluded from schools, provided less nourishment, and permitted little or no
voice in government.
It is no accident that most of those in the world who are abjectly poor are
women. Frequently, they are left to care for children without the help of the
children's father. Many are trapped at a young age in a web of ignorance and
abuse.
Women are prepared to be full partners in sustainable development. But they
education, decent health care, access to credit, and protection from violence.
They need knowledge, and the power to make our own choices.
We know from experience that when that happens, the cycle of poverty can be
broken, birth rates stabilized, environmental awareness increases, the spread of
sexually-transmitted disease slows, and socially-constructive values are more
likely to be passed on to the young. That is a priceless and lasting gift to
the future.
We also serve the future when we stand up for basic values of law and respect
for the dignity of every human being. A half a century ago, a great American
first lady was the driving force behind the adoption of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. In Beijing, another great first lady eloquently
reaffirmed America's commitment to that declaration and in its application to
all people, specifically including women and girls.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
Now I don't know whether this resulted from a conversation between these two
first ladies.
(LAUGHTER)
But I do know that the universal declaration reflects spiritual and moral
values that are all central to all cultures. Respecting both the wondrous
diversity that defines us and the common humanity that binds us, the declaration
obliges all governments to strive in law and practice to protect the rights of
those under their jurisdiction.
And by its very existence, it shows that whether a government fulfills that
obligation is a matter not simply of domestic, but of universal concern.
Unfortunately today, around the world, appalling abuses are being committed
against women. There are those who suggest that many of these abuses are
cultural and there's nothing we can do about it.
I say they are criminal and it's the responsibility of each and every one of
us to stop them.
(APPLAUSE)
It is encouraging that in the wake of Beijing, efforts to curb violence
against women have surged. In country after country, we see projects designed
to heighten awareness and gain for women greater protection under the law.
This matters because every time a special police unit is created to insure a
prompt response to sexual or domestic abuse, every time a cooperative effort is
undertaken to end female genital mutilation, every time a program is launched to
halt the exploitation of women and girls, every time strides are made toward the
equal valuation of women as individuals, family members and citizens, our world
is uplifted and we are all enriched.
ALBRIGHT: In the effort to advance the status of women, the United States is
a leader. But a leader cannot, and we are not, standing still.
At President Clinton's initiative, we are incorporating concerns related to
women into the mainstream of American foreign policy. What does that mean?
For one thing, it means that the President's Interagency Council on Women,
created last year to implement the Beijing Platform for Action, will be chaired
this year by the Department of State. It means that our overseas aid programs
will continue to emphasize projects that expand the ability of women to
participate economically and politically, to gain access to education and
healthcare, including reproductive healthcare, and to protect themselves against
violence and disease.
It means that we will place special emphasis on the institutions of civil
society that include women and refugee relief that is designed to meet women's
needs. It means that we will continue to report honestly and thoroughly on
violations of human rights, and that we will denounce those violations whether
they are sins of omission by those who refuse to investigate or prosecute
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
domestic abuse, or sins of commission by dictators, such as those in Burma or
extremists in Afghanistan.
It means that we will continue to back the International War Crimes
Tribunals, because we believe that the authors of ethnic cleansing should be
held accountable, and those who see rape as just another weapon of war should
pay for their crimes.
(APPLAUSE)
It means that we will take part in a global effort to crack down on illegal
trafficking in women and girls. And let me say that if those who traffic in
drugs should be punished severely and they should so should those who
traffic in human beings.
(APPLAUSE)
Finally, it means, because I said that I would tell it like it is, when I go
to North Carolina in a couple of weeks to speak at the Jesse Helms Center, I
will state explicitly that it is long past time for America to become party to
the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women.
(APPLAUSE)
As I think many people know now, I have a very good relationship with the
chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and we agree when we can, and we
disagree agreeably when we don't agree on the subject.
The integration of women into our foreign policy is an active, ongoing
worldwide process. It requires working not only with other governments but also
with non-governmental organizations and other agents of progress. It affects
everything, from the design of aid programs to policy decisions made by our
bureaus here in Washington, to embassy activities around the globe. And it
reflects our understanding that progress requires not simply opening doors, but
a vigorous effort to reach out and spread the word that the old era of injustice
and repression must end SO that a new era of opportunity and full participation
may dawn.
Before closing, I want to say a few words about our next speaker, for she is
certainly one of the women we have incorporated into the mainstreams of our
foreign policy.
ALBRIGHT: During the past four years, Hillary Rodham Clinton has become
America's most-respected and valued albeit unofficial ambassador. She has
advocated America's agenda of peace, democracy, economic growth and law from
India to Indonesia, from China to Copenhagen and from Ukraine to a memorable
diplomatic and culinary experience in Ulan Bator.
(LAUGHTER)
She brings to her assigned tasks enormous energy, brains, commitment and
volumes of eloquence. Those of you who have done public speaking know how hard
it can be to excite an audience at least without getting into trouble.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
(LAUGHTER)
Imagine how hard it is when that audience comes from 150 different countries
and when most of them are sitting there with earphones on, wires going every
way, listening to emotionless and not always accurate translation.
And yet, this woman, the honorary chair of our delegation, electrified
precisely that kind of an audience in Beijing. Her message still echoes. Her
contributions to American leadership continue to build. Her wisdom has become
an international force for good -- all this and a Grammy award, too.
(LAUGHTER)
As secretary of state, I can think of no greater blessing than to have the
first lady at my side and on America's side.
This weekend, at my request, she will travel to Africa, a region of great
importance to the United States and to the progress of women. I look forward to
hearing about her trip, and I know we all look forward to hearing from her now.
Please welcome our terrific first lady, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
(APPLAUSE)
CLINTON: Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you very much. Thank you so much, Secretary Albright I still love
to say that.
(LAUGHTER)
We are gathered today to celebrate International Women's Day in the heart of
the State Department, and we do, as Americans, have much to celebrate starting
with a secretary of state who, yes, broke a barrier by virtue of her own gender,
but who much more importantly is committed to defending the rights, not just of
Americans, but of citizens around the world regardless of gender.
Not only has Madeleine Albright broken many a glass ceiling, she has brokered
many a peace. Not only has she opened many doors, she has opened many minds.
And since she mentioned it, I would say that in my last conversation with Mrs.
Roosevelt
(LAUGHTER)
she told me how pleased she was that her husband had appointed the first
women to the Cabinet in United States history, and how pleased she was that my
husband had appointed the first woman secretary of state.
(APPLAUSE)
I thank Secretary Albright for her leadership, her courage, and on a personal
note, her friendship.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
CLINTON: And I am delighted that she has agreed to serve as the new chair for
the President's Interagency Council on Women, ably assisted by Teresa Loar and
Tim Wirth, and others of you here.
