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Records of the Office of Speechwriting (Clinton Administration)
Alison (Lissa) Muscatine's Files
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November
TIME:
M
TO:
(Mo LISA MUSCATIN] PHONE: D
Gupst,
Internal tinental Hötel] PAX:
[02-9240-1240]
320 Reter Botsman PHONE: 02-9261-4766)
Evan Foundation]
FAX:
[02-9261-4835]
Letter at Sidney Blumenthal's suggestion]
DD:
mames,
Number of pages including cover sheet: [5]
Message
[FOR URGENT DELIVERY]
001
EVATT FOUNDATION
361 261 4835 2
19/11 19:43 96,
19. Nov. 19:36
Print Time
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
EVATT FOUNDATION
6/377 Sussex St
Sydney, NSW, AUSTRALIA
November 19, 1996
LISA MUSCATIN
MELANNE VERVER
MRS CLINTON'S STAFF
INTERCONTINENTAL HOTEL
SYDNEY
Dear Ms. Muscatin and Ms Verver,
Sidney Blumenthal suggested that i contact you both.
/ am currently the Executive Director of Australia's national Labor think tank - the Evatt
Foundation.
Christine Pelz from the US Consulate contacted me yesterday to say that, though it
had been requested by the White House that I attend some important functions
conducted by the First Lady, the Australian end had limited my attendance to the
lecture at the Opera House on Thursday.
Such are the fortunes of being on a losing political side but, of course, I am
disappointed not to meet the First Lady again in person. The last time / met the
President and Mrs Clinton was in Cleveland in 1991 just as the decision was being
made to run for the White House. / made a small contribution on the topic of what the
US could learn from the Australian health care system in 1991 and my monograph was
used in a comparative way by the White House Task Force in 1993.
However, my reason for contacting you is not for my own benefit, I was
hoping that Joan Kirner (Australia's First Woman Premier of the State of
Victoria) and two other founders of Australia's Emily's List might be able to
have a brief photo opportunity with Mirs Clinton at a convenient time. I am
sure that Mrs. Clinton would love Joan, one of our most courageous and
respected women political leaders. Joan recently wrote to Mrs Clinton
requesting such a meeting, so I am following up on that request.
Finally, / have an opinion editorial on Mrs Clinton in our most important national daily
The Australian tomorrow which I hope will be a warm welcome to Australia for her and
for you
My contact phone numbers are: home 02-9660-4770, work.02-9261-4766 and mobile
015-893-243. / hope that ! will hear from you soon.
Sincerely,
Peter Bohner
Dr. Peter Botsman
[Executive Director, Evatt Foundation]
Attachment: Background Information on Australia's Emily's List
022
D
EVATT FOUNDATION
4335 261 7 T9Q
19/11 96, 19:43
19:36 "AON 61
Print Time
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
I
19/11 '96 15:51 681 J 600 1200
004
DPM LADV.
MEDIA BACKGROUNDER
11 November 1996
EMILY'S LIST AUSTRALIA- A POLITICAL NETWORK FOR LABOR WOMEN
CANDIDATES AND SUPPORTERS
The origin of EMILY's List
The acronym, Early Money is Like Yeast stands for 'It makes the dough rise'. EMILY's List Australia
is based on EMILY's List USA which identifies talented Democrat women and supports them for
election with funding, campaign advice, skills and information,
Formed in the United States in 1985 as a financial and political resource for Democrat women its
current 30,000 members have raised more than $US 14 million for candidates who are pro choice,
pro child care and supportive of a gender equity amendment lo the US Constitution.
FMILY's List USA was widely hailed in the 1980s as "the best new idea in politics" in the US. Over
the last decade, their success has been impressive. EMILY's List USA has helped elect 34 Democrat
women to the US Congress and Senate and increased the numbers of women voting in a non-
compulsory system
Why is EMILY's List Australia being established?
EMILY's List Australia is being established on a national basis to provide financial support to
endorsed Labor women candidates standing for election in winnable federal and state seats. This
could involve conducting surveys and political research, developing resource materials, providing
campaign assistance, fund raising, media and marketing.
Who will receive support from EMILY's List Australia?
To qualify for support, endorsed Labor women candidates will have to have demonstrated their
potential to win and their commitment to, and ongoing advocacy of women's rights to:
determine their own lives;
participate fully in decision-making;
be free from fear and violence;
affordable child care;
equal pay for equal work;
control their own fertility;
:
decide on matters concerning their own sexuality.
Why do we need EMILY's List (Australia)?
In 1994 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) took an important step towards gender equity in
parliament by introducing a rule change requiring that women have to be pre-selected for a
minimum of 35 per cent of winnable seats by the year 2002
There has been some progress towards this goal. But the progress is slow, partly because of
electoral defeats in all states and territories except New South Wales. At the same time defeat
provides a real opportunity, to ensure more women are elected in safe winnable seats, when the
electoral pendulum swings back to Labor.
To meet the minimum targel for parliamentary representation by 2002. EMILY's List Australia will
need to ensure that at least 17 Labor women candidates will be elected to the House of
Representatives.
003
EVATT FOUNDATION
4835 261 7 T9
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0002print Time's 19. Nov. 19:36 TT/6T
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
D05
- 2
Who will manage EMILY's List Australia?
EMILY's List Australia will not be under the control of the National Executive of the ALP. An
Inaugural Committee of EMILY's List Australia has been established by 14 Labor women with a
commitment to gender equity in parliament. It includes parliamentarians, branch members and
women unionists from across Australia:
Hon Carolyn Pickles, MLC
South Australia
Ms Deirdre Tedmanson
South Australia
Ms Helen Creed
Westem Australia
Hon Dr Carmen Lawrence
Western Australia
Ms Barbara Boden
Northern Territory
Hon Fran Bladel MHA
Tasmania
Ms Helen Hudson
Tasmania
Ms Judy Spence MLA
Queensland
Ms Kerry Rae
Queensland
Ms Nareen Young
New South Wales
Ms Lynda Voltz
New South Wales
Ms Ann Wentworth AM
Australian Capital Territory
Hon Joan Kirner AM
Victoria
Ms Leonie Morgan
Victoria
The Inaugural Committee will guide the organisation until the 1998 Annual General Meeting, at
which time, Committee elections will take place.
How will EMILY's List Australia be able to support endorsed candidates?
As in the United States and the United Kingdom, EMILY's List Australia will be able to support
selected candidates through the funds generated by membership donations from Founding and full
members and specific fund raising strategies.
Full membership of EMILY's List Australia will be open to those women who support the purpose
and principles of EMILY's List Australia and pay an annual subscription fee of $100.
Through the information and skills database, EMILY's List Australia will register the skills of
members willing to provide further assistance for State/Federal candidates at the time of their
election campaign. Funds given by EMILY's List to candidates will be over and above the normal
ALP campaign contributions.
How will the EMILY's List Australia funds be used?
Funds given to EMILY's List Australia will be used to:
establish a political support network and database of information and skills;
carry out targetted research on women's interests and voting patterns;
provide funding and strategic support for ALP endorsed women candidates in winnable
seats
encourage women who support EMILY's List Australia purpose and principles to stand
for parliament.
EMILY's List Australia
001
EVATT FOUNDATION
4835 261 7 199
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19. Nov. 19:36
Print Time
7300
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
5
006
FEDERAL AND STATE PARLIAMENTS
ALP Lower House
ALP Upper House
ALP Parliament
Member
Women
%
Member
Women
%
Member
Women
%
State and
Territory
WA
23
8
35
13
2
15
36
10
28
NSW
51
9
18
17
7
41
68
16
24
Vic
29
6
21
10
3
30
39
9
23
Qld
44
6
14
-
-
-
44
G
14
Tas
14
5
36
3
0
0
17
3
29
SA
11
4
36
9
2
22
20
6
30
ACT
6
3
50
-
-
-
6
3
50
NT
8
2
25
-
-
-
DE
2
25
TOTAL
186
43
23
52
14
27
238
57
24
Federal
WA
3
1
33
4
0
0
7
1
14
NSW
20
1
5
5
2
40
25
3
12
Vic
16
1
6
5
1
20
21
2
10
Qld
2
0
0
3
2
67
5
2
40
Tas
3
0
0
5
2
40
S
2
25
SA
2
0
0
4
1
25
6
1
17
ACT
3
1
33
1
1
100
1
2
50
NT
0
0
0
1
0
0
1
D
0
TOTAL
49
4
is
28
9
32
77
13
17
State and
Federal
WA
26
9
35
17
2
12
43
11
26
NSW
71
TO
14
22
9
41
93
19
20
Vic
45
7
16
15
1
27
60
11
18
Old
46
6
13
3
2
67
49
8
16
Tas
17
5
29
8
2
25
25
7
28
SA
13
4
31
13
3
23
26
7
27
ACT
9
4
44
1
1
100
10
5
50
NT
8
2
25
1
0
0
9
2
22
TOTAL
235
47
20
80
23
29
215
70
22
005
D
EVATT FOUNDATION
4835 261 7 I9
19:45 96. TT/6T
HOTEL INTERCONTINENTAL
SYDNEY
% NOV 19 P806 we
draft #
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
join you at the Sydney Opera House, one of the architectural
wonders of our world.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me in
Syndey and Canberra. I also want to thank Senator Newman for her
kind words. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple [DAHL-rimple],
for chairing the host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for
the wonderful job you do every day in representing the United
States in Australia.
Let me also thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
Finally I want to thank the Australian people We have
met
and seen waving in crowds along every street we have traveled.
You have made my husband and me feel so welcome and have only
increased our desire to return with our daughter to this
extraordinary country. The timing of our next visit, and whether
we come in disguise, may depend more on the outcome of the golf
match my husband is currently playing than on scheduling
concerns. He may wish he had encountered a shark in the harbor --
rather than on the fairway.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on movie images of the outback: Vast expanses of land similar in
look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by roguish types
like Ned Kelly and kookaburras and kangaroos. Just as, I assume,
Australians who have never been to the United States might
imagine my country as one long-running episode 6f Dallas, not to
mention a place where all children like to dunk basketballs and
wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this when my husband and I arrived here
by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had read Jill Ker
Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which included a
1
PHOTOCOPY
HRC HANDWRITING
memorable passage about her return home after a long sojourn in
Europe. In it she describes flying into Sydney and seeing from
above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden beaches and the
"grey-green city" lying at the edge of a continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, we are bound together in friendship and
partnership based on common experiences.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
dictatorships have crumbled and democracy has come alive. The
threat of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. As my husband
said yesterday in Parliament, opportunities for peace and
prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of a
new and even more dynamic century beckons us.
Yet at the same time, many people in our countries and
around the world feel the strains caused by global competition
and the rapid pace of change. The superficial cultural
homogenization of the world means that people from Boston to
Brisbane [Briz-bin], Paris to Perth, and Moscow to Melbourne wear
the same jeans, eat the same fast food, and listen to the same
music. But these surface similarities do not override a longing
for identity and meaning in their lives. Despite improving
material conditions in advanced economies, families seem under
stress. The gap between rich and poor grows wider. Even in the
United States and Australia, the social safety net -- health
care, education, pensions, good wages and good jobs -- is in
danger of fraying for those less able to navigate this new world.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us as
we approach the 21st century: Questions about how to balance
individual and community rights and responsibilities; about how
parents will raise children in the face of the influences of the
mass media and consumer culture; about personal identity and work
in an age of globalization, information overload and high
technology; about the roles of women in society; about how people
will preserve their ethnic pride and value their national
2
breadh
Augular elections
or cornhermact
citizenship; about how nations will protect their sovereignty
commis.
while cooperating regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how free nations like
ours will respond to them, we may need to be reminded that
democracy is not just about our legally protected rights It's
about the internalization of democratic values in people's
hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about how, in the absence
of either hot or cold wars, democracy is rooted in the
experiences of our young people. It's about developing among
democratic nations what I call "an alliance of values" that
withstands tyranny and terrorism. Such an alliance is based on
the shared values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility,
community and respect for human rights.
Building and sustaining democracy has always required a
balance of power that allows those values to flourish: A balance
of public political power, private economic power and the power
of civil society, theyeformal and informal networks that bring
people together to make decisions for themselves and for the
common good.
Democratic values are at risk when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too cumbersome or too
intrusive or too restrictive. When the marketplace, which by
definition knows the price of everything but the value of
I wes
nothing, turns citizens into becoming merely consumers who care
solely about satisfying their personal wants. When civil society,
which consists of local organizations, philanthropies, volunteer
associations, neighborhood groups and individual families, is
weakened by larger political and economic forces.
Every generation faces the task of achieving the proper
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and
thrive.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, whose voices are still too often silenced in too many
parts of the world. It is equally important for women in
countries such as ours who still are striving to attain and
define their rightful place in government, the economy and civil
society and claim their share of personal, political, economic,
and civic power.
During the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women
in Beijing, I said that women's rights were human rights -- and
human rights are women's rights. One would think that at the end
of this century that should be an unremarkable statement. I have
been overwhelmed by the response that speech received. And also
bewildered that the proposition should be open to question.
