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France - Bullitt, William C., 1937
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President's Secretary's File (Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration)
Diplomatic Correspondence
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PSF FRANCE: Wm C. Bullitt
937
PSF: France
Bullitt
Paris, January 10, 1937.
Personal and
Dear Mr. President:
As Anne and I have just come from seeing the movie ver-
sion of "Green Pastures," I feel sufficiently like that ex-
cellent negro God who was constantly on the verge of wiping
mankind from the planet, to write you about the state of
Europe.
I have thought and talked endlessly about ways and means
of stopping the deluge which is approaching. I am still con-
vinced that the only possible method of stopping it is through
direct negotiations between Paris and Berlin. But I am not
at all sure that such negotiations can succeed because I sus-
pect that the Eastern frontiers of Germany fixed by the Treaty
of Versailles remain just as inacceptable to Germany as the
day they were decreed.
Philip
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
The White House,
Washington, D. C.
- 2 -
Philip Kerr, that is to say, Lord Lothian, spent the
night before last with me. He is in close touch with the
Germans and knows Hitler. He is convinced that Hitler will
not accept peace except at the price of domination of Eastern
and Central Europe and the Balkans (Russia excluded as not
being part of Europe).
Kerr personally would like to see Germany get that domi-
nation and is absolutely opposed to any armed interference
by England to prevent it. I do not know a single Frenchman,
however, who is ready to accept such a solution. Those French
who agree with Kerr in his diagnosis of the German attitude--
like Mandel and many other politicians of the Right--draw the
conclusion that any attempt to reach reconciliation with Ger-
many through economic and financial concessions and limita-
tion of armaments will merely strengthen Germany for the in-
evitable conflict. There is so much to be said for that point
of view that it is difficult to argue against it except on
the simple basis that to accept it is to render inevitable
an early war, and that there is a small chance that it may
be possible to reach a genuine reconciliation with Germany.
Last night I had an intensely interesting conversation
with the Minister of Czechoslovakia who is Benes' right hand
man. He has just returned from Prague and he tells me in
the
- 3 -
the greatest confidence that Benes is attempting to get Ru-
mania and Yugoslavia to support him in urging France to at-
tempt to reach a direct understanding with Germany. He went
so far as to say that Benes had decided that if France did
not do this, Czechoslovakia would immediately start to make
her own deal with Germany rather than wait to be crushed.
The crucial period will be the next eight months.
Lothian told me that he had had a talk with Inskip just be-
fore leaving London and that Inskip had stated to him that
Great Britain's air progre was much further advanced than
anyone suspected and that in about six months Great Britain
would be able to give a good account of herself in the air.
On the other hand, Great Britain cannot put a single division
on the continent at the present time--the only one available
is now in Palestine--and if Germany makes war in the near
future, Great Britain will be able to do little more than
blockade Germany and use her airplanes for defense. The
French army will be alone on the western front.
Blum and Delbos are still away on vacation and so is
Vienot, the Undersecretary of Foreign Affairs. The absence
of these three men is the surest indication, as I said to
Judge Moore over the telephone, that the French do not anti-
cipate war arising from the present rumpus over Morocco.
The conversation I had with Leger, which I telephoned in
detail
- 4 -
detail to the Department and assume that you saw, seemed to
me to be equally convincing on this point.
The single circumstance that gives me much hope is that
I hear constantly from people who have just come from Germany
that the Germans are beginning to be a bit frightened by the
forces now arrayed against them. They seem to have begun
to realize that if they get into wer against an immense coa-
lition, the result will be the result of the Second Punic
War rather than the result of the First. Germany will be
cut to pieces.
Osusky, the Czech Minister, said that he and Benes had
precisely the same idea that I have discussed with Blum and
with many others here, to wit, that France should attempt to
reach an agreement with Germany by direct negotiations which
would couple, in one global agreement, limitation of armaments
and economic and financial assistance.
Many of the French outside the Cabinet have the same
idea in mind. Monick has just written two more colossal memo-
randa, copies of which I enclose. As you will see from them,
he proposes the creation of international trusts, organized
as the Suez Canal Company is organized, for the delivery of
raw materials to countries that need them and for the placing
of finished products.
It
- 5 -
It is, of course, an old scheme. I remember H. G. Wells
suggesting something similar in about 1906. The difficulty
is that the U. S. A. and other countries would have to supply
credits to Germany and Italy for the purchase of the raw ma-
terials and then would have to allocate markets to Germany
and Italy for the distribution of the finished products.
In other words, they would have to subsidize German com-
petition with their own products in the world markets. I
cannot imagine our country or any other taking very kindly to
such a solution.
The only chance that I can see is the slim one that after
Francois-Poncet has done some preliminary work, Blum will be
able to take an enormously high ground and come out with a
sweeping proposal for limitation of armaments and financial
and economic peace on the continent. That is to say, some
scheme which would be little short of the proposal for the
unification of Europe.
He would have the fullest support of Poland and the Scan-
dinavian States, Belgium, Holland, Czechoslovakia, Austria
and all the smaller countries of Europe with the exception of
Hungary and Bulgaria; but, as soon as he got down to details
the squabbles would become bitter and success would be inor-
dinately difficult to achieve.
It
- 6 -
It would be especially difficult because the Soviet
Union and Italy would do everything they could obliquely to
kill any such proposal. I am not certain what the British
would do. Sir George Clerk talks as if the British would
welcome real reconciliation. But there are many indications
that the British want nothing of the sort. For example, read
the enclosed clipping from the LONDON TIMES of December 28,
1936.
I understand that the story emanated from the British
Embassy in Paris. The British got worried because Marcel
Knecht, Secretary General of the MATIN went to Berlin on a
plain mission of inquiry to find out if Germany might be in
a mood to negotiate with France. The mere fact that old
Bunau-Varilla sent Knecht put the British into such a state
of mind that they shot & torpedo of this sort.
With every day that passes I become more convinced (if
such a thing is possible) that the only policy for us is to
stay as far out of the mess as possible. As I have written
you before, if Blum does manage to start something that looks
promising and if he should need the assistance of a word from
you at a crucial moment, or some diplomatic non-entangling
assistance, you might well help him. But we should not at-
tempt to take the lead.
As
- 7 -
As I wrote to Judge Moore recently, we ought to make
it clear that the United States, like God, helps those who
help themselves.
I have heard from a large number of sources that the
Germans are much disturbed because their relations with us
are so bad and that they are thinking of replacing Luther at
an early date.
Georges Bonnet will go to Washington as French Ambas-
sador. You will, I think, dislike Bonnet. He is highly in-
telligent and well-versed in financial and economic matters
but is not a man of character. You will remember that he was
the head of the French delegation at the London Economic
Conference and that he led the personal attacks on you until
I scared him to death in a certain gay and historic scene.
He now pretends to be a great friend, but he has a shifty
eye.
As I told you over the telephone, we left Paris to spend
Christmas in the Sahara and came back by way of Tunis. It
was a lovely trip and Tunis and Algiers remind me of Cali-
fornia in the year 1900. Incidentally, you may be interested
to know that it has been discovered recently that it is pos-
sible to get water by artesian wells in almost any portion
of the Sahara. My own guess is that the water table will
sink
- 8 -
sink rapidly if many of these wells are drilled but that re-
mains to be seen.
Another thing which amused me in Algiers was the discovery
that slavery still exists. Quantities of negros come from the
Sudan to sell themselves and their families into slavery in
Algiers. They have been used to the institution and like
it. I talked to the French Administrator of the Sahara re-
gions about it and he said there was nothing to be done.
The negros were entirely free legally even after they had
sold themselves but they preferred to regard themselves as
slaves. They are as black as anthracite and their dress con-
sists of a belt of skins of the small desert foxes!
The internal situation in France has improved definitely.
There are lots of financial worries ahead but the feeling
of the whole country is much calmer and less jittery than
it was a few weeks ago, and the international outlook is some-
what less ominous.
But to return to "Green Pastures": this is a good time
to build a large ark labeled "The United States of America."
Henceforth, I shall think of you as Brother Noah.
Every good wish to you, Mrs. Noah, and Ham, Shem and
Japhet.
Incidentally
- 9 -
Incidentally, do you know how the French Bible
translates that Beatitude which goes: "Blessed are the meek
and humble in spirit, for they shall inherit the Earth!"
Well, sir, it is this: "Heureux sont les débonnaires, car
ils hériteront la terre!"
Yours affectionately,
Silliam C. Buitt
1
PLAN
POUR LA CONSTITUTION DE GRANDES SOCIETES INTEENATIONALES
CHARGEES DE DEVELOPPER ET DE COORDONNER LES ECHANGES
DES PRINCIPALES MATIERES PREMIERES
I - IL EXISTE UN PROBLEME DES MATIERES PREMIERES
a) Na tions insatisfaites
Il faut le reconnaitre,
11 existe un certain nombre de nations - et nous ne son-
geons pas seulement à l'Allemagne - qui ont un besoin
urgent de matières premières, et qui, faute du crédit
nécessaire, ne peuvent se les procurer - C'est le theme
actuel de leurs revendications Mais, en soulevant en
même temps la question des colonies, certaines nations
donnent abusivement au problème réel des matières pre-
mières, un caractère politique qui risque de le rendre
insoluble
Rendrait-on, par exemple, au Reich toutes
les colonies qu'il avait avant la guerre, que le problème
2
de son approvisionnement en matières premières n'aurait
marqué aucun progrès on l'Allemagne trouvernit-elle en
effet - dans son état d'épuisement financier, les fonds
nécessaires pour exploiter ses nouvelles colonies ? Qui
lui donnerait les territoires qu'elle revendique ?
b) L e problème général
Mais, ce n'est pas seulement pour
les nations insatisfaites que se pose le problème des
matières premières Il existe pour le monde entier
C'est la réalité de demain qu'il faut savoir reconnaftre
dès maintenant
En effet, toutes les grandes économies
nationales sont actuellement orientées vers la préparation
de la guerre Il en est résulté une demande accrue e de
matières premières qui & entrainé, tout particulièrement
dans ces derniers mois, une hausse considérable de leurs
cours
De là cette conséquence : le passage d'une
mobilisation industrielle è but militaire à une production
de paix tant souhaitée peut entrainer un choc dans l'éco-
nomie mondiale Un tel changement d'orientation doit
faire craindre une baisse des matières premières analogue
à celle qui a été la principale cause de la crise mondiale
dont nous sortons à peine . Toutes les nations en seraient
atteintes et particulièrement les grands pays producteurs
3
II - IL Y A URGENCE A RESOUDRE CE PROBLEME
a) Les dix-huit mois qui viennent - mais
plus encore l'année 1937 dès maintenant - seront décisifs
pour la paix Vers le milieu de 1938 les nations pacifi-
ques auront retrouvé leur puissance. Dès lors, si la paix
peut Stre achetée en 1937, par un effort entrepris 1mmé-
diatement, elle aura peut-Stre été acquise pour des géné-
rations
b) D'ailleurs, il est de l'intérêt évident
des grandes puissances financières d'agir sans délai. Le
maintien de l'accord monétaire tripartite dépend directe-
ment de cette action. Les mensces de guerre en Europe
poussent irrésistiblement des aapitaux vers les Amériques
Une nouvelle crise financière doit Stre redoutée si la
sécurité, rétablie à tout prix en Europe, ne permet pas aux
capitaux de s'y fixer
III - LA SOLUTION QU'IL FAUT ECARTER
Le Dr Schacht 11 y E. plusieurs années
a vait mis en avant l'idée de grandes Compagnies ayant
des territoires sous leur obédience, exploitant certaines
matières premières et les distribuant aux nations apxquelles
elles font défaut
Ce plan n'apporte pas de véritable solution
a u problème actuel pour les raisons suivantes :
4
a) Quels seraient en effet les pays qui cèderaient une
partie de leurs territoires colonisux pour les soumettre
à l'autorité de cen Compagnies ?
b) Quels ne seraient pas les délais et les dangers des
négociations d'ordre territorial que supposent de telles
Compagnies, alors que, pour sauvegarder la paix, 11 faut
une solution immédiate ?
IV UNE SOLUTION CONCRETE ET IMMEDIATEMENT REALISABLE
S1 l'on veut réellement aboutir et passer
sans délai à des réalisations on doit chercher une autre
solution
A) Au lieu de Compagnies de production
exploitant des territoires, il faut concevoir des Compa-
gnies de commerce et de financement ( trading and financial
Cies ). Au lieu des Compagnies à caractère politique du
Dr So hecht il faut s'inspirer du remarquable exemple
donné par la COMPAGNIE UNIVERSELLE DU CANAL MARITIME DE
DUEZ.
B) La réalité nous offre déjà un exemple
de ce qu'il nous faut faire aujourd'hui. Il existe en effet
une grande Compagnie Internationale dont la réussite est
connue de tous.