We all know that countless responsibilities face our new secretary of state,
and all of us. Our foreign policy does not lack for challenges. We must
continue to reduce weapons of mass destruction. We must realize the centuries
dream of a wholly united, democratic and peaceful Europe. We must work to
capture new opportunities in Asia, to seize opportunities for peace in the
Middle East and other areas that are strategic not only to the United States,
but to the entire globe.
We must work with our partners in Latin America, Africa and elsewhere to
build an inclusive and expanding global economy. We must safeguard our people
from the threats of terrorism, extremism, international crime, drugs and
environmental degradation.
While all of these require our attention and commitment, today I have come to
advance a simple idea -- and that is the seamless inclusion of girls' and
women's needs in American foreign policy.
Despite the work they do, the families they raise, the communities they hold
together, too many of the world's women, particularly in developing nations,
live on the outskirts of opportunity and equality.
But let me be clear. This challenge is not confined to the developing world.
We still have plenty of work to do here in the United States and in other
advanced economies of the world to insure that women have a full stake in
democracy.
One goal in every country should be to see that all citizens, regardless of
race or gender or ethnicity or religion, have a full place at their society's
table.
If you'll forgive just a slight diversion, yesterday I was in Arkansas. I
visited people who had been hit by a terrible tornado in the morning. Even
before that disaster struck, these were people already working overtime to build
good lives, to reach their aspirations. The full benefits of American society
were still a long way away for them. After this tornado, all that they had
worked for, all they had hoped for seems lost.
Later that day, I spoke at an event that helps raise funds to send single
parents, primarily women, to college or vocational school. I heard stories from
five women, who told us what it had meant that
their society in the form of those who had raised these funds reached out and
told them that they could make something of their own lives.
CLINTON: They could go to college. They could support themselves and their
children. They had heard the message that is even still too often conveyed in
America that they weren't worth very much, that nobody really cared too much
about them.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
As one young woman said Five years ago, I was in a battered woman's
shelter in Fayetteville, Arkansas. I had nothing. I not only didn't have a
car, I didn't have a driver's license. And my face looked as though it had been
run over by a truck. All of a sudden there were people there who convinced me
that I could make something of myself and care for my nine-month-old son. I
thought to myself, how can these people believe in me, that I could go to
college, that I could support myself? How could these people care about me when
my own husband didn't care about me?
Those stories, as I heard them, reminded me of stories that I have heard
around the world as women in Bangladesh or India or Nicaragua or Chile stood
up and told me what it meant to them to have someone believe that they, too,
could make a living for their families, that the skills they had would be valued
in the marketplace, that their children, especially their daughters, could have
a better life.
The women last night were helped to return to school. And today, they are
citizens of the United States in the fullest sense of that word.
Whenever disparities of wealth exist in our country and around the world, it
means that people are left by the side of the road, detoured off the information
highway, unable to take advantage of democracy's opportunities. What America
must do for its own sake, as well as for the sake of its leadership in the world
we are in today and that we are entering tomorrow is to promote democracy and
civil society in every nation, so that all citizens -- every man, woman and
child can live up to their God-given potential.
But one may ask -- Well it's fine for me to care about the women of Arkansas,
but why should I or any American care about women in developing countries and
around the world? Why should women, as Secretary Albright just eloquently
explained, be a concern of ours and our foreign policy here in the United
States?
Well, what the secretary said, and what this administration believes is that
if half of the world's citizens are undervalued, underpaid, undereducated,
under-represented, fed less, fed worse, not heard, put down, we cannot sustain
the democratic values and the way of life we have come to cherish.
CLINTON: If, as a nation, Americans care about opening foreign markets for
American goods and services, if we care about making our country secure in the
face of new threats, if we care about widening the circle of peace and
prosperity, then we must address the conditions and circumstances of the world's
women.
You in this room know better than anyone else that our world is in a time of
great transformation, heralding ever more democracy, leading, we hope, to ever
more peace. But the great promise of this time is not without its challenges.
Global competition, the information revolution, the rapid pace of change, create
pressures on every society, from governments down to families. And these
pressures pose unavoidable questions for us as we approach the 21st century.
How do we figure out ways to balance individual and community rights and
responsibilities? How do parents raise children in the face of the influences
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
of the mass media and consumer culture? What do we make of what seems to be a
conflict in many instances between personal identity and the work available in
an age of globalization and high technology? What about the roles of women in
society? How will people preserve their ethnic pride and value their national
citizenship? And how will nations protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these questions, and how a free nation like ours will respond
to them, we may need to be reminded that democracy is not just about
legally-protected rights, elections, or free market economies. It is about the
internalization of democratic values in people's hearts and minds. It is about
how, in the absence of either hot or cold wars, democracy is rooted in people's
everyday lives.
Given the changes that are going on around us, we can no longer gauge our
interests around the world solely through power blocs and vast arsenals. Across
the globe, here at home, at the end of the Cold War, we have been freed to focus
on issues that edge right up to our own front doors. How do we educate our
children? How do we ensure that families have proper healthcare? How do we
ensure that democracies and free markets produce citizens, not just consumers?
CLINTON: I have said before that in this time of challenge around the globe,
we know we will continue to cope with what is often thought of as the
traditional balance of power among countries.
But I would also argue that we must now add to that balance of power
equation, often called Realpolitik, the idea that real life politik may be just
as intimately connected with whether or not democracies survive and flourish.
These issues that we speak of today should not be considered women's issues,
but certainly it is fair to say that women often, by necessity, become the
world's experts on the hazards and vicissitudes of life, and they therefore
often understand and appreciate more clearly that they have a vested interest in
insuring that their societies and governments address these real life
challenges.
I have seen for myself on continent after continent the solutions that women
are forging new mothers in Jakarta, Indonesia, who gather every week to learn
about family planning and better nutrition for their children; doctors and
nurses in Belarus and Ukraine, who are caring for the children of Chernobyl;
women from Santiago to San Diego, who are working on issues as diverse as
education, crime and the environment.
These issues are central to our global democratic interests, for what
distinguishes democracy is. fair and genuine participation in every aspect of
life. It should be too obvious to point out, but unfortunately it isn't, that
giving women a stronger voice and fuller say over their futures is intimately
related to the health of democracies because women are the majority in most
countries and the world over.
America's credo should ring clearly a democracy without the full
participation of women is a contradiction in terms. To reach its full
potential, it must include all of its citizens.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
Clearly, whether we succeed in strengthening democratic values around the
world is of special consequence to women, who in our country and elsewhere are
still striving to attain and even define their rightful place in government, the
economy and civil society, and to claim their rightful share of personal,
political, economic and civic power.
