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Thomas "Tom" Shea's Files
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FOIA Number: 2016-0920-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Chief of Staff
Series/Staff Member:
Tom Shea
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
8436
FolderID:
Folder Title:
Cuba [3]
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Section:
Shelf:
Position:
S
23
7
7
2
And
17 September 1996
MEMORANDUM TO SANDY BERGER
CC:
Alexis Herman
David Wofford
Tom Shea
From:
Harold Ickes
Re:
Orestes Lorenzo - bringing his mother and father to
Florida to pay their respects to his uncle who died
this past summer
Attached is a self explanatory 17 September letter to me from
Pamela S. Falk concerning Orestes Lorenzo, the pilot who rescued
his wife and children on a Cuban highway in 1992 after defecting
from Cuba 2 years earlier, who is trying to bring his mother and
father to Florida to visit in order to pay their respects to his
uncle, who apparently died this past summer. According to Ms.
Falk, their request is "logjammed" at the State Department.
Let's discuss how to respond.
Sep. 17 '96 11:32
FALL 3 WALLACE
TEL 2126621940
P. 1
CARIBBEAN CULTURAL CENTER
Pamela S. Falk
Senior Fellow
September 17, 1996
To:
Harold Ickes, Esq.
The White House
1st floor West Wing
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20502
DETERMINED TO BE
H AN
By telecopier: 202-456-2464
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING
INITIALS: JM DATE: 6/12/18
Dear Harold:
2016-0920-F
I am writing to you as someone who I know is concerned about basic human issues.
As you know, I am a strong supporter of the President and have agreed to speak during the
campaign as a surrogate speaker on issues related to Latin America. For this reason, I
wanted to bring an issue to your attention.
Orestes Lorenzo -- the pilot who rescued his wife and children with a small Cessna
on a Cuban highway in 1992, after defecting from the Cuban military two years earlier, and
brought them to America -- is trying to bring his mother and father to Florida as visitors only
so they can pay their last respects to his uncle, who died this past summer.
I thought you would want to know that his parents have been frustrated in their effort
as a result of a logjam at the State Department. Quite apart from this being a potentially
explosive political issue, Orestes seems to have made a persuasive case that his parents will
return to Cuba, since they visited him once before and returned to Cuba. I think there are
compelling reasons to approve their trip and renew Orestes' faith in our commitment to
human rights.
Please let me know if you need any additional information on this. On the White
House front, keep up the good work. November is looking better than good.
Number of pages 1 Ru
phone: (212) 662-2422, fax: (212) 662-1940; D.C. (202) 367-2925; e-mail: [email protected]
Mindy
Joge was Canoar
Exodus Program
file-Cuba file Cuba
Peta Deatch
private initiation program
Torch
2-3k visas out aside for
Minenday
Jorge contact
print orgo for sprial projects
need My Jush groups dr bring ufuseniks
(Russin June)
/
Exoders
Jorge fond out about it + got
N
Radis /TV Marti
someone in Cong. 6 give him 1,000
3
BBG / Cuba Broadcasting
visa
4
Immigration accord
pol. successful divised application
"Cuban amer. nat'l Fdn. Erodus program"
for third county Cabars to get of U.S.
allows circumstional of mg. pol. anylum who
grow to 4, pn yr.
hind 15 imployees my ofc. in Radrid + So. america
raised $ $ in community
non it like a Cuban amn. nat'l Congress program
as approved to USG program
when you applied, you had to become mlr. of C,A.N.F. &
hn started to we it as a FR $ dorl
- INS oppoard - INS forced to send investigators to all
INS bated pergiam
countries when Culan immigrants were
coming from
- 50% didn't meet regists. for program
- Gorge would call long of WH of pussions then to
proneure INS of issue evaives
- Bud allowed it
JMC will fr. State of FL in ( Lawto Chile) JMC didn't support
scandol oon receiving state frinds (FL)
Miami Hecold investigate
those who came in under
program & were now on wilfare food atomps its.
imigus were reg'd do get
insurance (toproint Medicaid ovalood)
of Bd. mbr. of C.A.N.C. was the ina
salesman for all
INS didn't give JMC any visas in 92 (rra under Bush)
When Mr were dicted
JMC requested program to begin again
INS
Congress backing offor private initiative visas now (92)
Lula
whit @ DoJ Mc'd 1500-2000 ph ap. (good politics for POTUS)
then she Wabb both left + idea dropped
(now) no longer advantagions for Pres,
,
arti- immigration sentiment
(wn have alrady put and to unlimited Cuban imm.)
this would br counter to only own policis
2
our ovuall policy is taking control of on borden
16 asston Erform would mrs countr to this)
If Cuba sees us acting in concert of J.M.C. a Wodn,
it may undumine om new imm. agreement of Cuba:
"Cala does not allow prople to have in rafts"
Undn states and in 92
Cubars coming in rafts
it
was a good rdra
POTUS reversed status girs
no longer makes sense
INS will go nut
its.
we now bring 20, ovo per Mr. legally L. Cuba pn Mr.
micon
will
go
nuts This not are
if Cuba
THE
CUBAN
AMERICAN
NATIONAL
FOUNDATION
CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION
CUBAN EXODUS RELIEF FUND
The Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) began the Cuban Exodus Relief Fund (CERF)
in an effort to provide assistance to Cuban political refugees stranded in third countries after their escape
from Castro's dictatorship in Cuba. The Cubans had been languishing for years in third countries
throughout the world without legal status and with no capability of soliciting entry into the United States.
For several years, the Exodus program raised over $4 million in private donations to provide humanitarian
assistance to these refugees in the form of food, shelter, education and medical assistance until a solution
could be provided to allow them entry into the United States to be reunited with their families. This aid
included the following:
Monthly checks to refugee families in third countries, support for the special needs of the elderly, the
disabled, children and unwed mothers;
School tuition and books for the children where government did not allow refugees to attend public
facilities;
Shelter, clothing, medical attention, and Christmas care packages. The assistance was administered by
CANF delegations throughout various countries and visits by CANF officials and staff from Miami;
On June 13, 1988, the CANF, the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the Department of
State signed a historic agreement at a White House ceremony which paved the way for these Cubans to be
brought to America at no cost to U.S. taxpayers. This private refugee resettlement program allowed up to
1,500 Cubans stranded abroad to immediately emigrate to the U.S., with an additional 1,500 every year
thereafter. The agreement was based on a 1986 Administration decision to establish a program whereby the
private sector could sponsor as many as 4,000 refugees annually. Under this unique program, called the
Private Sector Initiative (PSI), individual sponsors, in coordination with the Foundation, would guarantee
shelter, employment and medical insurance, as well as other basic necessities, to ensure that local, state and
federal government funds were not used for resettlement.
By September, 1988, the first group of Exodus Cubans arrived from Panama and Costa Rica. Since
the program's inception, nearly 10,000 Cubans have been successfully reunited with their families in the
U.S. The program has also served as a model for other private sector efforts. It is estimated the Exodus
program has provided a savings of well over $40 million to the U.S. taxpayers in refugee resettlement.
Although each year the CANF and the Exodus have worked with the Immigration and
Naturalization Service and the Department of State in order to successfully re-negotiate the terms of the
program and help address the new realities and circumstances of third country Cubans, this year's
negotiations remain unresolved. This has become a great concern for the Cuban American community and
for the families of these individuals whose only hope of reunification is through the Exodus program. Many
of these third country Cubans include former Cuban political prisoners who remain in precarious
circumstances abroad and who are the victims of reprisals by Castro sympathizers in these third countries.
The CANF and the Exodus program believe that an orderly resolution to this crisis situation can be
provided and remains prepared to work with the Department of State, the Immigration Naturalization
Service and the Administration in order to find a satisfactory answer to this dilemma. The Exodus has
proposed that a new Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) be signed which would allow Cubans arrived
to a third country through the date of signing of the new agreement to be eligible for the program. This is
the primary issue which needs to be resolved with Immigration and Naturalization Service and the
Department of State in order for the Exodus to fulfill its goals and objectives in providing the
Administration and the Cuban American community a responsible and successful solution to this important
issue for our community.
MIAMI. P.O. BOX 440069 / MIAMI, FLORIDA 33144 / TEL (305) 592-7768 / FAX: (305) 592-7889
WASHINGTON: 1000 THOMAS JEFFERSON STREET N.W., SUITE 505 / WASHINGTON, D.C. 20007 / TEL.: (202) 265-2822
THE
CUBAN
AMERICAN
FOUNDATION
STATISTICS OF CUBAN REFUGEES
STRANDED IN 3RD COUNTRIES
(as of September 12th 1995)
Country
Count
Country
Count
Alemania
12
Argentina
33
Austria
3
Bahamas
64
Belgica
2
Belice
7
Bolivia
9
Brazil
14
Canada
9
Checoslovakia
1
Chile
21
Colombia
62
Costa Rica
416
Curacao
3
Denmark
1
Ecuador
56
España
574
Finlandia
5
Francia
22
Gran Cayman
339
Guatemala
4
Honduras
24
Irlanda
14
Italia
2
Jamaica
20
Mexico
12
Nicaragua
61
Noruega
4
Panamá
189
Paraguay
1
Peru
114
Portugal
1
Republica Dominicana
500
Rusia
197
Suecia
51
Uruguay
2
Venezuela
541
West Indies
5
Total of Refugees: 3395
MIAMI: P.O. BOX 440069 / MIAMI, FLORIDA 33144 / TEL.: (305) 592-7768 / FAX: (305) 592-7889
WASHINGTON: 1000 THOMAS JEFFERSON STREET N.W., SUITE 505 / WASHINGTON, D.C. 20007 / TEL.: (202) 265-2822
CERF ARRIVALS
INDIVIDUALS
4,000
3,657
3,000
2,000
1,814
1,507
989
1,000
733
432
0
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
CERF ARRIVALS
FAMILIES
4,000
3,000
2,000
1,276
968
1,000
529
410
248
184
0
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
EXODUS PROJECT ARRIVALS
(09/27/93)¹
Country
Fiscal '88
Fiscal '89
Fiscal '90
Fiscal '91
Fiscal '92
Fiscal '93
Total
Argentina
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
Bahamas
0
0
14
6
0
0
20
Bolivia
0
0
14
0
0
0
14
Costa Rica
468
99
7
10
51
0
635
Cuba
0
0
0
0
139
150
289
Dominican Rep.
0
0
33
283
36
0
352
Ecuador
0
0
0
75
2
0
77
El Salvador
0
2
0
0
0
0
2
France
0
0
0
0
0
1
1
Gran Cayman
0
0
0
0
0
15
15
Guatemala
0
18
2
4
1
0
25
Haiti
0
0
0
4
0
0
4
México
0
0
0
0
0
8
8
Panama
265
333
893
1,404
4
82
2,981
Peru
0
0
0
0
161
0
161
Portugal
0
6
5
0
0
0
11
Russia
0
0
0
0
1
102
103
Spain
0
1,049
59
0
333
60
1,501
Venezuela
0
0
2,630
28
260
11
2,929
Total Individuals
733
1,507
3,657
1,814
989
432
9,132
Total Families
248
529
1,276
968
410
184
3,615
1 Date of last arrival
Fiscal Year begins October 1st previous calendar year.
09-17-1995
05PM
FROM
TO
EXODUS
P.09
THE CUBAN AMERICAN NATIONAL FOUNDATION
DIRECTORS:
FERNANDO FERNANDEZ CATA
MIGUEL a. MARTINEZ
ING. ROBERTO A. WEILL
ERNESTO J. DE LA FE. Esq.
no PEREZ GARCIA
GEORGE J. FOWLER III
ING. EDUARDO R. MARTINEZ
JUAN JOSE DONESTEVEZ
MEDARDO PEREZ
PEDRO ADRIAN
FELICIANO FOYO. C.P.A.
JORGE L. MAS CANOSA
TRUSTEES:
LEONARDO A. FANDIRO
PEDRO E. PRADO
PETER P, AGUILERA
MORACIO S. GARCIA
ARNALDO MONZON
IVAN FERNANDEZ
JOSE G. PUIG, P.E
MANUEL ALVAREZ. M.D.
JUAN FELIDE GARCIA, M.D.
DOMINGO R. MOREIRA
ING. GERARDO ABASCAL #
MATIAS FERNANDEZ
CARLOS P. DUINTELA
NORBERTO AZOUETA. 3.
RAFAEL E. GOMEZ, M.D.
ARMANDO E. MUROZ
LOURDES ABABCAL QUIRCH
FEUX M. GARCIA
JULIO RODBIGUEZ ISALQUE
BAUL R. BENCOMO. Ex.
JOHN F. GONZALEZ
ARGENIO NUNEZ
AMADO J. A006TA, P.E.
ARACELIO GONZALEZ
MANUEL A. RODRIGUEZ
DA. LUIS BOTIFOLL
JUAN M. GONZALEZ
ELPIDIO NUNEZ
CLORAM ALANO
HECTOR HERNANDEZ
MENRY J. SACERO. M.D.
BERNABE CABRERA
RAUL GONZALEZ M.O.
JORGE OCHOTORENA
NG ARTURO ALFONGO BRU
PUPI HURTADO
EDUARDO A. SAINZ MOREIRA
FERNANDO CANTO. C.P.A.
ABEL MERNANDEZ
RODOLFO PARDO
CARLOS J. ARBOLEYA
EMILIANO INFANTE SFGRERA
IGNACIO E. SANCHEZ, Enq.
ALBERTO CARDENAS, Esq.
ALBERTO HERNANDEZ MD
ERELIO PEÑA
LUIS F. ARENCIBIA
SERGIO A. LEISECA, Exc.
EUGENIO SAN3ON, C.P.A.
GERARDO CHAVEZ
FRANCISCO J. HERNANDEZ
LOMBARDO PEREZ
DONATO ARGUELLES. M.O.
ING. MANUEL LEIZAN
ARNALDO SANTA CRUZ
ALFREDO CORTINA
L. PATRICK KELLY
REMBERTO J. PEREZ
LUIS ARRIZURIETA
WALTER L. LISTA P.E.
RALPH SANTA-CRUZ. B.E.
TONY COSTA
WALDO A. LAURENCIO. M.D.
ROBERTO MARTIN PEREZ
RAMIRO R. BERTOT
ISABEL M. LLUIS
JOAQUIN SICARS
LUS CRUZ
ENRIQUE LAVERNIA M.D.
DELFIN PERNAS, P.E.
JOSE M, OILBAO CONZALEZ
ING. ADRIEL LONGO
LORENZO o. TELLERIA
CARLOS M. DE CESPEDES
ING. JORGE LEISECA
NO. ANTONIO A. PLANOS
ALBERTO BUSTAMANTE MD.
TERNANDO R, MARCHEOO
TONY TRELLES
JUAN DELGADO
RENE LIEDTKE, P.E.
LUIS CRLANDO PONS
HILARIO CANDELA FAIA
MEL R. MARTINEZ. Csq.
on. ANDRES VARGAS GOMEZ
GUSTAVO DE LOB REYES
DR, CARLOS LOPEZ AGUIAR
LUIS G. REDONDO. M.D.
THOMAS P. CARLOS, Egg
RAUL U MARTINEZ URIOSTE
AGUSTIN VAZQUEZ-LETVA, M.D.
CLARA MA. DEL VALLE
JOGE JOAQUIN LONEZ MONTES
ARO. COMINGO SADURNI
ELOY CEPERO
HOMERO MERUELO
OBVALDO VENTO
ELENA DIAZ- VERSON AMOS
JOSE ANTONIO LLAMA
DIEGO R. SUAREZ
MANUEL J. COTO. M.D.
ELPIDIO NUNEZ. k,
EVALDO F. DUPUY
ALBERTO J. MARINO
LUIS TIGERA
ANA R. CRAFT, Egg.
FERNANDO OJEDA. st.
ELSA EATON
ISRAEL L. MARMOL
FELIPE A. VALLS
JOSE LUIS CREBP1
HERMINIO C. ORIZONDO. M.O.
JERONIMO ESTEVE-ABRIL
ING VENANCIO C. MART1
OSCAR G. VALOUEZ
MANUEL J. CUTILLAB
ING. PEDRO E. PADRON
September 23, 1993
The Honorable Webster Hubbell
Associate Attorney General
Department of Justice
Tenth Street & Constitution Ave., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20530
Dear Judge Hubbell:
The Cuban American National Foundation is greatly
alarmed with the current emergency situation created by
increased political repression in Cuba over the last few
months. This persecution has resulted in a marked increase
in defections and arrivals of Cuban refugees to third
countries around the world, and has forced Cubans to seek
evermore desperate means of entry into the United States.