La Compagnie du Canal de Suez et su en effet
résoudre sur le plan économique et financier un problème
essentiellement politique Remettre à une grande Compagnie
5
internationale le soin de concilier l'opposition de
certains intérêts nationaux, lui confier la garde et
le maintien d'un des principaux passages du commerce
du monde, c'est une expérience qui 8. brillamment fait
ses preuves, non pas seulement au cours du dernier
siècle, mais tout récemment encore
Ne doit-on pas reconnaitre sussi à la
Compagnie du Suez le mérite d'avoir inauguré, par un
a baissement délibéré de ses tarifs depuis 1929, une
politique économique nouvelle qui, abandonnant la défense
exclusive d'intérêts privés, a mis au premier plan la
notion de service public international?
c) A l'exemple de la Compagnie Universelle
du Canal de Suez qu'il serait d'ailleurs souhaitable
de voir internationalisée plus complètemnnt en y admettant
des personnalités américaines, allemandes, italiennes, ...
pourquoi ne pas créer pour résoudre le problème des
matières premières de grandes compagnies internationales
( Raw materials adjustement Corporations ) dans lesquel-
les les nations insatisfaites siégeant aux conseils d'ad-
ministrations sur un pied d'égalité avec les grands empires
du monde, recevraient une satisfaction de prestige et au-
raient la possibilité de discuter de leurs intérêts essen-
tiels
Ne serait-ce pas d'ailleurs l'application
sur le plan international des principes qui ont inspiré
toute l'expérience Roosevelt aux Etats-Unis ?
6
Cen grandes Compagnies, en effet, sans
en recevoir obligatoirement le monopole se verraient
assigner les deux buts suivants :
a) Régulariser et coordonner les marchés
et les prix des grandes matières premières : pétrole,
coton, cacutchouc, matières grasses, métaux non ferreux,
viande etc ...
b) Consentir, grâce is une puissance de
financement considérablex, des crédits s'étendant sur
plusieurs années pour la fourniture des matières promières
& ux pays qui en ont le besoin le plus pressent et qui
précisément sont exclus des marchés par lour manque de
disponibilités financières
D) Un tel plan ne serait-11 pas d'ailleurs
la continuation sur le plan économique dos principes qui
ont présidé à la conclusion de l'accord monétaire tripar-
tite ? De même que les grande mouvements erratiques de
capitaux qui survivent à la crise mondiale viennent se
fondre et s'amortir, sans danger pour les monnaies, dans
les fonds d'égalisation des changes, de même les échanges
encore troublés des grandes matières premières seraient
dévelopeés en même temps que régularisés par l'intermédiaire
de grandes compagnies internationales constituées it cet
effet
7
CONCLUSION
S1 un tel plan devait Stre pris en consi-
dération, 11 conviendrait que les Etats-Unis d'Amérique
la France et l'Angleterre le prissent immédiatement à
leur actif, comme le plan des trois grandes démocraties
occidentales pour sauvegarder la paix, dès que l'initiative
en aurait été prise par le Président Roosevelt. Elles
représentent en effet à elles trois les 9/10° de la richesse
et du crédit du monde
Quelle prospérité ne donnernient pas à l'
Europe le sentiment d'une sécurité enfin retrouvée et 1'
apaisement des besoins trop longtemps insatisfaits ? Quelle
stabilité nouvelle n'apporterait pas à la prospérité des
Etats-Unis et à celle du monde entier le retour is un áqui-
libre harmonieux des grandes économies nationales ? L'Europe
Occidentale ne bénéficierait pas seule d'un tel plan. La
Russie, grande productrice de matièros premières, l'Extrême-
Orient même, et la Chine en particulier, pourraient y trouver
un puissant intérêt
Par leur prestige et leur autorité a l'inté -
rieur même de chaque pays, ces grandes compagnies pourraient
et devraient suivre l'emploi des matières premières pour que
l'émélioration des classes sociales - but même de ce pro-
det
ès ne soit pas frustrée su profit de nouveaux armements.
Tout au contraire, elles devraient prombuvoir une produc-
tion de paix, organisée et favorisée précisément en contre
partie de l'abandon solennel des productions de guerre
- 8 -
Il va de soi enfin qu'un tel plan
suppose que le développement des transactions inter-
nationales, prévu par l'accord monétaire tripartite,
soit poursuivi par l'abaissement des barrières doun-
nières, afin que, les facilités données aux échanges
de matières premières trouvent une contrepartie dans
l'ouverture de nouveaux débouchés . Ainsi pourrait
être réalisée dans un effort général pour la prospé-
rité une oeuvre durable de paix .
MEMORANDUM
SUR L'URGENCE D'UN APPEL POUR LA PAIX
I - Il est maintenant trop tard pour que d'
une conversation entre pays d'Europe puissent se dégager
les éléments d'une paix européenne
Il est facile de le montrer, 2n1 dit "conver-
sation", "négociation" dit par là même "liberté de mouve-
ment" "concessions mutuelles", "abandon de l'esprit
de prestige ."
Tout cela est-il encore possible en Europe ?
Soyons réalistes
Les dictatures viennent d'entrer dans la dernière
phase de leurs difficultés économiques et financières. Elles
ne se soutiennent plus que par "lexaspération des senti-
ments nationaux" Dès lors, elles ne peuvent renoncer,
sans se suicider, à sucun élément de leur so1 disant pres-
tige
- 2
Le véritable danger de guerre si semblable à
celui de Juillet 1914 - est que dójà les évènements
paraissent plus forte que les hommes
Il est possible que les nations comme l'Allema-
gne et l'Italie, des hommes comme leurs dirigeants, nient
le désir de changer leur politique, au bout de laquelle
ils aperçoivent la catastrophe. Mais tout indique qu'
11s ne se sentent déjà plus In liberté de mouvement né-
cessaire pour modifier leur attitude
De même les dirigeants des démocraties europé-
ennes $ouhaitent faire des sacrifices économiques et f1-
nanciers pour sauver la paix, Main à l'intérieur même de
ces démocraties 11 faut le reconnaitre- plus nombreux
chaque Jour sont ceux qui disent;" 11 ne faut pas traiter
avec les dictatures au moment or elles vont s'effondrer."
(Comme si les dictatures pouvaient s'effondrer avant e'
& voir tenté leur dernière chance qui est la guerre !)
Voilà des deux eôtés l'état d'esprit qui paralyse
les initiatives, cristallise les positions et laisse les
évènements entrainer l'Europe au conflit
II S1 l'on veut sauver la paix, 11 faut avoir
le courage de voir la réalité
Pour qu'il soit possible môme en Europs de
nime
parler(de la paix 11 faut d'abord u'un choc psychologi-
que de paix brise d'un seul coup toutes les cristellisa-
tions existantes, propose un but nouveau aux nations et
leur permette ainsi de modifier leur attitude.
Tous les peuples d'Europe sont d'ailleurs prêts
à subir un tel choe avec enthousiasme L'heure est venue
d'agir, mais elle passers vite Coux mêmes qui
3 -
accueilleront uno telle initiative avec le plus de joie
seront peut-Stre ceux 4 qui elle permettra de sauver la
face et de se libérer eux-mimes de leurs propres entraf-
nements
III - Celchoo psychologique ne peut venir que
de l'extérieur de l'Europe
Auoun homme d'Etat en Europe n's un prestige
suffisant suprès des masses populaires de tous les pays
pour tenter le geste sauveur.
Aucune nation en Europe no jouit d'une réputa-
tion d'impartialité suffisante pour tenter un tel rasses-
blement des esprits
S1 généroux qu'11 soit, tout geste, venant de
l'Europe, est voué d'avance a l'échec
Seul le Président des Etats-Unis, triomphalement
réélu par 88 nation entière, jouit d'un prestige, d'une
réputation d'impartialité et d'une puissance d'action
sur les masses populaires du monde entier, qui lui permet-
tent de jeter un appel pour la paix qui ait des chances
d'Stre entendu
IV - Ce message solennel adressé ou monde,
il faudrait - si l'on cae le suggérer - qu'11 fut :
- un suprême appel is la sagesse des nations event
la folie de la guerre
- 4 -
- un appel aux mères de tous les pays avant
le carnage de leuro fils
- un appel is la liberté et à 1a dignité humai-
nes avant la fin d'une civilisation,
- une malódiction à toute nation qui oserait
prendre la responsabilité de la guerre
- mais ause1 un appel de charité pour un renon-
cement aux égoIsmes nationaux
- - un appel aux nations riches pour qu'elles
prennent conscience de leurs responsabilités et
de leurs devoirs d'entr'aide et de solidarité
- une immense espérence pour les nations pau-
vres, insatisfaites, qui, selon l'expression
même du Président Roosevelt, comprendraient en-
fin que la paix peut être plus fructueuse que
la guerre
- un suprême effort d'intelligence pour faire
triompher les idées généreuses, libérales, hu-
maines, sur les doctrinesde violence et de haine
- un appel aux principes d'une politique écono-
mique nouvelle appelée à régir aussi bien les
classes sociales que les nations
5
- un hommage solennel à cette 1dée essentielle
qui devrsit Stre la legon,dont le monde n'aurait
pas payé trop cher la dernière crise, s'il l'avait
enfin comprise 1 de même que la prospérité d'un
pays dépend de l'équilibre harmonieux entre le
pouvoir d'achat de toutes les classes sociales
sans exception, de même la prospérité mondiale
dépend de l'équilibre harmonieux entre les écono-
mie des différentes nations Pour tout dire d'un
not, la prospérité dans un monde of le production
permet l'abondance, n'est plus ce privilège rare
que les individus, les classes sociales ou les
nations doivent be disputer les une les autres
Elle est un bien qui doit se partager, et qui
s'assureet,
en no partageant se multiplie
- enfin, pour tout dire, un appeldigne is la fois
du Président Roosevelt et de ce que après ses
discours de Philadelphie, de Chamtaugua et de
Buenos-Ayres - le monde attend maintenant de lui
- et,pour passer is l'action, un appel aux grandes
nations pour réaliser le plan concret ci-joint
touchant le problème urgent des matières promières
-:
Excerpt from the London TIMES, December
HOPES IN PARIS
NEED FOR GERMAN
MODERATION
FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT
PARIS, DEC. 27
The French Government earnestly hope
that Herr Hitler, whose deliberations at
I
I
Berchtesgaden are being anxiously
I
followed in Paris, may finally decide to
E
accept the suggestions put forward by the
I
French and British Ambassadors in Berlin
and so to make a decisive contribution
towards the easing of European anxieties.
French observers, both official and un-
official, would like to feel that Herr Hitler
was likely to follow the example of
moderation which Signor Mussolini seems
to have set in the matter of the negotia-
tions for an Anglo-Italian agreement; but
they have no definite evidence, one way
or the other, of Herr Hitler's intentions.
Interference in the foreign relations
of the Government now comes not
from the platforms and Press of the
extreme Left, but from a very different
section of the French political world. The
most conspicuous example of such inter-
ference at the moment is the mysterious
activity in Berlin of a director of one of
the principal Paris newspapers.
This self-appointed envoy is believed to
have had conversations with Dr. Schacht,
General Göring, and other prominent
Germans, in the course of which he has
suggested possible settlements of German
colonial demands, largely at the expense
of Great Britain. With these suggestions,
it is believed, has been coupled a revival
of the plan, long beloved of a section of
the extreme Right in France, for a Franco-
German alliance directed ostensibly
against Soviet Russia, and incidentally but
necessarily against Great Britain. It
appears, moreover, that the suggestion has
been made that influential members of the
present French Government would be pre-
pared to support such a policy. Since a
close understanding with Great Britain has
always been and remains one of the first
I
principles of M. Blum's foreign policy, it
need hardly be added that there is not the
1
slightest official backing for such a
:
suggestion.
PSF
Bullett
Personal and
Paris, January 17, 1937.
Dear Mr. President:
When François-Poncet told me about his con-
versations in Berlin with regard to limitation of
armaments, he said that the British had indicated
they did not wish to enter into any agreement for
limitation of armaments until the completion of their
present program. He asserted that the discussions
he had had in Berlin, therefore, had been on the basis
of "no new programs".
It occurred to me at once that we might wish to
come in on any general limitation of armaments scheme
and that we might be greatly embarrassed if we had
no program in being. I don't know what you are thinking
of in the way of future armaments, but I feel that
there is sufficient possibility that Poncet may have
some success in Berlin to make it advisable for us to
have
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
have some sort of a program announced.
I have as yet heard nothing of any great im-
portance which would indicate that the countries of
Europe may try to settle their difficulties at the
expense of the Western Hemisphere. There is some
talk in Paris of giving Germany economic outlets in
South America but no concrete proposals have been
developed. Yesterday, however, Van Horn, the Belgian
banker, who is an intimate friend of Van Zeeland's
and Neville Chamberlain's and has most unusual connections
in England, lunched with me and said that he knew that
a proposal to give Germany, British, French, and Dutch
Guiana as a colony had been discussed seriously in
London. I treated the matter as a joke but he insisted
it was serious. I then said that he might tell any of
his friends who were thinking of such a proposal that
the United States would not permit European nations to
swap territories and peoples in the Western Hemisphere.