3
PHOTOCOPY
HRC HANDWRITING
A few months ago I appeared on a radio program for the Voice
of America. I fielded questions from all over the world. Many
callers referred to my Beijing speech. And one male caller asked
what my statement about women's rights really meant. I told him
to imagine the rights men had and wanted and to apply them to
women: the right to be valued as a member of a family, to be
protected from violence and exploitation, to be assured equal
access to the tools of opportunity -- health care, education,
legal rights, political participation, economic empowerment
that equip an individual with the capacity to make responsible
decisions for one's life. Where women are given human rights they
help create conditions in which they, their families and
communities flourish. Yet we know that even in democracies such
as ours, where these conditions are present for the vast majority
of women, women's roles and rights are still being debated.
They are being debated among women as well as between men and
women, with implications for whether our democracies will meet
the challenges of the future.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a new set of concerns took on political importance
concerns about enhancing the quality of our lives, about raising
children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of American
politics? Because they are about real issues on people's minds
kitchen table issues -- and about how public and private power
should be balanced to address them.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary or will
private business considerations determine when they are ready to
be sent home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
The Family and Medical Leave law, which was the first piece
of legislation my husband signed as President in 1993, took on
greater political significance because my husband's opponent and
leaders of the other party in Congress disagreed about the law
and the need to expand it. Family leave became a leading issue
during the campaign, along with maternity stays for new mothers
and how to protect health care coverage for older and poorer
Americans, the majority of whom are women.
Even the book I wrote, It Takes a Village, became an issue
in the campaign after it was attacked as an endorsement of
4
PHOTOCOPY
HRC.HANDWRITING
dominent whi
government taking over a the raising of children. Anyone who reads
the book knows that was not its theme. Rather, I argued that,
although families bear the primary responsibility for child-
rearing, each individual and institution in society has a
responsibility toward children too. The village of which I wrote
is not a geographic location but a community of shared values and
relationships. People all over America started coming up to me at
my campaign appearances on behalf of my husband wearing buttons
that said, It does take a villages or I am a villagery or
Welcome to our village They recognized that building a sense
of community based on mutual responsibility requires all of us to
work for our own ends but also to help each other succeed.
From what I know of your country, that is an unassailable tenet
of your social contract even thought you may disagrees over the
specifics.
economics
not only helps
Many observers in America, however, were perplexed that
these issues were so important to voters this year. Accustomed to
discussions of defense, diplomacy, and trade, some commentators
never really caught on that so-called women's issues: mattered
because at root they were about the way that men and women
live together and in society.
Such issues instead were often dismissed as marginal to the
larger challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the
feminization of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't men want to be able to take time off
when a family member is gravely ill? Don't sons want to ensure
that their elderly parents have health care coverage in the later
stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics, I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics in America.
What we saw being played out in the political arena was how in a
democracy people's personal concerns can become political if they
use their voices and their votes to define them.
That represents a maturing of politics. The gender gap we
heard so much about was simply a measure of how women, who are
experts on the hazards and vicissitudes of life, voted their
self-interest and their values. In so doing they delivered a
clear message that the issues they care about deserve to be on
the front burner of national politics.
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
5
PHOTOCOPY
HRC HANDWRITING
of the historic concept of realpolitik among and between nations.
What women are saying today loudly and clearly is that
national politics is not just about realpolitik. It's also about
real life politik.
issues and
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power between and
among institutions and individuals should rest. In my country,
some women believe the President and Congress over-extended
government's power in legislating family leave and the length of
maternity hospital stays. They believe that power should be
concentrated in the unregulated free market. In contrast, other
women think government needs more power to control economic
forces that can disrupt the lives of families and communities.
And some women are just plain squeamish when the subject of
power arises. It is something, they believe, that should be
discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised if at all
by women only within the scope of their personal lives.
Regardless of where we stand on any particular issue or on
the larger question of balancing the powers in our lives, we must
acknowledge that much is at stake for women collectively in this
debate. Not just in the United States but here and around the
world.
Will democracies on every continent come to understand that
issues affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central
to the progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will public and private institutions help empower women with
the tools they need to expand their choices and take
responsibility for their lives? And by that I mean: Will
education be affordable and accessible to all women so that they
can acquire the skills and knowledge they need to help themselves
and contribute to society? Will businesses initiate policies that
make work more family-friendly, like child care, flexible hours,
or parental leave? Will employers value women by paying them
equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
6
PHOTOCOPY
HRC HANDWRITING
about family, work and personal growth and will they be able
to make those choices free of the burden of other people's and
society's expectations? Will we stop pigeon-holing women and
invoking stereotypes that limit their potential? Will we admit
that there is no formula for being a successful or fulfilled
woman in today's society? That one can choose full-time
motherhood and homemaking. Or be committed to work outside the
home without marriage or children. Or, like most of us today,
balance work and family responsibilities. And that each of our
choices is supported and respected.
showl be
was
memoral
Yesterday
at
the
Australian
my husband and I visited the Tomb
of the Unknown Soldier in Canberra. One of the honor guards was a
woman. I was heartened that she had the freedom to choose
military service as a way to fulfill her aspirations. This was
the right choice for her. It would not necessarily be the right
choice for me, or for many of you. But we should all be able to
celebrate the diversity of experiences that women are choosing
for themselves today.
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power and about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate. It is a great debate. It is a
contentious debate. It is a necessary debate for any democracy on
the eve of a new century.
And I am optimistic that woman will help shape the answers
we seek. I'm optimistic because I have met women throughout the
world who have seized this moment to make their voices heard on
behalf of themselves and democracy's values. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa blacks and whites who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Bosnia
Croats, Serbs and Muslims who are transcending long-standing
ethnic hatreds to keep the peace in that war-torn land. I have
met women in Russia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary,
Romania, Slovakia, the Baltic region and in Mongolia who are
leading the effort to build democratic governments, free market
economies and civil society from the ruins of dictatorship. I
have met women in South America who are joining forces to improve
literacy and health care for women and children throughout the
continent. I have met women in South and East Asia who are
working to provide economic opportunity for the poorest of the
poor through small loans and credit.
7
PHOTOCOPY
HRC HANDWRITING
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country and every time has
its Caroline Chisholm, Edith Cowan, Mother Mary McKillop -- women
who, well known or not, understand that we must find common
ground. And on that common ground we will build a society that is
in balance, where our democratic values are alive and where
individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own God-
given potentials.
Mary Woolstonecraft once said:
I do not wish women to have
power over men, but over themselves.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
8
draft #5
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
join you at the Sydney Opera House, one of the architectural
wonders of our world.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me in
Syndey and Canberra. I also want to thank Senator Newman for her
kind words and for the work that the Office on the Status of
Women has done in organizing and coordinating this event. Thank
you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple [DAHL-rimple], for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States in Australia.
Let me also thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
Finally I want to thank the Australian people. We have seen
and met waving crowds along every street we have traveled. Our
Australian friends have made my husband and me feel so welcome
and have only increased our desire to return with our daughter to
this extraordinary country. The timing of our next visit, and
whether we come in disguise, may depend more on the outcome of
the golf match my husband is currently playing than on scheduling
concerns. He may wish he had encountered a shark in the harbor --
rather than on the fairway.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all children like
to dunk basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
1
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in Europe. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia. II
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, we are bound together in friendship and
partnership based on common experiences.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic century beckons us.
Yet at the same time, many people in our countries and
around the world feel the strains caused by global competition
and the rapid pace of change. The superficial cultural
homogenization of the world means that people from Boston to
Brisbane, Paris to Perth, and Moscow to Melbourne wear the same
jeans, eat the same fast food, and listen to the same music. But
these surface similarities do not override a longing for identity
and meaning in their lives. Despite improving material conditions
in advanced economies, families seem under greater stress. The
gap between rich and poor grows wider. Even in the United States
and Australia, the social safety net -- health care, education,
pensions, good wages and good jobs -- is in danger of fraying for
those less able to navigate this new world.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us as
we approach the 21st century: Questions about how to balance
individual and community rights and responsibilities; about how
parents will raise children in the face of the influences of the
mass media and consumer culture; about personal identity and work
in an age of globalization, information overload and high
technology; about the roles of women in society; about how people
2
will preserve their ethnic pride and value their national
citizenship; about how nations will protect their sovereignty
while cooperating regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how free nations like
ours will respond to them, we may need to be reminded that
democracy is not just about our legally protected rights. It's
about the internalization of democratic values in people's
hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about how, in the absence
of either hot or cold wars, democracy is rooted in the
experiences of our young people. It's about developing among
democratic nations what I call "an alliance of values" that
withstands tyranny and terrorism. Such an alliance is based on
the shared values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility,
community and respect for human rights.
Building and sustaining democracy has always required a
balance of power that allows those values to flourish: A balance
of public political power, private economic power and the power
of civil society, the formal and informal networks that bring
people together to make decisions for themselves and for the
common good.
Democratic values are at risk when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too cumbersome or too
intrusive or too restrictive. When the marketplace, which knows
the price of everything but the value of nothing, turns citizens
into consumers who care only about satisfying their personal
wants. When civil society, which consists of local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families, is weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
Every generation faces the task before to achieve the proper
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and
thrive.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, whose voices are still too often silenced in too many
parts of the world. It is equally important for women in
countries such as ours who still are striving to attain their
rightful place in society and claim their share of personal,
political, economic, and civic power.
During the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women
in Beijing, I said that women's rights were human rights -- and
human rights are women's rights. One would think that at the end
of this century that should be an unremarkable statement. I have
been overwhelmed by the response that speech received. And also
bewildered that the proposition should be open to question.
3
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
A few months ago I appeared on a radio program for the Voice
of America. I fielded questions from all over the world. Many
callers referred to my Beijing speech. And one male caller asked
what my statement about women's rights really meant. I told him
to imagine the rights men had and wanted and to apply them to
women: the right to be valued as a member of a family, to be
protected from violence and exploitation, to be assured equal
access to the tools of opportunity -- health care, education,
legal rights, political participation, economic empowerment --
that equip an individual with the capacity to make responsible
decisions for one's life. Where women are given human rights they
help create conditions in which they, their families and
communities flourish. Yet we know that even in democracies such
as ours, where these conditions are present for the vast majority
of women, women's roles and rights are still being debated.
They are being debated among women as well as between men and
women, with implications for whether our democracies will meet
the challenges of the future.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a new set of concerns took on political importance
concerns about enhancing the quality of our lives, about raising
children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of American
politics? Because they are about real issues on people's minds --
kitchen table issues -- and about how public and private power
should be balanced to address them.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
private business considerations determine when they are ready to
be sent home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
The Family and Medical Leave law, which was the first piece
of legislation my husband signed as President in 1993, took on
greater political significance because my husband's opponent and
leaders of the other party in Congress disagreed about the law
and the need to expand it. Family leave became a leading issue
during the campaign, along with domestic violence, maternity
stays for new mothers, and how to protect health care coverage
for older and poorer Americans, the majority of whom are women.
Even the book I wrote, It Takes a Village, became an issue
in the campaign after it was attacked as an endorsement of
4
a
government taking over the raising of children. Anyone who reads
the book knows that was not its theme. Rather, I argued that each
individual and institution in society has a responsibility toward
children and that families bear the primary responsibility for
child-rearing. The village of which I wrote is not a geographic
location but a community of shared values and relationships.
People all over America started coming up to me at my campaign
appearances on behalf of my husband wearing buttons that said,
It does take a village: or I am a villager: or Welcome to our
village They recognized that building a sense of community on
mutual responsibility requires all of us to work for our own ends
-- but also to help each other succeed.
Many observers were perplexed that these issues were so
important to voters this year. Accustomed to discussions of
defense, diplomacy, and trade, some commentators never really
caught on that so-called Swomen's issues: mattered because -- at
root they were about the balance of power in our lives and in
our society.
Such issues were often dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics. "
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't men want to be able to take time off
when a family member is gravely ill? Don't sons want to ensure
that their elderly parents have health care coverage in the later
stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics, I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics. " What we saw
being played out in the political arena was in a democracy
people's personal concerns can become political if they use their
voices and their votes to define them.
That represents a maturing of politics. The gender gap we
heard so much about was simply a measure of how women, who are
experts on the hazards and vicissitudes of life, voted their
self-interest and their values. In so doing they delivered a
clear message that the issues they care about deserve to be on
the front burner of national politics.
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik among and between nations.
What women are saying today -- loudly and clearly is that
5
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
the phenomenon [?] we are witnessing is not just about
realpolitik. It's about real life politik.
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the unregulated free market. In
contrast, some women think government needs more power to control
economic forces that can disrupt the lives of families and
communities.
And some women are just plain squeamish when the subject of
power arises. It is something, they believe, that should be
discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by women within
the scope of their personal lives.
Regardless of where we stand on the issue as individuals, we
must acknowledge that much is at stake for women collectively in
this debate. Not just in the United States but here and around
the world.
Will democracies on every continent come to understand that
issues affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central
to the progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will public and private institutions help empower women with
the tools they need to expand their choices and take
responsibility for their lives? And by that I mean: Will schools
be more flexible in providing opportunities for women who raise
children? Will businesses initiate policies that make work more
family-friendly, like child care, flexible hours, or parental
leave? Will employers value women by paying them equal pay for
equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of the burden of other people's and
society's expectations? Will we stop pigeon-holing women and
invoking stereotypes that limit their potential? Will we admit
that there is no formula for being a successful or fulfilled
woman in today's society?
