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Sister Ortiz: [Guatemala – Human Rights]
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Sister Ortiz: [Guatemala – Human Rights]
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Melanne Verveer's Subject Files
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. list
re: Chronology of Events Related to the Case of Sister Dianna Ortiz
00/00/0000
b(7)(C), b(6)
[partial] (2 pages)
002. paper
re: Sister Dianna Ortiz (1 page)
00/00/0000
b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Melanne Verveer
OA/Box Number: 20048
FOLDER TITLE:
Sister Ortiz: [Guatemala - Human Rights]
2013-0534-S
rc1822
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - |44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P1 National Security Classified Information [(a)(1) of the PRA]
b(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Katy these av materials
Autu Onti left for
M/S. Charter. Thanks !
Leslie A. Bassett
Director for Inter-American Affairs
National Security Council
Sises Five ortiz
Room 361 OEOB
The White House
Tel: (202) 456-9136
Washington, D.C. 20504
Fax: (202) 456-9130
THE
COALITION "MISSING"
U.S. CITIZENS MURDERED, TORTURED, ASSAULTED OR MISSING IN GUATEMALA
ORGANIZATIONAL SUMMARY
Coalition "Missing" is an association of United States citizens who have been directly affected by state-
sponsored violence in Guatemala. The Coalition works to increase awareness about human rights violations in
Guatemala and supports efforts to improve the situation. Coalition members either have lost family members
or have themselves been physically assaulted as a direct result of the repression in Guatemala. Coalition
"Missing" was formed in December 1993.
The Coalition disseminates information to the US public, media, and Congress about human rights abuses
in Guatemala; supports human rights activists and organizations in Guatemala; and provides mutual support
and advice for all Coalition members.
COALITION MEMBERS:
Trish Ahern, of Washington, DC, and Peter Kerndt, MD, of California, the sister and brother of Ann Kerndt,
who was killed in 1976 with Father William Woods when their small plane crashed mysteriously in the Ixcán
jungle. Ann Kerndt worked for the Direct Relief Foundation at the time. The Guatemalan government report
stated that poor weather was the cause of the crash, but family members consulted weather records and found
that conditions were perfect for flying. Later, engine failure was cited as the cause, but the engines were found
to be in working order. Witnesses reported seeing soldiers shoot down the plane. Father William Woods had
received death threats prior to the crash (see entry on the Williams Woods case).
Sam Blake, of New York, the brother of Nick Blake, a journalist executed by the Guatemalan civil patrollers
in 1985. For years, Guatemalan officials obstructed investigation of the case, and Blake's remains were not
located until 1992. Blake's two brothers have filed suit against the Guatemalan government through the Inter-
American Court on Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS). The Court agreed to hear
the petition in August 1995. The Court, which is the highest enforcement mechanism of the OAS, is authorized
to issue a binding judgment against Guatemala.
Sky Callahan, of Texas, a documentary filmmaker who was abducted at gunpoint in Guatemala City and
beaten unconscious. Callahan was part of a delegation organized by two Texas human rights groups to
document the human rights situation in Guatemala. On July 4, 1995, after interviewing campesinos who were
protesting in the Central Plaza, Callahan was approached by soldiers, who asked him to leave. As he was trying
to pack up his camera gear, one hit him in the shin with his rifle butt. On July 7, after leaving a restaurant in
Guatemala City, he was forced into a car by unidentified men. The men drove Callahan around the city,
removed him from the car, and beat him badly.
3321 12TH STREET, NE, WASHINGTON, DC 20017 202-529-6599
A PROJECT OF THE GUATEMALA HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION/USA
Jennifer Harbury, of Washington, DC, the widow of Efraín Bámaca Velásquez, a Mayan leader of the
Guatemalan resistance captured by the Guatemalan army in 1992. Harbury undertook a series of actions,
including two hunger strikes in Guatemala and one in front of the White House, to learn the fate of her husband.
In March 1995, she learned that a Guatemalan army colonel who was a paid informant for the CIA had ordered
Bámaca's torture and execution. Harbury filed suit against the CIA in July 1995 to force the agency to
declassify documents related to her case. CIA documents which finally were declassified revealed that the CIA,
State Department, and White House were informed of her husband's capture within a week of its occurrence
and did nothing to prevent his secret detention, interrogation, torture, and execution. In fact, they told her they
had absolutely no information on his fate. Moreover, in July 1992-the same month a witness saw the colonel
engaged in Bámaca's brutal torture-the CIA paid the colonel $44,000.
Lisel Holdenried, of California, daughter of Frank Holdenried, a Catholic layman working with street youth
in Guatemala. Holdenried was bludgeoned to death on April 2, 1983. Although nothing was stolen from him,
the State Department classified the attack as common crime. Holdenreid had criticized the military repression
against Christian communities and the widespread human rights abuses in Guatemala. Prior to his death, he had
`feared for his safety because of his human rights advocacy.
Brother Paul Joslin, of New Jersey, a Christian Brother who served with Brother James "Santiago" Miller.
In 1982, Miller was shot to death in front of the Huehuetenango School for Indigenous Boys. Workers at the
school, which was run by the Christian Brothers, had received death threats before the murder. Brother Miller's
assassins left the scene of the attack, heading in the direction of the police department.
Meredith Larson, of North Carolina, who worked as an international human rights observer in Guatemala
in 1989. While returning to her office, she was attacked by unidentified assailants, who stabbed her several
times in the chest and upper body. Two co-workers accompanying her also were injured. The attackers made
no attempt to steal Larson's belongings. In the months prior to the attack, her organization had received threats
and had been bombed.
Kimi Okada, of California, and Mari Okada, of Colorado, the sister and daughter of Michael Okada, MD.
Okada was killed in 1976 in a mysterious plane crash, along with Father William Woods, Ann Kerndt, and two
other passengers. Okada had been working as a medical volunteer in the earthquake zone when he was killed
(see entries on the Ann Kerndt and William Woods cases, p. 1, 3).
Sister Dianna Ortiz, of Washington, DC, who served as an Ursuline sister teaching Mayan children in San
Miguel Acatán from 1987 to 1989. In January 1989 Sister Ortiz began to receive threats, and in November
1989, she was violently abducted and taken to a clandestine prison where she was tortured and gang raped by
members of the Guatemalan security forces. An American was present during her torture; her torturers called
him "Alejandro" and referred to him as their boss. U.S. Embassy officials accused Sister Ortiz of lying, saying
she was never abducted but sneaked out for lesbian sex. Sister Ortiz has traveled to Guatemala four times since
November 1989 to assist with the investigation of her case. In the past five years, she has provided the
Guatemalan government with detailed descriptions of three of the four men involved and has identified the
military installation where she and others were tortured. The U.S. Embassy and Guatemalan government
repeatedly obstructed the investigation of her case. In May 1995, a US Federal Court recently ordered former
defense minister General Hector Gramajo to pay Sister Ortiz $5 million in damages. Her case is pending in
the Guatemalan courts and in the OAS.