We are particularly concerned that in their efforts to
reach liberty in the U.S., these refugees may fall prey to
illegal schemes, visa fraud, and other false promises. Such
violations of U.S. laws cannot be condoned by the Cuban
American community and will only lead to greater suffering of
the refugees and their families.
We would like to request an opportunity to meet with you
at your earliest convenience to discuss this issue and make a
proposal in order to make possible the continued processing
of third country Cuban refugees in an orderly and responsible
manner through our Cuban Exodus Relief Fund (CERF) over the
next few years. For over thirty-three years, the Cuban
American community has worked with the U.S. government to
bring Cuban political refugees in a programmed fashion and we
would like to work with you in order to address this new
crisis situation.
The Cuban Exodus Relief Fund, our private refugee
resettlement program, has to date successfully reunified
nearly 10,000 Cuban political refugees with their families in
the United States. This humanitarian program was established
MIAMI
WASHINGTON
P.O. nor 440000
Chairman: .ORGE L. MAS CANOSA Vice-Chairmen: ALBERTO M. HERNANDEZ
1000 THOMAS JEFFERSON ST. N.W. SUITE 506
MIAMI, FLORIDA 33144
President: FRANCISCO J. HERNANDEZ
WASHINGTON 0.20007
09-17-1995 05:06PM FROM
TO
EXODUS P.10
Judge Webster Hubbell
Page - 2 -
in 1984 to address the needs of thousands of Cuban refugees
stranded in third countries throughout Latin American and
Burope. Initially, the program provided scholarships,
provisions and economic assistance to the refugees. In 1988,
however, the focus was changed in an effort to find a
solution to the continuing problem of third country Cuban
refugees.
On June 12, 1988, the Cuban American National
Foundation, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS),
and the U.S. Department of State signed a Memorandum of
Understanding (MOU) providing a means for these Cuban
refugees in third countries to enter the U.S. through private
sponsorhsip at no cost to the U.S. taxpayers. Since its
inception, the Foundation and its Exodus program, through
this private sector initiative (PSI) has travelled to over
seventeen countries and reunited thousands of Cuban families
separated by the Castro dictatorship in Cuba.
The Exodus program is prepared to again be of assistance
in whatever manner possible to address this new reality and
provide a controlled framework for Cuban political refugees
to come to the U.S. from third countries.
I greatly look forward to meeting with you and to
continued cooperation with the U.S. government in this
humanitarian endeavor.
Sincerely,
Francisco J. Hernandez
President
cc: Ms. Lula Rodriguez
09-17-1995 05:06PM FROM
TO
EXODUS
P.11
March 3, 1994
Ambassador Michael Skol
Principle Assistant Secretary of State
for Interamerican Affairs
Department of State
2201 C Street N.W.
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Ambassador:
I wanted to thank you for taking the time to visit with us last
week.
As you and I discussed, the Exodus program marks one of the
greatest achievements of the entire Cuban Community and of the Cuban
American National Foundation. It has been an ideal combination of
public and private cooperation which has helped reunite almost 10,000
Cuban refugees stranded in third countries with their families living
in the United States.
As I explained last week, we have been involved in a prolonged
negotiations with both the Department of State and Immigration and
Naturalization Service for over a year and a half in the hopes of
bringing the program to closure. The main issue of contention is the
setting a prospective cut-off date for those to be interviewed by the
government. Unfortunately the government has unwilling to reach an
accommodation with us during this entire time and as a result, numbers
of Cubans in third countries has drastically increased during the
interim.
Our hope is that with your assistance we can fix a cut-off date
that addresses the needs of all those which are presently in third
countries so that we can end this program as successfully as it began.
It would indeed be unfortunenate if such victory in the cause of
freedom would end in defeat due to the lack of foresight of those
associated with the program.
Attached, please find a brief history of the program and our
objectives, hopefully your initiative will allow the program to
conclude this important work.
Once again, thank you for your cooperation and interest in this
matter.
Sincerely,
Francisco J. Hernandez
President
09-17-1995 05:07PM FROM
TO
EXODUS
P.12
BACKGROUND
The Cuban Exodus Relief Fund (CERF) was founded in 1984 by the
Cuban American National Foundation in an effort to assist Cuban
refugees stranded in third countries. Most of these refugees had
arrived in cities throughout Latin America and Europe as a result
of events in Cuba following the Peruvian Embassy incident and the
Mariel boatlift in 1980.
Although the refugees were finally free from persecution,
their livelihood in third countries was precarious at best.
Without work permits, many survived on the edge of the law. Their
children were usually not allowed to attend public schools, and
families were forced to live on whatever their relatives and
friends in the U.S. could send. These difficult conditions,
combined with little or no opportunity for reunification with loved
ones, forced many to take desperate actions to enter the U.S.
Initially, the CERF was created with the limited objective of
providing humanitarian assistance to Cuban refugees in third
countries. Throughout the years, the program provided more than
1,000,000 hot meals, hundreds of scholarships, financial assistance
to the needy, medical care and Christmas gifts to refugee families.
Over seven million dollars were contributed in these efforts as a
result of private donations from the exile community. Although
effective in relieving some of the great need, this did not solve
the true problem of family reunification. Something else had to be
done.
In 1986 a program called the Private Sector Initiative 4000
(PSI-4000) was created by the federal government in an effort to
promote private sector immigration and resettlement. It provided
additional refugee numbers for entry into the United States as long
as the sponsor organization assured the Government that minimal
public funds would be used during the arrival and initial
resettlement in the U.S. of the refugee.
In 1987 the Cuban American National Foundation approached the
U.S. Government in an effort to find a solution to the Cuban third
country problem. On July 13, 1988, in a White House signing
ceremony, the Department of State, the Immigration and
Naturalization Service and the Cuban American National Foundation
signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which provided for the
processing in third countries of Cubans under the first ever
Private Sector Initiative program. On September 11, 1987, the
first group of nearly 700 refugees arrived from Panama and Costa
Rica.
09-17-1995 05:07PM FROM
TO
EXODUS
P.13
This marked the beginning of over 9,000 PSI refugees from 16
different countries at minimal cost to the U.S. taxpayer and
resulted in tremendous savings to the U.S. Government of between
$54,000,000 and $72,000,000. The program's greatest success,
however, was the opening of an orderly legal channel for family
reunification, which almost brought to a halt the illegal
immigration of Cubans.
PROBLEM
Due to an increase in political persecution against the Cuban
population in the last year, a sharp increase in the number of
arrivals of Cuban refugees to third countries has taken place. As
a result of the rapidly increasing numbers, many refugees are
falling victim to illegal schemes, visa fraud and other false
promises in their desperate search for liberty. This situation is
complicated by the fact that many of the new arrivals do not fall
within the original scope of the Cuban Exodus Relief Fund's
Memorandum of Understanding.
OBJECTIVE
In order to meet this new reality, the Cuban Exodus Relief
Fund, Inc., is proposing to change the PSI program to address the
current situation. First, CERF should be allowed to pre-screen for
interviews all Cuban refugees living in third countries which may
qualify for entry into the United States. Second, the government
should create the proper procedure for orderly family reunification
and controlled entry of Cuban refugees based on the general
guidelines of CERF's MOU. Finally, it must allow CERF to secure
private resettlement services, such as refugee screening, health
insurance, housing and employment for these new refugee arrivals.
PROPOSAL
The new proposal must be part of a Private Sector Initiative
that will consist of the orderly processing and resettlement of
all Cuban refugees which qualify for entry under private
sponsorship which are currently in third countries. The essential
criteria for all previous MOUs will also apply here.
PARAMETERS
The program will work within the existing structure of the
CERF PSI program, in cooperation with the Department of Justice and
the Department of State. The Government will set up a date which
will be publicized as an official cut-off date both in Cuba and in
exile community. The cut-off date will be determined by the date
of signing of the MOU.
09-17-1995 05:08PM
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The program will last two fiscal years: 1994-95 and 1995-96.
CERF will provide a complete list of all refugees found in third
countries within 45 days after the signing of the new MOU. The
listing will include name, sex, date of birth, date of arrival, and
address of the refugee family and their relation to the head of
household.
All countries where qualified Cuban refugees are presently
found will be accepted for processing, including Mexico, Canada,
Western and Eastern Europe. Furthermore, CERF will reserve the
right to present any additional refugees which may appear before
interviews in a given country, as long as they arrived before the
cut-off date. This cut-off date will serve as a formal notice of
the end of the CERF PSI program.
09-17-1995
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Cuban Exodus Relief Fund, Inc.
ince 1959, more than 925,000 Cuban
CANF's model Private Sector Initiative
refugees have been admitted to the
Program has provided an impressive net
United States, including the 125,000
savings of over $35 million to U.S. taxpayers.
Cubans who arrived during the Mariel boatlift
In March 1991, the Cuban Exodus
in 1980. In 1984, the Cuban American
Relief Fund was incorporated as an
National Foundation began providing
independent, non-profit organization dedicated
humanitarian aid in the form of food, shelter,
to processing and assisting in the private
education and medical assistance to Cuban
resettlement and family reunification of Cuban
refugees stranded in third countries without
refugees directly from Cuba and from third
legal status and awaiting approval for entry
countries into the United States. The Cuban
into the United States. Through its Cuban
Exodus Relief Fund's development of a
Exodus Relief Fund project, CANF
nationwide placement and resettlement services
distributed to these exiles over $4 million
program has its basis in the years of outreach
raised through direct mailings and various
work done by the CANF organization and its
radio and telethons held across the country.
individual Directors throughout the United
On June 13, 1988, CANF signed an
States. Individual Directors of the Foundation
historic agreement with the U.S. Department of
have had a long-standing humanitarian
State and the Immigration and Naturalization
tradition of assisting Cuban refugees in many
Service that allowed up to 1,500 Cubans
Cuban-American communities in the United
stranded in third countries to immediately
States. The success of the CANF Private
emigrate to the U.S., with an additional 1,500
Sector Initiative Program has also been due in
every year thereafter. The agreement was
large part to the goodwill generated and cash
based on a 1986 Administration decision to
in-kind services support provided by these
permit the private sector to sponsor as many as
Cuban-American communities. An indicative
4,000 refugees annually -- the Private Sector
measure of support has been the active
Initiative (PSI). The PSI Program was unique
participation by these communities in annual
in that individual sponsors, in coordination
fundraising radio and telethons in Miami,
with the Foundation, guarantee shelter,
Orlando, Tampa, Newark, New York City,
employment and medical insurance, as well as
Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Boston
other basic necessities in order to ensure that
and Houston, among other cities.
local, state and federal government funds are
not used for resettlement.
As of the end of 1991, the Cuban
American National Foundation had privately
resettled more than 8,600 Cuban refugees at no
cost to the Federal Government. These
refugees were stranded in third countries such
as Panama, Costa Rica and Spain, among many
others, after fleeing the totalitarian government
of Fidel Castro. In just under three years,
32
THE
CUBAN
PRESS RELEASE
AMERICAN
NATIONAL
NOTADE PRENSA
FOUNDATION
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
FOR INFORMATION CONTACT
July 6, 1994
Fernando Rojas (305) 592-7768
(305) 276-4552
CANF JOINS CONGRESSWOMAN MEEK IN EFFORT TO REUNITE HAITIAN
REFUGEE CHILDREN WITH FAMILIES IN U.S./FLIGHT TO ARRIVE THURSDAY
The Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) has joined
efforts with Congresswoman Carrie Meek (D-FL) to resettle 30
Haitian political refugee children, as young as age 4, with their
families in the United States.
The children, who have been granted humanitarian parole
through efforts by Congresswoman Meek, had been stranded in Haiti
for a number of years after being separated from their families in
the U.S. They are expected to depart Port-au-Prince at 8:25 p.m.
this evening and land at Point a Pitre Airport in the Caribbean
island of Guadeloupe at 10:15 p.m. They will be greeted there by
CANF representative, Ms. Lourdes Quirch, and Ms. Pamela Ventura of
Congresswoman Meek's office.
The group will be immediately flown to San Juan, Puerto Rico
aboard a Foundation chartered flight. They are expected to arrive
to San Juan at approximately 1:30 a.m. and taken by charter bus to
rest for the remainder of the evening at a hotel before they
proceed to Miami Thursday afternoon. They will be cared for by the
Foundation's Puerto Rico Chapter, headed by Mr. Domingo Sadurni.
Security will be provided to assure the children's safety, and a
medical doctor will also be on hand in case of emergencies. The
children will awaken at approximately 10:00 a.m. and, after
breakfast, proceed to San Juan International Airport for departure
to Miami. The CANF will pay for the all costs involved.
They are expected to arrive at Miami International Airport
(MIA) at approximately 5:45 p.m. A ceremony will take place upon
arrival. Details regarding location at MIA will be released by
Congresswoman Meek's office on Thursday.
-
Jorge Mas Canosa, Chairman of the CANF, said today: "We are
happy to work with Congresswoman Meek who has selflessly worked on
behalf of all persons fleeing persecution, Cubans and Haitians
alike, with the same dedication and commitment. The tragedy of
these children and our joint efforts show that tyranny knows no
borders. It is indifferent to nationality, race, creed or age. We
are pleased to share our experience and resources to make this
dream of family reunification a reality for these children and for
the Haitian community."
- 30 -
P.O. BOX 440069 / MIAMI, FLORIDA 33144 / TEL (305) 592-7768 / FAX: (305) 592-7889
09-17-1995
05 04PM
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Diario Las Américas Domingo 5 de Diciembre de 1993
FNCA busca solución legal para
2,138 cubanos en terceros países
Miranda, Jefe de Seguridad, pa-
Preparan envío de ayuda
ra estudiar la situación de los cu-
humanitaria a cubanos que
banos, y averiguar si el gobierno
se encuentran en Nassau,
de las Bahamas deportaría a los
cubanos.
Bahamas
"Asimismo, estuvimos en con-
Por FLORIDANO FERIA
tacto con el ministro de Relacio-
nes Exteriores de las Bahamas
Durante una conferencia de
que nos aseguró que los cubanos
prensa en su sede del 7300 N.W.
están alojados en un edificio vie-
35 Terrace el viernes 3, la Fun-
jo de una escuela, que el gobierno
dación Nacional Cubano-Ameri-
de las Bahamas cedió a la Cruz
cana (FNCA) expuso un pro-
Roja. "Estamos enviándoles
grama de ayuda humanitaria
también colchonetas, porque es.
para cubanos que se encuentren
tán durmiendo en el suelo", dijo
varados en terceros países.
Hernández, para agregar que
Francisco J. Fernández, presi-
"la firma Bacardi y sus emplea-
dente de la FNCA, señaló que en-
dos en las Bahamas han accedi-
viarán a los 75 cubanos que se
do a trabajar con nosotros para
encuentran en Nassau, Baha-
mejorar la calidad de vida de los
FRANCISCO HERNANDEZ
mas un contenedor con 10 tone-
cubanos".
ladas de alimentos, medicinas y
otras provisiones. A este envío
una lista de los 36 países en que se
"Además, ayer hicimos una
seguirá otro de 10 toneladas
encuentran 2.138 cubanos. Los
proposición al Departamento de
también. Explicó, además, que
países que tienen más cubanos
Justicia de Washington para que
la FNCA está haciendo gestiones
son República Dominicana, con
el Servicio de Inmigración en-
para traer a los cubanos de una
457; España 395; Venezuela, 337:
treviste a los cubanos en terceros
manera ordenada a Estados
Rusia, 181; Panamá 147; Gran
países, incluyendo a los que es-
Unidos.
Caimán 102: Costa Rica 98.
tán en las Bahamas, y para que
puedan viajar a Estados Unidos
Alberto J. Mariño, director y
"En total -prosiguió Hernán-
bajo el programa del Fondo de
miembro del Comité Ejecutivo
dez- el Fondo de Ayuda al Exo-
Ayuda al Exodo Cubano".
de la FNCA dijo que el carga.
do Cubano ha traído 9,151 perso-
mento será transportado en el
nas a Estados Unidos. Queremos
Luego indicó Hernández que es
barco Pioneer Sun, que atracará
no solamente traerlos. sino bus-
muy positiva la posición del go.
en el puerto de Nassau, en la no-
car una solución definitiva a esta
bierno del presidente Bill Clin-
che del este domingo 0 en la ma-
situación".
ton, y que la FNCA espera pronto
drugada del lunes 6. Afirmó Ma-
una solución favorable al caso de
riño que la firma naviera Pione-
Hace una semana Hernández
los cubanos. "Me siento optimis-
er Shipping "ha hecho una dona-
se reunió en Washington con el
ta de tener una decisión al res-
ción de la mitad del flete". Va-
juez Hubbel y con Lula Rodrí-
pecto en las próximas sema-
rias industrias y empresas de
guez, Asistente de la Procurado-
nas". subrayó.