6
Yesterday my husband and I visited the Tomb of the Unknown
Soldier in Canberra. One of the honor guards was a woman. I was
heartened that she had the freedom to choose military service as
a way to fulfill her aspirations. This was the right choice for
her. It would not necessarily be the right choice for me, or for
many of you. But we should all be able to celebrate the diversity
of experiences that women are choosing for themselves today.
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate. It is a great debate. It is a
contentious debate. It is a necessary debate for any democracy on
the eve of a new century.
And I am optimistic that woman will help shape the answers
we seek. I'm optimistic because I have met women throughout the
world have seized the moment to make their voices heard on behalf
of themselves and democracy's values. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Bosnia
Croats, Serbs and Muslims -- who are transcending long-standing
ethnic hatreds to keep the peace in that war-torn land. I have
met women in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania,
Slovakia and the Baltic region who are leading the effort to
build civil society and democracy from the ruins of dictatorship.
I have met women in South America who are joining forces to
improve literacy and health care for women and children
throughout the continent. I have met women in South and East Asia
who are working to provide economic opportunity for the poorest
of the poor through small loans.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
7
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
Mary Woolstonecraft once said:
*I do not wish women to have
power over men, but over themselves.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
8
draft #4
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
join you in the Sydney Opera House. Being in this beautiful city
and in Canberra yesterday has only increased my desire to visit
Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and the rest of your extraordinary
country. Perhaps I can combine a trip to the Sydney 2000 Olympics
with a visit to some of the cities and sights that have eluded me
this week.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me
since the moment we arrived. She has been gracious in taking time
to accompany me during our stay. I also want to thank Senator
Newman for her kind words and for the work that the Office on the
Status of Women has done in organizing and coordinating this
event. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple, for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States in Australia.
Finally, let me thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all children like
to dunk basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in Europe. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
1
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, I'm reminded of the many characteristics our
nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly aware of
the ideals and aspirations that Americans and Australians share
as we look ahead to the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families seem to be under greater stress. The gap between
rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced
economies like the United States and Australia, the social safety
net -- health care, education, pensions, good wages and good jobs
-- is in danger of fraying.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It's about the internalization of democratic values
in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. As I wrote in my
2
book, It Takes a Village, it's about how we, as societies, convey
ourselves to our own young people -- and to the rest of the
world. It's about consciously developing what I call "an alliance
of values" -- an alliance based on the values of freedom,
opportunity, responsibility, community and respect for human
rights.
Building a strong and lasting democracy requires a balance
of power that allows those values to flourish: A balance of
public political power, private economic power and the power of
civil society, the formal and informal networks that bring people
together to make decisions for the common good. This balance of
power is not simply manifested in relationships among nations or
competing blocks within a nation, but also in our homes and
workplaces.
Democratic values cannot thrive when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too cumbersome or too
restrictive. When the marketplace knows the price of everything
but the value of nothing. When local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families are weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
Today, the task before us is to find ways to achieve the
proper balance of power so that democratic values can survive and
thrive in a new century.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, who still are striving to attain their rightful place
in society and claim the political, economic, and civic power
they are due.
This is what I would like to talk about today.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a whole new set of concerns took on political
importance -- concerns about the quality of our lives, about how
to raise children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of politics?
Because they are about the balance of power.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
business considerations determine when she is ready to be sent
home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
3
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
In the United States, our Family and Medical Leave law was
the first piece of legislation my husband signed as President.
Because the candidates and the leaders of the parties in Congress
disagreed about the law and the need to expand it, family leave
became a leading issue during the campaign, along with domestic
violence, maternity stays for new mothers, and how to protect
health care coverage for older Americans, the majority of whom
are women.
Many observers were perplexed that these issues were so
important to voters this year. Accustomed to discussions of
defense, diplomacy, and trade, some commentators never really
caught on that so-called "women's issues" mattered because -- at
root -- they were about the balance of power in our lives and in
our society.
Too often they were dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't fathers want to be able to take time
off when a family member is gravely ill? Don't fathers want to
ensure that their elderly parents have health care coverage in
the later stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics,' I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics." What we saw
being played out in the political arena was that people's
concerns are not always global. Often they are personal.
We also saw a maturing of politics. Our recent election
showed that women are willing to assert their power in the
political sphere. The gender gap we heard so much about was
simply a measure of how women, who are experts on the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, voted their self-interest and their values.
In so doing they delivered a clear message that the issues they
care about deserve to be on the front burner of national
politics.
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik.
What women are saying today -- and saying it loud and clear
4
-- is that the phenomenon we are witnessing is not just about
realpolitik. It's about real life politik.
And they are not just saying it in the United States. They
are saying it here in Australia. In South America, South Asia,
South Africa, and Southern Europe and beyond. Whether or not it
makes headlines, the role of women is a continuing challenge and
opportunity in every country in the world.
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the free market. On the other hand,
some women think government needs more power given the capacity
of economic forces to disrupt the lives of our families and our
communities.
And finally, some women are just plain squeamish when the
subject of power arises. It is something, they believe, that
should be discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by
women within the scope of their personal lives.
Regardless of where we stand on the issue as individuals, we
must acknowledge that much is at stake for women collectively in
this debate. Not just in Australia and the United States, but
around the world.
Will our global community come to understand that issues
affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central to the
progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of guilt, tension, and the burden of
other people's and society's expectations? Will we stop pigeon-
holing women and invoking stereotypes that limit their potential?
Will we admit that there is no formula for being a successful or
fulfilled woman in today's society?
Will institutions empower women with the tools they need to
expand their choices and take responsibility for their lives? And
by that I mean: Will schools be more flexible in providing
opportunities for women who raise children? Will businesses
initiate policies that make work more family-friendly, like child
care, flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers value
women by paying them equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
5
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women --
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate that will deliver the answers. It is a
great debate. It is a contentious debate. It is a necessary
debate for any democracy on the eve of a new century. And women
must be a part of it.
And I am optimistic that they will be a part of it. I'm
optimistic because I have met women throughout the world have
seized the moment to make their voices heard. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants -- who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa -- blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Bosnia --
Croats, Serbs and Muslims -- who are transcending long-standing
ethnic hatreds to keep the peace in that war-torn land. I have
met women in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania,
Slovakia and the Baltic region who are leading the effort to
build civil society and democracy from the ruins of dictatorship.
I have met women in South America who are joining forces to
improve literacy and health care for women and children
throughout the continent. I have met women in South and East Asia
who have endured exile, prison, and the assassination of loved
ones because they courageously promoted the cause of democracy
and freedom.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
6
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
7
Print Time 19. Nov. 19:45
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
Evatt Foundation
6/377 Sussex St
Sydney, 2000, NSW, Australia
Fax Cover Sheet
DATE: November 19, 1996 TIME: 7:41 PM
TO:
[Ms LISA MUSCATIN]
PHONE:
0
[Guest,
Intercontinental Hotel] FAX:
[02-9240-1240]
FROM: [Dr. Peter Botsman] PHONE: 02-9261-4766]
[Evatt Foundation] FAX: [02-9261-4835]
RE:
[Letter at Sidney Blumenthal's suggestion]
CC:
[Names]
Number of pages including cover sheet: [5]
Message
[FOR URGENT DELIVERY]
001
D
EVATT FOUNDATION
4335 261 7 T9S
19/11 19:43 96,
19. Nov. 19:45
Print Time
19. Nov. 19:33
Received Time
EVATT FOUNDATION
6/377 Sussex St
Sydney, NSW, AUSTRALIA
November 19, 1996
LISA MUSCATIN
MELANNE VERVER
MRS CLINTON'S STAFF
INTERCONTINENTAL HOTEL
SYDNEY
Dear Ms. Muscatin and Ms Verver,
Sidney Blumenthal suggested that / contact you both.
/ am currently the Executive Director of Australia's national Labor think tank - the Evatt
Foundation.
Christine Pelz from the US Consulate contacted me yesterday to say that, though it
had been requested by the White House that / attend some important functions
conducted by the First Lady, the Australian end had limited my attendance to the
lecture at the Opera House on Thursday.
Such are the fortunes of being on a losing political side but, of course, / am
disappointed not to meet the First Lady again in person. The last time / met the
President and Mrs Clinton was in Cleveland in 1991 just as the decision was being
made to run for the White House. / made a small contribution on the topic of what the
US could learn from the Australian health care system in 1991 and my monograph was
used in a comparative way by the White House Task Force in 1993.
However, my reason for contacting you is not for my own benefit, I was
hoping that Joan Kirner (Australia's First Woman Premier of the State of
Victoria) and two other founders of Australia's Emily's List might be able to
have a brief photo opportunity with Mirs Clinton at a convenient time. I am
sure that Mrs. Clinton would love Joan, one of our most courageous and
respected women political leaders. Joan recently wrote to Mrs Clinton
requesting such a meeting, so I am following up on that request.
Finally, / have an opinion editorial on Mrs Clinton in our most important national daily
The Australian tomorrow which 1 hope will be a warm welcome to Australia for her and
for you
My contact phone numbers are: home 02-9660-4770, work.02-9261-4766 and mobile
015-893-243. / hope that / will hear from you soon.
Sincerely,
Peter Iobran
Dr. Peter Botsman
[Executive Director, Evatt Foundation]
Attachment: Background Information on Australia's Emily's List
002
P
EVATT FOUNDATION
4335 261 Z T9Q
19/11 19:43 96,
HOTEL INTERCONTINENTAL
SYDNEY me
"96 NOV 19 P # 104
to
HRC
draft #3
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
speak to you in the Sydney Opera House. Being in this beautiful
city and in Canberra yesterday has only increased my desire to
visit Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and the rest of your
extraordinary country. Perhaps I can combine a trip to the next
summer Olympics with a visit to some of the cities and sights
that have eluded me this week.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me
since the moment we arrived. She has been gracious in taking time
to accompany me on this visit. I also want to thank Senator
Newman for her kind words and for the work that the Office on the
Status of Women has done in organizing and coordinating this
event. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple, for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States government in
Australia.
Finally, let me thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all boys dunk
basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in England. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
1
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia.'
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, I'm reminded of the many characteristics our
nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly aware of
the ideals and aspirations that Americans and Australians share
as we look ahead to the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families seem to be under greater stress. The gap between
rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced
economies like the United States and Australia, the social safety
net -- health care, education, pension, good wages and good jobs
-- is in danger of fraying.
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
are
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
Hubis
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
2
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It's about the internalization of democratic values
in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people --
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility, community and
respect for human rights.
Building a strong and lasting democracy requires a balance
of power that allows those values to flourish. A balance of
public political power, private economic power and the power of
civil society, the term we use in America to describe the formal
and informal networks that bring people together to make
decisions affecting the common good.
Democratic values cannot thrive when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too burdensome or too
restrictive. When the marketplace knows the price of everything
but the value of nothing. When local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families are weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
Today, the task before us is to find ways to restore the
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and thrive
in a new century Ausua
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, who still are striving to attain their rightful place
in society and claim the political, economic, and civic power
they are due.
This is what I would like to talk about today.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a whole new set of concerns took on political
importance -- concerns about the quality of our lives, about how
to raise children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of politics?
Because they are about the balance of power migh live fourcity
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
3
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
business considerations determine when she is ready to be sent
home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
In the United States, we have someth our Eng called the Family
and Medical Leave law, which requires businesses of a certain
size to grant parents unpaid leave so they can care for newborns
or family members who are sick. $ was the first piece of
legislation my husband signed as President. And it became a
leading issue during the campaign, along with domestic violence,
maternity stays for new mothers, and how to protect the health
Coubt TOTAL
coverage of older Americans, the majority of whom are women.
Many observers were perplexed that these issues were so
true
important to voters this year. More accustomed to election-year
discussions of defense, diplomacy, and trade, these commentators
never really caught on that so-called "women's issues" mattered
because -- at root -- they were about the balance of power in our
Que as Uny
lives and in our society.
Too often they were dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't fathers want to be able to take time
off when a family member is gravely ill? Don't fathers want to
ensure that their elderly parents have health coverage in the
later stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics,' I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics.' " What we saw
your
being played out in the political arena was that people's
concerns are not always global. Often they are personal. They are
not simply about the balance of power in the world, but the
balance of power in our relationships, our homes, and our
workplaces.
We also saw a maturing of politics. Our recent election
showed that women are willing to assert their power in the
political sphere. The gender gap we heard so much about was
simply a measure of how women, who are experts on the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, voted in their self-interest, In so doing
they delivered a clear message that the issues they care about
deserve to be on the front burner of national politics.
t
4
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik.
What women are saying today -- and saying it loud and clear
-- is that it's not just about realpolitik. It's about real life
politik.
And they are not just saying it in the United States. They
are saying it here in Australia. In South America, South Asia,
South Africa, and Southern Europe and beyond. Whether or not it
makes headlines, the role of women is a continuing challenge in
every country in the world.
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the free market. On the other hand,
some women think government needs more power given the capacity
of economic forces to disrupt
the lives of our families and
our communities.
And finally, some women are just plain squeamish when the
subject of power arises. It is something, they believe, that
should be discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by
women within the scope of their personal lives.
This is a perfectly appropriate point of view for individual
women. But we must also acknowledge that much is at stake for
women collectively in this debate. Not just in Australia and the
United States, but around the world.
Will our global community come to understand that issues
affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central to the
progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of guilt, tension, and the burden of
other people's and society's expectations?