I really do not believe that this is serious, but
I think that at the present juncture in world affairs,
our chances of remaining at peace are increased measur-
ably by every bit of additional strength possessed by
our fleet and army.
Good luck and blessings.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
WASHINGTON
January 26, 1937
The
My dear Mr. President:
I am inclosing herewith copy of
the cable which I received from Bill
Bullitt and copy of my answer to him.
Respectfully,
The President,
The White House.
PARAPHRASE OF TELEGRAM RECEIVED
NO.: 101
DATE: January 25, 1937, 6 p.m.
FROM: American Embassy, Paris
STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL FOR THE SECRETARY OF THE
TREASURY.
Rueff said over the telephone this morning that he
had been asked to oall on me today by Auriol.
On his arrival, Rueff stated that favorable progress
was being made in the negotiations for the loan in London
of four and a half to five billion francs to the French
railroads. He said that there now remained only a few
details to be worked out. He felt certain that before
the end of this week the loan would be announced.
Rueff told me that pressure on the frano had ceased
today and that a considerable offering of pounds from
London had been made. He said that this was another
extremely satisfactory symptom.
Rueff quite understood, he went on to say, that the
informal suggestion which he made last Thursday was un*
acceptable. This suggestion, which I telephoned to you,
was that francs be purchased by our stabilization fund
and held without conversion into gold for a few days. In
a
-2-
a discussion of the situation this morning, Rueff and
Auriol reached the conclusion that France's financial
difficulties would be completely ended if it were and
nounoed shortly after announcement of the British loan
that dollars to the amount of four to five billion franos
had been made available to the French stabilization fund
by the American stabilization fund for a period of six months
or & year.
I at once told him any such transaction would, in my
opinion, be impossible. I told him that it would be against
the spirit if not the letter of the Johnson Act. This Act
was based on the wish of Congress to make it impossible for
the financial resources of the United States to be avail*
able to foreign governments who had not paid their debts to
the United States Government, I said. I also told him that
in my opinion there would be violent attacks on the Govern-
ment in Congress if his proposal should be accepted.
It would be a perfectly adjustable transaction as
between stabilization funds, he argued; its purpose would
be simply to maintain the established rate of exchange; it
would be a normal supplement to the tripartite monetary
accord; the most explicit and public guarantee could be
given by the French Government that no profit whatsoever
from the transaction would accrue to the French Government.
I
I informed Mr. Rueff that it was my opinion that
such arguments would not carry much weight in the United
States.
Mr. Rueff then told me he desired to have such a
transaction made public for the reason that the mere fact
of the support of the United States would have great
effect in the money markets of the world and that if it
were known that the the United States was prepared to
support the frank, it would not be necessary to use any
of the money available. The political effect, he also
added (quite correctly) would be very great.
He then said that the transaction might be carried
out secretly by the stabilization funds since the support
even
would be very valuable/if it were secret.
I again told him that it was my belief that the
acceptance of such & proposal would be most difficult
for our Government. Nevertheless, he requested that I
submit the proposal to my Government and I said that I
would do so.
It will be noted that in his conversation with me
on January 23 Auriol made no mention of a proposal of
this kind. It seems that Rueff is the prime mover in
the matter. I feel that there will not be the least ill
feeling or indeed more than slight disappointment if the
proposal is refused.
If
If our Government should consider $ wise to accept
the proposal for reasons of major international policy,
a considerable (though temporary) outburst of enthusiasm
for the United States would of course be produced. I
venture to suggest that the easiest method of handling
the matter, if our Government desires to reject the pro-
posal, would be to permit me to convey to Mr. Rueff
informally the information that the United States Gov-
ernment considers that such a transaction is forbidden
by the Johnson Act.
BULLITT
03V13036
veel @SMAL
TRINTMANIC
EA:EB
PSF
France
February 8, 1937
Dear Bill:
I am perfectly delighted with the chart which
you sent me and any time I get off the course from
now on, I shall put the blame directly on you!
Thank you over so much. It was good of you also to
send me the cable on my birthday.
We are all delighted that you are coming home
soon and I am looking forward to getting some real
first-hand information. When do you plan to leave?
Affectionately,
Honorable William C. Bullitt,
Ambassador of the United States,
Paris,
France.
mal/ tmb
hisey lettly diaghtes
thanks
Paris, January 25, 1937.
Dear Mr. President:
As I cannot be at the White House in person to make
a chart indicating the routes on which you should sail the
Ship of State, I am enclosing herewith one for your gui-
dance. You will also note full indications as to the method
by which the Federal Housing Program may be transferred ef-
fectively to the hands of the efficient beavers.
I hope this reaches you on your birthday. Anyhow,
it brings you my love and every good wish.
Yours always,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
The White House,
Washington, D. C.
Buelite
P.F.
Paris, May 5, 1937.
Personal and
Confidential
Dear Mr. President:
This letter should reach you about the day
you return to Washington. I hope you found a lot
of vigor and endurance in the Gulf of Mexico be-
cause I have a lot to say.
(1) For cat's sake put through Howland Shaw
as Chief of Foreign Service Personnel. The morale
of the Service is becoming more demoralized every
day and nothing could turn the tide of discouragement
so quickly and completely as his appointment.
(2) You will remember that we discussed the
possibility of sending Edgar A. Mowrer as Minister
to Czechoslovakia. Unless I miss my guess, Czecho-
slovakia will be a post of the most vital importance
during the next twelve months. The new policy of
Belgium which will prevent France from using Belgian
territory
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
territory to attack Germany in case Germany should
attack Czechoslovakia has increased greatly the
chance that Germany will go after Czechoslovakia.
We shall need at Prague a man who knows Germany and
Czechoslovakia intimately and has guts.
Mowrer is admirably equipped, in my opinion, for
the post. I felt him out discreetly and found that
he would be ready to take the financial sacrifice in-
volved if he could go either to Prague or Vienna.
As you know, he has worked for many years for the Chicago
DAILY NEWS but has never been a Republican in politics.
For that matter, he has never been a Democrat either.
He has lived abroad for so many years as a foreign
correspondent that all one can say is that he is a
genuine progressive more or less of the Harry Hopkins
type. Will you please ask Miss Le Hand to drop me a
line with regard to him so that I can know whether or
not you are still interested?
(3) You have perhaps seen the long telegram I
sent with regard to my conversation with Van Zeeland.
If not, you might find it worth reading. There is one
thing that I hope you will remember when Van Zeeland
calls on you. Belgium, at the present time, is the
little
- 3 -
little brother of England. Van Zeeland is, to all
intents and purposes, a representative of the British
Government. You can count on anything you say to
him being repeated to Chamberlain and you can count
on his displaying an acceptance of all British points
of view. I gathered from Van Zeeland that the British
would take no initiative whatsoever with regard to
his mission and would give him no active support, but
would expect him to get the other countries of the
world committed to something in advance which could
then be served up to them for their acceptance or re-
jection.
(4) Tom Lamont came to Paris a few days ago
and in the course of a long conversation made one
statement which I thought was of some interest. He
said that he knew Chamberlain very well indeed and
that he was somewhat disturbed about the manner in
which Anglo-American relations might develop with
Chamberlain as Prime Minister "since if it could be
said that any Englishman was anti-American, Chamberlain
was that anti-American Englishman." It surprised me
that Lamont should say such a thing but he presumably
had some reason for his remarks.
I
- 4 -
I could extend the points in this letter to
a thousand but I think this is a sufficient dose
for one evening.
Blessings and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
2PSF
France]
fillsmal
Personal and
Paris, May 10, 1937.
enfidential
Dear Mr. President:
I have sent an enormous number of telegrams
lately. But, as you were away, I assume that you
have not seen any of them.
The general situation is this: Delbos and Blum
are more or less in despair with regard to the pos-
sibility of keeping Austria and Czechoslovakia out of
the hands of Germany. Hitler has the ball and can
run with it in any direction he chooses. There never
was a time when it was more essential for us to have
an Ambassador in Berlin in real contact with the German
Government.
I do not expect an immediate crash; but before next
October we ought to be ready for anything. We ought to
have an Ambassador and a staff in Berlin who can find
out exactly what Hitler, Goering, Goebbels and the rest
of
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
Washington.
- 2 -
of the gangsters are thinking about. That means per-
sonal contact.
If we had a diplomatic service in the sense that
the British and French have, we should not hesitate for
one minute to move Dodd and replace him by the most
efficient man we can discover. I am convinced that Hugh
Wilson is the best man for that job and I think it is
genuinely important to send him there. I know some of
your difficulties and I would not bother you again with
this recommendation if I did not feel that it was ser-
iously in our national interest.
Meanwhile, I have a withdrawal of a recommendation
to make, and with shame. I have just this day discovered
what I had not learned in ten years of acquaintance with
the Mowrers. Mrs. Edgar Mowrer is an English woman.
I should be afraid of that in as tight a spot as Czecho-
slovakia. Mowrer is really exceptionally fitted for
that post and I am sorry.
Blessings and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
PSF France
Bullitt Bullittfolder folder
June 17, 1937.
CONFIDENTIAL AND PRIVATE
Dear Bill:
You may thank Mr. Theodore Spicer-Simson
for the bronse medal and tell him that I am grateful
to him for sending it and that I as glad to have it.
Entre nous, although my name surrounds the head, the
features suggest to me a cross between any two of the
best known murderers you can think of.
Your friend, Tom Watson, has just been here
and has described your situation as a neighbor of the
Paris Exposition. By the way, when you said that Steiger
is interred in the Lubyanka, did you sean that literally
or is he merely interned.
I am not worrying greatly over your continued
association with royalty. What gives me more kick is the
thought of Litvinoff appearing at the Coronation in short
pants.
I as very proud that my Ambassador has rented
the Park and the Great Chateau of Chantilly. May the
ghost of the Great Conde haunt you and upset the canoe
when you pull a water party on the great waterway.
Tell Offie that I count on him to prevent you
from spending more than ninety percent of your capital in
the next few years.
As ever yours,
Honorable William C. Bullitt,
Embassy of the United States of America,
Paris, France.
FDR/dj
Paris, May 27, 1937.
Dear Miss Le Hand:
I am transmitting, under separate cover, a
bronze medal of the President which is the work of
Mr. Theodore Spicer-Simson. Mr. Spicer-Simson has
asked me to forward it to the President with his
compliments.
Very sincerely yours,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
PS.
thanks Twelf of me.
Miss Marguerite Le Hand,
Secretary to the President,
The White House,
B.
Washington, D
Personal and
Paris, May 28, 1937.
Conf id ent tal
Dear Mr. President:
I enclose herewith a photograph taken from my
bedroom window. It is as good a description of Europe
as any dispatch could be. You will note on the left,
the eagle of the Nazis; on the right the cross of
the Pope, and in the middle, the Bolshevik's hammer
and sickle. The latter statue, incidentally, has a
name in Paris. It is called, "Hurrying to the
Lubyanka". (If you do not remember what the Lubyanka
is, ask your friend Grace Davidson. Her love, Steiger,
is now interred there. You will certainly remember
the gentleman she adored so because he used to knock
her on the floor and jump on her stomach. For a
New England girl, that was exciting.) )
Paris has become a madhouse and each day about
fifty persons appear with letters of introduction from
the
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
the Secretary of State and Senators. I stack them
together in colossal teas in accordance with your
recommendation. I admit that I still give them
champagne and caviar, as my self-respect continues
to be more Virginian than the Whitelaw Reids, who,
if I remember correctly your description, served
their guests pink lemonade in the garden.
The American visitors aren't the worst of it.
I had five royalties that I could not avoid at
luncheon yesterday, and in addition, had to give
cocktails to the brother of the Shah of Afghanisten!
The only one of the royalties who was thoroughly
agreeable was a son of little Willy! His name is
Friedrich von Preussen and he is a really nice boy.
He is the white hope of the Hohenzollerns and left
the luncheon table to go visit his grandpapa at Doorn.
The flood of visitors leaves me little time to
do any real work and since the young men in the Embassy
think they have fulfilled the whole duty of man when
they have entertained each other at luncheon and dinner
each day, we do not cover the town as well as I wish.
I would have a lot of them transferred if there were
any
- 3 -
any one better in the Service to bring here; but
as Mr. Shakespeare remarked, "It's poor picking
between rotten apples." As a matter of fact, by
leaving out sleep entirely, I have managed to see
very nearly everyone I should see.
I had one conversation of peculiar interest.
Old George Lansbury, who recently spent three hours
with Hitler, wrote me and asked if he could come to
Paris for a conversation with me. As you know, we
have been rather intimate friends for twenty years.