Miami. como la firma Goya, han
ra General. Janct Reno, para
hecho donaciones de todo tipo de
buscar una salida ordenada a los
Seguidamente aclar6 Hernán-
productos.
cubanos que están en terceros
dez que "la fecha límite para
Hernández dijo que el Fondo
países.
procesar a los cubanos bajo el
de Ayuda al Exodo Cubano está
programa del Fondo de Ayuda al
haciendo gestiones para traer a
El pasado jueves 2 fueron a las
Exodo Cubano venció en enero
los cubanos de las Bahamas y
Bahamas Clara María del Valle.
primero de 1992 pero espero que
otros países. También mostró
Directora de la FNCA. y Mario
entre nucvamente en vigencia".
SABADO 9 DE JULIO DE 1994 DIARIO LAS AMERICAS
Rescate de niños haitianos
por la Fundación Nacional
Cubano-Americana
Por NINOSKA PEREZ
de 98 haitianos que recibieron
CASTELLON
permisos de última hora de la
Secretaria de Justicia, Janet Re-
La Fundación Nacional Cuba
no para unirse con sus padres
no Americana unió fuerzas con
en la Florida
la congresista Carrie Meek para
lograr reunificación de 28 hi-
Víctimas de la violencia y la
JOS de refugiados haitianos, va
burocracia, arribaron a Miami
rados en Haiti
tras. un complicado itinerario
que los llevó desde Port Prin-
Nos complace poder trabajar
ce a la isla de Guadalupe donde
con la congresista Carrie Meek,
fueron recibidos por Lourdes
quien ha luchado tanto por todos
Quirch, fideicomisaria de la
los que huyen de la persecución,
Fundación Nacional Cubano
con la misma dedicación, ya sea
Americana y Pamela Ventura de
haitianos 0 cubanos", declaró
la oficina de la congresista Me-
Jorge Mas Canosa. "La tragedia
ek. En un avión fletado por la
de estos niños demuestra una
Fundación el grupo se trasladó
vez más que las tiranias no tie-
a San Juan, donde fue recibido
nen límites y afectan a todos por
por el capítulo de Puerto Rico
igual independientemente de ra-
de la FNCA, encabezado por Do-
za, credo 0 edad. Nos complace
mingo Sadurni.
Llegan niños haitianos
compartir nuestra experiencia
para poder convertir en realidad
Tras pasar la noche en San
Cl nino haitiano de cuatro años de edad, Gio-
nal Cubano-Americana, organización que pagó
el sueño de reunificación fami-
Juan, finalmente arribaron a
vanny, busca entre el público reunido en el Ae-
el transporte aéreo para traer desde Haití a Mia-
liar entre la comunidad haitia-
Miami donde les aguardaba una
ropuerto Internacional de Miami a su padre,
mi a niños de ese país, que tenían sus papeles en
na".
ceremonia en el aeropuerto en-
Claude Nicolas, con quien se encuentra después
regla pero que carecian de transporte para via-
cabezada por la congresista Ca-
de una penosa separación. El niño es sostenido
jar. También en la foto aparece la representante
Los niños y jóvenes cuyas eda-
rrie Meek y el presidente de la
en los brazos de Jorge Mas Canosa, Presidente
estatal Carrie Meek, que lucha por otorgarles
des fluctúan entre los 4 años y.
de la Junta de Directores de la Fundación Nacio-
asilo a los haitianos. (Telefoto AFP).
los 21 forman parte de un grupo
(Pasa a la Pág. 13-A Col. 3)
(Viene de la pág. 1-A)
junta directiva de la Fundación Nacional Cu-
en una cruzada personal.
a los cuatro años presenció en una auto-
bano Americana, Jorge Mas Canosa.
pista en Haití como cinco hombres arma-
En el Aeropuerto Internacional de Miami,
dos mataron a su madre y dejaron por
Entre lágrimas, abrazos y la letra de una
rodeado de caras felices, Jorge Mas Canosa
muerto a su padre disfrutaba el calor del
canción que daba la bienvenida a América,
declaró: "Ambos somos víctimas de una dic-
abrazo protector de su padre, con quien
la congresista Meek, visiblemente emocio-
tadura. A diario, haitianos y cubanos mue-
finalmente se reunía después de dos largos
nada presentó a Jorge Mas Canosa como
ren ahogados en busca de libertad. Sentimos
años de separación. Claude Nicolas, quien
el hombre que lo había hecho todo posible.
una profunda compasión por la tragedia que
sobrevivió el disparo y el asesinato de su
"Es un buen amigo en quien busqué ayuda
atraviesa el pueblo haitiano. Por eso nos
esposa, no se resignaba a perder a su pe-
y la encontré".
complace el poder contribuir en alguna me-
queño hijo. "Gracias, estoy muy, muy feliz
dida a aliviar el sufrimiento de estos niños
no se puede perder la fe, porque siempre
La Fundación costeó el viaje y la estancia
y sus familiares. Los cubanos conocemos
habrá una mano amiga", declaró Nicolas
de los niños y jóvenes, a petición de la con-
bien el dolor de la separación familiar".
mientras colmaba de besos al pequeño
gresista Carrie Meek, para quien la suerte
Giovanny.
de los niños haitianos se había convertido
Miertras tanto Giovanny Nicolas quien
DIALOG(R)File 702: Miami Herald
(c) 1996 The Miami Herald Publishing Co. All rts. reserv.
06565994
ORGANIZATION HELPS SCREEN IMMIGRANTS
Miami Herald (MH) - SUN October 11, 1992
By: Herald Staff PETER SLEVIN Herald Staff Writer
Edition: FINAL Section: FRONT Page: 21A
Word Count: 280
MEMO:
JORGE MAS CANOSA: THE ROAD TO HAVANA
TEXT:
One of the Cuban American National Foundation's greatest successes is
Operation Exodus, a private immigration service that has brought more than
8,700 Cubans into the United States from third countries.
The foundation has collected $1.7 million from the U.S. government,
including up to $255,000 to pay staff salaries. The remainder goes for
health insurance for 2,000 Cuban immigrants -- 1,000 under the Exodus
program and 1,000 in a conventional immigration plan.
Exodus has saved the U.S. government tens of millions in insurance
and support costs. More recently, the project -- run by Jose Garcia, a
foundation director and candidate for Metro commission -- has offered to
usher 300 Haitians into the country.
Although the INS makes the final decision on whom to admit and whom
to turn away, the agency does not typically interview Cubans who have not
been put forward by the foundation.
"They get to choose the people we will consider," said an official
who helps supervise the program for the INS. "The foundation does the
casework."
From time to time, a Cuban exile whose case is not presented will
complain to the INS.
"Our response is we have no control over the selection process," the
INS official said. "Any problem they have with the selection process, they
should take it up with the foundation or the refugee coordinator."
It is a special arrangement that wins the gratitude of thousands of
families.
"What they can do, which no one else can do, is influence the system
for specific cases," a second INS official said. "Well, most of them have
to fit the preconditions, but we'll let you bring in some of your favorite
sons."
DESCRIPTORS: biography; mas; profile; immigration; image; influence0
Page 2
LEVEL 2 - 47 OF 58 STORIES
Times Publishing Company
St. Petersburg Times
February 13, 1993, Saturday, City Edition
SECTION: NATIONAL; Pg. 1A
LENGTH: 1230 words
HEADLINE: Cubans find way to U.S. through Russia
BYLINE: SUSAN BENESCH
DATELINE: MIAMI
BODY:
When word reached Rene Alvarez that he had been accepted as a Cuban emigre
to the United States, he was delighted. But he missed the plane because war in
Tajikistan had cut the railroad line to Moscow.
Alvarez finally arrived last week with three Cuban relatives, his Tajik wife
and daughter. Although many Cubans go to great lengths to travel the 225 miles
from Havana to Miami, Rene Alvarez and his relatives may be the only people
who have taken the 16, 660-mile route via Tajikistan, a former Soviet republic
that borders China.
They are among the first Cubans to migrate to the United States from the
former Soviet Union, where they were students. When the Soviet Union was still
Cuba's Communist rich uncle, thousands of Cuban youths received Soviet
scholarships in the name of socialist solidarity.
As the openness movement called glasnost developed in the 1980s, Cuban
students soaked it up along with physics and agronomy courses, to the disgust
of the hard-line Cuban government. Many Cuban students were sent home but
others refused to go, staying on illegally after their student visas expired.
About 70 Cubans from the former Soviet Union have arrived in Miami under the
auspices of the Cuban-American National Foundation's Exodus Project, which
brings Cubans from countries other than Cuba to the United States.
Alvarez, 25, went to Tajikistan to become an engineering assistant when he
was 16 because he wanted to get out of Cuba. When he finished his studies in
1987 he ignored several orders to return, he said, until the Cuban consul from
Tashkent, in neighboring Uzbekistan, came to see him in person. "If you don't
take the plane next Friday," he said the consul told him, "we will come with
the militia to get you. "
Alvarez went back to Cuba, and later his wife, Malia, also 25, joined him.
Because of Malia's Soviet citizenship the couple got permission to return to
Tajikistan for two years. They left in 1990. The next year Alvarez invited his
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Page 3
St. Petersburg Times, February 13, 1993
mother, brother and sister to visit from Cuba, and they never went back.
After about three months in Dushanbe, the capital of Tajikistan, war broke
out between Muslims and old-line Communists. "It was quite a year," Alvarez
said. His family "had three months of winter and then nine months of war."
Alvarez's job - overseeing vehicle maintenance for a company in Dushanbe -
occasionally took him to Moscow. On one of the trips another Cuban student
asked him about his political views. "One hundred percent anti-Castro," he
responded.
With that he became a member of the Cuban Union, an organization of
anti-Castro Cuban students in Russia and the former Soviet republics. The
union was formed in the fall of 1991, just after the failed coup against
Mikhail Gorbachev, by students worried that they might be deported to Cuba who
wanted to secure legal status in the former Soviet Union.
They soon were approached by visitors from the Cuban-American National
Foundation, who offered to help them migrate to the United States.
Sitting in an easy chair in a spacious Hialeah living room Thursday night,
unconsciously dropping a few Russian words into his Spanish conversation,
Alvarez said he filled out an application to come to the United States during
a trip to Moscow but didn't think he would ever make it here.
Three days after arriving in Miami, still slightly dazed from the jet lag,
he found a job in a machine shop where he and his 22-year-old brother Carlos
are now working 11-hour days. The family is living in the house of a distant
relative until they can find their own apartment.
Rene Alvarez said his first American goal is to get a driver's license.
That brought laughter from his wife, Malia. "They went to the supermarket
the other day," Alvarez said, translating his wife's Russian, "and bought
about 40 pounds of food. When they were leaving the man there said, "Okay,
where's your car?' "
No car, they explained, to the man's amazement. Malia, Alvarez's mother, and
his 13-year-old sister carried the groceries home on foot.
The couple's daughter, Susana, 7, speaks fluent Russian and Spanish but,
like the rest of the family, no English.
Alvarez's second goal, he said, is to learn English.
"How do I find a job'
Daniel Aguirre, 3 1/2, speaks only Russian although his parents are both
Cuban. "He went to Russian day-care centers," said his mother, Natalia
Goderich.
Goderich and her husband, Oscar Aguirre, both 26, have an unusual marriage:
Nearly all the Cuban students who arrived with them are Cuban men married to
Russian or ex-Soviet women. That is because most of the Cuban students who
went to the Soviet Union to study were men, Aguirre said, and also because
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Page 4
St. Petersburg Times, February 13, 1993
Cuban women are less eager than Cuban men to marry Soviets.
Goderich, the child of a Russian mother and Cuban father, and Aguirre went
to study in Moscow in the early 1980s. They chafed at the Cuban student
regulations that forbade them from marrying until the second year of their
studies, kept them from traveling outside Moscow without permission from Cuban
authorities, and allowed them only one visit to Cuba every two years even if
they paid for it.
But it wasn't until 1989, when Cubans were asked to speak out in public
meetings, that they became dissidents. The Cuban government said it wanted to
gather candid criticism in preparation for the Fourth Congress of the Cuban
Communist Party.
Meetings were held even for Cubans abroad, including Cuban students in the
Soviet Union. Aguirre spoke candidly and was quickly kicked out of the school
where he was studying metallurgy. Goderich said the Cuban authorities expelled
her from her physics courses, but she appealed to the school's Russian
directors and they agreed to let her continue.
Aguirre became one of the leaders of the Cuban Union. To make a living he
became a black-market trader, buying and selling prized items like computers
and facsimile machines.
Now living with relatives and working at a construction company in Hialeah,
Aguirre said he would like to go into business of any kind, although he
studied to be an engineer. Goderich hopes to be able to use her physics
degree. "Now my big problem is how do I make my degree valid here, how do I
find a job, what is the future that awaits me, " she said.
Musing on the difference between life in Moscow and in Miami, she added:
"There, it's how to survive: where can you buy food, where are you going to
find milk you can give to the child.
"
"Here it's all about working because otherwise you can't guarantee your
life."
The Exodus Project provides subsidies for emigres who cannot immediately
support themselves, using U.S. government grants and foundation money.
Joe Garcia, the project's executive director, said it has brought 9,500
Cubans to the United States since 1988, from countries as diverse as Russia
and the Cayman Islands. Only Cubans who do not have legal status in those
countries and who can convince American immigration officials that they have a
"well-founded fear" of political persecution if they go back to Cuba are
admitted.
Of about 280 Cubans who have applied to come to the United States from the
former Soviet Union, fewer than half have been accepted.
GRAPHIC: BLACK AND WHITE PHOTO, SUSAN BENESCH; Natalia Goderich, Oscar Aguirre
and Daniel, their son, live with relatives in Miami.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE DISPATCH
VOLUME 6, NUMBER 19, May 8, 1995
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
ARTICLE 5: Page 397
U.S. Cuba Joint Statement on Migration
Released by the White House, Office of the Press Secretary, Washington, DC,
May 2, 1995
[TEXT]
The United States of America and the Republic of Cuba have reached
agreement on steps to normalize further their migration relationship.
These steps build upon the September 9, 1994, agreement and seek to
address safety and humanitarian concerns and to ensure that migration
between the countries is safe, legal, and orderly.
Humanitarian Parole
The United States and the Republic of Cuba recognize the special
circumstances of Cuban migrants currently at Guantanamo Bay.
Accordingly, the two governments have agreed that the process of
humanitarian parole into the United States should continue beyond those
eligible for parole under existing criteria. The two governments agree
that if the United States carries out such paroles, it may count them
toward meeting the minimum number of Cubans it is committed to admit
every year pursuant to the September 9, 1994, agreement. Up to 5,000
such paroles may be counted toward meeting the minimum number in any
one-year period beginning September 9, 1995, regardless of when the
migrants are paroled into the United States.
Safety of Life at Sea
The United States and the Republic of Cuba reaffirm their common
interest in preventing unsafe departures from Cuba. Effective
immediately, Cuban migrants intercepted at sea by the United States and
attempting to enter the United States will be taken to Cuba. Similarly,
migrants found to have entered Guantanamo illegally also will be
returned to Cuba. The United States and the Republic of Cuba will
cooperate jointly in this effort. All actions taken will be consistent
with the parties' international obligations. Migrants taken to Cuba will
be informed by United States officials about procedures to apply for
legal admission to the United States at the U.S. Interests Section in
Havana.
The United States and the Republic of Cuba will ensure that no action is
taken against those migrants returned to Cuba as a consequence of their
attempt to immigrate illegally. Both parties will work together to
facilitate the procedures necessary to implement these measures. The
United States and the Republic of Cuba agree to the return to Cuba of
Cuban nationals currently at Guantanamo who are ineligible for admission
to the United States.
September 9, 1994 Agreement
The United States and the Republic of Cuba agree that the provisions of
the September 9, 1994, agreement remain in effect, except as modified by
the present joint statement. In particular, both sides reaffirm their
joint commitment to take steps to prevent unsafe departures from Cuba
which risk loss of human life and to oppose acts of violence associated
with illegal immigration. (###)
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Magazine: Time, September 5, 1994
Section: COVER STORIES
SPLITS IN THE FAMILY
Cuban Americans disagree on the wisdom
of Clinton's new refugee policy
In somber progression, the names floated over the air and across the
ocean. Pola Alvarez, Jaime Diaz, Orlando Garcia, Ernesto Molina Sosa.