Claudia Stoscheck, Chris Stoscheck, and Candy Mingins, of New York, the sister, brother, and sister-in-law
of Kai Yutah Clouds (born Nikolaus Stoscheck). Thirty-two year-old Kai had performed earthquake relief
services and had worked with the Mayan people in agricultural cooperatives. On October 10, 1980, he was
abducted by five heavily armed men. His body was found the next day with signs of torture. Several
Guatemalans with whom he had worked were forced to flee the country after his death.
John Wolfe, of California, the brother of Peter Wolfe, a Peace Corps Volunteer in Guatemala. On October
28, 1984, Peter was murdered on a street corner in Guatemala City. His murderers have been clearly identified;
however, they were well-connected to the ruling military of the country and were never brought to justice. The
gunman was defended in Guatemalan Court by Lic. Fernando Linares, the same prominent attorney who later
argued that Sister Dianna Ortiz's case should be dismissed, although he was working as the prosecutor on her
case. The Peace Corps' vigorous pursuit of the case was discouraged by the U.S. State Department.
James Woods, of Texas, the brother of Father William Woods, and Maryknoll priests Father Leo Shea and
Father Stephen Judd, of New York. Father Woods had served for many years in the Ixcán jungle of northern
Guatemala, where he was instrumental in obtaining land for campesinos and developing cooperatives. Before
his death, he had received death threats related to his work. In 1976, his small plane crashed, killing everyone
aboard. Witnesses reported seeing soldiers shoot down the plane. Two other U.S. citizens, Selwyn Puig and
John Gauker, were also killed in the crash with Woods, Kerndt, and Okada.
Josh Zinner, of New York, who was a volunteer with street children in Guatemala City in 1990. During
outreach efforts, he was assaulted, threatened, and dragged towards a car by unidentified men who held a gun
to his head. When police intervened, one of the assailants produced military identification and was immediately
released. The police then assaulted Zinner's co-worker and harassed Zinner.
For more information on Coalition "Missing," please call 202-529-6599.
Updated March 30, 1996
COALITION "MISSING"
U.S. CITIZENS MURDERED, TORTURED, ASSAULTED OR MISSING IN GUATEMALA
Statement by Coalition "Missing"
March 31, 1996
We, as members of Coalition "Missing," stand firmly behind Sister Dianna Ortiz in her untiring
efforts to learn the truth. With her we call for the declassification of all information pertaining to Sister
Dianna's case, the release of the full text of the Intelligence Oversight Board's investigation, and the
declassification of all U.S. government information related to human rights abuses in Guatemala from
1954 to the present.
We too seek the truth. Although most of us have filed our Freedom of Information Act requests, we
have yet to receive substantive information regarding our cases. We have the right to know why our
loved ones were brutally murdered. We have the right to know who was responsible for the attacks,
torture, and violations we ourselves suffered. Guatemala is a country known to have been controlled by
an inhumane military, but still the State Department would have us believe that the crimes against us
and our loved ones were not politically motivated. The effects of former U.S. policy are clear:
150,000 dead, more than 40,000 disappeared, including dozens of U.S. citizens. Is the Clinton
Administration different?
We commend the efforts of the Intelligence Oversight Board (IOB) to uncover the U.S. intelligence
relationship with Guatemala. This report must be full, forthright, and timely. Declassification is a
critical step in the long struggle for justice and human rights in Guatemala, as well as justice in our
own country. The release of all information concerning human rights abuses in Guatemala would aid
the Guatemalan people by allowing them access to the evidence they need to present their cases in local
courts. It would also give Guatemalan and U.S. survivors some closure to the tragedies that have
burdened our lives, even though the deep pain and impact of our losses can never be forgotten.
The IOB report investigates cases of human rights violations against U.S. citizens since 1984;
however, this report does not address U.S. cases prior to 1984 or the cases of thousands of
Guatemalans. All survivors of the violence-of torture, murder, disappearance--deserve to know the
truth. Declassification should go back as far as 1954, when the U.S. government sponsored the
overthrow of Guatemala's civilian democracy.
The knowledge gained by this investigation must be shared with the public or it will not be
beneficial to anyone. Our haunting questions must be answered; the questions of the Guatemalan men,
women, and children who have suffered tremendously at the hands of their own military must be
answered.
Robert Frost once wrote, "Most of the change we think we see in life is due to truth's being in
and out of favor." Truth has been out of favor for decades. The Clinton Administration has the
opportunity to create new and positive standards in U.S. foreign policy. Our "national security" cannot
be built on human rights violations. We support Sister Dianna Ortiz as she bravely stands for all the
survivors and nonsurvivors of murder and torture, and we share the hope that our government will
confront the past and embrace the future by ending this legacy of bloodshed and secrecy.
3321 12TH STREET, NE, WASHINGTON, DC 20017
202-529-6599
A PROJECT OF THE GUATEMALA HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION/USA
AMNESTY
INTERNATIONAL
304 Pennsylvania Avenue SE
Washington DC 20003
USA
Phone (202)544-0200
Fax (202)546-7142
FOR DELIVERY ON SUNDAY, 31 MARCH 1996
Amnesty International USA statement on behalf of the Vigil for Truth
Amnesty International USA is proud to stand in solidarity with Sister Dianna Ortiz, the
members of Coalition Missing, and all of those struggling for truth and justice in Guatemala. We
are here to join their outcry on behalf of the hundreds of thousands who have suffered human
rights violations in Guatemala. As human rights activists ourselves who have long chronicled
the suffering in Guatemala, we stand here to reaffirm our conviction that a better tomorrow is
possible in Guatemala, that the day will come to Guatemala when joining a trade union or
working with street children or working with the poor or simply being indigenous will not mean
a possible encounter with humanity's cruel and cowardly underbelly.
We are here because we recognize that human rights violations are human creations since
human rights violations result from the choices people make. We recognize that torture or
"disappearances," that ill-treatment or killings don't just happen- they are ordered, they are
carried out, they are covered-up. It takes a system to carry out human rights violations. These
violations and the system that permits them to occur represent choices that ignore the inherent
dignity of the human family. These choices reject the equal and inalienable rights of the human
family, and speak volumes about the depth to which some sick individuals have sunk to inflict
gratuitous suffering on fellow people. Because make no mistake about it, those who participate
in these killings and "disappearances" and torture sessions are sick. And the system that protects
them, that fosters them, that directs them, is also sick and needs immediate changing. We are
here as societal healers and our remedy is to uphold the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and to proclaim to the world that the people of Guatemala are entitled, indeed have the right, to
live a life of dignity free of the horror that has afflicted them so often.