He talked to me for about three hours and gave me the
first coherent idea I have had of Hitler. He is con-
vinced that there is no possibility of Hitler coming
to any understanding with the Soviet Union and no pos-
sibility that he may let up on his persecution of the
Jews; but he believes that Hitler wants to come to some
understanding with England which will enable him to work
out the economic future of Germany peacefully.
I have known George for so long that I do not
take his judgments too seriously; but his detailed
account of his conversation was rather impressive.
Hitler
- 4 -
Hitler received him in the simplest possible manner
with his feet on the table while George put his up
on the sofa and they went to it in E very direct way.
Lansbury said, and I agree with him, that he felt that
if the British Government would push hard at the present
time for the reconciliation of France and Germany, economic
rehabilitation and limitation of armaments, the Germans
and the French would fell in line.
He then added that he did not believe the British
Government would do anything of the sort. After his
return from Berlin, he had had long conversations with
Eden, Baldwin, Chamberlain, Hoare, et al and he feared
Britain's policy would be to continue to rearm to the
hilt, to tell the Germans that Britain would be glad to
come to an understanding with them, and to tell the French
that Britain had no idea whatsoever of coming to an
understanding with Germany.
I had a curiously interesting confirmation of this
judgment of Lansbury's from two sources. Eden and
Chamberlain said to Delbos that they were convinced that
it was absolutely impossible to come to any understanding
with Germany and that the great problem was to gain time
by pretending to Germany that reconciliation between
Britain and Germany was possible. On the other hand,
Eden
- 5 -
Eden told Beck whom he thinks (quite rightly) is
apt to repeat to the Germans most of the things he
hears, that Great Britain desires nothing so much as
to reach understanding with Germany. In other words,
while the British do not want war on the continent
of Europe, they remain just as anxious as they have
been all through their history to keep France and
Germany from reaching any real understanding. So long
as the British remain in that state of mind, I believe
there is nothing that we can do to bring the continent
together.
The situation in Austria continues to be puzzling.
I believe that Hitler will not make any attempt to take
over Austria so long as he has hopes that he may reach
a friendly understanding with Great Britain; but the
moment he becomes convinced that the British have been
playing him for a sucker, I think he will act - probably
via a revolt of the Nazis within Austria.
Your friend, Tom Watson, turned up day before yes-
terday in a state of depression as he is ashamed of our
representation in the Exposition. However, I put him on
his feet again by giving a luncheon in his honor at
which
- 6 -
which he was smothered in princesses and duchesses.
Your baseball nine of Ambassadors who have been
in London recently are now on their way to Paris. I
expect to be able to keep this house open just long
enough to entertain the lot. The gate of the Exposition
which is at my front door is not yet finished. The
day it is opened, I shall have to leave.
I have found the pleasantest country place in
France to live in, a little chateau in the Park of
the Great Chateau of Chantilly. The magnificent joker
is that by renting the little chateau, I become the
sole proprietor of the Park of Chantilly! I even have
had it stipulated in the lease that I can swim in all
the lake ponds and rivers, and can place an American
Indian canoe on the great waterway which hitherto has
been reserved for the Grand Conde and Louis XIV!
I am sure that this will meet with your approval.
Incidentally, it will meet even more with your approval
when I tell you that the total rental I pay is $1000
annually. This combination of grandeur and thrift has
received the approbation even of Offie, so that I do
not fear any objections from you.
Blessings and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
PSF: France
France Bullitt folder
July 17, 1937,
Dear Bill:-
I want you to thank Mrs. Tuck and tell
her how very grateful I am for her splendid
thought in regard to the children at Warm Springs.
Among the patients there are on the
average about who have to be given lessons in
order to keep them up with their school work, and
this has to be done, of course, on the Foundation,
as it would be impossible to send them to the
public schools in the vicinity.
Furthermore, we have to use an old
wooden cottage, which is not in the least adequate
and we only have one teacher for all the different
ages.
I am deeply touched by Mrs. Tuck's
desire to be of help, and I would suggest that
the details could be looked into by talking with
or writing to D. Basil 0'Connor, 120 Broadway,
New York City, who will be able to get all the
necessary facts and estimates, as he 1s the
Treasurer of the Foundation. It goes without
saying that I will always keep my great interest
in the work at Warm Springs.
The Paris Exposition has nothing on
the Congress for - well, I won't put just what
into this letter!
As ever yours,
Honorable William C. Bullitt.
Personal.
Paris, July 5, 1937.
Dear Mr. President:
The wife of the First Secretary of the Paris
Embassy, S. Pinkney Tuck, is an exceptionally charming
lady, and an exceptionally rich one. For many years
she has been interested philanthropically in the matter
of infantile paralysis. A few days ago we were talking
about Warm Springs and she made a proposal which was
so generous and charming that I hope you will let me
have a word for her instanter.
Mrs. Tuck said that she had been informed that
at Warm Springs there was no adequate school for the
children, and that she would like to know if you felt
personally that the establishment of a small school at
Warm Springs would be of real value.
I said to Mrs. Tuck that I thought the main question
in adding any new activity at Warm Springs was the question
of endowment for upkeep and running expenses. She re-
plied
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
plied that if you should think it desirable she would
be glad to put up the money for the construction of
a small school and an endowment for the maintenance of
the school and the payment of a teacher or teachers.
She desired to be assured merely of one thing; that
you intended to keep up your interest in Warm Springs
so that the whole enterprise might not collapse.
I told her that I knew you would be deeply touched
by her desire to be of help and that I would communicate
with you as soon as possible.
Please write me immediately what you think of the
idea and if you should approve, please let me know with
whom Mrs. Tuck should correspond.
You will be glad to know that your telegram for the
opening of the American Pavilion yesterday did not arrive,
as it was sent to the closed office of Mr. Watson and
not to the Embassy. However, the peerless Offie, antici-
pating that this matter would be handled with the same
magnificent inefficiency which has marked all operations
of the American Government in connection with the Paris
Exposition,
- 3 -
Exposition, had taken the trouble to get your message
from America by the Associated Press, and at the
beginning of the ceremony, I was able to hand the text
to the bewildered Watson who read it inaudibly but
correctly.
Every possible good wish and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
-
Wramer
August 5, 1937.
Dear Bill:-
I am delighted that Anne has taken to the
collecting of stamps. Tell her from me that this
is an excellent way of saving the Bullitt family
fortune. Starting with the year 1840, the value of
stamps has increased on the average 3% a year. That
means that the return on your money is better than
you would get in any reputable savings bank in the
United States - and having looked the cash up in
stamps, Anne will have the assurance that you will
not spend it on hiring the Palaces of the former
monarohs of France! The latest inside information
is that not content with having leased Chantilly
for the summer of 1937, you are negotiating with
the French Government for the lease of Versailles
during the summer of 1938. I understand further
that there are no bathrooms in Versailles but that
you will provide them.
I have been looking at those two delight-
ful ninety centime stamps and the only difference
I can 880 is that M. Descartes had washed his face
in one copy and had not in the other.
On further examination I see that "de"
has been substituted for "sur." As if anybody
cared!
It was grand of you to have Franklin meet
the heads of the Government - and that he behaved
himself well. It was a wonderful opportunity for
him.
I am surprised at your colleague in Bruesels.
He is wholly entitled to talk with the King of the
Belgians. I do my own discussing with Van Zeeland!
I am writing you about the school at Warm
Springs as soon as I drag some information from the
Manager of the Foundation.
The ceremonies at Montfaucon came through
splendidly and your voice and what you said were
excellent. I am glad to know, too, that my voice
got through to all of you who were at the field.
All well on this Western Front in spite
of what you read in the newspapers!
As ever yours,
Honorable William 0. Bullitt,
American Embassy,
Paris,
France.
Personal and
Paris, July 23, 1937.
13 cnt 181.
Dear Mr. President:
I have a number of complaints to make with
regard to your conduct.
(1) You have infected my daughter, Anne, with
a passion for stamp collecting and she now spends all
her time, to say nothing of whatever funds she can
wheedle out of her father, on stamps. She came
back to the house a few days ago with the two stamps
I enclose herewith. As she is already a true stamp
collector, she had been careful to buy duplicates
for herself. She wanted to know if you could tell
off-hand which stamp was correct and which was in-
correct and thought that you would like to have the pair
as a curiosity.
I am merely an agent for their transmission but
I venture to express the hope, in the best diplomatic
manner, that my daughter may recover.
(2)
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
(2) Why did you never tell me what an as-
tonishing youth Franklin, Jr. is? He and his bride
dined with me the night they arrived and after
dinner I had a chance to talk with him. I have
never had a more interesting conversation with a boy
of that age. Then, as he said he wanted to meet
some of the heads of the French Government, I had a
little luncheon for him at Chantilly which consisted
of Chautemps, Blum and Delbos.
I must say the luncheon began rather well be-
cause Chautemps was so pleased to escape for a moment
from his duties as Prime Minister that even before a
cocktail, he turned somersaults on the lawn! But the
point is that Franklin, Jr., not only spoke excellent
French but also had things to say which interested
everyone. He is wise beyond his years and, in my
humble opinion, as promising a youth as I ever saw.
Incidentally, Chautemps phoned me the same
evening and said that he had never talked with a more
intelligent or charming boy. You ought to feel just
a little bit proud of yourself.
(3) What the devil is Mr. Hoover's Ambassador
to Brussels up to? He has now passed through Paris
three times and has carefull avoided seeing me each
time
- 3 -
time and his Belgian wife has been announcing to all
and sundry that he is now to take up again his duties
under the Hoover regime, which consisted of running
the entire diplomatic service of the United States of
America on the continent of Europe, representing the
President at all conferences, etc.
You may or may not remember that it was your
humble servant who, when everybody else wanted Gibson
kicked out of the Service because he was Hoover's best
friend, stood up for him and advised you to keep him
in the Service. I have nothing personal against him
but it seems to me bad ball when an Ambassador straight
from headquarters does not cooperate to the extent of
coming in even for a conversation. Gibson, of course,
loves you, myself and all other Democrats in the same
manner that Mr. Hoover does and I think that whoever
sold you that baby as an ambassador in Europe was not
especially wise.
I don't want you to do anything about this except
to be damned careful not to put Brother Hoover in charge
of the conduct of our relations with the European
continent.
(4) I hope you have written me before this in
reply to my letter about Mrs. Tuck's offer to build
and
- 4 -
and endow a school at Warm Springs. I enclose a
recent letter from her and I hope that it will stir
you to instant action if you have not already behaved
as well-behaved Presidents and Grotonians should
behave.
I shall close by telling you that your ex-boss,
Josephus, who was at Chantilly with me yesterday and
with whom I lunched today, is in great form and seems
much younger than when he was Secretary of the Navy.
He is a grand old man.
Blessings and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
-
Enclosure:
Letter as stated above.
7. RUE OCTAVE FEUILLET
PARIS. XVIT
July 10th 1937.
Dear Mr. Bullitt,
In my culture asm I fear I am
work I have been interested in Lence 1918.
Leu dueg you too much information about The
I am deeply grateful to you for your
interest and bey, and The encouragement
both give we to start a new enterprise in
a new field
I looked into The arthopaedic Lituation
Carefully when I was in america. I believe
I have done my Share in the City in which
I was born. Int only advire greatly The work
the President is doing at Warm Springs, but
feel it is The Center of all such work.
I created a Charitable fund a year as to
ago, and I am anylous to have The acturties
7. RUE OCTAVE FEUILLET
PARIS. XVI!
as to the project at wares Springs,
I want to Thank you wast Sincerely for afeaking
to The President. I am overfayed to Think that
a School is needed,- - That be approves, - and
that I can be of assistance.
I enclose a letter from my friend
hers. Lynn Purson, of Louise information about
Warm Springs, which you probably have Leea.
I have kearked in red pencil The by fe of
building I had in wind for a school.
There will be wany questions to decide.
The occupational therapy, as well as The regular
Class work,- - Charity patients, r paying patents,
and of Course I are antions to know how
many Children May average a year.
I am looking forward with jay to the
begining, of completion of The work ahead, in
which you have to severously keeped we
are I can add, is Thank you with all wey beart
amidst The many dutes facing you each day
Very funcerely, /Catherme luck.
3
Pstituance
prote
Personal and
Paris, September 7, 1937.
Conf idential
Dear Mr. President:
This note is to warn you that Mr. Dennie Heine-
mann is on his way to America apparently at the re-
quest of King Leopold of the Belgians.
Heinemann is an astonishing character. He is
of American birth as were his father and grandfather,
but has lived in Belgium for twenty years and controls
SOFINA, the largest holding company in the world of
gas and electric properties. He was an intimate friend
of King Albert of the Belgians who used him to handle
his personal fortune, and serves King Leopold in the
same way, I believe. He is extraordinarily sensitive
and self-centered and in view of his immense position
in European business circles I think you ought to waste
at least five minutes on him if he asks to see you at
the White House.