For 95 minutes, until he became too hoarse to continue, Miami radio
personality Tomas Garcia Fuste broadcast a list of 1,793 Cubans who fled
their country last week only to wind up at Guantanamo Bay Naval Station.
For listeners on Castro's island, the roll call provided welcome
assurance that their loved ones had at least not perished in the
treacherous Florida Straits.
For residents of Miami, it sharpened a passionate debate over
Washington's response to the wave of U.S. -bound refugees. Long a solid
bastion of conservative influence, the more than 1 million Cuban
Americans in South Florida are torn over the wisdom of denying entry to
the rafters, over President Clinton's refusal to negotiate with Castro,
over the best approach to pry the Cuban leader from power.
The determination of the current refugees to leave the island works
against a basic tenet in the strategy of Jorge Mas Canosa, chairman of
the Cuban American National Foundation, a leading voice of the exiles.
Accused of being every bit as autocratic as the dictator he despises,
Mas Canosa threw his support behind Clinton's decision to bottle up the
refugees to keep the pressure on Castro. Mas Canosa insists that the
Administration's economic crackdown and its refusal to deal with Castro
will eventually embolden Cubans to drive him from power. ' 'We all want a
peaceful solution in Cuba, but that's not what Castro wants, he says.
``He is leading the country toward a violent period of change, which I
think is inevitable.
Increasingly, Mas Canosa's right to speak on behalf of Cuban Americans
is being challenged. Franciso Aruca, who ran shuttle flights to Havana,
says the exiles used to have the appearance of homogeneity, always
backing the conservative right. Now, he believes, ''a lot of Cuban
Americans are questioning not only Clinton's policy but are getting mad
at the leadership of the community that is linked with that policy.
Many share the desire of Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo, founder of a more
moderate and less monied organization called Cambio Cubano (Cubans for
Change), to see a more measured policy toward the Havana regime,
including direct negotiations with Castro to encourage a phased-in
democracy. Says Menoyo: ' 'We want the people to emerge from this with
their lives, liberty and their rights. The measures that Clinton is
taking serve only to make 11 million Cubans -- everyone except Castro - -
suffer. He complains that his organization cannot get Washington's ear
because it has less money and political influence than Mas Canosa. `He
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is promoting the destruction of Cuba, says Menoyo, 'so he can go in
after Castro, buy everything in sight and declare himself President.
Immigration lawyer Magda Monteil-Davis, who arrived from Cuba in 1961 at
the age of eight and lost a race for Congress two years ago, thinks that
punishing poor Cubans and those who leave will not bring down Castro.
She vents much of her anger at Clinton's crackdown on fellow exiles, who
she charges are out of touch with the situation in Cuba. `Most of the
Cubans in Miami came out during the 1960s. And the younger ones have
never even been there. They sit here with their stomachs full, talking
to each other on their portable phones. What's that have to do with
Cuban reality?'' But Davis lost credibility in her efforts to sway
policy toward Cuba after she kissed Castro during a vilit to Havana last
April. The gesture, which she dismisses as a spontaneous social courtesy
still haunts her. Last week, when she stepped onto her office balcony,
neighbors shook their fists and shouted ''Communist!'
Not everyone involved in the fractious debate has political ambitions.
Jorge Albertini, 26, an architect who emigrated in 1980, believes his
countrymen have lost the will to help themselves. '`The majority of
people there are used to the system taking care of them. Now that it's
not, they're so concerned with the lack of food, electricity and gas
that they've forgotten about the greater goal of getting rid of
Castro. Albertini wants the U.N. to impose a total blockade on Cuba,
even if such a move causes heightened hardship for residents, including
his grandmother and aunt. ''A blockade would force the people there to
realize that the Americans are not going to invade Cuba and solve the
problem for them, he says. 'The change has to come from within. And
if that means greater suffering for a while, it's worth it.
Only one principle still unites Miami's largest ethnic community: the
need for Castro to go, and even that bedrock article of faith provokes
disputes. '`I've been hearing rumors that Castro was about to leave
since I was a little girl, scoffs Monteil-Davis, `and every one of
them was based on absolutely reliable information. It's a myth that is
self-perpetuating. Garcia Fuste, on the other hand, senses the
beginning of the end. 'People are waking up with nothing to eat,
nothing to do but blame Castro, he says. '`I'm sure that this is the
finish of him. Until that wishful prophecy comes true, Garcia has more
long nights ahead, announcing the names of Cubans trapped between two
shores.
PHOTO: CUBA SI, CASTRO NO: Protesters outside Krone Detention Center in
Miami call for Fidel's ouster and release of compatriots (LEE CELANO --
SABA)
BY JOHN MOODY/MIAMI
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Source: Time, 9/5/94, Vol. 144 Issue 10, p35, 1p, 1c.
Item Number: 9408317555
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Magazine: Time, July 17, 1995
MIAMI
LONG-DISTANCE CALLING
MORE CUBAN EXILES ARE SAYING IT'S TIME TO TALK TO
CASTRO. MANY OTHERS WISH THEY WOULD HANG UP
For Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo, "opponent" is something of a career
description. As part of Fidel Castro's rebel army in the 1950s, he led 3
000 men against the Batista dictatorship. When the victorious Castro
moved politically into the Soviet camp, Menoyo launched a quixotic raid
against his former comrades. That landed him in a Cuban jail for 22
years. Released in 1987, he flew to Miami, where he was greeted by
cheering crowds of fellow exiles.
Today Menoyo is back in the opposition, this time against the leadership
of the Cuban-American community that cheered his arrival. In 1993 he
formed Cambio Cubano, Cuban Change, a group dedicated to a peaceful
transition to postcommunist rule in Cuba. For Menoyo that requires
dialogue with Castro-or as exile hard-liners would put it, fraternizing
with the enemy.
Three weeks ago, Menoyo enraged them further by meeting with Castro in
Havana. It was one small move in the flirtation between Fidel and the
U.S., testing the Cuban leader's willingness to make real changes at
home in return for a relaxation of the 33-year-old U.S. trade and travel
embargo. Menoyo is convinced that more and more Cuban Americans are
accepting, reluctantly, the idea of negotiation with Castro. The largest
segment of exile opinion is still represented by Jorge Mas Canosa and
his Cuban-American National Foundation, a ferociously anti-Castro
organization that claims 200,000 members. But the hard line is no longer
imposed as it was in the 1980s, when more than a dozen terrorist bombs
were aimed at exiles who dissented from its position. Lately other
dialogistas have come forward, including even Antonio Veciana, a co-
founder of Alpha 66, an anti-Castro paramilitary group, who now supports
some compromise. "Those who had been silent have begun to lose their
fear," says Menoyo. "They have started to speak up.''
But how many do they speak for? Among the roughly 600,000 Cuban
Americans in the Miami area, this is a time of psychological flux.
Despite the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the end of Moscow's
subsidies, Castro has hung on to power. So, asks Menoyo, what have the
exiles gained from 35 years of confrontation? "Imagine a person who
diets for that long without losing a pound, he says. "Anyone with
common sense would change diets.
Enter Castro, holding a carrot. Desperate for foreign currency, he has
opened up large sectors of his economy to foreign investment, an
opportunity that American companies-and Cuban-American entrepreneurs-
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Page 2
can't take advantage of because of the embargo. Meanwhile, the children
of older refugees, now grown, have little memory of Cuba and less
attachment to the dream of returning.
Which is why some shifts in opinion are detectable. The exile community
was shocked in May when the White House announced that in the future the
U.S. would turn back Cuban boat people. However, polls indicated that
45% of Cuban Americans supported the change. And an April survey
conducted by Florida International University showed that 63% of Miami-
area Cuban Americans favor negotiations with Castro.
Most still oppose lifting the embargo, though, which means the White
House must play a delicate game if it still hopes to attract Cuban-
American voters in the crucial state of Florida. While Clinton has
promised not to lift the embargo unless Cuba institutes free elections
and other democratic changes, his Administration is open to easing some
restrictions in return for partial measures from Castro. For now, the
White House is thinking of making travel to Cuba easier for academics
and religious figures, as well as lifting obstacles to the posting of
Cuban journalists in the U.S. and American journalists in Cuba.
Teo Babun, 47, is one of those who thought Fidel would be gone by now.
Just 13 when he fled Cuba with his family, he now advises American
clients like Royal Caribbean Cruises and Baskin-Robbins on ways to
prepare themselves for the post-Fidel market. But he formed his company
five years ago in hopes of doing joint ventures in Cuba of the kind the
embargo still forbids. Today he must study each shift from Havana and
Washington for nuances affecting his clients, an obsession he admits is
not shared by the younger generation of entrepreneurs. "It's not true
that all Cuban Americans live and die by what's happening in Cuba, he
says.
Other exiles, alarmed by what they see as a creeping erosion in the
embargo, have got behind a bill sponsored by North Carolina Senator
Jesse Helms. It would allow Cuban Americans whose homes or business
holdings were confiscated by Castro to file suit in U.S. courts against
foreign firms or individuals who do business in Cuba that involves their
former properties. "Even if Cuban exiles cannot win back their property
in the near future, we want to make sure no foreign investors get it
either,' says Nick Gutiarrez, a Miami attorney who represents a group of
former Cuban sugar-mill owners.
To counter the softening of sentiment among his fellow exiles, Gutiarrez
has also co-founded Puente, Spanish for "bridge," a group of Cuban
professionals who aim to explain the older generation's anti-Castro
fervor to younger Cuban Americans. He doesn't buy the claims by Menoyo
and other dialogistas that they offer a centrist alternative to anti-
Castro extremism. "What's a moderate?" asks Gutiarrez. "To say someone's
a moderate because he'll talk to a brutal tyrant is a perversion of the
label."
PHOTOS (COLOR) : SMOKE DREAMS? Babun, left, can't wait to move into the
post-Fidel market; ex-rebel Menoyo, above, hopes Castro will respond to
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Page 3
his overtures
By RICHARD LACAYO
REPORTED BY CATHY BOOTH/MIAMI
Copyright of Time is the property of Time Inc. and text may not be
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individual user.
Source: Time, 7/17/95, Vol. 146 Issue 3, p22, 2p, 2c.
Item Number: 9507177613
May 29, 1995
The Nation.
745
rams fund
sortment of younger people. Just before her death she finished
currently under investigation by the U.S. Information Agency
they cover
an article for the Gray Panther newsletter. Its final words: "We
for abusing his power as the chairman of the President's
obson are
are Age and Youth in Action."
BRUCE SHAPIRO
Advisory Board for Cuba Broadcasting, which oversees Radio
and TV Marti.
chines, the
But Mas and "The Foundation," as CANF is known, have
ing politi-
"hat much
Cuba No Mas
enough political leverage to offset the dark side of his opera-
tions. Through his Free Cuba Political Action Committee,
ro-choice
n the aftermath of the Clinton Administration's deci-
Mas has given more than $1 million to Republican and Dem-
time.
I
sion to repatriate Cuban raft people, a major political
ocratic lawmakers in little more than a decade. Since April
drama is unfolding in Washington: a serious rift be-
1992, when Mas organized a lunchtime fundraiser that yielded
tween the White House and the previously omnipotent
candidate Clinton almost $300,000, he has held the Admin-
anti-Castro Cuban-American lobby. If the President can with-
istration's Cuba policy hostage to his influence in Florida
stand the right-wing counterattack-including protests and
politics for the 1996 election. As one Cuba policy-maker con-
eks only
strikes in Miami, and threats by Republicans on the House
ceded privately, "Mas has his hooks in a number of strategi-
two great
National Security Committee to subpoena State Department
cally placed White House officials."
ie Kuhn.
negotiator Peter Tarnoff on May 18 to answer questions on
His influence will wane considerably if Clinton's rupture
nor, was
his secret talks with the Cubans-the door may open for a more
with the right on Cuba becomes permanent. White House of-
he resist-
normal bilateral U.S. policy toward the Castro government.
ficials are anxiously awaiting polling data on the reaction to
ocialism
The Administration's move to have the Coast Guard re-
the new immigration initiative among other Florida constit-
efied the
turn Cuban refugees to the island has left Jorge Mas Canosa,
uents-the Jewish vote in Dade County, for example-in
National
head of the powerful Cuban American National Founda-
hopes of picking up support they may lose in the Cuban-
.C.L.U.
tion (CANF), seething. Not only was Mas not consulted-
American community. The Administration has announced
ontempt
Secretary of State Warren Christopher called him the morn-
that it opposes key provisions of the CANF-backed Helms-
ing the agreement was announced-the White House made
Burton bill, which would tighten the U.S. trade embargo. And
agazine
sure to cut his government allies out of the loop by negotiat-
policy-makers are saying privately that if political and public
As the
ing the agreement secretly. Since then, Mas and other CANF
support is forthcoming, the accord with Cuba will extend be-
m New
officials have taken to the radio and TV airwaves to "condemn
yond immigration into other areas.
ic boss
President Clinton, who has now become Fidel Castro's
This, of course, is what Mas and his hard-liners fear most-
alike-
accomplice."
that the immigration agreement is only the first step toward
he kept
Mas's wrath toward the President stands in stark contrast to
normalization of U.S.-Cuba ties. "We express our concern that
the smiles and hugs recorded by White House photographers
this secret agreement with the Cuban government will lead to
ampion
umane
just nine months ago. On August 19, one day after Attorney
other negotiations harmful to the legitimate interests of the
General Janet Reno announced an end to the longstanding
Cuban people," CANF officials stated. Or at least harmful
policy of accepting Cuban refugees with open arms, Mas
to the chief interest of Jorge Mas Canosa-to be installed as
eaceful
winged into Washington on his private Lear jet for an audi-
the next president of Cuba.
PETER KORNBLUH
fle off
bunder
ence with the President. Clinton interrupted his forty-eighth
birthday party to spend more than an hour with him, Florida
Peter Kornbluh is director of the Cuba Documentation Proj-
y from
Governor Lawton Chiles and several other Miami officials.
ect at the National Security Archive in Washington.
rience.
At this meeting Mas hypocritically agreed to support the
cross-
Administration's plan to intern at Guantánamo thousands of
CLINTON & CO.
usical
affairs
Cuban refugees he now refers to as "politically persecuted
compatriots." In return, he demanded-banging his fist on
Darkwater
agers
heigh-
the table, as one participant reported—that Clinton tighten the
embargo by cutting off cash remittances and shutting down
A sleazy lawmaker is chasing you, brandishing
family and academic travel to Cuba. The next day, Clinton
n she
the power of subpoena. Your best friend faces
dutifully announced these new sanctions. "Bill Clinton deserves
indictment by a zealous independent counsel on
S and
our gratitude and recognition," declared Mas, a faithful Repub-
ad of
a pissant charge. And your political foes won't
lican who started CANF at the behest of the Reagan Admin-
ctivist
stop hinting that you had a hand in the mysteri-
istration. "I stand with the President of the United States."
ous death of a loyal deputy. It's almost enough to prompt
and
How Mas could get past the White House Secret Service,
sympathy for President Clinton.
ay of
let alone merit a meeting with the President, is a troubling
For months, the Whitewater rats of the G.O.P. have been
question. Mas is known as a friend and benefactor of some
content to watch independent counsel (and former Bush Ad-
sm-
of the world's most renowned terrorists, including the anti-
ministration official) Kenneth Starr pursue his ever-expanding
ental
Castro Cubans who had been involved in the 1976 Letelier-
investigation. The more the affair drags on, the better for
She
Moffitt assassination and the subsequent bombing of an Air
them. But now Alfonse D'Amato is gunning up his own in-
cople
Cubana airliner that killed seventy-three people. He and
quiry in the Senate-and he'll have $950,000 to spend on it.
ticed
CANF have been the subject of an Americas Watch report on
D'Amato, who's helped his contributors cash in on federal
as-
violence and suppression of free speech in Miami. And he is
contracts and assisted mob figures charged with crimes, will
Page 12
LEVEL 2 - 57 OF 58 STORIES
Copyright 1989 Chicago Tribune Company
Chicago Tribune
September 14, 1989, Thursday, NORTH SPORTS FINAL EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 10; ZONE: C
LENGTH: 455 words
HEADLINE: Testimony on refugees criticized
BYLINE: Knight-Ridder Newspapers
DATELINE: WASHINGTON
BODY:
The State Department's new refugee coordinator told Congress on Wednesday
that Jewish refugees might want to consider returning to the Soviet Union in
view of political reforms there.