Raising the status of women and girls and investing in their potential means
insuring that they have the tools of opportunity available to them education,
healthcare, credit and jobs, legal protections, and the right to participate
fully in the political life of their countries.
And that is why the United States must continue its bipartisan tradition of
supporting initiatives that move our world closer to these goals.
Today, more than 600 million women worldwide are denied the opportunity of an
education.
CLINTON: Women make up two thirds of those who can neither read nor write.
Yet the single most important investment any developing nation can make is in
the education of girls and women.
We are discovering that in country after country the benefits of educating
women go far beyond the classroom and the school house. They go to stronger
families, better health, nutrition, wages and levels of political participation:
I have seen how the support of the United States for the education of women
and girls worldwide is paying off. I have seen how similar social investments
also many supported by the United States -- can make a difference in
countries as diverse as Brazil, the Philippines, Nepal and Pakistan.
Certainly, as I travel around the world and as many of you do likewise, we
have seen with our own eyes that investing in girls and women helps to transform
communities, which in turn can transform society.
Women will not flourish and neither will democracy if they continue to be
undervalued inside and outside the home. I have had many experts in economic
development around the world say to me that women's work is not part of the
economies of countries, that women do not participate in the economic markets of
the countries.
And yet I have seen with my own eyes as I've travelled through urban areas
and remote world ones that women are bearing often the bulk of the load of the
work that must be done to plant crops, to harvest them, to make it possible for
small enterprises to flourish in market stalls.
So I know that women are working. Their contributions may not be counted in
the gross domestic product of their societies, but they are of value. If all
the women in the world tomorrow said they would not work outside the home, the
economies of every country would collapse.
And it's time that we
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
(APPLAUSE)
It is time that we honored and counted the contributions that women make both
in the home and outside.
Investing in women also means investing in their health, and in turn in the
health of their families. I am especially pleased that the United States has
provided assistance through the United States
Agency for International Development to assure that women, children and families
have access to a full spectrum of low cost, high yield health care services from
safe birthing kits for expectant mothers to basic immunizations for infants, to
oral rehydration therapy to treat children suffering from diarrhea.
I want to say a special world about family planning and it's importance in
this larger effort.
CLINTON: Family planning is fundamental to letting women take responsibility
for themselves and their children. Right now, however, roughly 100 million
women worldwide cannot get, or are not using family planning services because
they are poor, uneducated or do not have access to care.
Some 20 million women will seek unsafe abortions. Of these women, some may
become disabled for life, some will have other health problems, but
fundamentally the rate of unsafe abortions is in itself a tragedy. High
abortion rates do not represent women's equality. They represent a failure on
all our parts to help women prevent unwanted pregnancies in the first place.
If we really care about reducing abortion and fostering strong families, we
must not back away from America's commitment to family planning efforts
overseas.
(APPLAUSE)
And if we really care about making women equal partners in societies the
world over, we must do everything in our power to fight violence against women.
Whether it is a hidden crime of domestic abuse or a blatant tactic of war, no
single social investment is a panacea for women or for developing countries.
Nor should every just cause in the world be America's to embrace.
But I do believe that, as long as discrimination and inequities persist on a
broad scale way against women, a stable prosperous world will be far from a
reality.
Taken together our investments in social development are vital to
strengthening free market interests, spreading our democratic ideals and
enhancing our security.
Over time, America has learned that our ideals and interests cannot be
divorced from the political, economic, social cross-currents swirling around us.
I hope we have also learned that engagement with the world represents
opportunities at home, as well as obligations abroad.
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FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
Let me give you just one modest example. I spoke recently at a conference
sponsored by USAID called Lessons Without Boarders. At the conference,
Baltimore's Mayor Kurt Schmoke told how government leaders from his city had
gone to Africa to learn about simple low-cost strategies used on that continent
to encourage parents to immunize their children.
Now similar programs are in place in Baltimore with community clinics, a
vaccination van, door-to-door visits and the resulting higher immunization rates
for children under three.
CLINTON: We can learn from our neighbors around the world. And many of the
lessons we can learn, we will find, are lessons that have been helped to be
taught by our own foreign policy engagement.
Less than one percent of our budget yet countless lives can be improved
and we can improve lives here at home.
Before I close, I want to say word about my forthcoming trip to Africa. I
was very honored to be asked to make this trip because I think that America's
engagement in the world must include an engagement with subsaharan Africa.
Contemporary history is story that citizens and countries are writing. And
there is a new story that must be told. Every region is contributing its own
chapter.
Africa has a remarkable story if we will only pay attention to it.
It is moving toward democracy. In the last six years, the number of
democracies have jumped from five to 23. Africa is growing economically, moving
from suffocating state-controlled economies to open markets that can give full
life and scope to human endeavor.
Last year, 30 countries recorded positive economic growth. Africa is
beginning to forge a new relationship with the United States, one based not just
on aid but on shared ideals, mutual responsibilities, integration into the world
economy, and partnerships designed to resolve conflicts and to meet common
challenges.
To be sure, many of the African democracies are new and therefore fragile.
Hope remains tenuous. Too much of the continent continues to be riven by
disease, malnutrition, poverty, injustice, corruption, perilous conflicts and
their terrible aftermath refugee crises that trap women and children
especially, and lives that go from bad to worse.
And yet and yet, in spite of these challenges, for the first time, we can
say that at this moment in history there in Africa grounds for far more hope
than despair. And with the support of the United States, we can solidify that
hope.
I will be privileged to visit Senegal, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Tanzania,
Uganda and Eritrea. And I am pleased that SO many of the ambassadors from those
countries and other countries in Africa are with us today.
PAGE
22
FDCH Political Transcripts, March 12, 1997
I hope to witness firsthand and to highlight each country's efforts to build
democracy and a strong civil society. I will focus
particularly on grassroots initiatives and on efforts that affect women and
children.
I hope this trip will give the American people a renewed sense of the
importance of our commitment to Africa.
CLINTON: I hope it will lay out exactly why we must do our utmost to support
democracy and social investment in Africa, and to strengthen Africa's place in
the community of nations.
And I hope it will show that American engagement must be measured not just in
aid dollars or humanitarian efforts in the wake of tragedy and crisis, but in
the democratic values we reinforce, in the human rights we defend, and in the
conflicts we help resolve preventively.
There are, to be sure, issues of America's national security at stake.
Instability in Africa whether it is rooted in war, in terrorism, in organized
crime, in disease, in environmental degradation and poverty -- touches us too.