He
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
He will arrive in the United States before
this letter 88 he came down to see me just on the eve
of his departure. He said to me that he had spent
the entire evening with the King the night before and
stated that the King intended to push his project for
the organization of European peace. Heinemann pre-
dicted that Van Zeeland would get a majority in the
Belgian Chamber but that he would resign shortly after-
ward and that the King would then place him in charge
of his (The King's) plan for creating peace. All this
sounds a bit strange but in any case I feel sure that
bit of butter planted by your deft hand on Heinemann
is worth-while.
The general impression in Paris is that Van Zeeland
is finished as an European force. His whole position
was based on his absolute moral integrity and that in-
tegrity has now been questioned, which is quite enough
to diminish his authority fatally. Strictly between
ourselves, I have a piece of information in this regard
which is not pleasant. Just before Van Zeeland devalued
the Belga, his brother, who is also his closest friend,
borrowed quantities of money and speculated for a fall
of the Belga. This fact is, I believe, unknown to
Degrelle
- 3 -
Degrelle or any of Van Zeeland's opponents. I have it
direct from the B. I. S., the speculation having been
carried out in Switzerland. My guess is that this
fact will not appear in public but its mere existence
would, I should think, make Van Zeeland feel too
compromised to carry on much longer. Incidentally,
I don't believe that Heinemann knows anything about it
and we should keep it as dark as possible.
I shall see you so soon that it doesn't seem
worth-while to add anything to the many cables which I
send each week. There are endless things to talk about
and I hope you will be back from the West for a day or
two at least before the fatal date of October 13th when
I shall have to sail again for Paris.
Your mother is in tremendous form. You might as
well have asked me to stop the flow of Niagara as to
have asked me to see to it that she did not accept a
vast number of invitations. She is feeling exceedingly
well and by her own wish goes out constantly. She is,
of course, having an immense personal success. All the
French love her and unlike the thirty-six Senators,
Congressmen, and wives that are now with us, she speaks
admirable
- 4 -
admirable French.
For the past two months I have had an unending
flood of inescapable visitors to entertain and I now
understand why all my predecessors fled from Paris
during the summer.
Chantilly is lovely but over-run with visiting
firemen and I am about dead.
Love to you all.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
The President said to invite
her to something at the White
House.
pox 2010 Honue fo
COPY
Paris, November 1937.
fillett. 2, (s) Drawer ,Franic n-37
Dear Mrs. Roosevelt:
I hope you will not mind my writing to you about
an American resident of Paris who expects to sail for New
York on the S. S. NORMANDIE on November 3rd and is most
anxious to have the honor of meeting you and the President.
The lady in question is Mrs. Henry S. Downe, wife
of the Vice-President of the American Radiator Company.
She is a delightful person and in addition is a moving
spirit in all good works in Paris. As you know, because
of my official position, I am the honorary president of
a score of American charitable institutions in Paris and
without Mrs. Downe I should be condemned to see them all
go into bankruptcy. This will probably sound as if Mrs.
Downe is a solemn bore. On the contrary, she is very gay
and amusing, and I can promise you that you and the Presi-
dent will enjoy her.
I hope that you will not think it impertinent if I
ask you to invite her to some White House function, large
or .
Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt,
The White House,
Washington, D. C.
- 2 -
or small, at which she may have the honor of seeing you
and the President at least for a few moments.
Mrs. Downe's address in New York will be: Hotel Pierre,
Fifth Avenue and 6lst Street.
I was delighted to see you in Washington, even if only
for a moment, and I hope that the next time I come to Ameri-
ca, I may have the pleasure of bringing Anne to call on you.
With all good wishes and kindest regards, I remain,
Very sincerely yours,
William C. Bullitt.
Personal and
Paris, November 3, 1937.
Confident ial
Dear Mr. President:
I am sending you the enclosed as a proof of my
greatness. I will bet you five dollars to one of
your three-cent stamps that you have never had a
sonnet written to you yet, to say nothing of a sonnet
in Provençal!
I have also to add that on my return from Nimes
this morning, Chautemps phoned me to ask if I would
accept the vacant post of French Ambassador to the
United States! I told him that I feared the American
Government would refuse the agrément.
The three days at Nimes were really grand. All
the way from the black bulls to the girls who danced
the Farandole in the old Roman arena, the quality was
such as to make me feel continuously how superior the
peasant Boulets were to the aristocratic de Lannoys!
Yours
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
Bill
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
W.C.B. B
Journées d'amitié Iranco-américalne
SONNET
DU
POÈTE LAFORÈT
lu au Grand-Théatre de NIMES
le Samedi 30 Octobre 1937
par M. André GIRARD.
A Moussu BOULET
Vuei, poudès evouca l'amo de vôsti rèire
Ici mount'an viscu : ome fièr et leiau...
...N'en soun parti pèr pas trahi soun Ideau
e viéure libramen, dins lou respèt di crèire.
Urous aquèu que pòu en regardant à rèire.
Cavant lou terrun drud de soun founs ancestrau,
ié retrouva, tau que, li relicle d'oustau :
Sapiènci, tenesoun di premié bastissèire
...Creisson, en terro d'O, de porto-grèfe san
que gardon long-tenas lou franc goust dòu terraire
coume de paire en fièu li vertu d'un bon sang
Sias, vous, l'eisèmple astra de tout ço que pôu traire
en fru goustous, en vin fasèire de sang nóu,
l'American grefa sus bon plant Cevenoù
LAFORÊT.
A Monsieur BULLITT
Vous pouvez évoquer l'âme de vos aïeux
qui vécurent ici : hommes fiers et loyaux.
Ils sont partis pour ne point trahir leur idéal
et vivre librement en leur foi respectée.
Heureux celui qui peut, tourné vers son Passé,
fouillant la terre drue de son fonds ancestral
y retrouver intacts les trésors familiaux :
sagesse et constance des premiers bâtisseurs
Il pousse en terre d'Oc des portes-greffes sains
qui gardent très longtemps le goût pur du terroir.
comme de père en fils bon sang ne peut mentir.
Vous êtes l'exemple prédestiné de ce que peut produire
en fruits savoureux, en vin faiseur de sang nouveau
l'Américain greffé sur bon plant Cévenol
LAFORÊT.
PSF: France
folderf
Personal and
Paris, November 3, 1937.
Strictly Confident ial.
Dear Mr. President:
Strictly between you, myself and the angels,
I have just had a letter from Judge Moore which leads
me to believe that he is so acutely unhappy that he
is about to resign. Inasmuch as he is the only man
in the Department who sincerely and completely loves
you and would gladly stand up against a wall and be
shot to help you, I should hate to see that happen
for your sake; and I should hate to see that happen
for his sake as I am deeply fond of him.
As you know, Moore has been deprived of all his
duties in the Department and has been removed from the
Personnel Board. So nearly as I can discover, the only
reason for the recent abolition of the Eastern European
Division was because Moore supervised it and its abolition
made it possible to encyst him completely as if he were
a very dirty germ.
It
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States,
The White House.
- 2 -
It would, I am sure, buck him up enormously if
you could have him put back on the Personnel Board
either as the representative of the Secretary of State
on that Board or, if necessary, by having a small act
passed in Congress to provide that the Counselor of the
Department of State should be on the Personnel Board.
I am convinced that you won't have Moore long
in Washington or indeed, on this earth, unless he is
given something to do. His service as Acting Secretary
of State during the Secretary's absence in South America
was completely distinguished and to be reduced now to a
post which is somewhat less than that of the negro mes-
sengers in the halls of the Department is necessarily
very discouraging.
Needless to say, Moore is the one man in the
entire Administration who is completely loved and re-
spected by the House and the Senate and any act con-
cerning him would pass unanimously.
Good luck and best wishes.
Yours effectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
1
P
Paris, November 4, 1937.
PERSONAL AND CONF IDENTIAL
Dear Mr. President:
I talked to the Duke of Windsor and his Duchess
for several hours last night and I had the curious
impression that while the marriage has been very
good for the boy, it has been very bad for the girl.
He is much calmer and much more self-confident, and
seems to be taking as serious an interest in housing
and other problems connected with the life of the
industrial workers as his royal intelligence will
permit. Incidentally, he drank almost nothing and
is obviously intensely in love with his wife.
The girl, on the other hand, behaved like a
person whose insides have been taken out and replaced
by an idea of what a king's wife should be like. She
has gone English in a big way so far as her accent is
concerned and, indeed, at the moment is talking a
rather nasal cockney which is more English than her
husband's rather good pronunciation. She has lost
that
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
that spontaneous wit and twinkle which used to make
her very attractive; instead she is "gracious". I
had the feeling that if one had her alone for a few
minutes she would probably say: "Isn't this a hell
of a mess but don't you think that I am doing it
well?" In other words, she has stopped being herself
and is engaged in trying to be exactly what she thinks
he wants her to be.
I am sorry that Mrs. Roosevelt will be on her
speaking tour when the Windsors arrive and I explained
to them both, as you ordered, that the tour had been
arranged months in advance and could not be cancelled.
I have the feeling that Mrs. Roosevelt would produce
a rapid return to nature on the part of Wallis. In-
cidentally, the Duchess expressed at considerable
length, and apparently with sincerity, a deep admiration
for Mrs. Roosevelt, and I hope they may meet somewhere
sometime while the Windsors are in the United States.
I am giving a dinner tonight in honor of the pair
and if anything interesting occurs I'll get off another
letter to you at once.
The most interesting thing last evening was when
the Duchess remarked, in describing Hitler's intense
interest in architecture, that the Fuhrer had said to
her:
- 3 -
her: "Our buildings will make more magnificent ruins
than the Greeks'". That seemed to me to be about as
revealing psychologically as anything I have ever
heard. The curse of the Germans is that they have
swallowed the Niebulungenlied and do not recoil even
before the Götterdämmerung.
Love to you all and good luck.
Yours affectionately,
Bill William C. Bullitt.
Letter sent around the eighth of Nov. 1937 to
the Duke of Windsor via Bill Bullitt from F.D.R.
SEE-Great Britain-Drawer 2--1937
PSF: France
Bullitt folder &
pull Bullitt
1
November 11, 1937.
Dear Bill:-
It is a good sonnet -- even in
Provencal -- but it does not hold a candle
to the sonnet recently written to me by my
fellow Americans, the Eskimos of Alaska.
Is the story printed in the Hearst
papers true -- that the Boulets of Nimes are
directly descended from the Pope Joan, who,
I am given to understand, lived in that neighbor-
hood? Compared to that the de Lannoy ancestry
was plebeian!
It is all very well for you to send
me Caleb Hyde's generous offer but you sent no
recommendation with it. What do you think?
And what do you think Congress (which would
have to accept the offer) would say to the ad-
ditional cost of up-keep?
I have always thought that the house
on the Avenue d'Iena was a mistake and that
the office building on the Place de la Concorde
should have been so designed as to include the
residence of the Ambassador. If that had been
done it would have been obvious and proper to
give the Ambassador a place at Versailles --
but three establishments will look a bit steep
to the Congressmen from Missouri, etc.
Meanwhile, I will talk with the
Secretary about the offer -- and you might tell
Mr. Hyde that I am deeply appreciative but that
a good many questions are involved, including
that of Congress, and that I will let him hear
from me in a short time.
As ever yours,
Honorable William C. Bullitt,
American Embassy,
Paris,
France.
filend
Personal and
Paris, November 3, 1937.
Strictly
Dear Mr. President:
I am enclosing herewith a letter from James
Hazen Hyde to you, together with a copy of an ac-
companying letter from him to me.
It sounds all right to me but I am investigating
the technicalities with regard to the tax question;and
I beg to report that Mr. James Hazen Hyde dined with me
a few evenings ago and, in spite of the fact that he
insisted on rice, carrots, potatoes and crackers while
the rest of my guests were enjoying twelve courses with
Meursault, Haut-Brion, Pommery and Cognac, he looks as
if he would last for another forty years. His French
wife reports hopefully, however, that he has a bad
heart!
Love and best wishes to you all.
Yours affectionately,
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
Personal and Strictly
Paris, November 2, 1937.
Comf idential.
Dear Mr. President:
I talked with Norman Davis at length on his
arrival here and informed him as well as I could with
regard to the point of view of the French Government;
and he was kind enough to inform me or, I hope, mis-
inform me, with regard to your own point of view. He
made it sound as if you thought God had laid Woodrow
Wilson's mantle upon you, and were about to take on
your shoulders, or rather those of the people of the
United States, all the pains of the world.
I don't believe this is so; but for Gawd's sake
remember that Woodrow Wilson, as a collapsed ex-President,
used to lie in bed thinking of the text, "By their fruits
ye shall know them."; and recalling that the fruits he
could report to St. Peter were war and the Treaty of
Versailles.
There
The Honorable
Franklin D. Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
There are a lot of people in America at the moment
who are beginning to be ashamed of the idea of keeping
the United States at peace. A number of times in Wash-
ington I heard the statement, "Well, I'd rather not be
in the Government if the United States won't intervene
in the Far East and the war which is coming in Europe."