If the United States can't take them, "of course they can always return to
Russia, " refugee coordinator Jewel Lafontant told the House Immigration
Subcommittee at a hearing on the administration's 1990 refugee plan. "In these
days of glasnost, I don't know that that's an impossible situation."
That was "not a good answer,' said subcommittee Chairman Bruce Morrison (D.,
Conn.) "There's no evidence that anti-Semitism has been abolished in the Soviet
Union."
After years of urging the Soviet Union to let Jews emigrate, the U.S. has
been caught unprepared by President Mikhail Gorbachev's loosening of
restrictions. While saying the U.S. remains open to Soviet Jews, the government
acknowledges that it cannot accommodate all those who would like to come this
country.
Lafontant said Soviet Jews are the only refugees in the world who leave their
homeland with a visa to another country, Israel. But most want to come to the
U.S. About 17,000 Jews are stuck in Rome and Vienna hoping to come to the U.S.
"All these people went out on an Israeli visa," " she said. "They have been
offered the country of Israel
No one else has that choice. They can
select the United States, or another country can receive them. "
Alternatively, she said, they can return to the Soviet Union.
Morrison said the U.S. has an obligation to Soviet Jews, especially those who
now find themselves stuck in Europe. "The President has urged them to come,"
Morrison said.
In other developments:
- State Department officials said the 1990 refugee plan does not expect an
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Page 13
Chicago Tribune September 14, 1989
exodus of contra fighters from Central America. Princeton Lyman, director of the
bureau for refugee programs at the State Department, said the government is
hoping a negotiated settlement of the war in Nicaragua will let the contras go
home in safety. "Obviously, if that agreement doesn't work, we have a difficult
situation,' Lyman said.
- The department expects the Cuban American community to pay the costs of
resettling the estimated 3,000 new refugees from Cuba. Lafontant praised a
program under which the Cuban American National Foundation has resettled 733
refugees as a model of "private sector initiative" that the government is trying
to encourage.
- Philip Holman, health and human services refugee resettlement director,
testified that the federal government has reduced from three years to two the
time it will cover refugee welfare and medical costs. Rep. Howard Berman (D.,
Calif.) said this would lead to an increase in antirefugee sentiment.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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LEVEL 2 - 54 OF 58 STORIES
Copyright 1992 The Current Digest of the Soviet Press
Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press
September 16, 1992
SECTION: THE NEWS OF THE WEEK; International News; Western Hemisphere; VOLUME
XLIV, NO. 33; Pg. 22
LENGTH: 663 words
HEADLINE: CUBA
SOURCE: School for Emigrants: CUBAN DISSIDENTS LEAVE RUSSIA. From One
Emigration to Another.
By Leonid Velekhov. Nezavisimaya gazeta, Aug. 18, p. 4. 850 words. Condensed
text
BODY:
The Miami-based Cuban-American National Foundation, an organization of the
Cuban opposition in exile that is well known to NG readers, is successfully
expanding its efforts to unite compatriots scattered throughout the world. The
foundation's president, Jorge Mas Canosa, an American magnate of Cuban descent,
has obtained 300 US entry visas for Cubans currently living in the republics of
the former USSR, mainly Russia.
And so hundreds of Cubans and with many of them their Russian wives and
"half-blood" children will soon leave our cheerless land. The paths that led
them here were varied. Some studied and lived in our country for several years,
settled into this life and started families, and at the appointed time were
reluctant to return home, where, among its other present charms people look
askance at graduates of our higher schools and deny them employment, out of
suspicion that they are freethinkers and unreliable. Others came recently, in a
totally adventuristic way, which I once briefly wrote about. Late last year,
Cubans began coming to Moscow on the basis of fake personal invitations produced
in Havana, in hopes that they would have an easier time getting to Miami from
here than from Cuba. In this way, in my opinion, the most fantastic emigration
route of all times has been established: From Havana to Moscow to Miami
Needless to say, these people also have various reasons for leaving our
country for cherished Miami. Some, like Pinocchio, are leaving in search of a
country of eternal holidays and prosperity, while others are going with serious
hopes that in Miami they will be able to do more with their lives than is
possible in our reality, which still isn't very hospitable to foreigners.
Generally speaking, of course, this exodus is logical and to be expected.
Still, as the old novels say, I can't get over the feeling of a certain
disappointment. Along with those lighthearted Pinocchios, of whom there are a
good many, energetic and serious people are leaving, people who formed the first
organization of Cuban dissidents in exile in this country -- the Cuban Union
about which NG was the first to report. Our newspaper also played a
considerable role in shaping the organization's fate and in covering its
activities. It was these fellows from the Cuban Union who organized Russia's
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Page 11
The Current Digest of The Post-Soviet Press, September 16, 1992
first anti-Castro demonstration opposite the Cuban Embassy, and it was they who
helped the energetic and democratic-minded Russian Deputy Aleksei Surkov hold
the unprecedented hearings in the Supreme Soviet on human rights violations in
Cuba. In general, they made a contribution to the shaping in Russia of new
public attitudes toward the Castro regime, and they could do even more in the
future. And this is needed. But now they are leaving, I still view this step
with mixed feelings. When I spoke about this recently with Joe Garcia, an
emissary of Mas Canosa who had come here to take care of the last visa
formalities, I asked him: Doesn't it seem to you -- that is, to the foundation
-- that in taking these fellows away, you are greatly weakening a segment of the
Cuban opposition in exile that exists and operates in an area of extreme
importance to Cuba's present and future fate namely Russia? Garcia, whose
job in the foundation is to help Cuban emigrants leave third countries and to
"assemble" them in Miami, gave the absolutely logical answer that this was what
the fellows themselves wanted; after all, don't have it easy here, where they
lack permanent passports, political refugee status, full-fledged civil rights
and so on, and the foundation's job is to help Cubans in need.
Let's hope that the Cuban Union will not cease to exist when its activists
leave: Many Cubans remain here, and they will continue the work. Let's also
hope that the foundation will help the dissidents of the "new call-up,"
realizing the importance of the anti-Castro movement within Russia.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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LEVEL 2 - 52 OF 58 STORIES
Copyright 1993 Sun-Sentinel Company
Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale)
January 1, 1993, Friday, SPORTS FINAL EDITION
SECTION: LOCAL, Pg. 3B
LENGTH: 431 words
HEADLINE: CUBANS TRY TO CHEER NEW YEAR IN MOSCOW
BYLINE: LYDA LONGA, ; Staff Writer
BODY:
Late Thursday, Natalia Perez dreamed of greeting the new year in a warm,
friendly house in South Florida.
Instead, the Cuban student, 24, huddled by a fireplace with her daughter,
Maylen, 4, and tried to celebrate New Year's Eve in a dingy Moscow flat.
I 'We are so desperate, Perez said on Thursday by telephone from Moscow.
'We're celebrating the new year because what else are we going to do?''
Perez with her sister, Tatiana, 20; mother and daughter was among 35
Cuban university students who were stopped from boarding a Miami-bound jet at
the Moscow airport on Wednesday. The young men and women, seeking political
asylum, planned to live with relatives and friends in Florida and eventually
apply for U.S. citizenship.
Russian airport officials had demanded to see the students' Cuban passports
and visas, but they had nothing to show. The Cuban embassy in Moscow had
confiscated their documents in retaliation for their protests against Cuban
President Fidel Castro.
The students are among Cuba's best and brightest, sent to Moscow during the
past six years by Castro's regime to be educated in the Soviet Union.
Perez and her family were supposed to go to a cousin's house in Hollywood.
But now she and the others do not know when they will be able to leave.
Joe Garcia, vice president of the Cuban American National Foundation, said he
will meet with Russian Cabinet member Alexis Zurkov on Monday to determine
whether the students can depart next week.
The foundation, a Miami-based, nonprofit group that lobbies for the
democratization of Cuba, arranged the students' exodus from Moscow.
Garcia, who is in Moscow, said it is not yet clear whether Russian relatives
of the students will be able to leave the country. That poses a problem for
Perez, whose mother and daughter are Russian.
I am just praying to God that things will work out for us on Monday,
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Page 9
Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale), January 1, 1993
Perez said. ''I want to leave this country with my entire family, not just half
of it. ,
Perez said she and the others sold their belongings so they could travel
light.
Juan Carlos Bencomo and his wife, Josefina, are staying at the foundation's
Moscow office because they gave up their apartment.
, 'We have no home and no warm clothes to wear, I 1 said Bencomo, 35. 'Many of
us are staying in cheap hotels or in houses that belong to people who are nice
enough to let us stay with them until we leave this place.
1 You can't imagine how horrible it is to anticipate going on a trip to your
freedom, and then be stopped and told you are going nowhere, I I she said.
LOAD-DATE: May 30, 1996
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LEVEL 2 - 51 OF 58 STORIES
Copyright 1993 Sun-Sentinel Company
Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale)
January 5, 1993, Tuesday, SPORTS FINAL EDITION
SECTION: LOCAL, Pg. 4B
LENGTH: 400 words
HEADLINE: 35 CUBANS IN MOSCOW IN LIMBO
BYLINE: LYDA LONGA, ; Staff Writer
BODY:
The fate of 35 Cuban students trying to leave Moscow is shaky until
immigration authorities there decide whether the students' Russian relatives can
leave the country with them.
The students will plead with Russian immigration officials today to let their
Russian family members leave the country as early as Wednesday. But that effort
is unlikely to succeed, said Lourdes Quirch, director of the Cuban American
National Foundation's Cuban Exodus Relief Program.
Quirch said she also doubts that many of the students will want to leave
Moscow if their Russian husbands, wives and children are forced to remain
behind.
''It's very hard to break up a family, Quirch said. 'Many of the students
are very anxious to get here, but now that this obstacle has been put in their
way, it's doubtful whether all of them will want to leave.
The students' attempts to defect from Moscow last week were thwarted after
Russian officials stopped them from boarding a Miami-bound jet at the Moscow
airport.
Although the students had been granted temporary U.S. visas by the U.S.
Immigration and Naturalization Service, the Russians contended the group needed
Russian and Cuban passports to leave the country.
The students had nothing to show because their documents had been confiscated
by the Cuban embassy in Moscow in retaliation for the students' protests against
Cuban President Fidel Castro.
None of the students' Russian relatives had passports, either. Quirch said
obtaining Russian passports could take as long as six months.
Natalia Perez, 24, a language student in Moscow, does not know whether she
can hold out that long. Perez and her mother, sister and daughter are supposed
to live at a cousin's house in Hollywood when they arrive in the United States.
This is all SO uncertain here, Perez said on Monday from Moscow. Now we
have to go back on Tuesday and see what (the Russians) can do for us again. They
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Sun-Sentinel (Fort Lauderdale), January 5, 1993
keep making up reasons for us to stay here. , I
Perez and other students said they think Cuban officials are responsible for
the roadblocks.
Jose Luis Ponce, a spokesman at the Cuban Interest Section in Washington,
D.C., could not be reached for comment on Monday.
In a separate immigration case, INS officials may decide today whether a
Russian woman who defected on an Aeroflot jet last week will be able to stay in
Miami with her Cuban husband.
LOAD-DATE: May 30, 1996
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Page 24
LEVEL 5 - 8 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 McClatchy Newspapers, Inc.
Sacramento Bee
July 17, 1996, METRO FINAL
SECTION: EDITORIALS; Pg. B7
LENGTH: 1440 words
HEADLINE: IS PEACE SUNDERED IN NORTHERN IRELAND?
BYLINE: The Economist
BODY:
A MARCH by the Orange Order in Londonderry in 1969 provoked the sectarian
rioting that first brought the deployment of British troops in Northern Ireland.
Last week, a disputed Orange Order march sparked disturbances that could yet
destroy ongoing efforts to find a political solution to Northern Ireland's
troubles.
To most people outside the province, the initial confrontation between police
and marchers of the exclusively Protestant Orange Order at Drumcree church, near
Portadown, seems incomprehensible. How could the police decision to reroute a
march to avoid a Catholic housing estate justify such fury?
Of course the fury was unjustified but hardly unpredictable. Protestant
unionist leaders, who want to remain a part of the United Kingdom, have
condemned the Protestant rioting that this year's "Siege of Drumcree" has
provoked, but that is disingenuous. Disputes about the "traditional" routes of
Orange Order marches, in which Protestants play martial airs to celebrate their
victory over the native Irish 306 years ago, in 1690, have resulted in violence
for more than a century.
Last Thursday, police capitulated to Protestant unionist demands. Using force
and provoking riots among local residents, they cleared Catholic protesters from
Portadown's streets in order to let the Orangemen march through the Catholic
enclave 25 miles southwest of Belfast. On Friday, the Orangemen staged 19
marches throughout Northern Ireland.
DURING THE five-day standoff leading up to the marches, a Catholic taxi
driver was murdered, apparently by British loyalist terrorists; Catholic
families were burned out of their homes in Belfast; and riots broke out in
scores of neighborhoods. Then on Saturday, a Catholic protester died after being
run over by a British army vehicle in Derry during one of many demonstrations in
the aftermath of the marches.
A full-scale resumption of violence in Northern Ireland by both Protestant
British loyalists and the Irish Republican Army now seems closer than ever, even
though talks on the province's future resumed Tuesday in Belfast.
The behavior of senior British unionist leaders at Drumcree was shameful.
Perhaps it was to be expected that the Rev. Ian Paisley, the Protestant head of
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Sacramento Bee, July 17, 1996
the hard-line Democratic Unionist Party, would try to inflame, rather than
restrain, passions. For 30 years Paisley has offered nothing but denunciation
and demagoguery. But David Trimble, leader of the main Protestant political
group, the Ulster Unionist Party, supposedly speaks for moderate unionist
opinion. If his defiance of the police and his ranting about the supposed
machinations of the IRA in Portadown now pass for moderation, then Northern
Ireland is doomed to more bloodshed.
The most ominous thing of all about Drumcree is that it has confirmed the
political bankruptcy of the unionists. If the current crop of unionist leaders
cannot achieve, or even propose, a compromise about a short stretch of road in
Portadown, what chance is there that they can bring themselves, or their
followers, to accept a broad political compromise that would also be acceptable
to moderate nationalists?
Almost as ominous as this is the unionist leaders' sheer boneheadedness.
Before Drumcree, the advantage had shifted firmly in their direction. The IRA's
return to violence had, rightly, excluded its political wing, Sinn Fein, from
the multiparty talks, which are backed by Britain, Ireland and America. Sinn
Fein leader Gerry Adams' carefully nurtured reputation as a peacemaker had been
shredded by the IRA's bombs in England and the killing of a policeman in the
Irish Republic. Support for Sinn Fein in Dublin and Washington was evaporating.
The unionists seemed in control not only of the talks, but also of the political
agenda.
THEN CAME Drumcree. Sinn Fein propagandists could not have devised a better
scenario. Trimble and other unionist leaders abandoned the multiparty talks to
participate in the protest. As if to confirm nationalist accusations of unionist
bigotry and brutality, Orange Order leaders bellowed about the plots of "Jesuit
priests" and declared that they could bring Northern Ireland to a "standstill."
Across the razor wire at Drumcree, Protestant churchgoers, those supposed
champions of law and order, stood taunting the overwhelmingly Protestant Royal
Ulster Constabulary and defied the forces of the crown to which they claim
loyalty.
To protest against any restriction of their right "to walk the queen's
highway, " unionists chose the bizarre tactic of establishing dozens of
roadblocks of their own. In an eerie echo of Adams, unionist leaders gave
warnings of further violence, which sounded more like threats than warnings.
To the rest of Britain, such behavior is not only alien, but alienating.
Ironically, scenes of unionists flinging gasoline bombs at police and
overturning cars do far more damage to Northern Ireland's union with Britain
than any number of IRA bombs.
The vast majority of people elsewhere in Britain, as in the Irish Republic,
are thoroughly fed up with Northern Ireland's violent tribulations and want both
sides to negotiate.
Despite the IRA's bombs, nationalist leaders such as John Hume, head of the
moderate Catholic Social Democratic and Labor Party, which advocates a united
Ireland but spurns violence, are calling for compromise and restraint. Trimble
was supposed to be Hume's negotiating partner. But, sporting his Orange Order
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Sacramento Bee, July 17, 1996
sashes on the front line at Drumcree, he looked less like a man ready to make
history than one determined endlessly to repeat it.