A key step to ending the horror is to ensure that those who have violated rights are held
accountable for their actions, so that everyone understands that what they have done is wrong
and that those who are continuing to visit horror on the heroic are stopped and prevented from
carrying out further sick and cowardly deeds. We cannot expect Guatemala to be free from the
horror and have a brighter tomorrow if we do not confront the nightmares of the past and the
present. We must learn from the past and take the steps necessary to ensure that past horrors are
not repeated again. We have to silence the dungeons and torture chambers in Guatemala by
closing them down. But the only way to close these places down is to stop those who use them.
Those who torture and maim and rape and "disappear" and kill must be stopped. We can stop
them with justice. We can send them to jail. But for that, we have to break the wall of impunity.
Not only is it true that without justice, there is no peace; but without truth, there is no
justice. We support the struggle to obtain the truth, whether this truth be found in the archives of
the Guatemalan Government or those of the US Government, and we will continue to press the
US Government for the declassification of all pertinent files. This is something we can all do
here. We were initially encouraged when President Clinton appointed the Intelligence Oversight
Board or IOB to look at some recent cases of US nationals or their loved ones who had suffered
human rights violations in Guatemala. The IOB was appointed to determine if the US
Amnesty International is an independent worldwide movement working impartially for the release of all prisoners of conscience, fair and prompt trials for
political prisoners and an end to torture and executions. It is funded by donations from its members and supporters throughout the world.
CHAIR, BOARD OF DIRECTORS
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
DIRECTOR, WASHINGTON OFFICE
Mary W. Gray
William F. Schulz
James O'Dea
Government was implicated in any wrongdoing. We were also encouraged when we met with
National Security Adviser Anthony Lake and other members of the National Security Council,
who assured us that the IOB was doing a thorough job and saw the investigation as a case study
of possible US wrongdoing for all of Guatemala as well as the rest of the world. We were also
encouraged when we met with Assistant Secretary John Shattuck and sought information about
the case of Sister Dianna and that of others including Efraín Bámaca, and he assured us that they
would come up with a proposal to share information.
The bottom line remains the same: until all the pertinent information is released about
these cases, we will continue pressing the US Government for this information. The US
Government simply cannot hold back on information that would permit people like Sister Dianna
and families who have loved and lost, from finding out not only what happened but who was
responsible, and thus being able to prosecute those implicated. The US Government must ensure
that it is a willing and positive participant in this quest for truth, and not one of the principal
stumbling blocks. This is important to break the wall of impunity and thus for the future of
Guatemala but also for the future of the United States. The Clinton Administration must ensure
that there is no torture no "disappearance" and no killing taking place anywhere in the world in
our name.
So we stand here on behalf of the voiceless and the suffering, the struggling and the
heroic of Guatemala, and we salute Sister Dianna and Coalition Missing, pledging our continuing
support to find the truth, pledging our strength and our voices, until all the suffering ceases, in
Guatemala and in the rest of the world.
United States Senate
WASHINGTON, DC 20510
February 13, 1996
The Honorable William Clinton
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
On April 7, 1995, we wrote to you to request that you secure and
review for declassification, on an expedited basis, all United
States Government records pertaining to a number of notorious
human rights cases in Guatemala.
We appreciate that you directed the Intelligence Oversight Board
to conduct a full review of this matter. While we understand
that reviewing this amount of documents takes time, we want to
reiterate that we attach the highest importance to assisting the
victims or their surviving relatives, to the maximum extent
possible, to learn the truth about these crimes. We would
appreciate knowing the status of the review and declassification
of these records.
Thank you for your consideration.
Sincerely,
PasTley PATRICK LEAHY
CHRISTOPHER ChirDodl J. DODD
United States Senator
United States Senator
United States Senator
JOHN F. KERRY
PAUL 1114 S. SARBANES
Divid United DIANNE States FEINSTEIN Pristein Senator
United States Senator
STAMES United M. states JEFFORDS Senator
PAUL SIMON
United States Senator
Zom Hunn
CILP CLAIBORNE PELL
TOM HARKIN
United States Senator
United States Senator
EDWARD
nurs Feinged
United
M. States KENNEDY Senator
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD
United States Senator
THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL THURSDAY, APRIL 13, 1995
U.S. Judge Orders Ex-Guatemala General to Pay $47.5 Million
By TIM WEINER
which tens of thousands of Guatema-
las P. Woodlock ruled that "Gra-
Constitutional Rights, a public-inter-
lan villagers were killed. As Defense
majo was aware of and supported
est law group that represented the
WASHINGTON, April 12 - A Fed-
Minister, human rights groups say,
widespread acts of brutality com-
plaintiffs, said the case was about
eral judge in Boston ordered an ex-
he presided over a system of mili-
mited under his command resulting
"accountability - holding human-
Guatemala general today to pay
tary repression that included politi-
in thousands of civilian deaths."
rights abusers accountable."
$47.5 million to an American nun
cal killings, illegal detentions and
"The evidence suggests that Gra-
She said she planned "to go to
who was tortured and eight Guate-
domestic spying by military intelli-
majo devised and directed the im-
Guatemala and ask the court there
malans who were terrorized by the
gence officers.
plementation of an indiscriminate
to enforce the judgment, but that is
Guatemalan military in the 1980's.
"Forty-seven million dollars?"
campaign of terror against civil-
more of a political issue in Guatema-
The retired general, Héctor Gra-
Mr. Gramajo said in a telephone
ians," including the nine plaintiffs,
la than a matter of law."
majo, is a conservative candidate
interview from Guatemala City. "I
said the judge. He ordered the for-
Sister Ortiz, a member of the Ur-
for president who says he had close
don't have 47 million centavos!"
mer general to pay damages rang-
suline order, went to work as a mis-
contacts with the Central Intelli-
Calling the case "a remnant of the
ing from $1 million to $9 million to
sionary in Guatemala in 1987. She
gence Agency when he was Defense
cold war," he said: "I was a public
each of the eight Guatemalans and
said she was kidnapped, raped, beat-
Minister from 1986 to 1990.
servant. I defended my country. I did
$5 million to the American nun, Sis-
en and burned times with ciga-
Mr. Gramajo led a scorched-earth
nothing wrong."
ter Dianna Ortiz.
rettes during an interrogation in
military campaign in the 1980's in
But Federal District Judge Doug-
Beth Stephens of the Center for
1989. Her torturers accused her of
working with peasants and teachers
tration from the Kennedy School of
who opposed military repression.
Government in Cambridge, Mass.
General Gramajo's only response
He was sued under the Alien Tort
to the torture that Sister Ortiz says
Claims Act, which allows Americans
she endured was to assert that her
and foreigners to file suit for viola-
burns and wounds were the result of
tions of international law while the
a sadomasochistic relationship. He
defendant is in the United States.
later said he had no basis for saying
Sister Ortiz's case is one of sev-
that.
eral of Americans killed or abused
The eight other Guatemalan plain-
by the Guatemalan military that are
tiffs live in and around Davis, Calif.,
part of a sweeping review of Ameri-
and are now seeking political asy-
can foreign policy and covert action
lum. All are Canjobal Indians whose
in Guatemala in the Reagan, Bush.
highland villages were razed and
and Clinton Administrations, The re-
their families and friends slain by
view was provoked by revelations of
soldiers under General Gramajo.
the C.I.A.'s relationship with a Gua-
Mr. Gramajo was served with the
temalan colonel who was linked to
suit in 1991 as he stood in his aca-
killings of an American innkeeper
demic robes waiting to be awarded a
and a Guatemala guerrilla married
master's degree in public adminis-
to an American lawyer.
copy
SENT to + First Clinton Lady Hillary
1117 E1 Capitan Loop
Grants, New Mexico 87020
April 4, 1996
President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary,
We the family of Sister Dianna are writing to you on her behalf.