That sort of thinking seems to me the product of nothing
but overgrown egotism on the part of men who are so old
that they know they won't have to go out and die.
You may have seen a recent book of Bertrand Russell's
which contains a brilliant analysis of the present inter-
national situation. Bertrand (who is in many ways an ass)
holds as the one hope of the world the possibility that
the United States will stay out of war in the Far East
or in Europe and will have, at the end of the holocaust,
8 civilization intact and sufficient strength to pick
up the pieces and put them together again.
I believe that it is & damned sight nobler to act
on that line than to throw the United States again into
war in order to produce again a peace worse than the
present peace to end peace.
I
- 3 -
I apologize for this outburst; but when I listened
to the fluff and fuzz of your edition of Benjamin
Franklin's Mr. Bancroft talking about what you intended
to do, I was moved on behalf of the U. S. A. -- even
though I didn't believe & word he said.
Blessings and keep your shirt on.
Yours affectionately,
Bill.
William C. Bullitt.
PSF
November 22, 1937.
My dear Bullitts
Thank you for your letter. You are right
that the majority of business men, both large and small,
are sincerely doing their best and should not be classed
with the small minority found in every class of citizens,
professional, business or laboring man.
One of the difficulties, quite frankly, is
that I have had 80 little cooperation from the great
majority of business sen in efforts to eliminate certain
real abuses of the past. If the majority could really
come out, lay all the cards on the table and show a
definite wish to help in ending abuses, there would be
the kind of team work which is 80 sadly needed. The
trouble is that so many people like you admit certain
abuses but push thes to one side. In other words, they
ask for cooperation - i.e. give and take - but when it
comes to action, the Administration is asked to do all
of the giving and none of the taking.
I think little brother Bill feels the way I
do about it, don't you?
Very sincerely yours,
Orville H. Bullitt, Esq.,
Oxmoor,
White Marsh, Pennsylvania.
for correspondence see PPF 3231.
PSF: France
Bullitt foller
Paris, November 23, 1937.
Personal and Strictly
thent ial
Dear Mr. President:
I am sending you herewith a copy of a despatch to
the Department of State. You will find, I guarantee,
the portion of it which deals with my conversation with
General Goering, a source of amusement to say nothing
of instruction. It was really an amazing conversation
and I hated to have to put it into respectable form for
the Department.
You will remember that when I was representing
you at the funeral of Marshal Pilsudski, I had to sit
and walk next to General Goering for three days and
found him so repellent that I literally could not address
a word to him. When I reached Berlin last Thursday I
was horrified to discover that the Italian Ambassador
there, Attolico, who is an old friend of mine, without the
slightest suggestion from me and without obtaining my consent,
had gotten in touch with Goering and told him that I was coming
through
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
through Berlin and that Goering had said that he
would like to see me. I was a bit staggered by
the prospect but Attolico had put himself in such
a position by arranging for the conversation that
I could see no way out except an immediate attack
of ptomaine poisoning. I at once informed Dodd and
asked him if he thought the ptomaine poisoning ad-
visable but he said that he thought it might be
worth-while to go and ask the General some questions.
As a result, I went to see Goering in his private
residence. He has built for himself a house in the
middle of a huge block of public buildings. You go
in through the entrance of the old Herren House and
after being marched by soldiers through endless
halls and past endless sentries find yourself in a
garden of four or five acres in the middle of which
this house stands. Goering had provided an inter-
preter for the interview but as he had somebody
with him and I had to talk with the interpreter for
five minutes while waiting, and as the interpreter
was properly impressed by the extreme fluency of my
German, he said that he would like to inform the
General that an interpreter could only be an en-
cumbrance so I saw the man alone.
His
- 3 -
His office is a big room with a huge oak table
at one end; a table about fifteen feet long, six
feet broad, and at least four inches thick. There
were three chairs, all built in mammoth proportions
and covered with cerise velvet, trimmed with gold.
The chairs were so big that Goering looked rather
less than the size of a normal man and, as you know,
he strongly resembles the hind end of an elephant.
In my chair I must have looked like some sort of
animated flea.
The whole décor was obviously designed to reduce
his bulk to normal and the feat was accomplished. He
has also lost about thirty pounds since I saw him in
Warsaw and looks more human. You will find that I
jolted him a bit and he liked it. For any man who
spoke good German and had some brains and bluntness
it would, I think, be the easiest thing in the world
to have a direct relationship with him.
In the account of the conversation which I am
sending to the Department, I have left out, for obvious
reasons, his reference to Dodd. After he had expressed
to me his desire to have better relations with the
United States he then said that he desired to say
something
- 4 -
something to me which he hoped I would not resent.
The matter was a delicate one. But he considered
it simply disastrous that there should be no American
Ambassador in Berlin. Neither he nor anyone else in
the German Government could recognize Dodd as an
American Ambassador. Dodd was too filled with
venomous hatred of Germany to have any relations
with members of the Government, and in fact did not
exist.
Most of my conversation with Neurath was taken
up by Neurath's remarks on the subject of Dodd which
were far more violent than Goering's. Neurath said
to me that as we had known each other well for so
many years, he felt he had a right to speak to me
frankly about a matter which he felt was doing a
great injury to German-American relations and indeed
to the general world situation.
I was perhaps aware that some weeks ago he had
had the German Ambassador in Washington speak to
Mr. Welles and say that the German Government could
not have any further relations with Dodd and would
be extremely relieved if he could be withdrawn from
Germany; that the German Government did not wish to
be pushed to asking for his withdrawal but would
have to ask for it unless he should be removed.
Neurath said that he desired to have better relations
with
- 5 -
with the United States instead of worse relations
and, therefore, did not wish to be compelled to ask
for Dodd's withdrawal; but the fact was that the
German Government could no longer tolerate his
presence in Berlin and would in the near future
ask for his withdrawal unless the American Govern-
ment should withdraw him. He said that he hoped I
understood and that my Government understood the
reason for this attitude on the part of the German
Government. Dodd was so consumed with hatred of
the present régime in Germany that he never ceased
in any conversation he might have with anyone to
attack the German Government in any possible way.
He was totally blind to such virtues as the German
Government might have and magnified every fault. He
had even spoken publicly against the German Government
and the activities of his son against the German
Government had been utterly outrageous.
I asked Neurath why he had spoken to me about
this matter at the moment since presumably it had
been arranged through conversation between Dieckhoff
and Welles. He replied that Dieckhoff had informed
him that the matter had been arranged; but that Dodd,
on
- 6 -
on his return to Berlin, had stated to countless persons
that although he had desired to resign the President had
insisted on his returning to Berlin and that he expected
to remain indefinitely. (I ascertained later through
Dodd's similar statement to me and from his Counselor of
Embassy to whom he had made the same statement, and from
various other sources, that this was the line which Dodd
had taken.)
Neurath went on to say that although Dodd had always
been violently hostile to the leaders of the Nazi Govern-
ment, he had for a long time maintained personal relations
with him. However, at the present time, Dodd was treat-
ing him with the same contempt and hostility with which
he was treating all other members of the Government and
he could tell me flatly that he, Neurath, would in
future refuse to have any relations whatsoever with Dodd.
I attempted to pass off this matter without further
conversation and turned to another subject but before I
left Neurath again returned to it and said, "I want to
impress upon you once more that Dodd's presence in
Berlin is intolerable and if he should not be withdrawn,
in the near future we will be compelled to ask for his
withdrawal."
Attolico, the Italian Ambassador, also spoke to me
about
- 7 -
about Dodd's present attitude in Berlin, saying that he
felt the United States could play an immense role in
Berlin at the present time as the German Government was
most anxious to have good relations with the United
States and that a great opportunity to promote peace
was being lost by keeping Dodd in Berlin.
I was not surprised that this statement should
come from the Italian Ambassador but I was extremely
surprised when the French Ambassador, François-Poncet,
whom Dodd considers his good friend, said to me,
"Bullitt, for Heaven's sake, get Dodd moved out of
Berlin. He used to be bad as an Ambassador but now
he is impossible. He even scolds me because I invite
members of the German Government to my Embassy. And
he embarrasses all of us ambassadors by taking the
line that we should not be ambassadors to the Govern-
ment to which we are accredited but should carry on
a sort of holy crusade against National Socialism.
He is conducting a personal crusade against the Nazi
Government and has no patience with anyone who will
not join him in that crusade, forgetting that a crusader
against a particular government should be anything in
the world except an ambassador accredited to that gov-
ernment."
Poncet went on to say that he felt that at the
present time it might be possible for the United States
to
- 8 -
to exercise great influence in Berlin in the direction
of European peace, provided we had a really first-rate
ambassador, and that he hoped ardently he would soon
have an American colleague with whom he could work.
I have written you too much lately but you have
brought it on your own head by telling me that you
wanted me to write you more often. I have poured
upon your unoffending head too many words of wisdom;
but I have got the habit now and here are a few more.
The situation today as I see it is the following:
Germany is increasing in military strength more
rapidly than France and England combined. I have
heard this statement repeatedly from military men in
Paris and had it in Berlin from the French Military
Attaché who is the great foreign expert on German
armament. He said, for example, that at the present
time Germany has between five thousand and six thousand
planes ready for action. The French have possibly less
than two thousand. He said also that the rate of in-
crease in German armament would inevitably, in his
opinion, continue to be greater than that of France
and England combined unless England should introduce
conscription at once.
The atmosphere in Berlin today is singularly like
the
- 9 -
the atmosphere before 1914. The Germans are confident
and cocky; sure that time is working for them; sure
that they can get exactly what they want and determined
to get it.
The Poles are convinced that this German estimate
of their position is absolutely correct. Except in
case of a direct attack on France - in which case, I
believe, the Poles would respect their alliance and
enter war against Germany - they will do nothing what-
soever to stop Germany's march.
The Russians, by general agreement even on the
part of their protagonists in Paris, are completely
out of the picture so far as Europe is concerned.
All hope that they might help Czechoslovakia has been
abandoned.
The Italians, fully aware that when Hitler has
cleaned up Austria and Czechoslovakia, they will be-
come mere German satellites, nevertheless are ready
to accept this position because they hope that in
return for their cooperation, Hitler may some day toss
them Tunis and perhaps Algiers.
The French are at their wit's end, divided between
the belief that it is better to have war now rather
than let Germany take in the Germans of Czechoslovakia
and
- 10 -
and their fear that they will be defeated in such a
war by the combined efforts of Germany and Italy.
The British, so nearly as I can discover, are
at the moment on the following line: They will
finally, deviously, by silences and tacit approvals,
as the lesser evil, permit Hitler to take Austria;
take the Germans of Czechoslovakia and dominate
Central Europe and the Balkans; relying on the pos-
sibility that when Hitler is firmly established on
the Brenner Pass, Mussolini, in self-defense, will
be compelled to swing into the French-British orbit.
Furthermore, I believe the British are prepared to
offer Hitler a colonial domain but no portion of
their colonial domain. The colonial domain they
will offer will be first, that of Portugal; then
that of Belgium; and finally, if necessary, that of
France.
I am less sure than I was a few weeks ago that
France will actually go to the support of Czechoslovakia
in case of a German attack. I still believe that France
will do so but there is a considerable possibility that
if the Germans begin their attack by a revolt of the
Germans of Bohemia, the French will communicate at once
with London and ask if Great Britain will support France
in defending Czechoslovakia and the British will reply
by
- 11 -
by advising France to refer the matter to the League
of Nations and adding that until the League has decided
on appropriate action they will do nothing. This may
prevent the French from taking any action until Germany
has overrun Czechoslovakia. Under these circumstances,
I should not be surprised to find Chautemps, in the
course of the next few weeks, swinging to the view
that it is better to make a spectacular effort to
reach terms with Germany. He will unquestionably be
opposed by the Quai d'Orsay whose only policy since
1919 has been to register German violations of the
Treaty of Versailles in order to prepare a beautiful
White Book to be published at the outbreak of the
next war.
Chautemps, I think, will wish personally to enter
into direct conversations with Germany and perhaps
make the necessary concessions: In other words, to
abandon Austria and the Germans of Czechoslovakia to
Hitler. But he will know that his Government will
fall if he tries to put this policy in practice. The
Communists, on whose votes he depends for his majority,
would throw him out and the French have, on the whole,
that curious sort of a sense of honor which makes it
possible for them to contemplate submitting to a
German
- 12 -
German fait accompli with regard to Czechoslovakia
but makes them unwilling to advise the Czechs to
submit before a fait accompli.
This is not a promising picture but there is
one element in it that is not altogether dreadful.
The Russians have now apparently retired behind
their swamps, and the fact is beginning to be re-
cognized even in France that the eastern boundary
of Europe is not the Ural Mountains but the swamps
which extend from Finland, past Poland, to Rumania.
To give up the Russian Alliance and admit that
Germany, having lost the war, has won the final
victory and will be henceforth the dominant factor
in Europe, would be, I believe, today regarded as
the part of wisdom by the vast majority of the people
of France who think about international affairs. It
is not today practical politics.
