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President's Secretary's File (Franklin D. Roosevelt Administration)
Diplomatic Correspondence
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Argentina
IMMEDIATE RELEASE
JOINT STATEMENT BY president Roosevelt AND
AL BASSADOR Le BRETON
The conversations in which we have been engaged had as purpose
the fullest possible exchange of views and ideas between our two countries
upon the tasks that confront all countries at the coming Economic Con-
ference. They were inspired by the wish to examine all possible phases
of economic and monetary policy which by international action might
restore employment, improve prices and the turnover of trade, and aid in
the solution of financial and monetary difficulties. The exchange of
views was to prepare the way for action between all countries, and not
to lead at the moment to definite agreements.
The conversations have been characterized by the spirit of warm
friendship that has long existed between these two countries, and by the
quick and friendly understanding of each other's minds and spirit which
has grown up between the two countries whose history has made us neighbors
in mind and feeling.
We have joined in the realization that the gradual and simul-
taneous economic disarmament of the world is imperative, and the restora-
tion of stable monetary conditions. We have surveyed with a close
similarity of views and judgments the ways and means of bringing about an
increased movement of trade between the two countries and throughout the
world. We have entered into related questions of trade policy in which
the two governments have an important and immediate concern.
These conversations, we believe, will greatly help to forward
the common purposes that we have, and to prepare the way for undertakings
at the Economic Conference and the development of the mutual interests of
the two countries. In varn friendship we will continue to carry forward
this work.
A
w
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
ASSISTANT SECRETARY
March 16, 1935.
The Brazilian Ambassador states that Argentina and
Chile have suggested the following method of conciliation
which has been accepted by Paraguay and which has likewise
been accepted both by the Bolivian Government and by the
Bolivian General Staff, subject only to the suggestion
that the time fixed for the reaching of an agreement for
arbitration be slightly extended:
I The holding of an international conference of
neutrals to be composed of delegates of Argentina, Chile,
Peru, and Uruguay, to which would be invited Brazil and
the United States.
II Cessation of hostilities in accordance with
the terms of the League recommendations.
III Direct peace negotiations.
IV The signing of an arbitral submission in the
event that the two parties could not reach an agreement.
V If the conference should be unable to fix within
the period of one month the terms of the submission to
arbitration, it shall then establish the specific matters
to be determined by arbitration.
- 2 -
VI The two parties shall be enabled to make objec-
tions with regard to this latter decision but if the con-
ference should insist upon its point of view the arbitral
submission formulated by it shall have the same force as
if it had been formulated by the Paraguayan and Bolivian
plenipotentiaries and shall be submitted to the ratifica-
tion of the two respective congresses.
VII An investigation as to the responsibility for
the war.
VIII The holding of a conference in which the neigh-
boring states shall participate for the purpose of study-
ing the question of transportation between Bolivia and
Paraguay and the manner of stimulating commerce between
them.
I suggest that if the United States is officially
advised that both Paraguay and Bolivia have definitely
accepted the plan as outlined above, and if the League
officially takes action requesting the group of American
republics mentioned to endeavor to reach the agreement
proposed, that the United States then state that it will
be willing to cooperate with Argentina, Chile, Peru,
Uruguay, and Brazil in this method of conciliation.
it
A-W:SW:IJ
Summer Welles?)
pie
Rill
ligentina
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
January 27, 1936.
My dear Mr. President:
I am enclosing herewith a summary of the
interview given by the Argentine Foreign Min-
ister, Dr. Carlos Saavedra Lamas, to the United
Press on January 23. I referred to this inter-
view in my conversation with you this afternoon.
When you recall the open antagonism of
the Argentine Government and the hostility of
the same Argentine Foreign Minister to the
United States at the close of the Hoover Admin-
istration, I believe you will be gratified by
this unusually statement.
Visa Faithfully outspoken yours, Naths
The President,
The White House.
"President Roosevelt's policy of the 'good neighbor',
the most wise, the most prudent and the most sagacious
that the great Republic of the North has ever followed,
has assisted in converting the American continent into
one sole, moral and spiritual state," the Argentine
Foreign Minister, Dr. Carlos Saavedra Lamas, declared
today. "This policy," said the Foreign Minister in an
exclusive interview with the United Press, "has gained
the confidence of the twenty-one American Republics.
Pan-Americanism today is a bilateral link between the
Anglo-Saxon and the Latin worlds. For the first time
perhaps there exists a current of community of ideas
and sentiments flowing between Washington and Buenos
Aires, Rio de Janeiro, Santiago and Montevideo, without
suspicions and without ill-will. This birth of the united
Americas, coherent and coordinated, not as a formal
association, but as a definite entity of objectives,
conscience and tendencies," he added, "is called upon
to influence the economic, international, and social
destinies of the entire world."
his ml
THE AMERICAN EMBASS
BUENOS AIRES
Dear mr. President, -
Your visit here was a pride and joy to Alex
and to me and a benediction on your Embassy,- I
need not tell you what it has meant to Argentina!
Now that I have returned from seeing you sail
beyond my reach I realize how inadequate was the
little word I was able to say to you in the face
of the real bereavement which came to you here!
So now I hope this may carry to you some hint of
the sincere and tender sympathy I have for you in
the loss of this,- as in the loss of that other
great and dear friend I was in slight measure
privileged to share with you.
With Alex's and my deep affection and our re-
newed expressions of regret that Mrs. Roosevelt
was not with you here,
Ian
hleverdly yours
Virjima Chase Weddell.
December 2, 1936.