As you know Sister Dianna is the American Nun who was kidnapped and
tortured in Guatemala.
However, we write this letter as a family who loves and deeply
care for Dianna. Yes, it is very hard to cope with Dianna's ordeal
and it has affected her family emotionally, mentally, and physically.
Many times the tears of her parents, brothers, sisters, nephews,
and nieces are so uncontrolled because we feel so helpless. So help-
less in a sense that we don't know what to do.
You see, in our hearts we know that the Dianna we grew up with
died on November 2, 1989. Why this happened to her, we don't know, but
then again we ask WHY nothing has been done to those who hurt her SO.
Since 1989 we have kept silence in hope that our country would support
Sister Dianna (an American), but the silence cannot go on much longer.
Something needs to be done with this injustice.
However, the Dianna we now know is the Dianna who continually
fights for those who have been treated so unjustly and for those who
are continually being abused and tortured.
On behalf of Sister Dianna, we ask that you PLEASE declassify all
U.S. government imformation related to human rights abuses in Guatemala
from 1954 to present, along with FULL text of the IOB' investigation
(not just a summary of the report), also ALL U.S. imformation of Sister
Dianna's case.
Again, please help us to see the peace and justice that comes from
Christ Jesus, the peace that should grow in our world.
John & Ron TR.
Onty Pilar O.t.Je Sincerely,
Richard & Michel Salayar
your Orty
The Pilar Ortiz & Family Amby Parents,
Ricky Salayaw
Abel Barbara inturrutta
Stephanie Salabal
JR. Murrietta
Nicholas R. Murrietta
RON
MelANE Other
ambroshia Murrietta
John Veronpea Ortin Oate
Benny Murrietto
Goey Murrietta
Torture victims often seem nameless and faceless.
But behind every victim, there is an individual, a family,
a community and a world being affected by torture.
Statement by Sister Dianna Ortiz
March 31, 1996
Today, on Palm Sunday, I begin my silent vigil for TRUTH in front of the White
House-the truth about my own case, and the truth about all those Guatemalans who have
suffered and died at the hands of the officially sponsored death squads. For those of us who
know and love Guatemala, it is painfully clear that our own United States government has
been closely linked to these death squads, and has a great amount of detailed information
about those of us who have survived as well as those of us who have perished. We need and
demand this information so that we can heal our wounds, bury our dead, and carry on with
our lives. We need and demand this information so that we can insist on change, insist that
these terrible realities never be repeated.
People ask how long I will be in front of the White House. I can only respond with a
question: How long will the U.S. government keep the TRUTH from me? Who is Alejandro,
the U.S. citizen present at my torture? He is a pivotal piece of my past and a symbol of the
very real and daily fact of my continuing torture-the torture of silence and secrecy. On
behalf of all of us I demand that President Clinton declassify all U.S. government information
related to human rights abuses in Guatemala, from 1954 to the present, and that the IOB
release the full text of its report, not just a summary. I want the full truth about Guatemala.
I will now maintain my silence, not a silence of complicity or coverup, but a silence
of commemoration for the thousands of known and unknown victims and survivors who have
been abducted, tortured, assassinated and disappeared in Guatemala in the past three decades.
I will not be alone on this vigil, for I know that those who have lost their lives or their
beloved family members and the thousands who have been tortured will be with me in spirit.
A candle will burn day and night as a reminder to President Clinton and his administration
that there is a presence in the park--a presence that represents those victims and survivors
whose flame will never die. As President Clinton and his administration sleep peacefully,
many of us fight to stay awake--to protect ourselves from the recurring visits from our
torturers.
Many of you know my story. What is often overlooked is that my experience is a
daily occurrence in Guatemala. More than six people a week, on average, are killed for
political reasons. More than two a week are tortured. The total death toll may never be
known. The army's counter-insurgency campaign has left an estimated 150,000 dead and
another 45,000 disappeared, victims of the dreaded official death squads. This staggering
death toll is far higher than that of the dirty wars in Argentina, Chile, and El Salvador. Most
of these violations were visited upon the Mayan population. Some 440 Mayan villages were
wiped off the map. Hundreds of people vanished. Their mutilated, charred remains are only
now beginning to emerge from secret mass graves. The truth, in Guatemala, is beginning to
be unearthed. What about in the United States? When will the truth be exhumed?
My own experience is just a reflection of the suffering of so many others. I was
teaching young children in Guatemala to read and write and to understand the Bible in respect
to their culture. For a long time I received death threats, then was abducted from the back
yard of a church retreat by members of the Guatemala security forces. They took me to a
clandestine prison where other Guatemalans were being horribly tortured. I was tortured and
raped repeatedly. My back and my chest were burned more than 111 times with cigarettes.
I was lowered into an open pit packed with human bodies--bodies of children, women and
men, some decapitated, some lying face up and caked with blood, some dead, some alive--
and all swarming with rats.
After hours of torture, I was returned to the room where the interrogation initially
occurred. It was in this room that I met Alejandro, a tall man with a light complexion. As
my torturers began to rape me again, my torturers said to him in Spanish, "Hey Alejandro,
come and have some fun." The man they referred to as "Alejandro" cursed in unmistakable
American English and ordered them to stop the torture, since I was a North American nun
and my disappearance had become public. In an earlier torture session, the men had said that
if I didn't cooperate, they would have to turn over a videotape and photographs they had
made of me to Alejandro, their boss.
Like a knight in shining armor, Alejandro seemingly came to my rescue. He helped
me on with my clothes. As he did, I asked him if he were an North American. He refused
to answer, but asked why I wanted to know. He then escorted me to into a gray Suzuki jeep,
and in poor, heavily accented Spanish, he told me that he was going to take me to a safe
haven, the US Embassy, to talk to a friend who would help me leave the country. For the
duration of the trip, I spoke to him in English, which he understood perfectly. Alejandro
professed that he was concerned about the people of Guatemala and consequently was
working to liberate them from Communism. He kept telling me in his broken Spanish that he
was sorry about what had happened to me. He claimed it was an honest mistake.
Alejandro told me to forgive my torturers because they had confused me with
Verónica Ortiz Hernández, the woman in the photos I was shown during my interrogation.