There are also economic issues at stake. Right now the United States holds
only seven percent of the African market of 600 million people. By forging
stronger economic ties with Africa, we will do much to secure the prosperity of
our own people as well.
But finally, our greatest reasons for engagement with Africa are built on a
positive foundation. Africa is on the move with a new generation of leaders.
the fresh air of political reform, and thriving multi-ethnic societies.
As we look at the future for America's engagement around the world, we can
see that, wherever we help to seed the ground for democracy, wherever we reach
out to people out of mutual respect to help them help themselves, whatever we
understand clearly that in this time of interdependence and interconnection that
we all have a stake in the success of the other, we will make progress together.
Whether it comes to assisting and working with our friends in the new
democracies in Africa or understanding the importance of our commitment to women
and girls, America's interests are at stake. But far more importantly,
America's values are at stake.
If we act upon those values we will help to lead the world into the kind of
new future we envision as possible for our children and all the children around
the globe.
Thank you very much.
(APPLAUSE)
END
NOTES:
???? - Indicates Speaker Unkown
- Could not make out what was being said.
Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately scan
such dividers. The title from the original document is indicated below.
Divider Title:
Photo with UN Leaders
State EUR/AGS
07/03/97 THU 16:46 FAX 202 647 5117
UN REPRESENTATIVES PHOTO OP
The First Lady will be greeted by Mr. Giorgio Gicacomelli, Under-
Secretary General of UN Organizations in Vienna (UNOV) and
Executive Director of the UN Drug Control Program (UNDCP), and by
Mr. Hans Blix, Director General of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA), in a room in the Austria Center, following
the First Lady's speech to the "Vital Voices" conference. After
introductions by U.S. Ambassador to Vienna UN Organizations John
Ritch, the First Lady, Mr. Giacomelli and Mr. Blix will have a
five-minute photo op and informal standing conversation, prior to
the First Lady's departure for her next appointment.
Talking Points:
Thank Giacomelli for his dedicated service to UNOV and UNDCP,
fighting the scourge of drug trafficking. (Giacomelli will be
leaving his post on September 1, 1997)
Thank Blix for 16 years of dedicated service at the IAEA,
working to keep the world free of weapons of mass destruction
while promoting the peaceful use of nuclear technology. (Blix
will be leaving his post in December 1997).
Stress the importance of UN work in the areas of drug control
and crime prevention and our support for these important
programs, including the crime commission's work examining the
problems of violent crimes against women and children.
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JOHN 8. RITCH III
2701 32od Street, N.W.
Obersteinergasse 11
Washington, D.C. 20008
Vienas, Austria A-1190
(202) 342-0374
(431) 369-2095
CURRENT POSITION:
(9/95)
United States Ambassador
to the United Nations, Vienna
and
Resident United States Representative
to the International Atomic Energy Agency
Also U.S. Representative to -
United Nations Industrial Development Organization;
United Nations Works and Relief Agency (Palestion Refugees): and
United Nations Drug Centrol Program
Head. U.S. Delegation to the UN Industrial Development Board, 1994 and 1995
Senior Member. U.S. Delegation to U.S.-North Kores Nuclear Negotiations, 1994
Senior Adviser. U.S. Delegation to the UN Conference
to Review and Extend the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, 1995
PREVIOUS PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Senior Staff, U.S. Scoute Foreign Relations Committee, 1972-1993
Staff Director, Subcommittee on European Affairs, 1977-1993
Deputy Chief of Staff of entire Committee, 1987-1993
Principal advisor, U.S. Senate Delegation to the NATO Assembly, 1977-1993
Drafter of numerous spooches and legislative initiativos,
including SEED (Support for East European Democracy) Act of 1989
Responsible for State Department/foreign aid oversight and authorizing legislation, 1972-77
Hired by Chairman Fulbright and served under Chairmen Sparkman, Church, Percy. Lugar, Pell
President. Viking Management, Inc. (Real Estate Development Company), 1974-1993
Acquired, financed, rehabilitared 55 apartment units ($4,000,000 project)
Directed ownership entity and management of apartment units ($500,000 annual revenue)
American Institute of Architects (ALA) award for excellence in historic preservation
United States Army, 1965-72: Captain. Infastry
Special Assistant. Army Chief of Staff. Pontegon, 1970-72
Coach, Korean Olympic Basketball Team. 1970
Infantry Company Commander, Korean DMZ, 1969-70
Paratrooper and Graduate School, 1965-68
7-03-1997 :55PM
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EDUCATION:
1965-68, Rhodes Scholar, Oxford University, Oxford England
M.A. in Philosophy. Politics, and Economics (specialization in international economics)
1961-65. United States Military Academy, West Point. New York
Bacholor of Science
Honors: Academic All-American and all-National Invitational Tournament teams. baskerball
Eastern Collegiate Athletic Association sward: the "Outstanding Scholar-Athlete" of 1965
MEMBERSHIPS:
International Institute of Serategic Studies
Council on Foreign Relations
American Association of Rhodes Scholars
PERSONAL:
Age: 52
Married to Christina Ritch: two daughters (18, 14)
Health: Excellent
PUBLICATIONS:
Examples of Sonate Foreign Relations Committee publications, 1972-1993:
The ABM Treaty Interpretation Resolution. 1987
(book-length defense of the integrity and purpose of the ABM Treaty)
Hidden War: The Struggle for Afghanisian. 1984
(based on travel with Afghan rebels)
Dangerous Statemate: Superpower Relations in Autumn 1983. 1983
(based on meeting with Sovial President Andropor)
SALT and the NATO Allies. 1979
(explicating NATO doctrine and European support for SALT ratification)
Hungarian Communism Today. 1978
(describing Hungary's subtle evolution toward capitalism)
Revolution Into Democracy: Poriugal After the Coup. 1976
(book-langth exposition of Portuguese revolution)
Heroin: Can the Supply Be Stopped?, 1972
(based on investigation of the "French connection")
Law Review Articles:
"The Treaty Power: Upholding a Constitutional Partnership"
Penn Law Review, May 1989
(co-author. with Senstor Joseph R. Biden, Chairman, Judiciary Committee)
"Tho War Power st a Constitutional Impasse: A 'Joint Decision' Solution"
Georgetown Law Journal, December 1988
(00-muthor. with Senstor Joseph R. Biden. Chairman, Judiciary Committee)
Articles in The Atlantic
Arms Control Today
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists
7-03-1997 4:54PM
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US Mission to the UN System
Organizations in Vienna
UNVIE
AMBASSADOR
John B. Ritch, III
Secretary: Theda Kettler
DCM
Joseph C. Snyder, III
secretary: Barbara DeLeon
POLITICAL/ECONOMIC SECTION
Responsibilities: UNIDO, UNDCP, crime Branch, UNRWA, COPUOUS,
UNCITRAL, UNOV
Chief: Raymond Snider
Political/Economic Officer: Henry S. Ensher
Secretary: Kevin Wood
IAEA SECTION
Responsibilities: All matters pertaining to IAEA, NPT and
CTBT
Counselor for Nuclear Policy: Leroy C. Simpkins
Counselor for Nuclear Technology: Bruce A. Cooper
Senior Science Attache: Marvin Peterson
NRC Rep: James Richardson
DOE Rep: Lisa Hilliard
Political/Science Officers:
Jennifer Brush
Steven Bowers
Timothy Schierbeek
Lisa Owens
Secretaries:
Linda Jackson
Carol Emery
INTERNATIONAL SAFEGUARDS PROJECT OFFICE
Responsibilities: Placement of US experts in IAEA positions
Chief: Susan E. Pepper
Secretary: Donna McCowan
ADMIN/MISSIONS
Responsibilities: Represent UNVIE and the OSCE Delegation in
the Vienna Joint Administrative Organization
Administrative Officer: Peter Prahar
Administrative Assistant: Eva Kudera
Drivers:
Fritz Seidl
Alex Kolar
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November 15, 1995
TO:
IO - Amb. Lyman, Designate
THROUGH:
IO - Ms. Kimble
FROM:
UNVIE - John B. Ritch, III
SUBJECT:
UNVIE: Functions and Overview
I.