Will institutions empower women with the tools they need to
expand their choices and take responsibility for their lives? And
by that I mean: Will schools be more flexible in providing
opportunities for women who raise children? Will businesses
initiate policies that make work more family-friendly, like child
care, flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers value
5
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
women by paying them equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women --
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate that will help us arrive at answers. It
is a great debate. It is a contentious debate. It is a necessary
debate for any democracy on the eve of a new century. And women
must be a part of it.
And I am optimistic that they will be a part of it. I'm
optimistic because I have met women throughout the world have
seized the moment to make their voices heard. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants -- who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa -- blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region
who are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy
from the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South America
who are joining forces to improve literacy and health care for
women and children throughout the continent. I have met women in
South and East Asia who have endured exile, prison, and the
assassination of loved ones because they courageously promoted
Boxia
the cause of democracy and freedom.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
6
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
7
USSA
Rm2915
draft #3
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
speak to you in the Sydney Opera House. Being in this beautiful
city and in Canberra yesterday has only increased my desire to
visit Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and the rest of your
extraordinary country. Perhaps I can combine a trip to the next
summer Olympics with a visit to some of the cities and sights
that have eluded me this week.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me
since the moment we arrived. She has been gracious in taking time
to accompany me on this visit. I also want to thank Senator
Newman for her kind words and for the work that the Office on the
Status of Women has done in organizing and coordinating this
event. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple, for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States government in
Australia.
Finally, let me thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all boys dunk
basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in England. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
1
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, I'm reminded of the many characteristics our
nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly aware of
the ideals and aspirations that Americans and Australians share
as we look ahead to the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families seem to be under greater stress. The gap between
rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced
economies like the United States and Australia, the social safety
net -- health care, education, pension, good wages and good jobs
-- is in danger of fraying.
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
2
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It's about the internalization of democratic values
in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people --
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility, community and
respect for human rights.
Building a strong and lasting democracy requires a balance
of power that allows those values to flourish. A balance of
public political power, private economic power and the power of
civil society, the term we use in America to describe the formal
and informal networks that bring people together to make
decisions affecting the common good.
Democratic values cannot thrive when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too burdensome or too
restrictive. When the marketplace knows the price of everything
but the value of nothing. When local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families are weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
Today, the task before us is to find ways to restore the
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and thrive
in a new century.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, who still are striving to attain their rightful place
in society and claim the political, economic, and civic power
they are due.
This is what I would like to talk about today.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a whole new set of concerns took on political
importance -- concerns about the quality of our lives, about how
to raise children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of politics?
Because they are about the balance of power.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
3
business considerations determine when she is ready to be sent
home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
In the United States, we have something called the Family
and Medical Leave law, which requires businesses of a certain
size to grant parents unpaid leave so they can care for newborns
or family members who are sick. It was the first piece of
legislation my husband signed as President. And it became a
leading issue during the campaign, along with domestic violence,
maternity stays for new mothers, and how to protect the health
coverage of older Americans, the majority of whom are women.
Many observers were perplexed that these issues were so
important to voters this year. More accustomed to election-year
discussions of defense, diplomacy, and trade, these commentators
never really caught on that so-called "women's issues" mattered
because -- at root -- they were about the balance of power in our
lives and in our society.
Too often they were dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't fathers want to be able to take time
off when a family member is gravely ill? Don't fathers want to
ensure that their elderly parents have health coverage in the
later stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics,' I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics. What we saw
being played out in the political arena was that people's
concerns are not always global. Often they are personal. They are
not simply about the balance of power in the world, but the
balance of power in our relationships, our homes, and our
workplaces.
We also saw a maturing of politics. Our recent election
showed that women are willing to assert their power in the
political sphere. The gender gap we heard so much about was
simply a measure of how women, who are experts on the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, voted in their self-interest. In so doing
they delivered a clear message that the issues they care about
deserve to be on the front burner of national politics.
4
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik.
What women are saying today -- and saying it loud and clear
-- is that it's not just about realpolitik. It's about real life
politik.
And they are not just saying it in the United States. They
are saying it here in Australia. In South America, South Asia,
South Africa, and Southern Europe and beyond. Whether or not it
makes headlines, the role of women is a continuing challenge in
every country in the world.
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the free market. On the other hand,
some women think government needs more power given the capacity
of economic forces to disrupt our the lives of our families and
our communities.
And finally, some women are just plain squeamish when the
subject of power arises. It is something, they believe, that
should be discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by
women within the scope of their personal lives.
This is a perfectly appropriate point of view for individual
women. But we must also acknowledge that much is at stake for
women collectively in this debate. Not just in Australia and the
United States, but around the world.
Will our global community come to understand that issues
affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central to the
progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of guilt, tension, and the burden of
other people's and society's expectations?
Will institutions empower women with the tools they need to
expand their choices and take responsibility for their lives? And
by that I mean: Will schools be more flexible in providing
opportunities for women who raise children? Will businesses
initiate policies that make work more family-friendly, like child
care, flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers value
5
women by paying them equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women --
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate that will help us arrive at answers. It
is a great debate. It is a contentious debate. It is a necessary
debate for any democracy on the eve of a new century. And women
must be a part of it.
And I am optimistic that they will be a part of it. I'm
optimistic because I have met women throughout the world have
seized the moment to make their voices heard. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants -- who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa -- blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region
who are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy
from the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South America
who are joining forces to improve literacy and health care for
women and children throughout the continent. I have met women in
South and East Asia who have endured exile, prison, and the
assassination of loved ones because they courageously promoted
the cause of democracy and freedom.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
6
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
7
USSA
Rm2915 2915
village
draft #3
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
speak to you in the Sydney Opera House. Being in this beautiful
city and in Canberra yesterday has only increased my desire to
visit Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and the rest of your
extraordinary country. Perhaps I can combine a trip to the next
Sudm
summer Olympics with a visit to some of the cities and sights
2000 that have eluded me this week.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me
since the moment we arrived. She has been gracious in taking time
to accompany me on this visit. I also want to thank Senator
Newman for her kind words and for the work that the Office on the
Status of Women has done in organizing and coordinating this
event. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple, for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States government in
Australia.
Finally, let me thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all boys dunk
basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in England. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
1
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, I'm reminded of the many characteristics our
nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly aware of
the ideals and aspirations that Americans and Australians share
as we look ahead to the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families seem to be under greater stress. The gap between
rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced
economies like the United States and Australia, the social safety
net -- health care, education, pension, good wages and good jobs
-- is in danger of fraying.
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
2
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It's about the internalization of democratic values.
in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about
villay
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility, community and
respect for human rights.
Building a strong and lasting democracy requires a balance
of power that allows those values to flourish: A balance of
public political power, private economic power and the power of
civil society, the term we use in America to describe the formal
and informal networks that bring people together to make
decisions, affecting the common good. This relave of power is not, surily
Matrons on congreting you but our our woun,
Democratic values cannot thrive when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too burdensome or too
workylaces,
restrictive. When the marketplace knows the price of everything
but the value of nothing. When local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families are weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
achieve
Today, the task before us is to find ways to restore the proper
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and thrive
in a new century.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, who still are striving to attain their rightful place
in society and claim the political, economic, and civic power
they are due.
This is what I would like to talk about today.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a whole new set of concerns took on political
importance -- concerns about the quality of our lives, about how
to raise children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of politics?
Because they are about the balance of power.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
3
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
business considerations determine when she is ready to be sent
home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
our
In the United States, we have something called the Family
and Medical Leave law, which requires businesses of a certain
size to grant parents unpaid leave so they can care for newborns
or family members who are sick, = was the first piece of
legislation my husband signed as President. became a
leading issue during the campaign, along with domestic violence,
maternity stays for new mothers, and how to protect the health
coverage of older Americans, the majority of whom Breaunt are women.
Terhaders
Many observers were perplexed that often partier these Cougues issues assemed were about so the to law Expenday 1
important to voters this year. More accustomed to election year
discussions of defense, diplomacy, and trade, these commentators
never really caught on that so-called "women's issues" mattered
because -- at root -- they were about the balance of power in our
lives and in our society.
Too often they were dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't fathers want to be able to take time
off when a family member is gravely ill? Don't fathers want to
ensure that their elderly parents have health coverage in the
later stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics," I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics. " What we saw
being played out in the political arena was that people's
concerns are not always global. Often they are personal. They are
not simply about the balance of power in the world, but the
balance of power in our relationships, our homes, and our
workplaces bulance between the foreer politics
avil loha were consulture
We also saw a maturing of politics. Our recent election
showed that women are willing to assert their power in the
political sphere. The gender gap we heard so much about was
simply a measure of how women, who are experts on the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, voted in their self-interest In so doing
they delivered a clear message that the issues they care about
deserve to be on the front burner of national politics.
4
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik.
politions worm's rewfoud muscle c coles
What women are saying today -- and saying it loud and clear
-- is that not just about realpolitik. It's about real life
politik.
And they are not just saying it in the United States. They
are saying it here in Australia. In South America, South Asia,
South Africa, and Southern Europe and beyond. Whether or not it
makes headlines, the role of women is a continuing challenge in
every country in the world.
and
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the free market. On the other hand,
some women think government needs more power given the capacity
of economic forces to disrupt our the lives of our families and
our communities.
And finally, some women are just plain squeamish when the
subject of power arises. It is something, they believe, that
should be discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by
women within the scope of their personal lives.
Resaraless of where you stand his andividual
This is a perfectly appropriate point of view for individual
women But we must also acknowledge that much is at stake for
women collectively in this debate. Not just in Australia and the
United States, but around the world.
Will our global community come to understand that issues
affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central to the
progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of guilt, tension, and the burden of
other people's and society's expectations?
Will institutions empower women with the tools they need to
expand their choices and take responsibility for their lives? And
by that I mean: Will schools be more flexible in providing
opportunities for women who raise children? Will businesses
initiate policies that make work more family-friendly, like child
care, flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers value
5
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
women by paying them equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women --
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
There is no dount mere Mis coole cill engeed
I welcome the debate that will help us arrive at answers. It
is a great debate. It is a contentious debate. It is a necessary
debate for any democracy on the eve of a new century. And women
must be a part of it.
And I am optimistic that they will be a part of it. I'm
optimistic because I have met women throughout the world have
seized the moment to make their voices heard. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants -- who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa -- blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region
who are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy
from the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South America
who are joining forces to improve literacy and health care for
women and children throughout the continent. I have met women in
South and East Asia who have endured exile, prison, and the
assassination of loved ones because they courageously promoted
the cause of democracy and freedom.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
6
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
7
Clearly policies and legislation are critical to women's progress
and women's rights. And other countries would do well to borrow a
page or two from you: Few countries have made the commitment to
health care, child care, maternity benefits, parental leave,
child support enforcement and affirmative action that Australia
has, for example. Few countries have run a purple postcard
campaign.
At the same time, women's progress here and elsewhere
requires a new paradigm -- a shift in our attitudes and values.
I was fortunate, as many of you were, to attend the United
Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. And I
commend the Australian delegation for the vital role its members
played in helping draw attention to the plight of women around
the globe.
It was an extraordinary experience for all of us who were
there. I will never forget looking out across a room full of
delegates and seeing women of all backgrounds and beliefs,
dressed in everything from business suits to saris to shalwar
kameezes.
Some had daughters or sisters who have been denied medical
care and food simply because they are women. Some lived in places
where girls still are not permitted or encouraged to attend
school. Some grew up in societies where girls are sold into
prostitution or indentured servitude to augment family incomes.
Some were returning to countries where women still are not
allowed to vote.
But no matter their places of origin, they were united in
the proposition that women's rights are human rights -- and that
8
no society or nation can flourish if half its population is
ignored, oppressed, exploited or undervalued.
First, we must begin to respect the dignity of each person
and overcome assumptions, presumptions, prejudices and
prejudgments about who we are and what we stand for.
Wherever I go around the world -- whether I'm in Washington
or Warsaw, San Francisco or Santiago -- I'm struck by the fact
that women everywhere simply want the chance to make the best
choices for their lives.
We all struggle to compose lives that best reflect our
individual needs and family circumstances. But no matter what
choices we make, many of us still feel the tension between family
responsibilities and work -- and between our own expectations and
those that society places on us.
It does no good to point fingers or invoke stereotypes when
women decide to follow one life path or another. Instead of
pigeon-holing each other in ways that limit our potential, let's
admit that there is no formula for being a successful or
fulfilled women in today's world. And let's celebrate the
contributions of each woman and relish the rich diversity of
women's lives we see around us every day.
Second, we must avoid the trap which says that women's
issues only affect women. If we truly care about strong families,
strong communities, and strong societies, we have to recognize
that men and women can complement each other inside and outside
the home. We are, after all, partners in a common enterprise.
Let's not allow ourselves to become enemies consigned to opposite
poles.
Third, we can encourage institutions to empower women with
the tools they need to expand their choices and take
responsibility for their lives.
Schools can be more flexible in providing opportunities for
women who raise children. Businesses can initiate policies that
make work more family-friendly, whether it is assisting with
child care, offering flexible hours, or giving parents the option
of working from home whenever possible.
At the very least, businesses can value women by paying them
equal salaries for equal work in every country in the world.
The law enforcement and justice systems can act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their homes.