He claimed it was a case of mistaken identity. I asked him how they could have mistaken me
for a woman who did not resemble me in any way. Why were the threatening letters I had
received addressed to Madre Diana and not to Verónica Ortiz Hernández? He avoided my
questions. He kept telling me to forgive my torturers, insinuating that I was to blame for my
torture because I had not paid heed to the threats that were sent to me.
After Alejandro spoke to me of forgiving my torturers, I asked him what would
happen to the other people I heard screaming and saw tortured before my eyes. At this point,
he switched to English, which he spoke with a distinct, completely American accent. He told
me not to concern myself with them and to forget what had happened. He made it very clear
that he had been given a videotape and photographs that would incriminate me of crimes that
I was forced to participate in. He also made it a point to tell me that he could release the
footage to the public and to the press. I believe this was an obvious threat.
I cannot forget those who suffered with me and died in that clandestine prison. The
memories of what I witnessed and experienced that November day haunt me day and night.
Even to this day, I can smell the decomposing of bodies, disposed of in an open pit. I can
hear the piercing screams of other people being tortured. I can see the blood gushing out of
the woman's body as I thrust a small machete into her body. For you see, I was handed a
machete. Thinking it would be used against me, and at that point in my torture, wanting to
die, I did not resist. But my torturers put their hands onto the handle, on top of mine. And I
had no choice. I was forced to use it against another human being. What I remember is
blood gushing--spurting like a water fountain--droplets of blood splattering everywhere--
and my screams lost in the cries of the woman.
Like the people of Guatemala, I want to be free of these memories. I want out of this
nightmare, out of this past, out of this room with Alejandro and my torturers. The key is the
truth. I want to know who Alejandro was. Was he a CIA agent? Why is the U.S.
government protecting him? How many other Alejandros' are there out there, supervising the
torture of innocent people?
I have struggled with so many others, for so very long, to bring the truth to light, but this
blanket of lies remains, thick and heavy, nailed down by the U.S. government, stamped
"classified."
Like so many Guatemalan victims I have lived through the agony of not being
believed, of being branded a crazy person or even a liar. Guatemalan army officials accused
me of staging my own abduction, said that my torture was a hoax and that I burned my own
back during a lesbian love affair. Former Defense Minister General Hector Gramajo said that
these remarks originated in the U.S. Embassy. Gramajo told La Republica on April 17 that
Ambassador Stroock himself had "assured" him that Ortiz was "well" and that she had not
been abducted and tortured but simply "had problems with her nerves." Likewise, Lew
Anselem, the human rights officer at the Embassy, told a congressional aide at a cocktail
party at the American Embassy in December 1990 that my abduction and torture were the
result of a lesbian love affair gone bad. I have been asked to tell my story again and again by
those who fail to understand that for a torture survivor, to speak of the past is to relive it in
all of its horror.
Some steps have been taken. A judgment for damages was entered against General
Gramajo, a former Minister of Defense, in the U.S. courts. The Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights of the OAS has my case and many others under their consideration. A year
ago, President Clinton issued a government-wide investigation of cases of U.S. citizens
abused, killed, or disappeared in Guatemala since 1984. The scope of this investigation
included my case and that of other Coalition "Missing" members. A short time later I learned
the U.S. District Attorney's Office (Department of Justice) had also launched an investigation,
six years too late. I appreciate the efforts of some government officials who are spending
long hours making sure this investigation is thorough. I understand that these types of
investigations cannot be concluded overnight, but what I do not understand is this attitude of
secrecy. A year has gone by and I am not any closer to learning the truth behind the
nightmare of November 2, 1989. How much more must I wait?
Last April, I filed a Freedom of Information Act request, and as of today, I have not
received one shred of paper pertaining to my case, nor have I been given anything that I
consider of any value. On February 7, I wrote to President Clinton, outlining how the
experience of torture continues to affect me, even now. I pleaded with him for
declassification. I received an answer almost two months later, and it was the same as all the
other "answers" have been in the past six years: We sympathize with your suffering. We're
investigating. And so the torture of silence continues.
The torture continues on a more active level, as well. Two days ago, a white envelope
was left at my home. The contents of the envelope-which had no return address, an old
address for me glued to the front, and a green stamp that said "CAREMAIL"--were
something unexpected: either dog or human waste.
In spite of the memories of humiliation, of the pit, that this form of psychological
torture recalled, I stand with the Guatemalan people. I demand the right to heal. I demand
the right to know. I demand the right to a RESURRECTION, a future built on truth and
justice.
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS RELATED TO THE CASE OF SISTER DIANNA ORTIZ
September 19, 1987
I arrive in San Miguel Acatán.
October-December 1987
I attend language school in Antigua.
September 1988
Sister Mary Elizabeth Ballard meets with Bishop of the Diocese of
Huehuetenango, Monsignor Julio Bethancourt. He shares with her
that he has received a communication saying that we are working
with the guerrillas and that we have meetings planned with them
during the month of September.
January 1989
I receive my first threatening letter. It is addressed to Madre Diana
and states, "Be careful, people want to hurt you."
February 1989
I receive a second death threat. This threat states, "Someone wants
to kill you. Don't go around alone. Leave the country."
March 1989
I receive a third letter, which says, "It is dangerous for you. Leave
the country."
Mid-July 1989
I attend language school in Guatemala City. Teachers are on strike
and there is a great deal of upheaval in the city.
Mid-July 1989
I am approached by a man on my way to class. He informs me that
"they" know I am living in Huehuetenango. He urges me to leave
the country (same man who abducts, interrogates, rapes and tortures
me later).
July 15, 1989
I leave Guatemala for an unscheduled vacation.
September 18, 1989
I return to Guatemala to continue my ministry with the people of
San Miguel Acatán.
October 13, 1989
I receive another threatening letter, this time in Guatemala City.
This threat is not handwritten and is more disturbing than the others.
The words are made up of words cut out from the newspaper:
"Eliminate Diana, assassinate, decapitate, and rape."
October 17, 1989
I return to San Miguel Acatán and receive another threatening letter
stating, "It is dangerous for you here, the army knows you are here.
Leave the country."
October 21, 1989
Sister Darlin and I arrive at the Posada de Belén Retreat Center.
November 2, 1989
Around 8:00 A.M., I am abducted from the Posada de Belén
(Religious Retreat Center) in Antigua, Guatemala.
November 3, 1989
After being interrogated, repeatedly raped and brutally tortured and
witnessing the torture of other people, I am returned to the same
room where the interrogation initially occurred. It is this room
that I encounter face to face Alejandro, the U.S. citizen who gives
direct orders to my torturers. Alejandro, whom the torturers have
referred to as their "boss," escorts me out of the clandestine cell and
puts me into a grey jeep. He informs me that he will take me to
a safe haven, the U.S. Embassy, where his friend will help me leave
the country.
While in the jeep, I converse with Alejandro in English. He
responds in poor, heavily accented Spanish, until at one point, he
answers me in unmistakable, American English, primarily to threaten
me not to pursue any action against my torturers. I am aware that
we are in Zone 10. When he stops the jeep in heavy traffic, I
manage to jump out of the jeep and run. A kind woman takes me
in and gives me directions to get to Zone 1.