Functions and Responsibilities:
The U.S. Mission to the UN System Organizations in
Vienna (UNVIE) provides permanent U.S. representation to the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and to the other UN
organizations with headquarters in Vienna. UNVIE's primary
goal is to influence the substantive policies of these
organizations to support U.S. interests. In so doing, we seek
to prevent the intrusion of extraneous political issues and to
encourage efficient operations and restrained budgets. We
pursue these goals through close, daily contact with the
agency secretariats and other diplomatic missions; an
intensive analysis and reporting program; and the promotion of
qualified U.S. citizens as professional officials and
cost-free experts in the organizations.
The IAEA, arguably the central instrument of USG policy
to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, takes up about
eighty percent of UNVIE'S time and effort. First and
foremost, we promote the maintenance and improvement of an
effective IAEA program of safeguards. This involves
traditional controls at peaceful nuclear installations,
uniquely tailored inspection activities in Iraq and North
Korea, and a determined effort to expand IAEA capabilities to
detect and thereby deter covert nuclear activities. We also
encourage a growing nuclear safety program and the transfer to
developing countries of nuclear technologies (for agriculture,
medicine, and industry) that are highly cost-efficient tools
of sustainable development.
The UN Drug Control Program (UNDCP), a product of the
1991 consolidation of three Vienna-based UN drug units, has a
higher profile lately due to the President's and UNSYG's focus
on the link between narcotics trafficking and organized crime,
and on the potential UN role in combatting them. UNDCP
advises governments on implementation of treaties, analyzes
and publishes data on drug abuse and illicit drug traffic, and
trains laboratory and law enforcement officials.
The UN Crime Branch, which is seeking to become a UN
Division (the U.S. opposes this now, but is open to
persuasion), employs about 13 professionals providing
international anti-crime project development and law
enforcement advice. An ECOSOC-created Crime Commission meets
annually to provide policy guidance to the Crime Branch.
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The UN Relief and works Administration (UNRWA)
provides health, education and social services to 3.2 million
Palestinian refugees in Gaza, the West bank, Syria, Jordan
and Lebanon. Our primary interest is to ensure that UNRWA
continues to provide those services efficiently until a
comprehensive regional peace is achieved and UNRWA's
functions can be transferred to governing authorities,
especially the Palestinian Authority in Gaza and the West
Bank.
The UN Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) has
a long, unfortunate history of mismanagement and
inefficiency, coupled with an uncertain mission: public
promotion of industrial development. UNIDO is now into the
second year of a major reform program, perhaps the most
far-reaching in the UN system. Even before the reform
package can be put to a serious test, however, domestic U.S.
budget pressures are forcing us to withdraw from UNIDO
Finally, a handful of smaller UN programs are located
in Vienna, but require little direct UNVIE involvement beyond
general oversight.
II. Overview of Major Issues:
IAEA: In the wake of events in Iraq and North Korea, the
IAEA is strengthening its safeguards program by acquiring
expanded technical capabilities and increased access to sites
and information so as to achieve credible assurance that
covert nuclear weapons activities are not taking place. This
new focus on detecting and thereby detering "undeclared"
activities will supplement the Agency's traditional pre-Iraq
role of assuring that materials at declared facilities are
not being diverted to weapons use. UNVIE's major goal in the
next year is to promote expanded safeguards in the face of
some member state resistance, based on a reluctance to allow
an institutionalized expansion of IAEA intrusiveness.
An important USG interest will be establishing a
cost-effective implementing organization for the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty now being negotiated in
Geneva. UNVIE is supporting the recent Washington decision
that the cTBTo should be sited in Vienna, with the IAEA
performing the maximum negotiable role in administration and
verification.
UNIDO: We expect to announce U.S. withdrawal before the end
of the year. perhaps with a small payment toward our
assessment, possibly without paying any of the $40 million
now due and the $30 million more we will owe for 1996. UNIDO
may have to cut as much as a quarter of its 850-person staff,
depending on how much the USG pays while withdrawing. In any
case, we will have little leverage left in the Organization
during our final year there. Other local missions have
little enthusiacm for any effort to dissolve UNIDO on grounds
that its mandate is no longer relevant.
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UNRWA: The Agency is scheduled to complete its move from
Vienna to Gaza and Amman next fall. It will also be
acquiring a new Commissioner General starting in February.
UNVIE will work closely with the Agency to help with both
transitions and will also be pressing UNRWA to begin planning
for the eventual devolution of its role to the Palestinian
Authority.
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OSCE Factsheet
Page 1 of 3
osce
Fact Sheet
What is the OSCE?
The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is a pan-European security
organization whose 55 participating States span the geographical area from Vancouver to
Vladivostok
The OSCE takes a comprehensive view of security. Its bodies and institutions take a co-operative
approach to a wide range of security-related issues including arms control, preventive diplomacy,
confidence- and security-building measures, human rights, election monitoring and economic
security.
All States participating in OSCE activities have equal status and decisions are made on the basis of
consensus.
How is it structured?