9
Financial institutions can provide credit for poor women
who, with access to small amounts of credit, can lift themselves
and their families out of poverty.
I have seen for myself in Bangladesh, Nicaragua, Chile, and
even in Denver, Colorado the extraordinary results when women are
the targets of these kinds of investments. Women, it turns, out
are exceptionally good credit risks. They repay their loans above
95 percent. And I dare say that many of our largest lending
institutions would be very happy to have that kind of return on
their loans.
10
Clinton Presidential Records
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This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a publication.
Publications have not been scanned in their entirety for the purpose
of digitization. To see the full publication please search online or
visit the Clinton Presidential Library's Research Room.
5 pgs.
Sydney Dinner
Dinner
in honour of
The Honourable
William Jefferson Clinton
President of the United States of America
and Mrs Clinton
given by
The Honourable John Howard, MP
Prime Minister of Australia
and Mrs Howard
aboard Aussie One
Sydney Harbour Cruise
Wednesday, 20 November 1996
MELANNE
draft #3
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here and to have this opportunity to
speak to you in the Sydney Opera House. Being in this beautiful
city and in Canberra yesterday has only increased my desire to
visit Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and the rest of your
extraordinary country. Perhaps I can combine a trip to the next
summer Olympics with a visit to some of the cities and sights
that have eluded me this week.
I want to thank Mrs. Howard for the warm hospitality that
she and the Prime Minister have extended to my husband and me
since the moment we arrived. She has been gracious in taking time
to accompany me on this visit. I also want to thank Senator
Newman for her kind words and for the work that the Office on the
Status of Women has done in organizing and coordinating this
event. Thank you, too, Ambassador Dalrymple, for chairing the
host committee. And thank you Kaarn Weaver for the wonderful job
you do every day in representing the United States government in
Australia.
Finally, let me thank our sponsors this afternoon: The
Australian Center for American Studies at the University of
Sydney, the New South Wales Branch of the Australian Institute of
International Affairs, and the Research Institute for Asia and
the Pacific, also at the University of Sydney.
This is my first visit to Australia. I must confess that,
like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was based
on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast expanses of
land similar in look and feel to America's Wild West, occupied by
roguish types like Ned Kelly and the occasional kookaburra and
kangaroo. Just as, I assume, Australians who have never been to
the United States might imagine my country as one long-running
episode of Dallas, not to mention a place where all boys dunk
basketballs and wear baseball caps backwards.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back I had
read Jill Ker Conway's memoir, The Road from Coorain, which
included a memorable passage about her return home after a long
sojourn in England. In it she describes flying into Sydney and
seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the harbor, the golden
1
beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe, but to Japan and
Continental Asia.'
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too.
Despite the thousands of miles of ocean that separate your
country and mine, I'm reminded of the many characteristics our
nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly aware of
the ideals and aspirations that Americans and Australians share
as we look ahead to the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain any more. In country after country,
communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families seem to be under greater stress. The gap between
rich and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced
economies like the United States and Australia, the social safety
net -- health care, education, pension, good wages and good jobs
-- is in danger of fraying.
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
2
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It's about the internalization of democratic values
in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It's about
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people --
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of freedom, opportunity, responsibility, community and
respect for human rights.
Building a strong and lasting democracy requires a balance
of power that allows those values to flourish. A balance of
public political power, private economic power and the power of
civil society, the term we use in America to describe the formal
and informal networks that bring people together to make
decisions affecting the common good.
Democratic values cannot thrive when that balance shifts to
the extremes: When government becomes too burdensome or too
restrictive. When the marketplace knows the price of everything
but the value of nothing. When local organizations,
philanthropies, volunteer associations, neighborhood groups and
individual families are weakened in the face of larger political
and economic forces.
Today, the task before us is to find ways to restore the
balance of power so that democratic values can survive and thrive
in a new century.
Whether we succeed at this task is particularly important
for women, who still are striving to attain their rightful place
in society and claim the political, economic, and civic power
they are due.
This is what I would like to talk about today.
A few weeks ago we had an election in the United States.
Many critical issues were raised during the campaign. But for the
first time a whole new set of concerns took on political
importance -- concerns about the quality of our lives, about how
to raise children, about meeting the demands of work and family.
Why were these issues suddenly at the heart of politics?
Because they are about the balance of power.
Will a new mother and her infant be allowed to stay in the
hospital as long as a doctor deems it necessary -- or will
3
business considerations determine when she is ready to be sent
home?
Will parents be allowed to take time off from work to care
for a sick child or loved one -- or will they be forced to choose
between meeting their responsibilities to their jobs and meeting
their responsibilities to their families?
In the United States, we have something called the Family
and Medical Leave law, which requires businesses of a certain
size to grant parents unpaid leave so they can care for newborns
or family members who are sick. It was the first piece of
legislation my husband signed as President. And it became a
leading issue during the campaign, along with domestic violence,
maternity stays for new mothers, and how to protect the health
coverage of older Americans, the majority of whom are women.
Many observers were perplexed that these issues were so
important to voters this year. More accustomed to election-year
discussions of defense, diplomacy, and trade, these commentators
never really caught on that so-called "women's issues" mattered
because -- at root -- they were about the balance of power in our
lives and in our society.
Too often they were dismissed as marginal to the larger
challenges our nation is facing or derided as "the feminization
of politics."
What an unfortunate term. After all, don't fathers worry
about how long their wives and babies can stay in the hospital
when they need care? Don't fathers want to be able to take time
off when a family member is gravely ill? Don't fathers want to
ensure that their elderly parents have health coverage in the
later stages of life?
Instead of the "feminization of politics," I prefer to think
of this phenomenon as the "humanization of politics. " What we saw
being played out in the political arena was that people's
concerns are not always global. Often they are personal. They are
not simply about the balance of power in the world, but the
balance of power in our relationships, our homes, and our
workplaces.
We also saw a maturing of politics. Our recent election
showed that women are willing to assert their power in the
political sphere. The gender gap we heard so much about was
simply a measure of how women, who are experts on the hazards and
vicissitudes of life, voted in their self-interest. In so doing
they delivered a clear message that the issues they care about
deserve to be on the front burner of national politics.
4
I have come up with my own term for this phenomenon. Like
some of you, I studied political science in college. I've
followed politics closely in my years as a citizen activist and
political spouse. And I have come to a fairly good understanding
of the concept of realpolitik.
What women are saying today -- and saying it loud and clear
-- is that it's not just about realpolitik. It's about real life
politik.
And they are not just saying it in the United States. They
are saying it here in Australia. In South America, South Asia,
South Africa, and Southern Europe and beyond. Whether or not it
makes headlines, the role of women is a continuing challenge in
every country in the world.
I realize that there will be women who disagree with me and
with each other about where the balance of power should rest. In
my country, some women believe the President and Congress over-
extended government's power in legislating family leave and the
length of maternity hospital stays. They believe that power
should be concentrated in the free market. On the other hand,
some women think government needs more power given the capacity
of economic forces to disrupt the lives of our families and
our communities.
And finally, some women are just plain squeamish when the
subject of power arises. It is something, they believe, that
should be discussed quietly behind the scenes and exercised by
women within the scope of their personal lives.
This is a perfectly appropriate point of view for individual
women. But we must also acknowledge that much is at stake for
women collectively in this debate. Not just in Australia and the
United States, but around the world.
Will our global community come to understand that issues
affecting women are not soft or marginal, but are central to the
progress and prosperity of every nation?
Will individual women be respected for the choices they make
about family, work and personal growth -- and will they be able
to make those choices free of guilt, tension, and the burden of
other people's and society's expectations?
Will institutions empower women with the tools they need to
expand their choices and take responsibility for their lives? And
by that I mean: Will schools be more flexible in providing
opportunities for women who raise children? Will businesses
initiate policies that make work more family-friendly, like child
care, flexible hours, or parental leave? Will employers value
5
women by paying them equal pay for equal work?
Will law enforcement and justice systems act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes?
Will financial institutions provide credit for women --
especially poor women who, with access to small loans, can lift
themselves and their families out of poverty?
And finally, will we acknowledge, once and for all, that
issues of concern to women do not just affect women but affect
men too?
These are the questions we are struggling to answer. They
are about the balance of power -- about the balance we seek in
our lives and in the larger community we share.
I welcome the debate that will help us arrive at answers. It
is a great debate. It is a contentious debate. It is a necessary
debate for any democracy on the eve of a new century. And women
must be a part of it.
And I am optimistic that they will be a part of it. I'm
optimistic because I have met women throughout the world have
seized the moment to make their voices heard. I have met women in
Northern Ireland -- Catholics and Protestants -- who are working
together to address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have
met women in South Africa -- blacks and whites -- who helped lead
the struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the
Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region
who are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy
from the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South America
who are joining forces to improve literacy and health care for
women and children throughout the continent. I have met women in
South and East Asia who have endured exile, prison, and the
assassination of loved ones because they courageously promoted
the cause of democracy and freedom.
I have met women in my own country who have come together to
make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and the
environment cleaner. And just in the few days I have been here, I
have met women who are enriching this nation through their
contributions to politics, law, science, education, the arts and
journalism.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
6
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
-- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground. And on that common ground we will build a society
that is in balance, where our democratic values are alive and
where individuals can seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
That is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
ourselves.
Thank you very much.
###
7
Feminist issues centre stage
Hillary Clinton has taken women's policies into mainstream politics
USTRALIAN politicians put
A
Australian federal campaign manifesto
women's issues on to the fag
that put domestic violence as a major
end of mainstream policy.
national issue. In contrast, the 1996 US
The ALP pioneered women's
Democrat campaign document states:
launches in 1993. John Howard has
Peter
"When it strikes, nothing is a more
rediscovered the virtues of home-
dangerous threat to the safety of our
making. Hillary Clinton breaks the
Botsman
families than domestic violence
mould: she has learned to mainstream
because it is a threat from within.
feminist issues and, not only that, win
Unfortunately, violence against women
elections.
is no stranger to America but a danger-
One of the most senior social demo-
ous intruder we must work together to
cratic thinkers in the United States told
drive from our homes."
me in Washington recently that the
for education and teacher accredita-
I can't remember a central campaign
thing Australian politicians had most
tion. With a one-year timetable for
manifesto in which "a woman's right to
to learn from the Clintons was "how to
legislation, she took her committee on
choose", teen pregnancy, child support,
speak to women".
the road and held hearings involving
investment in women's business and
Women vote for Bill Clinton en
more than 10,000 people. In the face of
community policing were purposefully
masse. In 1992, it was the women's vote
trenchant opposition, she paved the
made major electoral issues. But the
that pushed Clinton over the line
way for new tax revenue to pay for
1996 Democratic Party National Mani-
against George Bush. In 1996, there was
increased teachers' salaries, new stan-
festo did all these things.
a 17 per cent gap in the women's vote
dards, and stricter employment guide-
On top of this, every Clinton speech,
between Clinton and Bob Dole. The
lines and performance criteria.
from foreign policy to economic policy,
most dynamic factor in the 1996 Demo-
was vetted for its women's dimension,
cratic election campaign was Hillary
HE tough 1980s Arkansas learn-
for its delivery style and for its sub-
T
stance to women.
Clinton's ability to mainstream wom-
ing curve has been revisited in
en's issues.
the first term of the Clinton
None of the issues is very novel. But
Hillary Clinton has brought forward
When Clinton was thrown out of
presidency. After the failure in health-
office as governor in 1980, one of the
care reform, Hillary Clinton has
many women's issues to the point where
telling blows in the conservative South
buckled down to plan quieter and more
the mainstream political culture must
either consciously or unconsciously deal
was the fact that Hillary did not change
effective revolutions. Her best-selling
with them. They cannot be ignored.
her name to Clinton. Two years later he
book, It Takes a Village, complete with
As if reflecting on her own treatment
was re-elected: in the lead-up to the
Vaseline-lensed pictures, puts children
and the political thuggery she has had
election his wife had quietly changed
and their interactions with the com-
to endure, she concludes her book: "In
her name to Hillary Rodham Clinton.
munity on to the central political stage.
times of profound and overwhelming
During the next term she transformed
She pushes for widening the concept
social change like the present
herself from being an extreme negative
of child rearing to allow men to play a
extreme views hold out the appeal of
to being, in the words of David
more active role, and fights for decent
simplicity. By ignoring the complexity
Osborne, "more popular than her hus-
childcare and the primacy of family,
of the forces that shape our personal
band".
community and socioeconomic devel-
and collective circumstances, they offer
With her experience as a lawyer for
opment over "geneticists" such as
us scapegoats. Yet they fail to provide a
the Children's Defence Fund and as a
Charles Murray and Richard Herrn-
viable pathway from the Cold War to
past veteran of the George McGovern
stein, who in their book The Bell Curve
the global village."
presidential campaign and the Water-
(1994) put forward racial inferiority as
Australian political culture may have
gate impeachment committee, she
an explanation for social inequality.
something to learn from Hillary Clin-
became chair of the most difficult
Despite the many achievements of
ton's quiet revolution.
committee in Arkansas - the com-
the women's movement in Australia,
Dr Peter Botsman is executive direc-
mittee to recommend new standards
there has not been a mainstream
tor of the Evatt Foundation.
The
AUSTRALIAN
WEDNESDAY
NOV
20
1996.
P.15.