Early November 1989
My back is examined by Guatemalan doctors at the Papal Nuncio.
Others people, such as Monsignor Penados del Barrio, witness the
burns on my back.
I'm told that I met with Ambassador Thomas Stroock very briefly.
November 5, 1989
With the assistance of the Papal Nuncio and the U.S. Embassy, I
leave the country.
November 8, 1989
I am examined by my family physician, Dr. Gutierrez, in Grants,
New Mexico.
December 6, 1989
I provide a preliminary statement to Guatemalan and U.S. officials
describing the basic details of my abduction and torture. Soon
thereafter, a smear campaign is initiated against me by both the
Guatemalan and the U.S. governments. General Hector Gramajo,
Guatemala's Minister of the Defense, accuses me of having been
involved in a lesbian love affair and having staged my own
disappearance.
January 1990
President Cerezo makes statements to Americas Watch indicating
that my story was a fabrication intended to embarrass the
government at the February 1990 meeting of United Nations Human
Rights Commission in Geneva.
January 6, 1990
I provide a complete affidavit on my case to Guatemalan and U.S.
officials.
January 19, 1990
Judge Antonio Mosquera Estrada, Judge of the First Instance of the
Department of Sacatepéquez, in Antigua, Guatemala, prepares a
"Letter Rogatory" (suplicatorio) requesting that I present my
testimony to the Guatemalan court through the U.S. Federal District
Court in Kentucky. (Due to diplomatic delays, the documents are
not formally presented to the U.S. Federal District Court in
Kentucky for my response until over a year later, in March 1991.)
March 1990
General Morales Villatoro, Guatemala's Minister of the Interior (in
charge of the National Police), declares the case a "self-kidnapping"
and officially closes the investigation into the case.
March 19, 1990
In spite of being given doctors' reports showing that I have been
tortured, the U.S. Embassy issues a press guidance saying it had
"not formed any conclusions" as to whether I have "staged [my]
own kidnapping."
April 1990
The Ursuline Order sends first delegation to Guatemala to demand
that my case be investigated. Father Joseph Nangle is among a
delegation to the Embassy that hears Human Rights Officer Lewis
Anselem say, in Ambassador Stroock's presence, that he is "tired
of these lesbian nuns coming down" to Guatemala. Anselem
tells a U.S. congressional aide and Guatemala's Interior Minister that
I was not really kidnapped but instead sneaked out for lesbian sex.
The Minister of the Interior subsequently tells ABC News that he
got this story from the "American Embassy."
April 17, 1990
General Hector Gramajo Morales tells La Republica, a Guatemalan
daily, that Stroock himself has "assured" him that Ortiz is "well"
and that she was not abducted and tortured but simply "had
problems with her nerves."
April 1990
General Hector Gramajo admits that he has no evidence to
substantiate his accusations against me.
President Cerezo orders that the investigation into my case be re-
opened.
June 1990
President Cerezo names a Special Presidential Commission to
oversee the investigation into the my case, including Monsignor
Penados, the Archbishop of Guatemala; a deputy minister of the
Interior; a delegate from the Human Rights Ombudsman's Office;
and my legal representative.
December 1990
The Ursuline Order sends a second delegation to Guatemala to
inquire as to the status of the Special Presidential Commission and
the investigation into the my case. Judge Mosquera declares that
the case is a hoax which I invented and states that if I have scars
on my back from cigarette burns, I put them there myself after I left
Guatemala. The head of the National Police, Gen. Caballeros, meets
with the delegation and claims that the National Police have "lost
the file" on my case, apologizing that the department has been in
a sorry state due to mismanagement by his predecessor at the time
of my abduction. He provides the delegation with a four-page
summary of the National Police file.
Two members of the delegation meet briefly with then-presidential
candidate Jorge Serrano, who promises that, if elected, he will
convene the Special Commission named to investigate my case.
January 1991
Jorge Serrano wins the run-off election and takes over the
presidency. I am interviewed by representatives of the U.S. State
Department.
April 1991
Jorge Serrano disbands the Special Commission established by
President Cerezo to investigate my case.
July 1991
The Ursulins send a third delegation to Guatemala. Serrano's
Attorney General, Asisclo Valladares, names Guatemala's first
"Special Prosecutor" Fernando Linares to investigate my case and
push for a resolution through the courts.
The case is transferred from the court in Antigua to the Fifth
Criminal Court of the First Instance in Guatemala City after another
judge has replaced Mosquera. The Antigua judge responsible for
the case at the time of the transfer to Guatemala City states that he
has not investigated the case because he does not believe my
testimony, since "she claimed that the men torturing her had drunk
wine and everyone knows we Guatemalans only drink beer or rum."
August 1991
Special Prosecutor Fernando Linares and representatives of the
Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman are invited to interview
me in Kentucky.
September 1991
The Special Prosecutor refuses and the Ombudsman's office accepts.
October 1991
I am interviewed in Kentucky by investigator María Eugenia de
Sierra, Assistant Human Rights Ombudsman.
November 1991
The Special Prosecutor and/or an investigator from his office are
again invited to interview me in the United States [no response
is received, despite repeated letters and phone calls].
February 1992
The Ursulines send a fourth delegation to Guatemala. Arrangements
are made with Linares and Ambassador Stroock for me to return to
Guatemala to testify before the court in Guatemala City.
Femando Linares finally receives legal authorization from the
Attorney General's office required for him to pursue my case before
the court.
March 1992
Formal statements published by Linares in the Guatemalan
newspapers threaten to close the case and demand that I appear in
the Guatemalan courts (although such an appearance had already
been scheduled and confirmed).
April 1992
I testify in the Guatemalan court for more than eighteen hours. I
do a judicial reconstruction of my abduction (i.e., reenactment) and
offer to submit to additional medical examinations; the judge states
that the U.S. Federal District Court in Kentucky was "not
competent" to provide the Guatemalan court with my sworn
testimony which had been requested (and provided) through Letter
Rogatory, yet says she will use the same "letters rogatory" procedure
in the future to request information from me in the United States.
March 1993
I return to Guatemala to continue pursuing my case. I participate
in a judicial reconstruction and identify the Old Politecnica School
in Zone 10 as the place where I and a number of Guatemalans were
detained and tortured.
I also view files of photos of potential suspects. I work with a
sketch artist from the National Police and complete the composite
drawings of three or the four men involved in my abduction and
torture. One of the composite drawings is of Alejandro, the U.S.
citizen who gave explicit orders to my torturers.
I meet with then-Human Rights Ombudsman Ramiro de León
Carpio. I describe the clandestine prison where myself and others
were held and tortured and provide a detailed description of the men
who were involved. Carpio indicates that he knows of the
clandestine prison that I am referring to. He also suggests that he
has significant information on the case and the possible involvement
of members of the G-2.