THE BRITISH and Irish governments have little choice but to hope that the
majority of unionists -- who stayed peacefully at home last week and who want a
new political settlement with their nationalist neighbors -- can find a voice.
That has not yet happened. One wonders, given the present unionist
leadership, if it ever will. Until it does, the prospect of achieving the
political accommodation needed to end Ulster's agony looks remote.
GRAPHIC: Associated Press photograph
Children sitting outside Stormont, British government headquarters near Belfast,
display signs Tuesday encouraging the continuation of peace talks.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 18, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 12 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 Times Newspapers Limited
Sunday Times
July 14, 1996, Sunday
SECTION: Features
LENGTH: 3017 words
HEADLINE: The road to God knows where
BYLINE: Liam Clarke and Walter Ellis
BODY:
The meeting, in the unlikely setting of the Ulster Carpet Mills factory off
Portadown's Garvaghy Road, had not gone well. In fact, by general consent, last
Thursday was a pig of a morning.
In one room, Brendan MacCionnaith of Sinn Fein a small, pugnacious man who
had served time as a convicted IRA terrorist paced up and down, dialling out on
his mobile phone.
He and others from the Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition were determined
that the Orange Order, corralled for five days in Drumcree by the Royal Ulster
Constabulary and the British Army, should never again march through their
streets.
In a second room, the pale, frail figure of Cardinal Cahal Daly could be
seen locked in conclave with the more imposing mass of Archbishop Robin Eames,
the Church of Ireland primate, and leaders of Ireland's presbyterian and
methodist churches. They fretted openly as they pored over various options for a
peaceful resolution to the stalemate that was growing increasingly volatile just
a few yards away from where they sat.
In a third room, grim-faced representatives of the Orange Order waited
impatiently for news. Under no circumstances were they prepared to deal face to
face with a residents' grouping led by a known IRA man. Nor were they interested
in finding an alternative way home from the church in Drumcree.
According to MacCionnaith, the stalemate was finally broken when his phone
rang. His informer on the road told him the RUC had arrived in force and was
saturating the area to push Catholics back. The march down the Garvaghy Road,
banned so resolutely by the RUC chief constable the Saturday before, was to go
ahead.
Eames and Daly were shocked. The cardinal said he felt betrayed. Sir Hugh
Annesley, the chief constable, had decided that, on the fifth day of the
stand-off between his officers and a growing army of Orange Order demonstrators,
he could no longer guarantee that lives would not be lost. Dramatically, he
turned on its head his original decision to ban the procession.
MacCionnaith rushed from the factory to join other local residents in a
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Times Newspapers Limited, July 14, 1996
sit-down protest on the road. The RUC, mobilised in overwhelming numbers, moved
in to clear the way. They succeeded by force of numbers.
THIS weekend, the consequences of Annesley's decision were becoming
painfully clear.
The Orangemen's march down the Garvaghy Road has threatened a return to the
darkest days of Ulster's 25-year conflict. It has sparked a public Anglo-Irish
rift, and concern is rife throughout the country that the fragile Northern
Ireland peace process, fostered for almost two years by the British and Irish
governments, under the scrutiny of international observers, may be damaged
beyond repair.
John Bruton, the taoiseach, had earlier accused the British government of
breaching all the canons'' of democracy by standing over the RUC's unexpected
decision to permit the Orange march to proceed through such a contentious
nationalist area, while Dick Spring, the tanaiste and minister for foreign
affairs, spoke of a black week'' for Anglo-Irish relations and the people of
Northern Ireland.
This weekend, those people are in a state of flux. Civil unrest has spread
across the province, with nightly outbreaks of sporadic rioting, looting, and
attacks on the RUC. Sectarian attacks have been reported in numerous towns. The
police force and the British Army are at full-stretch in their efforts to
curtail the situation.
The nationalist community say they have lost completely what little faith
they had in the police force, while Unionists are angered at the RUC's handling
of the Drumcree march. While fireworks lit up the Belfast sky on Thursday night
after Orangemen marched through the nationalist Lower Ormeau Road, elsewhere the
flames were coming from vehicles abandoned and set alight on the streets.
The politicians of Northern Ireland are equally ablaze. John Hume's SDLP is
under pressure from within its membership to review its position on the talks
process.
Sinn Fein, whose members were prominent in the Garvaghy Road seige, finds
itself reinvigorated and presenting itself once more as the legitimate voice of
nationalist dissent.
Already, according to republican sources, the Irish National Liberation Army
has resumed its offensive against the security forces. Reports indicate that the
outlawed paramilitary group, which never declared a ceasefire, was behind the
shooting of three police officers in north Belfast on Thursday night, firing on
them again on Friday.
On Friday evening, masked IRA gunmen appeared on the streets of Belfast for
the first time since the terrorist ceasefires began in September 1994. The three
hooded men posed for journalists and photographers in the Ardoyne area, a
nationalist estate which comes under the jurisdiction of one of the IRA's most
hard line formations, the Belfast Brigade's third battalion.
The terrorists strode confidently along the street carrying two Kalashnikov
AKM assault rifles and a pistol, as well as walkie-talkies and binoculars. We
are here to defend the nationalist community Irish Republican Army, they told
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Times Newspapers Limited, July 14, 1996
reporters, as one of their number knelt down to take aim for the clicking
cameras.
It had a dreadfully familiar feel to it.
In the early hours of yesterday morning, and perhaps inevitably, the civil
unrest that has followed the Drumcree march claimed its first life. Dermot
Tonto'' McShane, 35, a former INLA prisoner from Derry's Brandywell estate, was
knocked down and killed by an RUC Land Rover during heavy rioting in the city.
Police say that prior to McShane's death, more than 1,000 petrol bombs had
been thrown at the RUC's armoured vehicles, and that the rioting was on a scale
unseen for many years. An RUC officer who tried to give the injured man first
aid on the street was stabbed in the face, and needed 19 stitches.
Last night, at a march to lay black flags at the spot where McShane died,
Martin McGuinness, deputy leader of Sinn Fein, urged the crowd to stay united;
stay calm; stay dignified; stay peaceful.
In Dublin, a senior Irish government official summed up the mood across the
country: Only the most incurable optimist would see any hope in the current
situation. In a couple of hours, the British threw the situation back 25
years
Suddenly, as stories spread about what exactly pushed Annesley to suddenly
and startlingly reverse his decision, it is as though last year's IRA ceasefire,
the peace process and Ulster's recent elections to all-party peace talks had
never happened.
TO the outside world, Orange marches appear absurd and vaguely sinister; the
medieval posturing and marking out of territory painfully outmoded and a sign of
social immaturity in an age of pluralism. But to the Protestants of Ulster,
whose culture and identity, once so certain, are now under unrelenting assault,
the marching season is their lifeblood.
Many feel that if they ever stop, it will be because they have finally lost
the sense of who they are and what they stand for.
Last Sunday morning, in Drumcree, an unremarkable patch of farmland
bordering Portadown, Co Armagh, some 1,300 Orangemen marched peacefully to the
parish church for an annual service. The return journey from the little church
would take them two miles down the hill back to their lodge headquarters in the
centre of town.
The route along which they had marched to the service was uncontentious but
they were determined to make the return journey along the Garvaghy Road, which
is bordered by the homes of 7,000 Catholics. It was a matter of pride; it was
also a show of strength.
The original Orange Society sprang up just 10 miles away from Portadown in
Loughgall in 1795, after the so-called Battle of the Diamond, a territorial
faction fight between Protestants and Catholic rebels.
It is the commemoration of this skirmish whch brings thousands of Orange
marchers onto the streets of Northern Ireland in July every year. There were
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3,000 marches in Northern Ireland last year, said David Trimble, leader of the
Ulster Unionist party, and there was trouble at only 13 of them.
For the best part of a year, the Orange Order had refused to meet the
Garvaghy Road residents on the grounds that some of them were Sinn Fein members.
They had also categorically refused to countenance any suggestion of an
alternative route. No matter what the British government or the chief constable
of the RUC might say, the Orange Order was committed irrevocably from the start
to making its way down that road.
Portadown is a predominantly Protestant town, with a strong Orange
tradition. The Garvaghy Road was, for many years, largely rural, with a
scattered population from both communities. In the 1970s, a number of sprawling
estates were built, flanking the road, and housing a vast nationalist community.
In the mid-1980s, after complaints from Catholics along nearby Obins Street, the
Orange Order's traditional route home from their annual church service at
Drumcree, the Garvaghy Road was selected as an alternative route for the march.
Today, conscious of their pivotal role in local power politics, Catholics
living in the housing estates along the road see themselves as a bulwark against
the Orange state'', and are united in their determination to score a nationalist
victory over the old enemy.
An ugly three-day stand-off at the top of the road ended last year in a
deal, brokered between the Orangemen and the local residents. The Protestant
marchers, including Trimble, agreed to walk in silence, bands muted and banners
furled, along the Garvaghy Road, while local residents lined the highway in
silent protest.
I thought at the time it was a model solution which would be repeated
wherever there was disagreement over Orange marches, said Ronnie Flanagan, the
deputy chief constable of the RUC at the centre of the negotiations between
marchers and residents.
The agreement collapsed when Trimble and Ian Paisley, the leader of the
Democratic Unionist party, were filmed raising their arms in triumph as they
marched through the disputed area. A special Siege of Drumcree'' medal was
struck afterwards, marking an Orange victory.
Trimble enraged Catholics by proclaiming that there had been no compromise''
a statement widely believed to have been the catalyst which catapulted him
unexpectedly, a few months later, to the leadership of the Ulster Unionist
party.
This year, Catholics were resolved not to be taken in a second time. They
let it be known that they would arrange a counter protest march and organise
local resistance to any Orange parade down the Garvaghy Road.
Annesley was also determined to make a clean break with the past on his own
terms. If he could persuade the Orange Order to abandon its right' to walk down
the Garvaghy Road, it would be a victory for common sense and a considerable
logistical weight off his mind.
It would also, no doubt, mark a major achievement for his office.
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But instead of scoring points for the RUC, Annesley unconsciously set up a
disaster for his force. The Orangemen, painfully conscious of a steady growth in
Catholic assertiveness, refused to back down. The Garvaghy Road Residents
Coalition felt equally bound to resist. Compromise, the bourgeois chimera of
Ulster liberals, was never going to be on the cards, and all that remained was
to see what way those cards fell.
Annesley had announced the re-routing of the Drumcree march the day before
it was due to take place, on the basis, he said, of public order. Operational
decisions since the fall of Stormont in 1972 have been exclusively a police
responsibility, and it was his conviction that a second Orange invasion'' of the
Garvaghy Road would lead to an influx of nationalists to resist it, and could
easily result in serious rioting, and possible deaths.
Meanwhile, the Grand Lodge of Ireland, the Orange order led by the Reverend
Martin Smyth MP, had spent months preparing for the showdown. Detailed plans and
strategies were laid to paralyse the province and stretch police resources to
breaking point. Smyth told reporters that Orangemen might have to break the law
and that they were willing to suffer the consequences.
On Sunday, Orangemen from throughout Ulster began to congregate at
Drumcree, ready for battle. Razor wire was thrown across their intended route
home from the church and a large contingent of police, in riot gear, took up
station in the fields opposite. The scene was set.
Elsewhere in the province, extremists on both sides took immediate advantage
of the situation. Loyalist thugs gathered outside the homes of Catholics living
in their areas. Stones were thrown and threats were issued. At the same time,
Sinn Fein spoke of widespread intimidation and in some cases even encouraged''
Catholics in Protestant districts to leave their homes.
Protestant gangs began to roam the streets of north Belfast, attacking the
police and creating a climate of fear unknown since the IRA ceasefire had ended.
In towns across the province, including Derry, Coleraine, Ballymena, Newtownards
and Portadown itself, barricades manned by Orangemen blocked all major roads as
well as the main airport and ports. Shops and showrooms were attacked and
destroyed, and RUC resources were stretched to breaking point.
ON Sunday night, Michael McGoldrick, a Catholic taxi driver who had just
been awarded a degree in English and political science by Queen's University,
Belfast, was called out from his base at Lurgan, four miles from Portadown, to
pick up a fare. His body was found the following morning, slumped in his cab,
several miles outside Lurgan. He had been shot twice through the head.
The murder of McGoldrick was the first of its type since the loyalist
ceasefires, still in force, and gave rise to concerns that the UVF might be
resuming its campaign of violence.
In Drumcree, meanwhile, tension continued to mount. As Sunday turned to
Monday, the stand-off continued, with no sign of compromise on either side. The
second siege of Drumcree was showing every sign of being as intransigent as the
first.
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And so it continued, with Orange reinforcements arriving by the day. A huge
mechanical digger was brought onto the site on Wednesday and equipped with
makeshift armour plating. For Annesley, with Friday's annual 12th of July
celebrations just around the corner, the day of reckoning was at hand.
Bids to negotiate a compromise deal continued, with the 12th an unspoken
deadline. On that date, as many as 70,000 Orangemen from across the province
were due to converge on Drumcree to attempt to break through the police lines
and gain access to Garvaghy Road.
Trimble, worried by the prospect of a full-scale battle, asked churchmen to
mediate. At that point, Annesley made his fateful decision to allow the march
through.
Once I heard from the church leaders on Thursday morning that no agreement
had been reached, I had no option but to put the parade through in order to
avoid loss of life, said Annesley. The pressures on him were even greater than
he first admitted. Army officers told him that any attempt to deal with vast
numbers of Orangemen at Drumcree would lead to the use of firearms. Opening
fire on civilians could not be an option and I would never have suggested it,
Annesley said.
Events now moved at great speed. On the Garvaghy Road, two large squads of
riot police, reinforced with close to 100 armoured Land Rovers, converged on the
residents' hastily-convened protest. Enraged local people were beaten back from
the main road and forced into alleyways; plastic bullets were fired at youths,
who retaliated with rocks, stones and the occasional quickly-assembled petrol
bomb.
No serious attempt had been made to negotiate with the Catholics. They were
simply told to clear the road, and when they didn't they were subjected to the
full rigour of Ulster riot control.
As the 1,300 Portadown Orangemen began to parade in front of them, looking
nervous and sullen by turn, residents could not believe what was happening. The
RUC, from their perspective, having assured them of their protection, had now
turned into the military wing of the Orange Order.
ULSTER this weekend appears to have reverted to bloody habits of old. The
sound of moderate nationalist and Catholic leaders such as Bruton and Daly
blaming the British government will be music to the ears of IRA hardliners. It
strengthens the argument that a return to violence at this stage could plausibly
be blamed on British intransigence.
Already, the IRA, in common with its loyalist counterparts, has reacted to
the widespread fear in working class areas by distributing guns across the
province for what is termed defensive' use.
The UVF is thought to be split, with its Mid-Ulster unit spinning out of
control and facing internal disciplinary measures.
Annesley, who sits in the eye of the storm, believes the IRA is unsure what
course to take. The IRA may explode more bombs on the mainland and they are
ready and able to mount operations in the province, he said. But there is no
immediate indication that is what they are going to do. The top echelon of the
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IRA seems unsure of what to do. I ,
The IRA's decision may well depend on the unfolding political situation.
Over the coming week, constitutional politicians on both sides will be
attempting to stifle their anger with each other and to get the situation back
under control. There are fears in Dublin that renewed violence could tip Ireland
into civil war and spill into the republic with loyalist bombs in Dublin and
major towns near the border. Despite the furious diplomatic rift between Dublin
and London there is an underlying conviction that, in the end, the two
governments must hang together, or they will hang separately.
They have shown in the past that they can be adept at picking up the pieces
where Northern Ireland is concerned. The next few weeks will tell how adept.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 18, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 15 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 The Christian Science Publishing Society
The Christian Science Monitor
July 12, 1996, Friday
SECTION: INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 729 words
HEADLINE: N. Ireland Mob Protests Put Peace Talks in Doubt
BYLINE: Alexander MacLeod, Special to The Christian Science Monitor
DATELINE: LONDON
HIGHLIGHT:
British decision to let Protestants march upsets Catholics
BODY:
Northern Ireland's Protestants and Catholics appear further apart than ever.
Their mood is again one of angry confrontation as the peace process appears to
be in further peril.
The long-standing rift between the province's religious communities greatly
widened following a decision yesterday by the British government to let a
controversial Protestant march go ahead.
The march went through a Catholic-dominated community at the village of
Drumcree in the town of Portadown south of the capital, Belfast. Police shoved
hundreds of Catholic protesters out of the way to make way for the marchers.