11/15/96
01:04
GRAHAM/MUSCATINE
r
4565709
NO. 563
903
put fund an election in US
draft #1
visvicissitude
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
Achnowledge groups.
It is a pleasure to be here. This is my first visit to
Australia. And I must confess that, like many Americans, my sense
of your country was once. based on fanciful images of the outback
-- vast expanses of grassland occupied by roguish types like Ned
Kelly [an Australian legend who was part Jesse James, part Robin
Hood], along with the occasional kookaburra and kangaroo. I am
happy to say that over the years I have gained a broader and more
accurate view, thanks in part to the disproportionate number of
great Australian writers and film makers whose works have graced
American audiences.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago, when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back
I had read Jill Ker Conway's wonderful memoir The Road from
Coorain, which included a memorable passage about her return home
after a period of studying [ck] in Britain. In it she describes
flying into Sydney and seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the
harbor, the golden beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the
edge of a continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks
"across the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe. but to
Japan and continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too I see that Australia no longer suffers from what one of your
most famous historians called "the tyranny of distance;" it is
not a remote outpost on the margins of civilization. It is, in
fact, a country uniquely its own, as well as a vibrant partner
alongside one of the most dynamic regions of the world. A country
whose pioneering spirit has endured over time, a place where
technology is embraced as & tool of opportunity, and where the
approach of a new century and a new millennium evokes not fear of
change but the promise of progress.
1
11/15/96
01:04
GRAHAM MUSCATINE -> 4565709
NO. 563
004
Whatever notions we Americans may have about Australia and
vice-versa -- and I'm sure that many an Australian child grows up
imagining that the United States is filled with people seven-feet
tall who can dunk basketballs, and boys who wear baseball caps
backwards. I am reminded more often of the many characteristics
our nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly
aware of the ideals and aspirations we share as we look ahead to
the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain anymore. In country after country,
Communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the, prospect of
a new and even more dynámic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families are under greater stress. The gap between rich
and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced economies
like the United States and Australia, the social safety net --
health care, education, pensions, good wages and good jobs -- is
fraying.
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and. the consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high-technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It is also about the internalization of democratic
values in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It is about
2
11/15/96
01:05
GRAHAM MUSCATINE + 4565709
NO. 563
005
freedom:
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people --
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of opportunity, responsibility, community and respect for
human dignity
may
Democracy cannot survive if competition and material greed
preclude sacrifices for the common good. It cannot thrive if
every citizen is not able to participate fully in all aspects of
civic life.
There are many ways to address this issue. Today, I will
focus on one: How the participation of women in society requires
a re-appraisal of who and what is valuable in our world.
Like some of you, I was fortunate to attend the United
Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. And I
commend the Australian delegation for the vital role its members
played in helping draw attention to the plight of women around
the world.
It was an extraordinary experience for all of us who were
there. I will never forget looking out across a room full of
delegates and seeing women of all backgrounds and beliefs,
dressed in everything from business suits to saris to jilbobs to
shalwar kameezes.
Some had daughters or sisters who have been denied medical
care and food simply because they are women. Some lived in places
where girls still are not permitted or encouraged to attend
school. Some grew up in societies where girls are sold into
prostitution or indentured servitude to augment family incomes.
Some were returning to countries where Women still are not
allowed to vote.
But no matter their places of origin, they were united in
the proposition that women's rights are human rights -- and that
no society or nation can flourish if half its population is
ignored, oppressed, exploited or undervalued.
As the Beijing conference reminded us, women are the world's
greatest untapped resource.
But what must change to unleash the full power and glory of
women's potential? Clearly policies and legislation are critical
to women's progress and women's rights. And other countries would
do well to borrow a page or two from you: Few countries have made
the commitment to health care, child care, maternity benefits,
parental leave, child support enforcement, and affirmative action
3
11/15/96
01:05
GRAHAM MUSCATINE -> 4565709
NO. 563
006
that Australia has, for example. Few countries have run a purple
?
postcard campaign. [ck]
At the same time, women's progress here and elsewhere
depends on a shift in attitudes and values as well.
First, we must begin to respect the dignity of each person
and overcome assumptions, presumptions, prejudices and
prejudgments about who we are and what we stand for.
Wherever I go around the world -- whether I'm in Washington
or Warsaw, San Francisco or Santiago -- I'm struck by the fact
that women everywhere simply want the chance to make the best
choices for their lives.
We all struggle to compose lives that best reflect our
individual needs and family circumstances. But no matter what
choices We make, many of us still feel the tension between family
responsibilities and work -- and between our own expectations and
those that society places on us.
I say: Let's not make it more difficult than it already is.
As women, let's call a truce among ourselves It does no good to
point fingers or invoke stereotypes about what kind of a mother a
?
woman is who works outside the home. Nor is it productive to
question the judgment of a woman who has chosen to work full-time
at home.
Instead of pigeon-holing each other in ways that limit our
potential, let's admit that there is no formula for being a
successful or fulfilled woman in today's world. And let's
celebrate the contributions of every woman and relish the rich
diversity of women's lives today.
Second, we must avoid the trap which says that women's
issues only affect women. If we truly care about strong families,
strong communities, strong societies and strong values, we have
to recognize that men and women can complement each other inside
and outside the home. We are, after all, partners in a common
enterprise. Let's not allow ourselves to become enemies consigned
to opposite poles.
Third, we can encourage institutions to empower women with
the tools they need to expand their choices and take,
responsibility for their lives.
Schools can be more flexible in providing opportunities for
women who raise children. Businesses can initiate policies that
make work more family-friendly, whether it is assisting with
4
11/15/96
01:06
GRAHAM/MUSCATINE
+
4565709
NO. 563
007
child care, offering flexible hours, or giving parents the option
of working from home whenever possible.
At the very least, businesses can value women by paying them
equal salaries for equal work in every country in the world.
The law enforcement and justice systems can act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes.
Financial institutions can provide credit for poor women
who, with access to small amounts of credit, can lift themselves
and their families out of poverty.
I have seen for myself in Bangladesh, Nicaragua, Chile, and
even in Denver, Colorado the extraordinary results when these
kind of investments are made in women. Women, it turns out, are
exceptionally good credit risks. They repay their loans above 95
percent. And I dare say that many of our largest lending
institutions would be very happy to have that kind of return on
their loans.
Despite the great challenges that remain for women -- and
for the democratic values that we hold dear -- I am optimistic.
I'm optimistic because I have seen how women throughout the
world have seized the moment to make their communities
safer, more peaceful and more just. I have met women in Northern
Ireland - Catholics and Protestants - who are working together to
address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have met women
in South Africa - blacks and whites -- who helped lead the
struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the Czech
Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region who
are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy from
the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South and East
Asia who have endured exile, prison and the assassination of
family members because they courageously promoted the cause of
democracy and freedom. [Add South America]
I have met women in my own country who have joined together
to make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and their
political system more responsive to the needs of their families
and communities. Just in the few days I have been here, I have
met women who are adding their perspective through politics, law,
science, and education and enriching this nation's civic life on
the eve of the 21st century.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
5
11/15/96
01:06
GRAHAM/MUSCATINE -> 4565709
NO. 563
008
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground, and on that common ground build a society that
enables individuals to seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
This is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
their children. Thank you for doing your part. ourselves.
And Godspeed.
###
6
11/15/96
01:04
GRAHAM/MUSCATINE -> 4565709
NO. 563 002
TO: HRC
FROM: Lissa Muscatine any
RE: Australia Speech
DATE: November 15, 1996
Here is a first draft of the Australia speech. There are several
Australia references (and attempts at humor) that I can explain when we
talk. Overall I've tried to integrate the alliance of values and your
women's themes. Also have tried subtly to make Soros' point about
unchecked competition eroding values. What's missing is any discussion
of the "family feminist" because I didn't feel I knew enough about what
the term means.
draft #1
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE WOMEN OF AUSTRALIA
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 21, 1996
It is a pleasure to be here. This is my first visit to
Australia. And I must confess that, like many Americans, my sense
of your country was once based on fanciful images of the outback
-- vast expanses of grassland occupied by roguish types like Ned
Kelly [an Australian legend who was part Jesse James, part Robin
Hood], along with the occasional kookaburra and kangaroo. I am
happy to say that over the years I have gained a broader and more
accurate view, thanks in part to the disproportionate number of
great Australian writers and film makers whose works have graced
American audiences.
I was thinking about this a few nights ago, when my husband
and I arrived here by plane from Honolulu. A few years back
I had read Jill Ker Conway's wonderful memoir The Road from
Coorain, which included a memorable passage about her return home
after a period of studying [ck] in Britain. In it she describes
flying into Sydney and seeing -- from above -- the beauty of the
harbor, the golden beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the
edge of a continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks
"across the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe but to
Japan and continental Asia."
Having read that passage, and now being here for a few days
before I travel to the Philippines and Thailand -- the Near
North, not the Far East -- I feel better oriented in our world
too. I see that Australia no longer suffers from what one of your
most famous historians called "the tyranny of distance;" it is
not a remote outpost on the margins of civilization. It is, in
fact, a country uniquely its own, as well as a vibrant partner
alongside one of the most dynamic regions of the world. A country
whose pioneering spirit has endured over time, a place where
technology is embraced as a tool of opportunity, and where the
approach of a new century and a new millennium evokes not fear of
change but the promise of progress.
1
Whatever notions we Americans may have about Australia and
vice-versa -- and I'm sure that many an Australian child grows up
imagining that the United States is filled with people seven-feet
tall who can dunk basketballs, and boys who wear baseball caps
backwards -- I am reminded more often of the many characteristics
our nations and cultures have in common. And I am profoundly
aware of the ideals and aspirations we share as we look ahead to
the 21st century.
We are united, not least, by our commitment to democracy and
the values that democracy seeks to uphold. As proponents of
freedom, we rejoice in recent developments around the globe:
There is no Iron Curtain anymore. In country after country,
Communism has crumbled and democracy has come alive. The threat
of nuclear war no longer hovers over us. Opportunities for peace
pater
and prosperity are greater than ever before. And the prospect of
a new and even more dynamic global civilization beckons in the
future.
Yet at the same time, we feel the strains of global
competition and scarcer resources. The rapid pace of change --
the superficial homogenization of the world -- inflames old
tensions and weighs us down with new ones. In every nation on
earth, families are under greater stress. The gap between rich
and poor grows wider. Even in countries with advanced economies
like the United States and Australia, the social safety net
health care, education, pensions, good wages and good jobs -- is
fraying
The greatest threat to democracy today is no longer a
Communist monolith with imperial designs, but the pressures of
competition, mass consumerism and the volatile economic and
social conditions that accompany any period of historic change.
These pressures pose unavoidable questions for all of us in
the 21st century: Questions about how to balance individual and
community rights and responsibilities; about how parents will
raise children in the face of the mass media and the consumer
culture; about personal identity and work in an age of
globalization, information overload and high-technology; about
the roles of women in society; about how people will preserve
their ethnic pride and value their national citizenship; about
how nations will protect their sovereignty while cooperating
regionally and globally with others.
Thinking about these challenges, and how we will respond to
them, we are reminded that democracy is not just about
institutions. It is also about the internalization of democratic
values in people's hearts, minds and everyday lives. It is about
2
how we, as societies, convey ourselves to our own young people --
and to the rest of the world. It's about consciously developing
what I call "an alliance of values" -- an alliance based on the
values of opportunity, responsibility, community and respect for
human dignity.
Democracy cannot survive if competition and material greed
preclude sacrifices for the common good. It cannot thrive if
every citizen is not able to participate fully in all aspects of
civic life.
There are many ways to address this issue. Today, I will
focus on one: How the participation of women in society requires
a re-appraisal of who and what is valuable in our world.
Like some of you, I was fortunate to attend the United
Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. And I
commend the Australian delegation for the vital role its members
played in helping draw attention to the plight of women around
the world.
It was an extraordinary experience for all of us who were
there. I will never forget looking out across a room full of
delegates and seeing women of all backgrounds and beliefs,
dressed in everything from business suits to saris to jilbobs to
shalwar kameezes.
Some had daughters or sisters who have been denied medical
care and food simply because they are women. Some lived in places
where girls still are not permitted or encouraged to attend
school. Some grew up in societies where girls are sold into
prostitution or indentured servitude to augment family incomes.
Some were returning to countries where women still are not
allowed to vote.
But no matter their places of origin, they were united in
the proposition that women's rights are human rights -- and that
no society or nation can flourish if half its population is
ignored, oppressed, exploited or undervalued.
As the Beijing conference reminded us, women are the world's
greatest untapped resource.
But what must change to unleash the full power and glory of
women's potential? Clearly policies and legislation are critical
to women's progress and women's rights. And other countries would
do well to borrow a page or two from you: Few countries have made
the commitment to health care, child care, maternity benefits,
parental leave, child support enforcement, and affirmative action
3
that Australia has, for example. Few countries have run a purple
postcard campaign. [ck]
At the same time, women's progress here and elsewhere
depends on a shift in attitudes and values as well.
First, we must begin to respect the dignity of each person
and overcome assumptions, presumptions, prejudices and
prejudgments about who we are and what we stand for.
Wherever I go around the world -- whether I'm in Washington
or Warsaw, San Francisco or Santiago -- I'm struck by the fact
that women everywhere simply want the chance to make the best
choices for their lives.