Delegations of the OSCE participating States meet almost daily in the Hofburg Congress Centre in
Vienna. The OSCE's regular body for political consultation and decision-making is the Permanent
Council which meets once a week. The Hofburg is also the site of meetings of the Forum for
Security Co-operation (which deals with arms control and confidence- and security-building
measures), the Joint Consultative Group (responsible for promoting implementation of the Treaty on
Conventional Armed Forces in Europe) and the Open Skies Consultative Commission.
In addition to these bodies, the political directors of participating States meet three times a year in
Prague as the Senior Council. Furthermore, the OSCE foreign ministers of participating States hold
an annual Ministerial Council Meeting and every two years an OSCE Summit of all Heads of
State or Government is convened.
The OSCE comprises several institutions. The Secretariat, which provides operational support to
the Organization, is based in Vienna. The OSCE also maintains a small office in Prague.
The Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), which is active in
monitoring elections, assisting in the drafting of constitutions and laws and promoting the
development of civil societies, is situated in Warsaw.
An OSCE institution of particular importance in the field of early warning and conflict prevention is
the High Commissioner on National Minorities. The High Commissioner assesses, and defuses at
the earliest possible stage, situations involving national minority issues. Through advice and
recommendations, he encourages the parties to pursue non-confrontational policies.
The Chairman-in-Office (CIO) of the OSCE has overall responsibility for executive action. The
Chairmanship rotates annually. In 1997 it is held by Denmark and in 1998 it will pass to Poland.
The Chairman, Danish Foreign Minister Niels helveg Petersen, is assisted in his work by the
previous and succeeding Chairmen who together constitute the Troika.
The Secretary General of the OSCE is Mr. Giancarlo Aragona of Italy. His three year term of
office began in June 1996. Based in Vienna, he acts as the representative of the Chairman-in-Office
and supports him in all activities aimed at attaining the goals of the OSCE. The Secretary General's
tasks also include the management of OSCE structures and operations.
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As a regional arrangement under Chapter VIII of the Charter of the United Nations, the OSCE has
been established as a primary instrument in the OSCE region for early warning, conflict
prevention and crisis management in Europe. It has deployed Missions in several countries in the
OSCE area including: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Moldova, Tajikistan, and Ukraine. The OSCE has also deployed
an Assistance Group to Chechnya.
In what has been called the OSCE's biggest operational challenge, the Dayton Peace Agreement
gave the Organization important roles in supervising the election process, monitoring human rights
and assisting with negotiations on confidence building measures and arms control in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
The OSCE also serves as a framework for conventional arms control and confidence-building
measures. The most important of the agreements, the Vienna Document 1994, obliges States to
show transparency and predictability in their military activities. It has recently adopted a military
Code of Conduct setting out principles to guide the role of armed forces in democratic societies.
The OSCE has also developed several mechanisms for settling disputes.
The OSCE's Parliamentary Assembly meets once a year to discuss issues pertinent to OSCE
affairs and consider declarations, recommendations and proposals to enhance security and
co-operation in the OSCE area The Assembly's Secretariat is located in Copenhagen.
The Organization recently established a Court of Conciliation and Arbitration in Geneva.
Participating States, who are signatories to the Convention on Conciliation and Arbitration, may
submit a dispute to the Court for settlement by the Arbitral Tribunal or the Conciliation
Commission. The OSCE is also the repository of the EU-Initiated Pact on Stability.
From CSCE to OSCE
The OSCE was created in the early 1970s under the name of the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) to serve as a multilateral forum for dialogue and negotiation
between East and West
The Helsinki Final Act of the CSCE, signed in 1975, established the basic principles governing the
behaviour of States towards their citizens and each other.
Until 1990, the CSCE functioned as a series of meetings and conferences setting norms and
commitments and periodically reviewing their implementation. The Paris Summit in 1990 set the
CSCE on a new course. In the Charter of Paris for a New Europe the CSCE was called upon to
contribute to managing the historic change in Europe and respond to the new challenges of the
post-cold war period.
To facilitate the implementation of these tasks several offices and institutions were created, meetings
became more regular and the Conference's work became more structured.
In November 1990 an important arms control agreement, the Treaty on Conventional Armed
Forces in Europe (CFE), was negotiated in the framework of the CSCE process.
Further developments came through a series of regular meetings between 1990 and 1994 which
established new mechanisms, offices and principles for addressing the challenges of post-cold war
Europe.
The 1994 Budapest Summit, recognizing that the CSCE was no longer simply & Conference,
changed its name to the OSCE. This gave the Organization a new political impetus and was also &
reflection of its institutional development since the end of the Cold War.
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The Helsinki Final Act laid the basis for further development of the CSCE process The document is
not a treaty, but a politically binding agreement. It is divided into three main parts, or "baskets,"
concerning:
1) Questions relating to security in Europe;
2) Co-operation in the field of economics, science and technology, and the environment;
3) Co-operation in humanitarian and other fields.
The document called for regular follow-up meetings to review the implementation of CSCE
agreements, to set new standards and norms, to expand co-operation and to maintain political
dialogue.
Such meetings were held in Belgrade, Madrid and Vienna. At these meetings, all the CSCE
participating States agreed upon important commitments aimed at upholding human rights, and
measures to build confidence among the participants. In addition, a number of expert meetings were
held on such specific topics as democratic institutions, human rights, human contacts, peaceful
settlement of disputes, the environment, the media, science, culture and economic co-operation.
Thus a process was initiated which consisted of a series of follow-up meetings to review the
implementation of the Helsinki Act and elaborate upon its provisions as necessary.
After Helsinki, the CSCE was no more than a diplomatic conference. In order to keep the
organization flexible no permanent structures were created and no long-term schedules made.
There was no permanent body to undertake operational action between meetings. It was not until the
momentous change of 1989-1990 that the participating States could agree on the need for
permanent CSCE bodies and on their composition and functions.
The CSCE's greatest advantage during the unstable political climate of the 1970s and 1980s was its
ability to approach issues in a comprehensive way.
Of particular importance was the linkage of human rights to general security and co-operation.
The CSCE established that a country systematically violating the fundamental liberties of its own
citizens could not be internationally trusted and should even be considered as & potential threat to
other countries.
The first negotiated results in the field of human rights and humanitarian co-operation were very
modest provisions. They required, for example, favourable consideration of applications for travel
for family visits or the reuniting of families and for exit permits for mixed marriages. Weeks of
negotiation were necessary to reach agreement that visa fees should be reduced. Step by step, tighter
provisions were introduced to eliminate restrictive interpretations and delays in issuing travel
documents. The Helsinki Final Act was also used to develop a somewhat freer access to information,
to limit jamming of radio broadcasts in Eastern Europe and to relax the control over speech and
print.