The decision, said by a senior government source to have required a policy
reversal at "the highest political level" in London, ended a five-day street
protest by Protestants against police.
Brendan MacKenna, leader of Drumcree's Catholic community, said the granting
of permission to allow the march by about 1,300 members of the 100,000-strong
Protestant Orange Order was "a further setback" for the already-faltering peace
process. He said Catholics in the area had not been consulted.
But David Trimble, leader of the official Ulster Unionist Party, called the
London government's policy switch, taken on the eve of an important anniversary
date in the Protestant calendar, "a victory for reason and common sense. "
Passions whipped up by the confrontation at Drumcree have deepened bitterness
on both sides of the province's religious divide, putting peace talks in
jeopardy.
Since the 1994 cease-fire, supporters of the moderate nationalist cause have
been urging reconciliation between Unionists and Sinn Fein, the political wing
of the Irish Republican Army. But moderates deplored the decision by Hugh
Annesley, Northern Ireland's chief constable, to let the march go ahead.
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The Christian Science Monitor, July 12, 1996
Today is the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, when the
Protestant King William of Orange, defeated the invading Catholic claimant to
the English throne, James II.
It is a passionately cherished date for Protestants who for 200 years or more
have taken to the streets and marched to mark the occasion.
Kevin McNamara, a Labour member of the British Parliament and his party's
former spokesman on Northern Ireland, said Mr. Annesley "had given in to
blackmail and threats of violence. "
Annesley said, however, he had "no choice" but to "break the impasse.' A day
earlier his senior officers insisted that the march would be prevented.
A source in the mainly Roman Catholic Social and Democratic Labour Party
(SDLP) said one result of the march was likely to be a refusal by the SDLP to
attend future sessions of the all-party peace talks in Belfast. SDLP leader John
Hume said Annesley's decision was "disgraceful."
Earlier this week, as Drumcree became a flash point for province- wide
Protestant protests, the main Unionist parties boycotted the talks, saying they
would not return to the table until the standoff was resolved in their favor.
Less than 24 hours before the Orangemen, clad in full lodge regalia, were
finally allowed to march down Drumcree's Gavarghy Road to the sound of a beating
drum, Prime Minister John Major, in a House of Commons statement, appeared to
back the police in their opposition to the march.
But London's policy reversal came after a fourth night of violence across
Northern Ireland and amid warnings by Protestant militants that if Mr. Major did
not change his mind, worse troubles would ensue. When violence erupted last
weekend, many Catholic houses and business premises were burned and cars were
set on fire. Police described it as the worst violence in the province in more
than a quarter century.
In the face of a huge buildup of Protestant demonstrations at the police
blockade at Drumcree, the London government flew an extra 1,000 British soldiers
to the area. Major held crisis talks late Wednesday night with Sir Patrick
Mayhew, the Northern Ireland secretary.
Twelve hours after the extra troops arrived, soldiers in full riot gear
appeared at Drumcree and began removing razor wire and concrete barriers that
had prevented the Orangemen's march, letting them through.
Police then fired plastic bullets at Catholics attempting to halt the march.
When at last the parade went ahead, residents on the nearby Catholic housing
estate pelted police and troops with homemade petrol bombs, rocks and bottles.
GRAPHIC: PHOTO: OUT YOU GO: Royal Ulster police remove Catholics protesting
against a Protestant march through their neighborhood in Portadown, N. Ireland.
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The Christian Science Monitor, July 12, 1996
The move to allow the march ended a standoff between Protestants and police. ,
JEROME DELAY/AP
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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LEVEL 5 - 16 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 Times Newspapers Limited
The Times
July 11, 1996, Thursday
SECTION: Home news
LENGTH: 1025 words
HEADLINE: Fear and frustration fuel Drumcree stand
BYLINE: Michael Gove
BODY:
Northern Ireland is on the brink of descending into renewed sectarian
violence. Michael Gove explains what is behind the anger of the Orangemen.
The men who face each other across the barbed wire at Drumcree are from the
same stock. The brethren of the Orange Order and the officers of the RUC are
overwhelmingly the sons of respectable Unionist, Protestant Northern Ireland.
Their confrontation in Co Armagh is the most noticeable symptom of the
frustration felt by a majority who fear they have been too quiet for too long.
Drumcree has become the focus for press attention and popular resistance,
but the sentiments expressed in the shadow of its church are reflected across
the Province. Ulster's Unionists, of whichever party, believe the events of the
past 25 years have followed an all too familiar pattern: IRA violence and
intimidation have progressively hammered at the bonds that keep Northern Ireland
within the UK.
Although grateful for the money spent and the security afforded by the
British Government, they suspect, in the words of one self-employed Protestant
from north Belfast, that London is just waiting to leave with as much dignity as
possible'
The suspicion that London is anxious to be rid of its turbulent province
increased after the Anglo-Irish agreement of 1985 and was given greater momentum
with the publication of the framework document on Northern Ireland's future last
year.
There was a brief period of hope in the aftermath of the IRA ceasefire, when
loyalist terrorists responded with their own cessation of violence. The veteran
UVF campaigner Gusty Spence declared he was happy to see his associates lay down
their weapons because the Union is safe''.
That view, shared tentatively, if at all, by the Unionist majority, is now
rarely expressed. The Unionists believe that the Government responded to the IRA
ceasefire with a series of concessions. David Brownlee, a research scientist and
Orangeman originally from Portadown, says: The Government was willing to work on
the assumption that the IRA ceasefire was permanent, but it was nothing of the
kind. It relaxed the decommisioning criteria and has treated IRA terrorists as
statesmen.
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Times Newspapers Limited, July 11, 1996
It may be unfair to blame the Government for the celebrity of the Sinn Fein
leader Gerry Adams when ministers were at pains to sup with him using only the
longest of spoons, but among Unionists the Government is held culpable for
lending respectability to what they see as apologists for terrorism.
As James Jamieson, a working class Protestant from north Belfast, put it:
People here have long memories, certainly, but they don't need them. Only a
couple of years ago Sinn Fein were murdering innocent people; now they're
treated like film stars and lords of the manor. It proves violence works. Of
course we're angry.
That anger has seen cars, schools and homes burnt over the past few days,
but the anvil of the current crisis has been Drumcree. Although the atmosphere
has been more peaceful in the lee of the church than in many other parts of the
Province, the confrontation in Drumcree has a particular symbolic significance.
The Protestants of Portadown live on Ulster's fault line. The River Bann
running through the town divides predominantly Protestant eastern Ulster from
the overwhelmingly Roman Catholic west. The Orange Order was founded a few miles
away at Loughgall and has always played an important part in the cultural and
social life of the area.
In the past ten years, the area's Orangemen have felt their traditions
eroded. Before the Anglo-Irish agreement, there were seven routes they followed
through Portadown that took them past Catholic communities. Now there is only
one and this year even that, they feel, is denied them.
The hand of Dublin is detected behind the RUC's decision to limit their
routes. Unionists also believe Dublin's hand is driven by agitation organised by
republicans. In Portadown, opposition to the march down Garvaghy Road is
associated with a former republican prisoner, Brendan McKenna.
Since 1985, Dublin, as a guardian of Catholic interests, has had the right
to be consulted on the routes of marchers. Unionists believe Dublin's
intervention is more provocation than protection and direct evidence of the
ambitions of the South to take an ever-growing role in the administration of the
North.
Opposition to the decision to bar the marchers extends beyond Portadown and
its Orangemen. Jim Hamilton, a businessman who runs a waste-disposal service in
Armagh city, said: Everyone I know feels a confrontation like this is necessary
to express our sense of anger that Dublin is calling the tune and the IRA is
winning concessions.
Last year's confrontation between police and Orangemen was christened the
siege of Drumcree in a self-conscious echo of a defining moment in Protestant
Ulster's history, the siege of Derry in 1689. More than 300 years ago an
embattled garrison held Catholic King James's army at bay and by their endurance
in the face of force without and weakness within ensured a famous Protestant
victory.
The sense that Ulster is a province under siege has been a persistent
feature of life in Northern Ireland. On those occasions when the security of the
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Times Newspapers Limited, July 11, 1996
Province has been threatened and its status under question, Ulster's people
shelter under the banners of its traditional institutions, such as the Orange
Order.
Support for the order and its offshoots made it a mass movement only after
the Liberals advocated home rule in the 1880s. Its fortunes have been sustained
by uncertainty since. The success of David Trimble and Ian Paisley in securing
the right of Portadown's Orangemen to walk their traditional route last year was
seen as a rare victory in another siege. Their fate this week will have a
crucial impact on the confidence and capacity of Ulster's Protestants to
maintain their morale, discipline and willing support for the law. Already the
combined loyalist military command is under pressure to end its ceasefire.
Events in the shadow of the Church of the Ascension in Drumcree may tip the
balance.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 16, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 17 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 The Financial Times Limited;
Financial Times
July 11, 1996, Thursday
SECTION: Pg. 7
LENGTH: 593 words
HEADLINE: News: UK: Where accountants man the roadblock: Even middle-class
Protestants seem ready to risk peace to support Orange marchers
BYLINE: By JOHN MURRAY BROWN
BODY:
When Orangemen briefly breached the police lines at Drumcree on Tuesday
night, it was a director of an Armagh haulage company who was first over the
wire.
This fact alone is a striking reminder of the depth of anger in the Unionist
community. Even middle-class Protestants, who arguably have most to lose from a
return to violence, seem prepared to risk the peace in support of the rights of
Orangemen to march their traditional route through a Roman Catholic housing
estate.
Today, as tensions ride high before the traditional July 12 celebrations, it
is the Orange Order and not any political party which is shaping the political
agenda.
Less than six months ago, the UUP, the province's largest party, was voting
to sever its links with the Orange Order. Mr David Trimble, the party leader,
publicly outlined a new relationship which would parallel the ties that the
British Labour party has with its trade unions - close but not
institutionalised.
The UUP's links with the Orange Order look stronger than ever. As the
largest Protestant organisation in the province, its influence is clear. 'If
you'd come to our lodge last night, you would have found two accountants and a
solicitor on the roadblock, says a Newry Orangeman.
Membership of the order is put at around 60,000, although in the wake of the
stand-off at Drumcree last year, applications have increased. Indeed last year's
protest at Drumcree revitalised the Orange Order's standing. The local Orangemen
formed their own group - the Spirit of Drumcree - minting their own medal to
mark the occasion.
At a time when Unionist parties are at each others' throats over the tactics
towards the all-party talks at Stormont, the common stand taken at Drumcree has
united the strands of Unionism - even though neither the Rev Ian Paisley, leader
of the hardline Democratic Unionist party, nor Mr Bob McCartney, the leader of
the UK Unionists, are not actually Orangemen.
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Financial Times, July 11, 1996
The intimidatory tactics have been used before. The wildcat roadblocks were
deployed by Orangemen in 1974 in support of the Ulster Workers strike. Mr
Trimble was a member of the Vanguard movement which was behind the actions.
For all the Order's denials, there is growing evidence that the wave of
protests have been centrally organised. It emerged yesterday that the Orange
Order had called on district lodges to submit applications with the police to
allow additional protest marches even before the stand off at Drumcree was
underway - an indication that the Orangemen were preparing for trouble.
Mr Trimble relied on the Orangemen's support in his narrow victory in the
contest to succeed James Molyneaux as leader of the UUP. It is that debt Mr
Trimble is now seen to be repaying with his staunch defence of the Orangemen's
demands to be allowed to march down the nationalist Garvaghy road.
In crude terms, the men on the barricades at Drumcree are his political
constituents, however much he may feel personally uncomfortable with the
association.
The sashes, the bowler hats and unfurled umbrellas suggest an image of
geniality, but they have menacing significance to many nationalists
'The Orange is a symbol that we will not be railroaded into a united
Ireland, says Bob Stoker, a Unionist councillor and Orangeman from the hardline
loyalist area of Belfast's Sandy Row.
The Order was founded in 1795, more than 100 years after the defeat of the
Catholic King James II at the Battle of the Boyne, which Orangemen mark on July
12 - this Friday.
John Murray Brown
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 11, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 14 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian
July 13, 1996
SECTION: THE GUARDIAN HOME PAGE; Pg. 2
LENGTH: 2827 words
HEADLINE: ULSTER PAYS HEAVY PRICE FOR WEEK OF LIVING DANGEROUSLY;
David Sharrock charts the events of six days which almost seemed to condense 25
years of the Troubles into a single, tragic chapter
BYLINE: David Sharrock
BODY:
SUNDAY morning: the Orangemen march to the Church of the Ascension at
Drumcree from the centre of Portadown, the loyalist citadel of mid-Ulster, where
everything connected with the festivities marking the victory of William of
Orange at the Battle of the Boyne is bigger, brighter and bolder than anywhere
else in Northern Ireland.
Harold Gracey, district grand master of the Portadown Orangemen, has already
held a press conference in response to the RUC decision to prevent the church
parade returning home via the overwhelmingly Catholic Garvaghy Road. "Sir Hugh
Annesley referred to Custer's Last Stand. Well this will be Ulster's Alamo, he
says.
The Star of David Accordion Band leads the Orangemen into the church on the
hill from where they can see a half-mile coil of barbed wire and lines of RUC
armoured Land-Rovers blocking the Drumcree Road, down which they have marched
for 189 years back into Portadown.
The mood is angry and confident. The Rev John Pickering begins his sermon by
talking of "this anxious day" and urges his congregation to "pray fervently to
God that He will bring help".
Prayers over, the parade reassembles on the crest of the hill. The Rev Tom
Taylor, a tall, frail old man who is chaplain to the Orange district lodge,
walks down to the police lines. "I'm sorry that you're here today. I hope there
will not be any trouble and I'll do my best to ensure that there won't be, " he
tells the most senior RUC officer behind the wire. "Thank you sir," the officer
replies.
The Star of David band sets off down the hill, accordions blazing brightly,
their tiny bellows pumped by diminutive teenage girls in cornflower blue
uniform. "Go on right into them! Over the top of them!" come the cheers.
"Bastards, Bruton's playboys. What's it like to work for a foreign government, I
suppose they're teaching you Gaelic now, are they?"
The day is unfolding like some ritual re-enactment of an ancient battle. Mr
Gracey marches his men back up the hill and informs the crowds that "in a few
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The Guardian, July 13, 1996
hours the rest of the province will be showing their strength, heading this way.
If we fail in this the Protestant people know this time we are finished."
The stand-off begins, just as 12 months earlier. Except this time the
Orangemen are better organised. Press liaison officers are on hand, as are
squadrons of women preparing tea and sandwiches. A young lorry driver declares:
"We're the last Protestant fighting nation in Europe. My father-in-law and two
uncles have been murdered by the IRA. The Ulster Protestant is being ethnically
cleansed from his land. 11
The Reverend Ian Paisley arrives to more cheers, managing to combine the
sinister with the comic in black suit and Homburg. He calls the RUC chief
constable, Sir Hugh Annesley - who is retiring in November - a "despicable and
miserable sinner". He has warned John Major that any attempt to forcefully break
up the protest would lead to "a full-scale rising".
Someone jokes that Sir Hugh "is lighting the blue touch-paper and retiring".
Reports filter through of road blocks and skirmishing away from Drumcree.
The place is crawling with reverends: the Rev Martin Smyth, leader of the
Orange Order, arrives. Last year he stayed away, drawing fierce criticism and
losing badly in the Ulster Unionist Party leadership battle to David Trimble,
hero of the original Siege of Drumcree. "Martin's learnt his lesson, says a
smug Orangeman. He certainly has. "There comes a moment when if we are breaking
the law then we have got to suffer that penalty,' Mr Smyth tells reporters. "The
RUC are not the only ones who can block roads. "
Monday
A man has been found dead in a vehicle near the shores of Lough Neagh. The
killing bears the hallmarks of a loyalist paramilitary assassination It is a
chilling development. Before the loyalist ceasefire in October 1994 many
Catholics were murdered in mid-Ulster on Sunday evenings.
Michael McGoldrick's body was found halfway between a largely Protestant and
a largely Catholic village. The patchwork quilt of Ulster's history is never
more clear than in these normally tranquil townlands, where most of the good
land is owned by Protestants and everybody carries a map of the territorial
status quo in their minds.
Back at Drumcree the Catholic residents of the Garvaghy Road are making the
security forces welcome, providing tea and biscuits. It is like 1969 all over
again, when the army came to the relief of beleaguered Catholic areas under
attack from Protestants.
Excited children crawl over and into Saxon armoured carriers, try on
camouflage helmets and peer down the sights of rifles. Even more extraordinary,
the Gaelic Athletic Association playing field has been transformed into a army
supply staging post.