January 1994
I return to Guatemala a third time and participate in yet another
judicial reconstruction, actually walking into the Old Politecnica,
where I and other Guatemalans were detained and tortured.
I also meet with Jorge Laguardia, the newly appointed Ombudsman
for Human Rights. He informs me that he is unfamiliar with my
case and that my file is no longer in their office. According to Mr.
Laguardia, Ramiro de León removed my file from the office after
assuming the presidency.
In a later meeting with President Carpio, he denies removing my
files and retracts his earlier statements condemning the G-2
involvement in my abduction and torture.
June 1994
I receive information from a number of sources that former Special
Prosecutor in charge of my case in Guatemala, Femando Linares.
has recommended to the Guatemalan Fifth Court of First Instance
that my case be dismissed for lack of evidence. Upon receiving this
news, I write to a number of Guatemalan and U.S. officials--
including Ambassador to Guatemala, Marilyn McAfee--to protest
this action. Marilyn McAfee writes back informing me that she has
made contact with the new chief prosecutor of the Public Ministry
of Guatemala, Ramses Cuestas, and he has told her the investigation
into my case would continue.
Early November 1994
I return to Guatemala for the fourth time. On November 3, I meet
with Chief Prosecutor Ramses Cuestas to discuss the investigation
of my abduction and torture. He informs me that my case has not
been closed; instead, it has been returned to the Public Ministry,
since this office has the responsibility for judicial investigations
under the recently enacted Criminal Procedure Code. Cuestas
promises to provide me with periodic status reports on the
investigation. These reports are to be forwarded to me by the
Embassy. A year and a half has passed, and I'm still waiting for
the first report.
Mr. Cuestas also informs me that the evidence of my abduction and
torture is very strong and he finds it unbelievable that the case has
not moved more quickly in the past five years. He states that the
problem is that there has not been the political will on the part of
the military to conduct a thorough investigation, and that there has
been a problem getting access to military installations and
investigating the actions of the military. (I recorded this conversation
with Cuestas.)
Guatemalan authorities continue to make defamatory statements
about me. Maurice de León, a spokesperson for the Guatemalan
military, makes statements on Guatemalan television and to the
foreign press accusing me of being the chief spokesperson for the
rebel forces in Guatemala and asserting that, for that reason, I lack
credibility.
February 1995
I file a complaint against the government of Guatemala
before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the
Organization of American States. On February 3, I provide oral
testimony to the Commission. A decision is pending.
April 12, 1995
A federal court in Boston holds General Hector Gramajo responsible
for the commission of gross human rights abuses and orders him
to pay $47.5 million in damages to the plaintiffs, who include
myself and eleven Guatemalans. I am awarded $5 million.
Gramajo is found responsible for my abduction, secret detention,
and torture. Months later, the U.S. State Department revokes his
visa.
March 30, 1995
President Clinton directs the Intelligence Oversight Board (IOB) to
conduct a government-wide review of the disappearance of Efraín
Bámaca and the death of Michael Vine. The scope of this
inquiry also covers any intelligence bearing on the deaths,
disappearances or abuses of U.S. citizens in Guatemala since 1984.
My case is included in this investigation.
Early April
I file a Freedom of Information Act request to obtain my documents
from the following government agencies: Army Intelligence,
Central Intelligence Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency,
Department of Defense, Department of State, the Federal Bureau
of Investigation, and the National Security Agency.
May 10, 1995
My legal representatives and I attend a meeting with Ed Levine,
Senator Specter's aide, and the Senate Intelligence Committee.
During this meeting, I give my testimony.
August 14, 1995
My legal representatives and I meet with the members of the
Intelligence Oversight Board. I provide the IOB with an oral
testimony. A more detailed affidavit with highly sensitive material
is given to members of the IOB, who agree to keep it confidential.
September 15, 1995
My legal representatives, Anna Gallagher and Michelle Arington,
as well as Ted Keating and myself meet with Dan Seikaly and Bob
Chaney from the U.S. District Attorney's office. In this meeting Mr.
Seikaly explains how a criminal investigation proceeds in a typical
case involving crimes outside of the U.S. Mr. Seikaly states that
my case is not a typical case. In my case, he says, the FBI had
difficulty obtaining information from me during the initial
investigation stage. Apparently, my lawyer had informed the FBI
that I was not interested in meeting with government officials. After
my return to the States, I'm told that the FBI requested to meet and
that I denied their request. The torture experience left me in a very
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
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RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
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re: Chronology of Events Related to the Case of Sister Dianna Ortiz
00/00/0000
b(7)(C), b(6)
[partial] (2 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Melanne Verveer
OA/Box Number: 20048
FOLDER TITLE:
Sister Ortiz: [Guatemala - Human Rights]
2013-0534-S
rc1822
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act - [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
P1 National Security Classified Information [(a)(1) of the PRA]
b(1) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
traumatized state. Since there was an American in the clandestine
prison, giving orders to my torturers, I did not trust anyone affiliated
with the U.S. government. Even though the FBI did not have access
to me, they could have interviewed witnesses both in Guatemala and
the United States, and they did have my affidavit. Instead, it was
said that the reason my case was not investigated was because I did
not cooperate with U.S. officials. The blame fell on me. Now that
the case has been "re-opened," it, like that of Michael DeVine, is
proceeding under the Anti-Terrorist Act.
During the meeting, Seikaly indicates that he will not proceed with
his investigation until he receives my amended affidavit. He states
that he will keep it locked in his files and only he, Bob Chaney, and
[001]
(b)(6), (b)(7)c
(the FBI investigator) will be allowed to see it. If my
case ever goes to trial, the amended affidavit will have to be
produced for the defense, he says. However, I could always decide
not to proceed with a trial, thereby keeping the affidavit from being
disclosed. Later, I learn that a Grand Jury has been
convened on my case without my knowledge. The District
Attorney's Office will not tell me whether the Grand Jury has had
access to my affidavit.
In this meeting, Mr. Seikaly states that the criminal
investigation of my case has not put a hold on my FOIA requests.
In spite of this information, when I have brought up the fact that
I have received no information pertaining to my case in response
to the FOIA, I am told that the information cannot be released to
me because an investigation is underway.
February 22, 1996
Joe Nangle, Marie Dennis, Anna Gallagher, and I meet with
Assistant U.S. Attorney Michael Tubach, George Calhoun, of the
Department of Justice, and FBI agents
(b)(6), (b)(7)c
(b)(7)c, (b)(6) Dan Seikaly and Dan Chaney are present for the first five
minutes and then leave. Mr. Tubach confirms that a Grand Jury
has been convened but states that under the law, he could not inform
me of this. In an earlier conversation, Mr. Tubach had explained
to my attorney that he was afraid to tell us about the Grand Jury
because we would go to the press. In the course of this meeting,
I learn that the U.S. Attorney's Office wants to request that an expert
physician examine my back. My attorney and I are given no
substantive information.