We all struggle to compose lives that best reflect our
individual needs and family circumstances. But no matter what
choices we make, many of us still feel the tension between family
responsibilities and work -- and between our own expectations and
those that society places on us.
I say: Let's not make it more difficult than it already is.
As women, let's call a truce among ourselves. It does no good to
point fingers or invoke stereotypes about what kind of a mother a
woman is who works outside the home. Nor is it productive to
question the judgment of a woman who has chosen to work full-time
at home.
Instead of pigeon-holing each other in ways that limit our
potential, let's admit that there is no formula for being a
successful or fulfilled woman in today's world. And let's
celebrate the contributions of every woman and relish the rich
diversity of women's lives today.
Second, we must avoid the trap which says that women's
issues only affect women. If we truly care about strong families,
strong communities, strong societies and strong values, we have
to recognize that men and women can complement each other inside
and outside the home. We are, after all, partners in a common
enterprise. Let's not allow ourselves to become enemies consigned
to opposite poles.
Third, we can encourage institutions to empower women with
the tools they need to expand their choices and take
responsibility for their lives.
Schools can be more flexible in providing opportunities for
women who raise children. Businesses can initiate policies that
make work more family-friendly, whether it is assisting with
4
child care, offering flexible hours, or giving parents the option
of working from home whenever possible. Technology aftims
provide
At the very least, businesses can value women by paying them
equal salaries for equal work in every country in the world.
The law enforcement and justice systems can act more
efficiently to protect women from violations of their legal
rights, particularly from violence in their own homes.
> U.S. accomplishments ,
Financial institutions can provide credit for poor women
who, with access to small amounts of credit, can lift themselves
and their families out of poverty.
I have seen for myself in Bangladesh, Nicaragua, Chile, and
even in Denver, Colorado the extraordinary results when these
kind of investments are made in women. Women, it turns out, are
exceptionally good credit risks. They repay their loans above 95
percent. And I dare say that many of our largest lending
institutions would be very happy to have that kind of return on
their loans.
Despite the great challenges that remain for women -- and
for the democratic values that we hold dear -- I am optimistic.
I'm optimistic because I have seen how women throughout the
world have seized the moment to make their communities
safer, more peaceful and more just. I have met women in Northern
Ireland - Catholics and Protestants - who are working together to
address the root causes of sectarian violence. I have met women
in South Africa - blacks and whites -- who helped lead the
struggle to end apartheid. I have met women in Poland, the Czech
Republic, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia and the Baltic region who
are leading the effort to build civil society and democracy from
the ruins of dictatorship. I have met women in South and East
Asia who have endured exile, prison and the assassination of
family members because they courageously promoted the cause of
democracy and freedom. [Add South America]
I have met women in my own country who have joined together
to make their streets safer, their schools stronger, and their
political system more responsive to the needs of their families
and communities. Just in the few days I have been here, I have
met women who are adding their perspective through politics, law,
science, and education and enriching this nation's civic life on
the eve of the 21st century.
Some of the women I have met are famous. But many are not.
They are not high-level diplomats or professional negotiators.
5
They have not been elected to office. They aren't wealthy or
connected in the right social circles.
They simply took it upon themselves to get organized and
make their voices heard. They had faith in their own capacity to
affect change. And they weren't going to wait around for someone
else to do it for them.
So I am hopeful. Because every country has a Caroline
Chisholm, an Edith Cowan, a Mother Mary McKillop, a Sally Morgan
- women who, well known or not, understand that we must find
common ground, and on that common ground build a society that
enables individuals to seek fulfillment and live up to their own
God-given potentials.
This is what we are all striving for. This is what will
ensure progress for women and their families, safeguard
democracy, and make the world a better place for our children and
their children. Thank you for doing your part.
And Godspeed.
###
6
MEMO
To: Lissa
From: Erika
Subject: "jilbob"
I spoke with a librarian at the Textile Museum and she wasn't able to find (after a morning
of searching) any reference to a "jilbob." She did, however, come across a garment called a
"jellaba." A jellaba is a caftan-like over-garment worn by Moroccan women.
White House
Communications Agency
BIRTH
When
CUSTOMER INFORMATION BULLETIN
Communications Travel Bulletin For
Hawaii, Australia, The Phillipines, and Thailand
This bulletin provides important information for the President's visits to Honolulu, Sydney, Canberra, Cairns
(Port Douglas), Manila, Subic Bay, and Bangkok.
Radio Information
Staff Radios: Use USA-Sierra in Hawaii and Australia. Use PI-Sierra in The Phillipines, and use BAN-Sierra
in Bangkok.
USSS Radios: Use USA-Oscar and USA-Charlie in Hawaii. Use USA-Tango(Oscar) and USA-Charlie in
Australia. Use USA Tango(Oscar) and USA-Mike(Charlie) in The Phillipines. Use BAN-Oscar and BAN-
Charlie in Thailand.
Pager Information
Your permanent issue Bravo or Advisor pager will function at the Hawaii, Australia, and The Phillipines trip
sites. Temporary Issue pagers will be required in Bangkok. These assets will be provided at the Manila Trip
Site. Skytel pagers will not function overseas.
Telephone Information
From a 395, 456, or 757 extension, call a trip site direct by dialing the two digit trip code followed by the three
digit office extension:
Approx. Activation Date:
Trip Codes:
Trip Site Office Extensions:
Active
Honolulu
36
Signal Switchboard
000
Active
Sydney
31
White House Staff Adv Office
220
Active
Canberra
32
Press Advance Office
224
Active
Cairns (Port Douglas)
33
Press Office
228
16 NOV
Manila
34
Traveling Staff Office
281
16 NOV
Subic Bay
37
USSS Command Post
238
17 NOV
Bangkok
35
WHCA Office
240
NSC Office
287
For Example, the Sydney Staff Advance Office is 31220.
TO: HRC
FROM: Lissa Muscatine any
RE: Australia Speech
DATE: November 15, 1996
Here is a first draft of the Australia speech. There are several
Australia references (and attempts at humor) that I can explain when we
talk. Overall I've tried to integrate the alliance of values and your
women's themes. Also have tried subtly to make Soros' point about
unchecked competition eroding values. What's missing is any discussion
of the "family feminist" because I didn't feel I knew enough about what
the term means.
The
published by The Association of American Rhodes Scholars
American
James O'Toole, Editor
c/o The Aspen Institute
1000 North Third Street
Oxonian
Aspen, Colorado 81611
970-544-7914
Fax 970-544-7983
November 10, 1996
Alison Muscatine
Office of Speechwriting
The White House
Washington, DC, 20500
Dear Ms. Muscatine:
In the public mind today, Rhodes Scholars are probably most closely identified with the
law and politics. Yet, it is in the life of the mind where most scholars have made their
marks. One of those notables in the field of higher education was Scott Buchanan
(Massachusetts and Balliol '17), who devoted his entire life to advancing the great ideas
of Western civilization. Buchanan is perhaps best known for chairing Robert Hutchins'
Committee on Liberal Arts at the University of Chicago, where he attempted to develop a
core curriculum, a set of "great books" that every student would read.
In the spirit of Buchanan, The American Oxonian is asking sixty distinguished educators
and authors from the ranks of Rhodes Scholars to identify ten books every American
should read. Hence, we ask you to make a list of the ten books you would sleep better
knowing every adult American had read. If you would like to write a short paragraph
explaining or defending your list, please feel free to do so, but limit your comments to no
more than 150 words total.
Please send your list to me at the above address before the end of December. We will
publish your list and the results of our unscientific survey in the Spring '97 issue of TAO.
Thank you.
With best wishes,
Jim ) OTab "Toole
These h. 301320-3232
AUSTRALIA OUTLINE
I. Australia Opening
First time in re country - on way to Asia
Images Famiful of outback & isolation (despite
disproportionate # f uniters + filmmakers
whose works have enriched Amer. audiences)
My notions enlarged after reading Jillkerr Conway's
book, + particularly The memnable description
of flying into Sydney harbor
Situates Aushalia so clearly as a nation
not sufferin Hom what one of yr. sreat
hisbrians called "The hyranas 7 isolation"- but
Icoffrey Blaney)
one poised in one of The most cibract regions
of re world
A place where a pioneering spirit is still alive r well --
technology embraced as a tool f opprtunity
where ile approach 21st C. evokes not fear of change but
promise of progress
Shared values of American/Aushalia
II.
As two 3 he world's most successful denowain
[ nat i seal
your country and mine represent
one parts 8 tria- Sun / Coraza Ay
Puple postands = gran lool
THALAND
W.Lord/
Made some afforts
Recognace problem due to other countries
Prostin / Burman - will five laaguage
Take of sue a.m China wl Christopher
11/19/96 TUE 18:02 FAX
CREATORS SYNDICATE
1
003
TALKING IT OVER
BY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
When I was growing up, my sense of Australia was based on fanciful
images of the outback. I envisioned wide, open spaces similar in look and feel
to the American Wild West but with lots of koalas and kangaroos. Over the
years, I've gained a broader and more accurate view of Down Under, thanks in
part to many wonderful Australian writers and filmmakers whose works have
captivated me.
Now I am in Australia for the first time, having arrived by plane with the
President a few nights ago. We landed on a glorious spring evening, and I was
reminded of a passage I had read in "The Road from Coorain," a memoir about
growing up in the bush. The author, Jill Ker Conway, describes returning to
Australia in her mid-20s after a long sojourn in Europe. From the plane, she
looks down on Sydney and sees the beauty of the harbor, the golden beaches
and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique orientation in
the world. The country, she writes, looks "across the vast expanse of the Pacific,
not to Europe but to Japan and continental Asia." Although it retains its ties to
England and the West, Australia is also connected both geographically and
economically to Asia.
The outdated term "Far East" brings to mind distant outposts on the
margins of civilization. In fact, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific are among
the most dynamic, vibrant regions of the world. They will have great influence
on global economic and social progress in the 21st century, particularly the
progress of women.
On this trip, I will be spending a few days here and then will travel to the
Philippines and Thailand, where I will have the chance to see firsthand what is
happening in each country to improve conditions for women and promote their
involvement in civic life. In the Philippines, for example, President Ramos is
working to protect the rights of Philippine women who are hired as domestic
workers overseas. The Thai government has just instituted new restrictions on
child prostitution and the selling of young girls to brothels. And here in Australia,
efforts are under way to ensure equal pay for equal work.
11/19/96 TUE 18:03 FAX
CREATORS SYNDICATE
V.
004
TALKING IT OVER 11/19/96
Page 2
In some ways, Australia has been a pioneer. In 1902, almost two
decades before women's suffrage was enacted in the United States, Australian
women won the right to vote. Barriers still exist in many professions and in the
workplace, but Australia has recognized the necessity of a social safety net for
women, children and families.
Not only does Australia have universal health care, it has a wide network
of government-supported child care centers. Maternity benefits and parental
leave are generous. And child support enforcement is taken seriously.
So are efforts to stop domestic violence and break the glass ceiling that
prevents women from being promoted in the workplace. While Australia, like
many other countries, is grappling with how to protect critical social programs in
an era of budget restraints, women are gaining ground in daily life here.
Being in Australia for a few days reminds me that wherever I go around
the world, I see examples of women seeking to gain their rightful place in
society -- in the public sphere of government, the private sphere of the
marketplace and the individual sphere of family and community. In country after
country, women are showing that their concerns are not marginal to the political,
economic, social and civic life of their nations.
Whether it is Corazon Aquino, who led the peaceful People's Revolution
in the Philippines a decade ago, or less famous women in Thailand who are
working to give young girls alternatives to lives of prostitution, or mothers in
America's suburbs who are concerned about improving their local schools and
combating crime, women are making their voices heard in ways large and
small.
I'm grateful for the chance to hear what they are saying -- and to be part
of the growing chorus.
COPYRIGHT 1996 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
November 19, 1996
11/19/96 17:41 FAX 310 337 7625
CREATORS SYNDICT
001
Please torward to Lissa Muscatine, Rm. 2800
upon receipt. Thank you! ***
CREATORS SYNDICATE
FAX TRANSMITTAL
TO: Lissa muscatine
White House staff office, Rm. 2800
FROM: Katherine Searcy
DATE: 11/19/96
TIME: 4:30
RE: column
NUMBER OF PAGES (including cover sheet): 3
MESSAGE:
Lissa-
Let me know if you have questions.
Thanks!
Kather
NOV-20-1996 11:39
310 337 7625
P.001
11/19/96
17:41
FAX 310 337 7625
CREATORS SYNDICT
0
002
TALKING IT OVER
BY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
When I was growing up, my sense of Australia was based on fanciful
images of the outback. I envisioned wide open spaces similar in look and feel to
the American Wild West but with lots of koalas and kangaroos. Over the years,
I've gained a broader and more accurate view of Down Under, thanks in part to
many wonderful Australian writers and filmmakers whose works have
captivated me
Now I am in Australia for the first time, having arrived by plane with the
President a few nights ago. We landed on a glorious spring evening, and I was
reminded of a passage I had read in "The Road from Coorain," a memoir about
growing up in the bush. The author, Jill Ker Conway, describes returning to
Australia in her mid-20s after a long sojourn in Europe. From the plane, she
looks down on Sydney and sees the beauty of the harbor, the golden beaches
and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique orientation in
the world. The country, she writes, looks "across the vast expanse of the Pacific,
not to Europe but to Japan and continental Asia."