Tuesday
"It's all a bit petty, isn't it?" says an old man from the Garvaghy Road out
walking his dog. "I mean on both sides. It's only a parade, but they've never
once asked in all those years whether we mind. It's always been rough for
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The Guardian, July 13, 1996
Catholics in Portadown."
John Taylor, deputy leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, is across the
barbed wire. Another Drumcree Siege casualty, he is now making amends for his
comments last year that he did not "prance on streets".
That error probably cost him the leadership. Mr Taylor warns that 100,000
Orangemen may descend on Drumcree on Friday and that the majority community "is
swinging strongly against the RUC
the situation is deteriorating rapidly".
Up at the wire the front line police are being baited. "Hey I know you, "
shouts an Orangeman. "You're from Carrick, I know where you live. Who's looking
after your wife and children tonight?"
Wednesday
The temperature is rising. By day Drumcree looks like a gymkhana, the fields
full of family saloon cars, families picnicking and Radio Orange - broadcasting
on medium wave 1690 - blaring out a steady diet of propaganda and music,
including songs of the Ulster Volunteer Force.
An earthmover arrives on the crest of the hill, sending the RUC and army
into a panic. Burly men begin welding armour-plating to the cabin. There is talk
of smashing through the defences, now grown to two lines of barbed wire and a
set of concrete "dragons teeth" in the narrow lane. Tonight is the night. The
men from Belfast will be arriving
not Orangemen, says one of the press
liaison officers coyly.
An older man is worried. "I don't like them boys coming down here, they're
a rough crowd, not like us at all. It could get out of hand,' " he feared.
But hopes are also rising of a deal to bring the Portadown Orangemen down
the Garvaghy Road after all. Mr Trimble has been meeting church leaders.
Thursday
The deal is off but the parade is going through. After two hours of talks
the Catholic primate, Cahal Daly, and the Church of Ireland archbishop, Robin
Eames, have failed to find common ground between the Orangemen and the Garvaghy
Road residents. The RUC has made a 180 degree about-turn on the original policy
of resisting the threat of force. Sheer numbers have swung them around. The
Orangeman are delighted but urge one another not to be triumphalist.
"There must be no sign of triumphalism along any part of the route, to do so
would be folly for any future parades," the radio man says. The Star of David
Accordion band assumes its position at the front of 1,300 men. The flag of
Israel flutters puzzlingly beneath that of Ulster on a telegraph pole. "It's
because Israel takes a very firm line on terrorism," " says one man.
"Three cheers to the RUC for bringing us together," " shouts an Orangeman. A
Royal Engineers unit pulls aside the barbed wire and lets the parade through. To
the solemn tone of a slow drumbeat they head down the lane. Riot police dressed
in body armour point plastic bullet guns at the Garvaghy Road.
The violence erupts when a petrol bomb is thrown, drawing an immediate and
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The Guardian, July 13, 1996
sustained response from the police. A young woman holding her baby son in her
arms stoops and picks up a stone from her garden, then hurls it into the
marching Orangemen. The baby starts to cry. "Youse Orange bastards!' she
screams, her face contorted in rage.
The Orangemen remain stony-faced, silent, eyes looking straight ahead. At
the lower end of the Garvaghy Road they are met by an ecstatic crowd of
loyalists, children, old and young women and men. The band strikes up with
Killaloo, the song of the Irish Rangers. The faces of the Orangemen melt into
smiles of relief and, yes, triumph.
"How do I feel? Tired, but we finally got home from church and now all I
want to do is go home and sleep," says a middle-aged man, picking his
eight-year-old son up and embracing his wife.
"We did what we set out to do."
Around midnight bonfires are lit across loyalist areas of Northern Ireland,
but the crowds are thin and seem dispirited, worn out perhaps. Maybe there's
even a bad taste in the mouth.
Nobody seems to be celebrating. Across Belfast and Derry it is the turn of
nationalist districts to riot. Three policemen are shot, none of them are
seriously injured.
Friday
The Twelfth of July, the high point of the marching calendar, and on the
Ormeau Road in Belfast a repeat of the Siege of Drumcree is being avoided by a
huge security force. The biggest parade of the year snakes through Belfast to
the Field at Edenderry. "This is the worst Twelfth I've seen in 40 years, says
a spectator.
"There's usually a good mood and a bit of crack, but not this year. The
loyalist pipe bands keep up a day-long tattoo of military music, but the note is
different. The drumbeat has come to the fore, drowning out the melody.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: July 15, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 2 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 Newspaper Publishing PLC
The Independent
August 25, 1996, Sunday
SECTION: COMMENT; Page 21
LENGTH: 1474 words
HEADLINE: Ulster: back to square one; The marchers have gone home, but they've
left a bleak politicallandscape. By David McKittrick After a turbulent summer,
the dust is settling on a bleak political landscape. By David McKittrick
BYLINE: David McKittrick
BODY:
In the 16th century an English civil servant wrote: "It is a proverb of old
date, that the pride of France, the treason of England, and the war of Ireland,
shall never have end. Which proverb, touching the war of Ireland, is like alway
to continue, without God set it in men's breasts to find some new remedy that
never was found before."
The quill which he presumably used has today been replaced by a word
processor, yet the sentiment he expressed is very much alive in Belfast today.
The events of the past six months, principally the breakdown of the IRA
ceasefire and July's Orange march confrontation at Drumcree, have sent almost
everyone back to the drawing-board in search of "some new remedy that never was
found before".
They conduct their reassessments not in a spirit of enthusiasm but under a
deep pall of depression and apprehension which has enveloped not just the
political classes but also most of the population. Just about everyone expects
that it will get worse before it gets better; many say, sadly and bitterly, that
it never will get better.
A flavour of the legacy of the summer was conveyed by Norman Jenkinson, one
of Belfast's least excitable newspaper columnists, who wrote: "From towns and
villages all over this province come sad reports of sectarian damage to
property, of intimidation, of the boycott of businesses, of accusations, of
recriminations. Human stories of villages and townspeople who once lived in
peace with one another, if not quite on close terms, now keeping their sullen
distance. Heartbreaking accounts of communities torn apart by their Christian
differences, living in fear for their futures, for their local economies.
"Communities ripped asunder by one week in July, some of their peoples
seething with fury at what they see as their humiliation, some heady with the
narcotic effect of perceived victory. Drumcree was a catastrophe for religious
tolerance and it is doubtful if anything can be salvaged from it. Good people
will try, but then good people are not the problem."
John Alderdice of the determinedly optimistic Alliance party has spoken of
"a depth of sectarian division more widespread and corrosive than for some
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time". A nationalist leader said privately: "In all my years I have never seen
so much bitterness and hatred, on both sides.' Another political figure added:
"It's bad, bad, bad and worse. My non-political friends are saying, 'What hope
is there?' They're just deflated. A lot of them are talking about emigrating."
It is against this sombre background that multi-party talks will reconvene
at Stormont next month following a summer break. Even before Drumcree few
believed they would succeed; now, with such a dearth of political and communal
goodwill, hardly any participants or spectators believe tough issues such as
de-commissioning and policing can be cracked, let alone the wider questions
involved in mapping out a new future.
Yet paradoxically the poisonous atmosphere and lack of political momentum
have not produced a reversion to full-scale terrorism. There has certainly been
violence including isolated murders, punishment beatings and general summer
intimidation, as well as a number of major IRA bomb attacks in England. But in
Northern Ireland the paramilitary campaigns which used to claim up to a hundred
lives a year have not returned. No one knows quite why this is so, or how long
it can last.
On the extreme Protestant side the loyalist ceasefire, declared in October
1994, has proved more durable than almost anyone expected. Punishment beatings
have continued, but the Ulster Volunteer Force summarily expelled the mid-Ulster
unit which killed a Catholic man during the Drumcree stand- off. Not only did
the loyalist ceasefire survive the collapse of the IRA cessation last February,
but the political spokesmen of the paramilitaries have taken a consistently more
conciliatory line than the mainstream Unionist parties.
It would be wrong, however, to count on this restraint lasting. At this
moment there are reports that it is under serious strain and it could well break
down if, for example, the minor loyalist parties were to be expelled from the
Stormont talks, or if the IRA escalates its violence.
No one can be sure what the IRA will do. There is no IRA ceasefire, yet no
IRA bombs are going off in Belfast: the last policeman and soldier to die were
killed in the spring of 1994. The renewed IRA campaign has SO far been directed
exclusively against England.
The republican terrorists have the capacity to begin again in Northern
Ireland, and it is anyone's guess why they have not. Perhaps they are waiting
for the right moment; perhaps they intend to make Britain their principal
battlefield. They will certainly be aware thatthere is still little or no
appetite in the wider republican community for another quarter- century of war.
The difficulty for the republicans is that they are in distinct need of a
new master-plan. The peace process collapsed, they argue, because of the British
government's failure to call all-inclusive talks: entry into talks was in fact
elevated to Sinn Fein's central demand.
This would presumably also be the centrepiece of any revived peace process,
yet Drumcree has convinced most republicans that talking to Unionists, as led by
David Trimble and Ian Paisley, would be a waste of time. In any event, most
republicans always believed Unionists would only ever negotiate under pressure
from London; and Drumcree seemed to establish that London has not the capacity
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The Independent, August 25, 1996
to exert such pressure.
A republican movement which doubts that either terrorism or a new peace
process can achieve its aims is clearly a movement in trouble. With no clear
avenue of progress visible, the IRA may opt to wait for the next British
election to see what business can be done with a new government. But in
republican terms the IRA cannot simply do nothing, since that would give the
impression of weakness. The logic, tragically, is that it will use bombs in
Britain in an attempt to keep Northern Ireland high on the British political
agenda.
It is not just republican theorists who are going back to square one, for it
was a summer which had no winners. Drumcree challenged and undermined many other
long-held assumptions. Constitutional nationalism, for example, is now
questioning whether Northern Ireland can ever be turned into an equitable modern
state. Many now complain that Unionism has proved itself irredeemably sectarian.
In the Republic, public opinion was appalled during the Drumcree crisis by
the actions of the Unionists, the RUC and the British government: the seething
anger generated by television pictures is difficult to exaggerate. Those in the
south who hoped it was over are facing up to the painful notion that it may
never end, and people are saying "a plague on both your houses".
That mirrors a sizeable section of opinion in Britain, where the dashing of
the hopes generated by the peace process has unsurprisingly produced
disillusionment. For the Government, next month's talks represent pretty much
the only show in town. With no new IRA ceasefire in prospect, its ambition may
be limited to crisis management, and to ensuring the talks do not break down in
acrimony.
Unionists, too, are reviewing their position. The fact that the marching
organisations prevailed in many instances is a source of satisfaction for many.
There is a widespread sense that at Drumcree Protestants finally showed their
determination not to be pushed around.
But others in the unionist community worry about the cost and the damage, in
terms of community and political relations, the blow to the standing of the RUC,
and economic prospects. "As a political tactic it was disastrous, said a senior
churchman. "Sinn Fein was on its knees, but Trimble succeeded in giving the
republicans new legitimacy."
At Drumcree and elsewhere the Orange Order, in close association with the
Ulster Unionist Party, demonstrated a new strength. Any government will in future
have to think twice before embarking on a course which might incur Orange wrath,
and get the roads blocked and barricaded again.
But Drumcree won no new friends either for Unionism or for Northern Ireland,
and has increased the tendency in London, Dublin, Washington and elsewhere to
think of it as an impossible place, as a problem which, no matter how much
energy and goodwill is devoted to it, might have no solution.
Hope is in such short supply that almost the best that can be said is that
Northern Ireland has survived other dark moments in the past, and that progress
has unexpectedly been made. This is a dangerous, unpredictable time and if
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The Independent, August 25, 1996
things are to improve it will require "some new remedy that never was found
before".
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: August 27, 1996
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LEVEL 5 - 3 OF 30 STORIES
Copyright 1996 The Irish Times
The Irish Times
August 6, 1996, CITY EDITION
SECTION: NEWS FEATURES; RITE AND REASON; Pg. 12
LENGTH: 1200 words
HEADLINE: A church used as symbol of insurrection
A strange silence persists about the Church of Ireland's role in the Orange
confrontation at Drumcree, writes William Arlow
BYLINE: By WILLIAM ARLOW
BODY:
THE raucous voice roared "for God and Ulster". The vast crowd listened in
silence as if hypnotised. The "big man"
warmed to his task. He shouted at the top of his voice: "The person with the
strongest force is going to win this battle."
He didn't give chapter and verse for it. He couldn't; it is not a biblical
quotation. It was the rhetoric of naked power politics. Still they cheered him
to the echo. Mouths were wide open but minds were closed tight.
The real significance of what he was saying escaped all but the most cynical
of them.
He had more to say. He hadn't led them up the hill for nothing. He went on to
give them his version of the promised land, a Protestant province for a
Protestant people. Again they cheered him. It was like the replay of an old
movie on the German situation before the second World War.
The publicity stunt over, the "grand old Duke of York", as Ian Paisley was
once dubbed by the UDA, led the "God and Ulster" brigade down the hill into the
real world. Ahead lay more deaths, suffering, disillusionment and despair.
That seemed to have happened light years ago. Since then, we have had a
ceasefire followed by a peace process. Surely, it could not happen again. But it
did - I saw it on television. This time it was a double act with Ian Paisley and
a younger version, David Trimble, the Ulster Unionist Party leader, who is both
more energetic and more articulate.
The backdrop this time was a Church of Ireland church, parish hall and
graveyard. I could not believe what I was seeing. I always thought a church was
a symbol of reconciliation, but here it was undoubtedly a symbol of
insurrection.
The church - Drumcree church in the diocese of Armagh - is now a familiar
sight on our television screens. There, angry Orangemen confronted the police
and mob rule won the day. This sparked off very serious civil unrest, polarised
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The Irish Times, August 6, 1996
the Northern Ireland community, caused a rift in Anglo-Irish relations and
placed a question mark over the whole peace process.
It was all very predictable. Hadn't there been a dummy run the previous year
which ended with Ian Paisley and David Trimble celebrating their "victory" by
dancing together in the streets of Portadown?
Did it need to happen? No, say some impartial commentators, and I agree with
them. It would not have happened if the Church of Ireland had learned the lesson
of Drumcree 1995 and made it clear to the Orangemen they would not be welcome at
the church unless an undertaking were given that their parade to and from it
would be kept within the law.
Such a courageous stand was not made and Drumcree church, with its barbed
wire fence and mobs in conflict with the police, became a centre of
insurrection. That was the sad picture the media flashed around the world,
giving the impression that the Church of Ireland either fostered the
insurrection or was too cowardly to stand up for law and order.
There are many decent, law-abiding church members, including Orangemen, who
are horrified by the implications of what they saw on their television screens.
They are still waiting for an explanatory statement or perhaps even an
expression of regret from the appropriate church authority.
BUT a strange silence persists about the Church of Ireland's involvement in
this affair. We are given instead a statement expressing anger and sadness about
the recent attacks on Protestants, their churches, homes and property and the
calls for a boycott of their businesses, and saying that nationalist leaders
must work to end sectarian attacks against Protestants and ensure they too are
given parity of esteem.
Are we so preoccupied with the mote in the eye of others that we cannot see
the beam in our own eye? Surely these things would not be taking place if there
had been no Drumcree.
What happened at Drumcree raises important questions for the Church of
Ireland, and, not least, for its role in promoting reconciliation between a
divided community in Northern Ireland. Drumcree cannot be described as a symbol
of reconciliation and SO it calls into question the credibility of that role.
Drumcree has now come to be perceived as a symbol of the Church of Ireland, at
least the part of it which is in Northern Ireland.
It is a symbol of a church which seems to be an adjunct of a particular
political party that is too preoccupied with reflecting the political views of
the majority of its members, that is clearly identified with an organisation
regarded by many Protestants and most Roman Catholics as sectarian and divisive
and that it bends over backwards to be supportive of those who willingly use
force to achieve their political goal.
These, and other questions too, need to be addressed as a matter of urgency,
for reconciliation is our ministry, given to us by Christ Himself.
Will there be another Drumcree next year? God forbid. Perhaps, on second
thoughts, there is no need to drag God into it at all. We who are loyal members
of the Church of Ireland, together with our sisters and brothers in the other
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The Irish Times, August 6, 1996
churches, just need to get on with doing what needs to be done - practising what
we profess to believe. This means giving priority to the spiritual over the
political.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: August 7, 1996
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