The only way that I can see that the growth of
German strength, which I regard as inevitable, can
be used for constructive instead of destructive pur-
poses is by a general effort to make the giving of
these concessions to Germany a part of a general
plan of unification for Europe. I believe that we
can have a considerable influence in bringing about
such
- 13 -
such a result. I am not advising that we should get
into the game ourselves or start again to play an
active part in European politics; but I was struck
in Germany by the fact that I was told by everyone,
not simply Nazis, but also Americans and also the
ambassadors and ministers of half a dozen other
nations that the Germans have the most profound de-
sire to improve their relations with us and that we
can influence them. We can certainly also influence
the Italians. We do not have to do more than give
them decent, simple advice of which every American
would approve and to transmit from one nation to
another the good things about each rather than trans-
mitting the bad things.
I realize that all this may sound as if I had
become a Pollyanna. I don't think I have. I admit
that the chances are against peace and in favor of
war, and I believe that the year 1938 will be deci-
sive, but I think we ought to make the effort to
preserve peace - just as quietly as possible.
Incidentally, François-Poncet, in saying to me
that we could exercise an immense influence for peace
in Germany, added, "For Heaven's sake, don't try to
exercise your influence for peace by calling any
general
- 14 -
general conference at the present time. It could only
serve to emphasize differences and not to bring about
reconciliation. The ground must be prepared carefully
by regular diplomatic channels and in that your Govern-
ment can play a great part." I agree.
Love and good luck.
Bill
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
Enclosure:
Copy of Embassy's despatch
dated November 23, 1937,
entitled: "Visit of Ambassador
Bullitt to Warsaw".
PSF; France
Bullitt folder
Paris, November 23, 1937.
PERSONAL AND STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL.
Dear Mr. President:
A brief note of warning on a subject about
which I know a great deal. Colonel Philip R.
Faymonville, who is the greatest Bolshevik lover
at large and is at present our Military Attaché
in Moscow, is about to attempt to get you to sign
an Executive Order prolonging for another four
years his tour of duty as Military Attaché in
Moscow. Faymonville went in with me and was without
question the most unsatisfactory member of the staff
as he constantly went behind the back of the Embassy
to assure the Bolshies that they were loved by our
Government whatever I might say. He should have
been withdrawn long ago but was not because the War
Department could not dig out any other officer who
spoke
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
spoke Russian.
I consider his continued stay in Moscow not in
the public interest and a prolongation of his stay
by the unusual act of an Executive Order would
undermine greatly the prestige of our Embassy there
which - in spite of the incumbency of Mrs. Davies'
husband - continues to be high because the State
Department staff is exceptionally able.
Yours,
Bill.
William C. Bullitt.
[Fr. Bullitt]
the
Paris, November 24, 1937.
Personal and
Dear Mr. President:
I have to report that, in accordance with your
instructions, I delivered respectfully into the hands
of His Royal Highness the Duke of Windsor your com-
munication with photograph. The Duke was appreciative;
but, on regarding himself as Prince of Wales, seemed
somewhat depressed by his present appearance.
You would really like that boy now. He is much
nicer than he has ever been and the Duchess has become
completely human again - at least in conversation with
me. You will be glad to know that her favorite bridge
partner is Offie! That shows progress.
I never believed you were about to mount a white
charger but Cordell's friend, Norman, had assured me
that
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
that just as soon as the Japanese should refuse to
join the conference at Brussels you would launch a
project for the effective quarantining of Japan by
use of our Fleet in the Far East, and even more
violent measures.
At this moment, when you are nursing the poison
of a bad tooth in Washington and I am nursing the
poison of a bad tooth in Paris, it seems to me that
we both are in a position to appreciate that the
slightest lowering of resistance is apt to produce
bad results when there are germs around. You get
so much cockeyed advice on foreign affairs that you
have to keep your resistance to germs in that area
particularly high. Norman simply made me fear for
a moment that you had an international infected tooth.
The white charger reminds me that you are shortly
going to have to decide who is to be the Chief of
Cavalry. Colonel Joseph A. Baer, now at Headquarters
of the Third Corps Area at Baltimore, is one of the
two leading candidates. I don't know whether the
other man is better than he is or not, but I can
promise you that Baer, whom I know well, is absolutely
first-rate.
In view of the remarks of Vandenberg on my visit
to
- 3 -
to Tony Biddle, I have decided that my travels for
the moment must be confined to the Bois de Boulogne.
The United States Government on January 1st will owe
me 107 days holiday. I think I will take most of
them in the spring rather than excite Vandenberg
again by returning to see Anne for Christmas, and
joining the homeward flight of Bingham, Davies, et
al. I shall have Anne mount the SS EUROPA on De-
cember 16th and spend her Christmas holidays with
me here.
I understand that people in America are rather
excited because the French Government is digging
arms out of various cellars in Paris. No one here
is in the least excited. On my return from Warsaw
no one mentioned the matter to ne for forty-eight
hours. I finally began to consider this somewhat
peculiar and said to a lady at a ball at the Polish
Embassy that I wondered why this was SO. "Why", she
said, "ever since the 6th of February, 1934, everyone
in Paris has had a passion for collecting machine
guns!"
I talked with the Minister of the Interior and
the Chief of the Sûreté Générale today, and with
Chautemps, Delbos and Bonnet on the subject yesterday.
There
- 4 -
There wasn't a single one of them who had anything to
add to the lady's comment!
You will understand the French attitude; but I
can't imagine many other Americans comprehending it
in the least.
Blessings.
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
Bullett
EMBASSY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Paris, December 3, 1937.
Dear Miss Le Hand:
I am sending along with a friend of mine from
the office who is enroute to America an extra little
box of French soap which I think you will like. It's
a gift from me to you for Christmas and I think it's
enough soap to keep you clean for a long time provided
you don't begin doing the only thing which you aren't
doing as yet at the White House - that is, stoking the
White House furnaces!
We've had a very exciting week here with the French
getting back from London; Mr. and Mrs. Norman Davis both
111 on our hands - she has leucomia (sp.?) and he has a
bad bronchial cold. They're both much better today but
shouldn't be taking a boat train at 8:30 in the evening
in this damp, chilly climate. The newspapers from Calais
announce that Mr. Davies sneaked through France on his way
to London but he couldn't escape the press who got hot on
his trail and asked him when he expected to take charge
in London. Mrs. Davies' first daughter by her first husband
(she has three living husbands and we must keep them straight)
lives in Paris and is announcing semi-publicly that she will
be spending "a great deal of my time in London soon with
mother.
Did you know I tried to get you on the telephone on
Saturday afternoon, November 27th? Apparently, you had just
left for Florida or were helping the President get off to
Florida? The reason I called you was the following: The
Ambassador is completely run down and should have a vacation.
He is working much too intensely and much too hard and should
get away from here for real rest from time to time. He is
extremely popular here and is doing a swell job and, according
to Mr. Hull, Mr. Welles, Mr. Moore, etc. etc. is doing the
swellest job in the Service and in fact is the only man in
Europe today doing first-class reporting. In order to live
up to this reputation he is kept constantly on the go from
fourteen to eighteen hours a day and it's just too much.
I have tried to do all I could to get him to slow down some
but it's impossible so long as he stays in Paris.
Miss Marguerite A. Le Hand,
The White House,
Washington.
- 2 -
I also tried to persuade him to go home for Christmas
but he merely replied by saying that his work was in Paris
and he shouldn't be in America too often. So there you are.
Anne is coming over here instead.
I wish that someone, somehow would jump on his neck
and force him to slow down. I know Judge Moore has advised
him by letter time and again not to overwork himself but
letters don't seem to help. I hope, therefore, that you will
either persuade your Chief to mention this subject to him
sometime, or else speak to him about it when you see him
again. AND DON'T MENTION TO ANYONE THE FACT THAT I WROTE
YOU ON THIS SUBJECT.
With all good wishes for a very happy Christmas and
New Year, I remain,
Very sincerely yours,
C Office
PSF: France
Bullitt folder
file
Paris, December 7, 1937.
Personal and Confidential:
Dear Mr. President: n
I was distressed to read in the papers that you
had to break off your vacation on account of your
jaw. I hope to Heaven it is nothing serious and
that you will be in fine shape again soon. Whatever
the doctors say, don't let them begin to pull out
all your teeth. They pretend it is a simple matter;
but I know two people whose hearts have almost stopped
beating from the shock of having most of their teeth
pulled at once. Old Doctor Bullitt feels inclined to
come home and take care of you, and I hope you will
be able to let him know soon that you are not really
ill.
I can not tell you how delighted I was to get
the news of Hugh Wilson's appointment to Berlin. I
have felt like singing a TE DEUM LAUDAMUS.
As you will have gathered from the account of
the
The Honorable
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America,
The White House.
- 2 -
the conversations I had during a mere twenty-four
hours in Berlin, it is not difficult to establish
good conversational relations with the Nazi leaders,
and Hugh Wilson should be able to give you the same
sort of information from Berlin that I can send you
from Paris. His appointment at this moment is es-
pecially well-timed. The Germans are anxious to
get together with the French and the French are
even more anxious to get together with the Germans,
and Hugh and I, without seeming to move hand or
foot, ought to be able to pour a lot of useful oil
on the troubled waters. There are sufficient fa-
vorable elements in the present situation to make
it possible to hope that, if they are nurtured with
sufficient diplomatic skill, this coming summer may
mark not the beginning of the destruction of Europe
but the beginning of the construction of peace in
Europe. I don't say that the result will necessari-
ly be peace; but I do think that the chances for
peace in Europe are increased definitely by your
appointment of Hugh to Berlin, and I thank you pro-
foundly.
I hope that you will advise Hugh to pass through
Paris on his way to Berlin. The Germans will see
nothing out of the way in that and I shall arrange
for
- 3 -
for him to have long conversations with Chautemps,
Delbos and the rest. His interest to the leaders
in Berlin, indeed, will be considerably enhanced
by his stay in Paris. Twenty-four hours here will
be enough and there could be no possible criticism
of that.
I have telegraphed so fully this past week
that there is little to add. I think it might be
most useful if on any occasion when you see either
the German Ambassador or the French Chargé d'Af-
faires, you would say that you are delighted to
see that there has been an improvement in Franco-
German relations. The French care tremendously
about your opinion and the Germans care a lot also
because to them America represents the great question
mark. They are afraid that in spite of all our ef-
forts to remain out of the next war, we shall be
drawn into it as we were drawn into the last war.
They want tremendously to diminish the chance that
we may come in against them and, therefore, want to
improve their relations with us, not realizing that
diplomatic politeness would not affect our ultimate
action or inaction in any way. Their desire to im-
prove relations, however, may enable us to get out
of them a lot of things we want.
If
- 4 -
If and when you send Fred Sterling to Vienna
and are looking for someone to go to Latvia, you
could do a lot worse than to send John Wiley there
as Minister. There would be no point in having two
senior career men in Vienna, and Wiley would be
grand in Riga.
I have been interested in the past few days
to have both Stanley Hornbeck and Edgar Mowrer say
to me separately that Norman Davis had told them
that he was astonished that, when the Japanese
refused to come to Brussels, you had not taken an
extremely strong line of action against Japan, as
you had told him that you intended to do SO. You
will perceive, therefore, that his remarks to me,
which made me believe that the white charger was
standing at the White House door, were not isolated.
Just before Davis left Paris, he asked me my
opinion with regard to the following proposal: that
the United States, Great Britain and France should
agree never to recognize any territorial conquests
of Japan in China and never to permit any of their
institutions or nationals to make any loans to
Japan so long as Japan should remain in occupation
of Chinese territory.
I told Davis that before answering any such
question
- 5 -
question I should want to lie on my back and look
at the ceiling for a number of hours while imagining
all the possible consequences of such action. I
remarked, however, that one objection occurred to
me at once. The use of the words "ever" and "never"
should be prohibited in American diplomacy. This
applied especially to the Far East which is today
a focal point of international conflict. I still
believed, as I have for several years, that con-
flict between Japan and Russia is inevitable because
of the position of Vladivostok as the geographical
center of the Japanese Empire. I felt certain that
we have no vital interests in the Far East any more
than we have in Africa.
From me to you my opinion is this: we have
large emotional interests in China, small economic
interests, and no vital interests. The future is
obscure; so obscure that I can not help recalling
that the Kaiser persuaded T.R. to urge France to
accept a conference in the Moroccan affair of 1905
by the argument that the destruction of the German
Navy in a war would leave Great Britain and France
free to partition China!
By 1914 T.R. must have thought that his fears
about destruction of the German Navy leading to
partitioning
- 6 -
partitioning of China by Great Britain and France
had been a rather lousy basis on which to determine
policy.
There is no basis of policy more unreal or
disastrous than the apprehension of remote future
dangers. As our mutual friend, Euripides, wrote:
"There be many shapes of mystery,
And many things God brings to be;
Past hope or fear,
And the end men looked for cometh not,
And a path there is where no man thought,
So hath it happened here."