A complicated network of linkage and quid-pro-quos resulted in a balancing of interests, which
created the basis for a continuing CSCE process. Through meetings, political dialogue, negotiation
of new commitments and a constant pressure to implement them, the CSCE became 8 catalyst of
peaceful change in Europe. It is widely associated with the democratic revolution which came to
Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s.
What was the secret of the CSCE's vitality? Why was it able to progress despite sometimes
formidable challenges? The Final Act was not, of course, s magic formula for dismantling the
"socialist" system. The CSCE must also be seen IS just one element in a very complex and
comprehensive process. Progress by the CSCE was as much a result of changing realities as an
instrument of further change. There are, however, specific CSCE contributions. First, the CSCE
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Today the OSCE is taking a leading role in fostering security through co-operation in Europe It
works to achieve this goal by co-operating closely with other international and regional
organizations and maintaining close links with numerous non-governmental organizations.
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Page 1 of 4
osce
From CSCE to OSCE: Historical Retrospective
The Organization for Security and Co-operation (OSCE) in Europe was created in the early
1970s. Under the name of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), it was
called upon to serve as a multilateral forum for dialogue and negotiation between East and West.
From 1975 to 1990, the CSCE, as its name implied, functioned as a series of conferences and
meetings where new commitments were negotiated and their implementation reviewed. The Paris
Summit Meeting in 1990 marked the beginning of institutionalisation aimed at meeting the
challenges presented by the post-Cold War period.
The development of the security situation in Europe in the 1990s has led to a fundamental change in
the CSCE. Reflecting this change, the 1994 Budapest Summit changed its name to OSCE. Today,
the OSCE comprises 55 participating States from the region stretching from Vladivostok to
Vancouver, including the United States, Canada and all the countries of Europe and the former
Soviet Union.
The origin of the OSCE can be traced back to the early 1950s, with a proposal from the Soviet
Union to create an all-European security conference. Other Eastern European countries, including
Poland, made similar proposals. Finland offered Helsinki as a venue for the conference in 1969,
inviting all the European countries, the United States and Canada. In 1972, 35 States agreed to enter
into multilateral consultations concerned with preparations for the conference, and the stage was set
for the preparatory talks in Helsinki with the original 35 signatory nations. In 1973, the
consultations concluded with the "Blue Book," which outlined final recommendations for the scope
and rules of procedure for the Conference. The negotiations went on for almost two years in
Geneva
On 1 August 1975 in Helsinki, the Heads of State or Government of the 35 participating States
signed the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. The Act
established basic principles for behaviour among the participating States and of governments toward
their citizens:
1. Sovereign equality, respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty;
2. Refraining from the threat or use of force;
3. Inviolability of frontiers;
4. Territorial integrity of States;
5. Peaceful settlement of disputes;
6. Non-intervention in internal affairs;
7. Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, including freedom of thought,
conscience, religion and belief;
& Equal rights and self-determination of peoples;
9. Co-operation among States;
10. Fulfilment in good faith of obligations under international law.
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Page 3 of 4
provided a political platform and moral support for the champions of democratic change
inside the Warsaw Pact countries, such as "Charter 77" in Czechoslovakia or "Solidarity" in Poland.
They were the true victors in the 1989 "autumn of peoples." They derived legitimacy and a certain
power from the ideas enshrined in the Helsinki Act. Second, by building an elaborate system of
political channels and bridges, the CSCE made it possible for the West, including many neutral and
non-aligned countries, to build continuously upon the ongoing changes within the "socialist system."
To symbolically close the Cold War chapter of European history and, in the process, address the
issues facing the "new" Europe, the CSCE States decided to convene a summit in Paris. The Paris
Summit Conference, the first summit meeting since Helsinki, took place from 19 to 21 November
1990. It was a historic event in that it formally recognised the end of the Cold War.
The Charter of Paris for a New Europe signed at the Summit marked the turning point in the history
of the CSCE in the post-Cold War era, serving as a transition point for the CSCE from its role as a
forum for negotiation and dialogue to that of an active operational structure. The document aimed at
defining the CSCE's identity in a new international environment The first standing institutions: the
Conflict Prevention Centre in Vienna, the Office for Free Elections in Warsaw (now known as
the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights) and the Secretariat in Prague were
established. The Paris Charter also created three political consultation and decision-making bodies:
regular summit meetings of Heads of State or Government; the Council of Ministers consisting of
foreign ministers from the participating States; and the Committee of Senior Officials to assist the
Council and manage day-to-day business. The disintegration of Yugoslavia and the collapse of the
Soviet Union as well as the split-up of Czechoslovakia resulted in the emergence of new States.
The newly independent States applied for membership, and the number of OSCE participating
States increased to 54 with the adoption in the fall of 1995 of the former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia that enjoyed previously observer status as a fully participating State. The principality of
Andorra was the most recent state to join the OSCE, becoming the 55th participating state in 1996.
The military security environment changed radically. An important arms control agreement, the
Treaty on Conventional Anned Forces in Europe (CFE) was negotiated within the framework of the
CSCE process and signed in November 1990. The CFE limits non-nuclear ground and air forces
from the Atlantic to the Ural Mountains.
Further impetus and possibilities for concerted action within the CSCE framework were outlined in
the new Helsinki Document of July 1992. It established a number of practical tools to strengthen
the CSCE's contribution to the protection of human rights and the management of the
unprecedented change under way in Europe. It declared the CSCE a regional arrangement in the
sense of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. In particular, it called for an ambitious role for the CSCE
in early warning, conflict prevention and crisis management. The newly created High
Commissioner on National Minorities was tasked with responding. at the earliest possible stage, to
ethnic tensions that have the potential to develop into a conflict within the region. In December
1992, the CSCE Council established a new post of the Secretary General, and in 1993, a
strengthened Secretariat in Vienna.
In December 1993, a new body, the Permanent Committee (since December 1994 the Permanent
Council), was established in Vienna, significantly expanding the possibilities for political
consultation, dialogue and decision-making on a weekly basis.
The new operational profile of the CSCE expanded with the dispatch of several conflict prevention
and crisis management missions to areas of potential or actual conflicts.
Determined to give the CSCE new political impetus at the 1994 Budapest Summit, 52 Heads of
State or Government from CSCE participating States renamed CSCE the Organization for Security
and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The Budapest Document declared the OSCE to be the primary
instrument for early warning, conflict management and crisis management in the OSCE
http://www.osceprag.cz/info/facts/history.htm
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FROM AMB_RICHARDSON 2124154303
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From CSCE to OSCE: Historical Retrospective
Page 4 of 4
region. The document established the possibility of the OSCE sending a peacekeeping mission to
Nagorno-Karabakh. The document also called for strengthening the competencies of the
Chairman-in-Office as well as those of the Secretary General and the Secretariat, the High
Commissioner on National Minorities and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.