After a few days here in Australia, I will be traveling with Bill to the
Philippines and Thailand. The President will attend an economic summit of Asia
R
Pacific leaders in Manila and then go on to Bangkok for a state visit.
Allhot he outdated term "Far East" brings to mind distant outposts on the
margins of civilization. In fact, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific are among
the most dynamic, vibrant regions of the world. They will have great influence
on global economic and social progress in the 21st century, particularly the
progress of women.
I am eager to see firsthand what is happening in each country to improve
conditions for women. In the Philippines, President Ramos is working to protect
the rights of Philippine women who are hired as domestic workers overseas.
The Thai government has just instituted new restrictions on child prostitution
and the selling of young girls to brothels. And here in Australia, ensuring equal
pay for equal work is a priority.
Australia has long been a leader in women's rights. In 1902, almost two
decades before women's suffrage was enacted in the United States, Australian
NOV-20-1996 11:40
310 337 7625
P.002
11/19/96 17:42 FAX 310 337 7625
CREATORS SYNDICT
0
003
TALKING IT OVER 11/19/96
Page 2
women won the right to vote. Barriers still exist in many professions and in the
workplace, but Australia recognizes the necessity of a social safety net for
women, children and families.
For example, not only does Australia have universal health care, it has
made a real commitment to its children. A wide network of government child
care centers are in place. Maternity benefits and parental leave are generous.
And child support enforcement is taken seriously.
So are efforts to stop domestic violence and break the glass ceiling that
prevents women from being promoted in the workplace. While Australia, like
many other countries, is grappling with how to protect critical social programs in
an era of budget restraints, women are gaining ground in daily life here.
Wherever I go around the world, I see examples of women seeking to
gain their rightful place in society - in the public sphere of government, the
private sphere of the marketplace, and the individual sphere of family and
community. In country after country, women are showing that their concerns are
not marginal to the political, economic, social and civic life of their nations.
Whether it is Corazon Aquino, who led the peaceful People's Revolution
in the Philippines a decade ago, or less famous women in Thailand who are
working to give young girls alternatives to lives of prostitution, or moms in
America's suburbs who are concerned about improving their local schools and
combating crime, women are making their voices heard in ways large and
small.
I'm grateful for the chance to hear what they are saying -- and to be part
of the growing chorus.
COPYRIGHT 1996 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
November 19, 1996
NOV-20-1996 11:40
310 337 7625
P.003
925
0116192514014
draft #2
ask 31508
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
COLUMN FOR PUBLICATION NOVEMBER 21, 1996
TALKING IT OVER/CREATORS SYNDICATE
Like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was
based on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast
expanses of land similar in look and feel to the American Wild
West, only with a few more kookaburras and kangaroos. I'm happy
to report that over the years I've gained a broader and more
accurate view of Down Under, thanks in part to many wonderful
Australian writers and film makers whose works have captivated
American audiences.
Now I am in Australia for the first time, having arrived by
plane with the President a few nights ago. We landed on a
glorious spring evening, and I was reminded of a passage I had
read in The Road from Coorain, a memoir about growing up in the
bush. The author, Jill Ker Conway, who later became president of
Smith College in Massachussetts, describes returning to Australia
in her mid-20s after a long sojourn in Europe. From the plane she
looks down on Sydney and sees the beauty of the harbor, the
golden beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe but to Japan and
continental Asia." "
1
Being here for a few days before I travel to the Philippines
and Thailand while the President attends an economic summit of
Asia Pacific leaders in Manila and then goes to Bangkok for a
state visit, I feel better oriented in our world too. Hardly
distant outposts on the margins of civilization (as the term "Far
East" might suggest), Southeast Asia -- and the South Pacific --
are among the most dynamic, vibrant regions of the world. And
they will have great influence on global economic and social
progress in the 21st century, particularly the progress of women.
For this reason, I was eager to see firsthand what is
happening in each country to improve conditions for women and
promote their involvement in civic life -- from efforts in
Australia to ensure equal pay for equal work, to President Ramos'
efforts to protect the rights of Philippine women who are hired
as domestic workers overseas, to the Thai government's new
restrictions on child prostitution and the selling of young girls
to brothels.
Australia was a good place to start. Women won the right to
vote in Australia in 1902, almost two decades before women's
suffrage was enacted in the United States. And while barriers
still exist in many professions and in the workplace, the country
has recognized for many years the importance of a social safety
net geared toward women, children and families.
Australia has universal health care and has made a national
commitment to child care, accomplished through rebates and a wide
network of government child care centers. Maternity benefits and
2
parental leave are generous compared to what is available in many
countries. Child support enforcement is taken seriously. So are
efforts to break the glass ceiling and stop domestic violence.
The government even has established an Office on the Status of
Women headed by a member of the Cabinet.
While Australia, like the United States and many other
countries, is grappling with how to protect critical social
programs in an era of budget restraints, women are gaining ground
in daily life here.
Being here for a few days en route to the Philippines and
Thailand reminds me that wherever I go around the world I see
examples of women seeking to gain their rightful place in society
-- in the public sphere of government, in the private sphere of
the marketplace, and in the individual sphere of family and
community. In country after country, women are showing that
their concerns are not marginal to the political, economic,
social and civic life of their nations.
Whether it is Corazon Aquino, who led the peaceful People's
Revolution in the Philippines a decade ago, or less famous women
in Thailand who are working to give young girls alternatives to
lives of prostitution, or soccer moms in America's suburbs who
are concerned about improving their local schools and combating
crime, women are making their voices heard in ways large and
small.
I'm grateful for the chance to hear what they are saying --
and to be part of the growing chorus.
3
draft #2
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
COLUMN FOR PUBLICATION NOVEMBER 21, 1996
TALKING IT OVER/CREATORS SYNDICATE
Like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was
based on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast
expanses of land similar in look and feel to the American Wild
West, only with a few more kookaburras and kangaroos. I'm happy
to report that over the years I've gained a broader and more
accurate view of Down Under, thanks in part to many wonderful
Australian writers and film makers whose works have captivated
American audiences.
Now I am in Australia for the first time, having arrived by
plane with the President a few nights ago. We landed on a
glorious spring evening, and I was reminded of a passage I had
read in The Road from Coorain, a memoir about growing up in the
bush. The author, Jill Ker Conway, who later became president of
Smith College in Massachussetts, describes returning to Australia
in her mid-20s after a long sojourn in England. From the plane
she looks down on Sydney and sees the beauty of the harbor, the
golden beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe but to Japan and
1
continental Asia. II
Being here for a few days before I travel to the Philippines
and Thailand while the President attends an economic summit of
Asia Pacific leaders in Manila and then goes to Bangkok for a
state visit, I feel better oriented in our world too. Hardly
distant outposts on the margins of civilization (as the term "Far
East" suggests), Southeast Asia -- and the South Pacific -- are
among the most dynamic, vibrant regions of the world. And they
will have great influence on global economic and social progress
in the 21st century, particularly the progress of women.
For this reason, I was eager to see firsthand what is
happening in each country to improve conditions for women and
promote their involvement in civic life -- from efforts in
Australia to ensure equal pay for equal work, to President Ramos'
efforts to protect the rights of Philippine women who are hired
as domestic workers overseas, to the Thai government's new
restrictions on child prostitution and the selling of young girls
to brothels.
Australia was a good place to start. Women won the right to
vote in Australia in 1902, almost two decades before women's
suffrage was enacted in the United States. And while barriers
still exist in many professions and in the workplace --
Australian women generally make lower wages than men doing the
same jobs -- the country has recognized for many years the
importance of a social safety net geared toward women, children
and families.
2
Australia has universal health care and has made a national
commitment to child care, accomplished through rebates and a wide
network of government child care centers. Maternity benefits and
parental leave are generous. Child support enforcement is taken
seriously. So are efforts to break the glass ceiling and stop
domestic violence. The government even has established an Office
on the Status of Women headed by a member of the Cabinet
While Australia, like the United States and many other
countries, is grappling with how to protect critical social
programs in an era of budget restraints, it is clear that women
are gaining ground in daily life here.
As I travel to this exciting region of the world, I'm
no matter where 1999 in The world
reminded that wherever Lgo / I see examples of how women are
fueling the engines of progress. In country after country, women
are forcing a re-appraisal of who and what is valuable in
society. They are reminding us all that women's concerns are not
The world in which we live.
marginal to the economic and social life of our nations.
Whether it is Corazon Aquino, who led the peaceful People's
Revolution in the Philippines a decade ago, or less famous women
in Thailand who are working to give young girls alternatives to
lives of prostitution, or soccer moms in America's suburbs who
are concerned about improving their local schools and combating
crime, women are making their voices heard around the world.
I'm glad I have the chance to hear what they are saying --
and to (Departof) join the growing chorus.
3
DEPARTMENT OF THE UNITED
THE
OF
'SEAI
WHITE HOUSE SENIOR STAFF OFFICE
VISIT OF THE PRESIDENT
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
NOVEMBER 19 - 21, 1996
Sydney Signal: 9247-6547
Travelling Staff FAX Number: 31508
Staff Advance FAX Numbers: 31501, 31502
Press Advance FAX Number: 31503, 31504
FAX COVER SHEET
Date: 11/19/96
TO:
KATHERINE SEARCY
FROM:
LISSA MUSCATINE
FACSIMLE NUMBER: 310 337 7625
PHONE NUMBER:
310 337 7203
REMARKS:
K: J'll check back with you in a couple 6
hours. thanks. hisse
Number of pages including cover sheet: 4
draft #1
FIRST LADY HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON
COLUMN FOR PUBLICATION NOVEMBER 21, 1996
TALKING IT OVER/CREATORS SYNDICATE
Like many Americans, my sense of Australia growing up was
based on fanciful images of the outback. I envisioned vast
expanses of grassland similar in look and feel to the American
Wild West, only with a few more kookaburras and kangaroos. I'm
happy to report that over the years I've gained a broader and
more accurate view of the land Down Under, thanks in part to many
wonderful Australian writers and film makers whose works have
captivated American audiences.
Now I am in Australia for the first time, having arrived by
plane with the President a few nights ago. We landed on a
glorious spring evening, and I was reminded of a passage I had
read in The Road from Coorain, a memoir about growing up in the
bush. The author, Jill Ker Conway, who later became president of
Smith College in Massachussetts, describes returning to Australia
in her mid-20s after a long sojourn in England. From the plane
she looks down on Sydney and sees the beauty of the harbor, the
golden beaches and the "grey-green city" lying at the edge of a
continent.
At that moment, she finally understands Australia's unique
orientation in the world. The country, she writes, looks "across
the vast expanse of the Pacific, not to Europe but to Japan and
1
continental Asia. "
Being here for a few days before I travel to the Philippines
and Thailand while the President attends an economic summit of
Asia Pacific leaders in Manila and then goes to Bangkok for a
state visit, I feel better oriented in our world too. Hardly
distant outposts on the margins of civilization, as the term "Far
East" suggests, Southeast Asia and -- and the South Pacific
are among the most dynamic, vibrant regions of the world. And
they will have great influence on global economic and social
progress in the 21st century, particularly the progress of women
and children.
ishapperingjn
For this reason, I was eager to see firsthand what each
country is doing to improve conditions for women and promote
their involvement in civic life from efforts in Australia to
combat domestic violence, to President Ramos' efforts to protect
the rights of Filipine women who are hired as domestic workers
overseas, to the Thai government's new restrictions on child
prostitution and the selling of young girls to brothels.
Australia was a good place to start. Women won the right to
vote in Australia in 1902, almost two decades before women's
suffrage was enacted in the United States. And while barriers
still exist in many professions and in the workplace --
Australian women continue to make lower wages for equal work than
men the country has recognized for many years the importance
of a social safety net geared toward women, children and
families.
2
Australia has universal health care and has made a national
commitment to child care, accomplished through rebates and a wide
network of government child care centers. Maternity benefits and
parental leave are generous. Child support enforcement is taken
seriously. The government has established an Office on the Status
of Women headed by a member of the Cabinet.
While these programs are inevitably competing with many
other vital services in an age of budget restraints, it is clear
that women are gaining ground in Australian society
Refupees Cory Arrino role 6 moner : non.invement
People Revolution
are In after days I'll be i Marila +
hen iL shale d Baskol.
Allhagh sta L MF. will be brief ) hope
to 84 a gleups ] M 6 tilipine work-
Dn Thailand yu at once
Gaplodi economically -- with my water dring
and this b cope up
No matter where hauled - grei recognity
Mat nomen's sus 3 make Not nn
de women
What is must hearter.
Australia has universal health care and has made a national
commitment to child care, accomplished through rebates and a wide
network of government child care centers. Maternity benefits and
parental leave are generous. Child support enforcement is taken
seriously. The government has established an Office on the Status
of Women headed by a member of the Cabinet.
And while Australia, like the United States and many other
countries, is grappling with how to protect the social safety net
in an era of budget restraints, it is clear that women are
gaining ground in daily life there.
Being in Australia en route to the Philippines and Thailand
reminds me that in every part of the world I have visited from
South America, to South Asia, to Central Europe, to the Far East,
to the United States -- there is growing recognition that women's
issues matter. Not just to women, but to their families,
active hand patripus
communities and societies.
Min Voices
women and world
are shown Nal
NG
we need a
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3