March 1, 1996
Anna Gallagher. Dr. Mary Fabri, and I meet with
(b)(6), (b)(7)c
(b)(7)c, (b)(6)
and Michael Tubach. The purpose of the meeting
is to have Dr. Fabri interviewed by the FBI and U.S. attorneys, and
she is interviewed privately after the meeting; but during the
meeting, in my presence, she explains to the investigators the effects
of torture on those who survive it and the difficulty involved in
repeating the sequence of brutalities over and over. I had requested
that she impart this information because I felt that the U.S.
Attorney's Office and I were speaking different languages, that the
attitude of the investigators was hostile, that they didn't believe what
I was saying, didn't think I was cooperating, and expected me to
trust the U.S. government immediately and implicitly. Dr. Fabri
explained that, as the result of the U.S. government's smear
campaign against me, I have felt that my government will never
help me. The presence of the American as I was being tortured also
has made trust in the U.S. government difficult for me; I can't
imagine that my government doesn't know who he is.
March 7, 1996
I formulate a letter to Mr. Clinton that outlines my case and the
effects of torture on myself and others. A legislative aide agrees
to get it to Mr. Clinton. Copies of the letter are given to Frank
Fountain, John Shattuck, Representative Smith, Senator Leahy,
Senator Ford, and Representative Morella.
In summary, over the past twelve months I have met time and again with members of the
IOB, the Senate Select Intelligence Committee, and the U.S. District Attorney's Office, and I
know no more now about my abduction and torture than I did six years ago.
Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
002. paper
re: Sister Dianna Ortiz (1 page)
00/00/0000
b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
First Lady's Office
Melanne Verveer
OA/Box Number: 20048
FOLDER TITLE:
Sister Ortiz: [Guatemala - Human Rights]
2013-0534-S
rc 1822
RESTRICTION CODES
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Torture victims often seem nameless and faceless.
But behind every victim, there is an individual, a family,
a community and a world being affected by torture.
President Bill Clinton
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, DC 20500
February 7. 1996
Dear President Clinton:
I am writing to implore your assistance in an urgent matter. It's my
understanding that you've been briefed on my case and for that reason I will not
bombard you with specifics.
For more than six years I have battled tirelessly to learn the truth of why
I and innocent Guatemalans fell victim to inhuman acts committed both by
Guatemalans and US citizens. After my release, US officials opted to ignore what
had happened to me; instead, in concert with the Guatemalan government, they
concealed the truth by orchestrating a smear campaign against me with the intent
of ruining my credibility. It was not until last spring's scandal that a sudden
interest was awakened in my case and those of countless Guatemalans. But even
with all of this, I still, to this day, more than six years later, do not know the
truth.
In April of last year, I filed my Freedom of Information Act request to obtain
access to US government documents on my case. I find it very disturbing to know
that various entities that are conducting an investigation of Guatemala cases--
the IOB, the Senate Intelligence Committee, the Justice Department, etc.--all
have access to my documents. I, on the other hand, have not received one shred
of paper, nor have I been given any substantial information on my case. I am the
only one who has nightmares about what happened. Yet I am the only one, it
seems, who is not allowed to know.
I would like to share with you how the experience of torture continues to
torment me. Like many torture survivors, I dread the arrival of night. The
stillness of the darkness pounds on the locked doors of my mind. I know that if
I close my eyes the torturers will return. Awake I fight them; asleep I am
powerless. Recently, unable to fight my body's need for sleep, I closed my eyes.
I dreamed my torturers escorted me into a room that screamed of hell. The walls
were splattered with dried blood and the floor was carpeted with mounds of
human waste. In the middle of the room was a cot-like bed with a blood-stained
sheet. My torturers ordered me to peel the sheet back. On the cot lay the
unblemished body of a woman. I watched as they marred her body, severed her
708 Rock Creek Church Road NW Washington. DC 20010 (202) 529-6599 or 291-437]
breasts, charred her skin into round holes with the tips of their cigarettes. The
once unblemished face was black and blue, covered with blood, and distorted
beyond recognition. The woman cried out for help. I tried to protect her from
these monsters. The room became an arena and Alejandro sat in the seat of
"honor." Behind him sat an entourage of US officials. With a pipe in his mouth.
he watched nonchalantly as a human life was destroyed. I awakened--with a
bloody nose and bruises where my flailing hands had pounded against the wall.
You see, Mr. Clinton, I always want out. Out of this nightmare. Out of this
past. Out of this room with Alejandro and my Guatemalan torturers. But the
nightmare doesn't end when I awake because Alejandro is not just a dream image.
He is a pivotal piece of my past and a symbol of the very real and daily fact: He
represents six years of US officials that have lied to me, concealed truth, denied
me basic information, and tried to keep me in the darkness.
Why is my government concealing the truth from me, from the Guatemalan
people, and from the American public? Who is this American, Alejandro, who not
only was present in the torture chamber but had the authority to give orders to
my torturers? Why is my government protecting him? Is national security a
higher priority than human life?
Like the Guatemalan people, I want desperately to put the past behind me.
I have been very patient for six years. What would you do? God forbid, but what
if it had been your daughter, your wife? What would you tell her? Forget?
Mr. Clinton, you can put these ghosts to rest by ordering a comprehensive
and rapid declassification of US government documents pertaining to my case and
to all human rights violations in Guatemala. Give us the truth and let us rest.
Time is running out for me. If the IOB report does not reveal answers to my
search for the truth, then I have no other choice than to take strong action.
Perhaps hunger strikes or other actions are the only means of obtaining truth in
this country. I don't want attention. All I want is peace for myself and for the
Guatemalan people. I don't think that's too much to ask.
Thank you for listening,
Sister Dianna Ortiz, OSU
CC: Frank Fountain. counsel for the IOB
Anthony Harrington, Chairman of the IOB,
Anthony Lake, Assistant to the President for National Security
John Shattuck, Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights
Selected Congressional offices
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 29, 1996
Dear Sister Ortiz:
Thank you for your letter bringing your concerns directly to my
attention. I deeply regret the suffering you so movingly
describe and offer you my sincere sympathy.
I believe you are aware that I have directed the Intelligence
Oversight Board (IOB) to conduct a complete review of all
intelligence information that may bear on the facts of your case.
In parallel with the IOB's review, the Justice Department is also
currently investigating your case. The IOB is working as quickly
as possible to complete its challenging work while ensuring its
review is thorough. The IOB hopes to finish its review in the
first half of this year.
Once I have reviewed the IOB's report, I intend to make all
appropriate information available to you, the other victims or
their families and the public. The IOB will contact you directly
to share this information with you.
The experiences you recount are terrible and clearly haunt you
still. The IOB's unprecedented review is nearing completion, and
I hope its report may help you gain some measure of peace. In
the meantime, I know the IOB will continue its dialogue with you
on the status of its review.
Sincerely,
Riu Chirton
Sister Dianna Ortiz, OSU
708 Rock Creek Church Road, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20010