The far-off bugaboo of complete Japanese domina-
tion of Asia and an eventual attack on us seems to
me no basis' whatsoever for present-day policy. The
Japanese will have their hands full with China and
the Soviet Union and their one hope will be to avoid
war with us. I think, therefore, that for the fore-
seeable future we should watch events in the Far East
but not participate in them if we can avoid participa-
tion. It seems to me that we should at the moment
discourage any Americans from lending a penny to
Japan - provided any are so idiotic as to want to -
but I think our Government should do it on the quiet,
without making any. large announcements of policy or
giving any pledges to that effect to France or England
or anyone else.
I feel also that the more ships we add to our
Navy
- 7 -
Navy the better. If the Japanese try to keep pace
with our building it will diminish by just so much
their resources for the domination of China.
I had a visit this morning from a nervous
gentleman who obviously thought very well of himself.
He came in to say that he desired to make a visit to
the United States as a friendly gesture to you. He
wanted to tell you officially that he had no hard
feelings. He was the Mayor of Cannes! I sat firmly
on his head and sent him back to Cannes squashed.
Poor Johnny enabled him to get on the front page
and he would like to get back there again. As you
occasionally say, "Aren't human beings awful?"
I haven't seen your little friends, the Windsors,
for sometime but, from reports, I gather that they
are winning friends daily in Paris. The ladies of
France are captivated by the Duchess who dresses
better even than they do.
The old Deputy, Charles Baron, who called on
you to give you the portraits of Lafayette and the
Chevalier Bayard called on me today. In the customary
manner, you had reduced him to gasping admiration.
He said, however, that the Mayor of Grenoble was
becoming most impatient because he had not received
a
- 8 -
a letter of thanks for the portrait of Bayard. He
said that Chautemps, who has to receive a letter of
thanks for the portrait of Lafayette, would under-
stand any reasonable delay, but that the Mayor of
Grenoble felt that he had made a great gesture and
wanted some thanks quick. So please produce them.
Good luck for the tooth, Merry Xmas, a Happy
New Year and my love to you and all the family.
Bill
William C. Bullitt.
Bullitt Fik
PSF
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AMERICAN LEGATION
Vienna, December 21, 1937.
Dear Bill:
I return herewith the copy of your despatch
No. 1267 of November 25th, which I have gone over
carefully and with the greatest interest. The
statements of Beck, Neurath and especially Goering
are all smack down my alley. They confirm many
conjectures and substantiate our reports to a
gratifying degree. Indeed, the conversation with
Goering is a ten strike of monumental proportions.
1. Conversation with Sakoh.
I have always been impressed by Sakoh. Not
only have I never known him to lie but I have
found him independent in mind, communicative in
speech, and extremely well informed. His remarks
to you seem exceptionally interesting.
2. Conversation with Schacht.
Schacht's attitude towards Hitler and the
National Socialist Party seems to confirm current
reports. His theme song apparently remains
unchanged: economic concessions to Germany in the
vague hope of political appeasement.
3. Conversation with Beck.
Beck's statements confirm the impression gained
in Warsaw by Guido Schmidt during his visit there
in November that there had been no improvement in
Czech-Polish relations. Beck is a notorious liar and
I doubt whether he really believes that Germany's
The Honorable
William C. Bullitt,
American Ambassador,
Paris, France.
- 2 -
intentions in respect of Sudeten Germans are as
imminent as he suggested. However, Mussolini is
reliably reported to have made similar statements
to Stoyadinovitch in Rome and to have shown real
anxiety over the situation; so there may be some-
thing to it. My own impression is quite to the
contrary, namely that the Germans are turning off
the Nazi heat on both Hungary and Czechoslovakia
in order to concentrate pressure on Austria, and
that Goering wants the Anschluss by penetration
and manoeuvring; not by direct methods.
Beck sounded quite convincing, however, when
he declared that there would be no casus foederis
if France became involved in war with Germany
following the latter's intervention in Czechoslovakia.
On the contrary, there would be loud cheers. In
fact I think that Poland would weasel out of the
casus foederis with France irrespective of the
circumstances which France might be able to invoke.
Czech-Polish antipathy is probably one of the
outstanding negative successes of German policy.
Probably Beck will play fairly close to the
Germans in the hope of obtaining in anticipation
a prolongation of the ten year truce.
Beck's insistence that if Benes granted
concessions to the German minority, similar
concessions would have to be extended to the
Polish minority demonstrates the difficulty of the
situation for the Czech Government. Hungary, too,
would raise the same hue and cry. And finally, the
various minorities of Czechoslovakia all united on
a pro-German platform might wag the dog.
4. Conversation with Attolico.
That negotiations for a new Locarno should
require as a condition precedent the recognition of
Ethiopia and the "exception" of the Franco-Soviet
mutual assistance pact, makes difficult the approach;
particularly so since a colonial settlement with
Germany would seem to enter the picture with equal
force. There is a line in PARADISE LOST which
seems particularly pertinent to the Franco-Soviet
agreement: "Faith unfaithful shall keep them
falsely true."
- 3 -
It would be interesting to know still more
regarding the sincerity of Italian intentions
towards Spain. My feeling is that the Italians
will get out; that the Spaniards in the long run
would make it difficult, if not impossible, for them
to stay. The Italians, however, will very probably
seek concessions from France and England before they
evacuate their troops. Every additional item for
negotiation is another obstacle in the path of a
European settlement.
5. Conversation with Neurath.
Neurath's argumentation with regard to Franco-
German relations and a European settlement has the
same initial premise as that of Goering. Neurath
appears much more moderate and reasonable. Is he?
One might suspect that Neurath advocates a policy
of successful nibbling, without shocking sensibilities
by raising the spectre of Germany's eventual aims.
His point of view may be more astute tactically
than Goering's rather than essentially different.
One might infer from what Neurath said that
Germany would be quite satisfied if the Sudeten
Germans received Glechberechtigung and fair treatment
but not autonomy. It is not impossible that this
formula might be worked out and provide & temporary
détente. Hodza seems to recognize the need of
attempting to adjust the legitimate complaints of
the German minority. I am sure that Hodza has
been under considerable Austrian pressure in this
sense.
6. Conversation with Goering.
One could hardly ask for a more perfect
clarification of the position of Germany in Europe
than the one you elicited from Goering. It is a
historical statement. Clearly, Goering's
conception of a Franco-German rapprochement is
based on French acquiescence in yielding the
hegemony of Europe to the Reich. While the French
position has been progressively weakened since the
War, it is still too strong to suggest that the
danger of war in Europe could be averted on this
basis. It is German folly to expect the French
to yield to such an extent.
Perhaps the most significant admission elicited
- 4 -
from Goering was in respect of Anschluss: "The
German Government at the present time is not
pressing the matter because of certain momentary
political considerations, especially in its
relations with Italy." This clearly confirms
previous reports that both Mussolini and Ciano
have made it clear to Goering that Italian interest
in the maintenance of Austria's independence has
not been abandoned. I wonder what the implication
of "momentary" is? There is perhaps more possibility
of conflict than of cohesion in the long run in the
Rome-Berlin axis. This seems to be a period where
nations hate their enemies and mistrust their allies.
Goering, even more than Hitler, suffers from
nostalgia for all that was German Austria. Moreover,
he seems to inherit from his father an unhappy passion
for overseas colonies. I wonder, though, whether
his disavowal of any German desire to expand Eastward
truly reflects the German mentality. In my day
in Germany the thesis of "floating frontiers" was
widely indoctrinated. Personally, I very much
doubt whether Germany would ignore a favorable
opportunity, should there ever be one, to march
into the Soviet Union.
It is not impossible that both Neurath's
assurances in regard to the anti-Comintern pact
and Goering's disavowal of interest in the Ukraine
were an attempt to forestall the suspicion that
Germany planned concerted action with Japan.
Goering's statement that the Japanese campaign in
China was preliminary to her inevitable attack on
Russia was particularly frank and convincing.
The situation of Austria is desperate but I am
not sure that it is immediately serious. Austria
has waged every campaign on the basis of defensive
tactics. Her armies have rarely advanced
victoriously. But they have almost never retreated
in disorder. Politically, Austria's tactics are
defensive and they are not without a certain
resilience.
The present Austrian form of government is
not a benevolent despotism in the Greek sense.
It is amiably authoritarian. In my opinion, the
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Nazi menace within the country has been
considerably exaggerated. Numerically, the
Nazis are strong. Most of them, however, are
given to a diet of veal and pastry and a fondness
for light music. The percentage among them
with blood and iron in their souls is probably
not so very great. Supporting the Government
against the Nazis are many different elements:
the Catholics, the Jews, the ex-Social Democrats,
the ex-Communists; and, last but not least, the
Legitimists.
Once upon a time this part of Europe was
united against the Turks. Indeed, unity is
nearly always against something rather than for
something. In Austria this is the case. The
many discordant elements in Austria which
constitute the Patriotic Front on the whole seem
to be effectively cemented by their opposition
to the Nazis. In consequence, the danger of a
successful Nazi eruption from within seems remote.
Intervention from without would have to be based
on either the acquiescence of France or Italy
(despite the axis), or both, or run the risk of
war.
If Germany had maintained a constitutional
form of government and the identity of the
constituent states of the Reich, Austria, in my
opinion, would never have been able successfully
to resist the gravitational pull of Berlin. In
other words, Hitler and National Socialism have
retarded Anschluss. It is not impossible that
Italy will be the prime factor in its future
postponement.
From a military point of view, the position
of Germany is not believed to be quite as strong
as one might think. If Germany were to march,
it is foreseen that France might not attack.
Nevertheless, if the French manned the Maginot
line, the major part of the German army would be
glued to the West. Some optimists believe that
if Czechoslovakia were to receive aviation assistance
from outside, it would be anything but a parademarsch
for the Germans.
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The Germans have been much concerned over
alleged manoeuvres for the federation of Austria,
Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It is true that
great progress has been made in developing
solidarity and community of interest as between
Austria and Czechoslovakia and Austria and Hungary.
The differences and antipathy between Czechoslovakia
and Hungary have been too great to permit of any
real progress in closing the triangle. However,
if the Czech Government can devise some scheme to
appease the question of minorities, it is not
impossible that a fairly substantial improvement
in relations can be effected between Czechoslovakia
and Hungary.
I do not believe that the question is one of
immediate significance. My thesis is that the
situation in general has been developing along the
following lines:
The idea of either restoration in Austria
or a triple federation under Otto has been
definitely put to one side. Both Hitler and
Goering have made it perfectly clear that in an
attempt to restore the Hapsburgs, the Germans
would reach Vienna before Otto. Moreover,
Yugoslavia would also march, since it is clear
that with a Hapsburg on the throne in Austria,
Yugoslavia would have great trouble in holding
Catholic Croatia. In other words, an
attempt at restoration would probably involve a
general European conflict.
Also, Austria has embarked on an earnest
effort at rapprochement with the Little Entente,
which implies that Austria will follow a conciliatory
policy regarding restoration. Moreover, it is
not impossible that in the pursuit of his own
policy vis-a-vis the Little Entente, Mussolini has
made his political collaboration with Austria, which
I am sure goes much further than is generally known,
conditional on Schuschnigg's definite relegation of
the Legitimist cause to the remote and academic
future.
It seems probable that both Mussolini and the
Catholic Church view with positive but discreet
favor an eventual federation of Austria, Czecho-
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slovakia and Hungary along the lines of the Swiss
Confederation. To bring about agreement therefor
among the three states involved would be a long and
difficult process (probably impossible) and the
attitude of Germany would probably be as hostile and
impulsive as in the event of restoration.
What seems more likely is that solidarity
between the three countries will develop for the
present along less obvious and provocative lines.
The Belgian example in respect of neutrality has
been studied here with significant interest. And
it may be that the interests of these three
countries will gradually and unobtrusively become
so identified politically that without an overt
act some of the foreign political advantages of
confederation can be achieved without crossing
the t's or dotting the i's. Cohesion with the
Balkan Entente, which is an effective organization,
will probably be the keystone.
In connection with the Monarchist movement
there is, of course, some risk that there might be
a hair-brained coup. Reliable reports have it
that von Papen is concentrating on this. Apparently
he assures the Legitimists that he is ardently
monarchist and that if Otto goes on the throne
without French or British support or entanglement,
Hitler will acquiesce. The obvious explanation is
that von Papen is acting as agent provocateur in an
endeavor to furnish Germany with a pretext for
intervention. In any event, he is a dubious and
surreptitious citizen. It is to be hoped that
Otto has sufficiently good advice not to be
inveigled into something foolish by von Papen's
guile.
There is a report from a most knowledgable
source that Goering is attempting to take Guido
Schmidt into camp by obvious and direct means.
And, of course, Vespasian hit upon a great but
somber truth when he said "money don't stink."
Yours,
John