A "Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security" was adopted setting forth principles
guiding the role of armed forces in democratic societies. The document also called for 1 discussion
within the OSCE on a model of common and comprehensive security based on CSCE principles
and commitments.
The 1995 Ministerial Council Meeting in Budapest approved a programme for the OSCE to fulfil
new challenging tasks put before it under the Dayton Agreement on Peace in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The next major summit will be held in Lisbon in December 1996.
The priorities of the OSCE today are:
- to consolidate common values and build civil societies;
- to prevent local conflicts, restore stability and bring peace to war-torn areas;
- to overcome real and perceived security deficits and to avoid the creation of new divisions by
promoting a co-operative system of security.
http://www.osceprag.cz/info/facts/history.hm
07/03/97
Clinton Presidential Records
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Courtesy Call with the President
07/03/97 THU 16:47 FAX 202 647 5117
State EUR/AGS
MEETING WITH PRESIDENT KLESTIL
The First Lady will make a courtesy call on President Thomas
Klestil in his office in the Hofburg, the historical imperial
palace of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, just prior to a lunch the
Austrian President hosts in her honor. (Other participants TBD)
Klestil's chief of staff Ambassador Hennig will meet upon arrival
and escort to the President's office. (Photo op?) The meeting
will last about 25 minutes. The Austrian President exercises to
a large extent representational functions; the head of government
is the Chancellor. Klestil was a career diplomat and served as
Austrian ambassador to the U.S. and to the UN. The next
presidential elections are May 1998; he will mostly likely seek a
second term. The call offers the opportunity to underscore U.S.
appreciation of his closeness to the U.S.
Talking Points:
Recall Klestil's visit to the White House in September
1995, only the second by an Austrian president. (Note: Visit put
the strains in U.S. -Austrian relations due to the Waldheim affair
behind us.)
-- Reiterate President Clinton's regret that he could not take up
Klestil's invitation to attend the Salzburg World Economic Summit
meeting with Central European President on July 10 or visit
Austria at this time.
Underscore the importance the U.S. attaches to close Austro-
American ties in all areas: political, economic, cultural, law
enforcement. Appreciate Klestil's interest in advancing
bilateral relations.
Welcome Austria's active involvement in international affairs,
ranging from peace-keeping (condolences to two Austrian UN peace-
keepers recently killed on Golan Heights) to international
assistance to Bosnians, Palestinians, Central/Eastern Europe.
Austria a responsible international citizen.
07/03/97 THU 16:47 FAX 202 647 5117
State EUR/AGS
LUNCHEON HOSTED BY PRESIDENT KLESTIL
President Klestil will host an official lunch for the First Lady
in the (TBD) room of the Hofburg (adjacent to the President's
office). Up to 65 guests may attend (TBD), including the
Austrian Foreign Minister Wolfgang Schuessel and various
representatives from all sectors of Austrian society. (Toasts?)
(Photo op?)
Clinton Presidential Records
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such dividers. The title from the original document is indicated below.
Divider Title:
Courtesy Call with the Chancellor
State EUR/AGS
07/03/97 THU 16:48 FAX 202 647 5117
CALL ON CHANCELLOR KLIMA:
The First Lady will meet with Chancellor Viktor Klima (Social
Democratic Party) in the Chancellor's Office at the Ballhaus, a
18th century building designed by Johann Lukas von Hildebrandt
which also houses the Foreign Ministry. (Other Participants TBD)
Major events shaping Austrian history which have taken place here
include: meetings of the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15; the final
deliberations in 1914 that led to the outbreak of World War I;
and the murder of Chancellor Dolfuss by the Nazis in 1934.
Klima, who previously served as Transportation and as Finance
Minister, was selected as Chancellor (Prime Minister) in January
1997, following the resignation of Franz Vranitzky. Prior to
entering politics in the early 1990's, Klima was an executive at
the Austrian State Oil company (OMV). The meeting offers an
opportunity to express U.S. interest in Klima, who has not yet
met President Clinton or the First Lady.
Talking Points:
Convey President Clinton's greetings and regret that he could
not visit Austria at this time. President looks forward to
meeting Klima in the latter half of 1998, when Austrian has the
European Union Presidency, if not before.
Underscore the importance the U.S. attaches to close Austro-
American ties in all areas: political, economic, cultural, law
enforcement. President Clinton is interested in working together
with Klima to advance bilateral relations, building on the
excellent relations he has had with former Chancellor Vranitzky.
Welcome Austria's active involvement in international affairs,
ranging from peace-keeping (condolences to two Austrian UN peace-
keepers recently killed on Golan Heights) to international
assistance to Bosnians, Palestinians, Central/Eastern Europe.
Austria a responsible international citizen and a valued U.S.
friend in Europe.
Brief on "Vital Voices" conference and efforts to empower
women in the new democracies and previous day's roundtable on
Bosnian refugees.
Clinton Presidential Records
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Reception for Conference
Participants
MINISTER PRAMMER RECEPTION
Austrian Minister for Women's and Consumer Affairs Barbara
Prammer (Social Democratic Party) is hosting the closing
reception for the "Vital Voices" conference in the "Kongresssaal"
of the Ballhaus, an elaborate hall next to the Chancellor's
office where major events of the Congress of Vienna occurred.
Some 300 persons will attend the reception. The First Lady's
attendance at the reception not only underscores her support for
the goals of the Congress and offers a chance to speak with some
of the participants, but also provides the venue for a series of
photo with groups of participants. The First Lady will move back
and forth among the four rooms making up the "Kongresssaal" for
photo ops with 19 different groups from the Conference.
Clinton Presidential Records
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Austrian Pianist Performance/
Reception
07/03/97 THU 16:49 FAX 202 647 5117
State EUR/AGS
TRI-MISSION COMMUNITY EVENT
American and Austrian employees and their families of the three
U.S. diplomatic missions in Vienna have been invited to
Ambassador Hunt's residence for an informal picnic and
opportunity to meet with the First Lady for about 30 minutes.
Approximately 250 guests (including spouses and children) are
expected to be present. Photos will be taken.
07/03/97 THU 16:50 FAX 202 647 5117
State EUR/AGS
CONCERT/INFORMAL DISCUSSION
Ambassador Hunt will host at her residence the evening of July
11 (following Tri-Mission Community Event) an evening involving
approximately 100 of the participants in the "Vital Voices"
conference. Featuring a performance by the famed Austrian
pianist Rudolf Buchbinder, the event will allow the First Lady to
have causal interaction with conference participants.