Conferencia Interamericana de
F. Engentives - 1936
Consolidación de la Tax
Buens aires
Dec 4: 1936
my dem m. President
It require mposible adiquately
to expose the far reaching Influence other 7 zour
prome observation I do not at Bronoo heactate area say that
countries. of I I may permit myself to purely
msit to augentime and # Th neghthoring a
were the ? my that I have for
the they days that you career
I then saw realized the dream visit
always held before me since all my the just to
distrust and suspices Inte jeople 7 this
aryntna in 1906, my to the feeling 8
Country transformed into earnot confidence desire and
friendship cambined with an
for fraternal corporation.
Furtherman gane mopring addroo at
the mangmal seasion 2 the Confernic has
stowch coactly the right note and send
Conferencia Interamericana de
Consolidación de la Pax
to strengthen the faith 7 this
Contront in constitutional printent and in
demecrate motitutions
These / wo who have the been labring for
many yours in furthing cause 7
Pan Americanism owe yan a deep left
of gontatude
I beg to remam, my dum Mr. President
day money grows
So-R2
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
February 17, 1937
My dear Mr. President:
Our Embassy in Buenos Aires has sent up
the editorials published in the Buenos Aires
press upon the occasion of your second inaug-
uration. I feel that these editorials are so
significant and so indicative of the effects
which your policy have had upon public opin-
ion in Argentina that I have had them trans-
lated and am enclosing them herewith in the
belief that you may wish to glance through
them.
Believe me
Faithfully D yours,
hills
The President,
The White House.
(Translation)
NOTICIAS GRAFICAS, January 19, 1936. [sic]
Roosevelt's Second Administration.
Tomorrow Franklin Delano Roosevelt opens his second
administration. The fact that there is no real change
in the executive authority of the United States has no
influence in this case in taking away any of the impor-
tance of the ceremony, which will not be one of trans-
fer of power, but of taking the oath. On the contrary,
the preparations that are being made insure unprece-
dented proportions for the ceremony, due more than any-
thing else to the support of the people, which promises
to be enthused as never before. And this is not without
reason. Roosevelt's administration has been far from
being just one more administration, performed peacefully
and bureaucratically, at a propitious period in which
the sole work of the ruler consists in not interfering
with the normal development of affairs. On the contrary,
it has fallen to his lot to act in perhaps the most dif-
ficult period in the history of his country, afflicted
by an unprecedented depression, troubled by dejection
and pessimism, its vitality dangerously impaired.
Roosevelt had to reshape everything, from the first hour
of his administration. The saving of the bankrupt banks,
the
-2-
the work offered to the unemployed, are splendid indices
and stages of his work. But that is not all. What
Roosevelt did was to mobilize the United States in a
vigorous crusade for optimism and the lost prosperity.
But not over the old roads, definitively blocked by
the rubbish of antiquated methods of government. New
ways had to be sought, and Roosevelt was able to find
them. He rehabilitated "the forgotten man", drew sup-
port from the people, turned his back on the gloomy
forces the predominance of which had carried the nation
to the brink of a catastrophe. He was a President whose
program of government has been one designed to bring to
his people more comfort and more happiness. In the dark
years through which the world is passing, the figure of
a statesman who sets himself such a goal stands out even
better. The dictatorships which oppress so many great
nations form a good background for Roosevelt, the chief
man of democracy in the world.
His work thus has a resonance that extends beyond
his country, the frontiers of which it passes. His
second administration is awaited with immense interest
not only in the United States but everywhere. There are
still resounding among us the echoes of his memorable
address at the opening of the Inter-American Conference,
in which the position of America is defined, and her
wish to strengthen the front of democracy and peace.
TR:
:IML
TRANSLATION
LA RAZON, January 20, 1937.
President Roosevelt's New Term.
On March 4, 1933, the multitude that witnessed the
swearing in of the new President of the United States of
America was apprehensive and anxious in mind, The im-
mense country of the North was on the brink of the abyss.
The most frightful economic and financial catastrophe ap-
peared inevitable. Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was the
new President, had to face, on the same day on which he
went to occupy the seat of Lincoln, the gravest problems
any President of that country had known, up till then, in
time of peace. A gloomy present and an uncertain future
weighed upon the throng which four years ago heard
Mr. Roosevelt pronounce, with a clear and firm voice, the
constitutional ritual formula of the oath.
Today the people are again congregating around the
simple wooden stand erected in the grounds of the Congress.
They will again hear the same words, uttered by the same
man. But of that lethal, asphyxiating, gloomy atmosphere
there remains only the memory. At the close of four years,
Mr. Roosevelt, beginning his second presidential term af-
ter a popular election amounting to an apotheosis, will
be able to tell his country that he has kept his promise.
The
-2-
The storm has been outridden. The depression was con-
quered. The nation has begun a new stage in its prodigious
progress.
But not in domestic matters only has the panorama
been transformed in the four years which will close today.
When Mr. Roosevelt swore to be faithful to the Constitu-
tion of his country, the Platt Amendment was weighing on
Cuba like a leaden plate, holding prisoner her sovereignty;
American troops were occupying various portions of the
Latin American continent, and a hostile and implacable
tariff policy was deepening old chasms between the great
nation of the North and the other American republics.
Today, those chasms have been filled up; no foreign sol-
dier treads any portion of the territory of a sovereign
American state; the Platt Amendment has been repealed;
the treaty with Panama has been replaced by another. The
old error which caused the 20 republics of the continent
to appear before the world as subjected to a degrading
guardianship has disappeared, and the United States came
to sit down with us, first at Montevideo and then at
Buenos Aires, as one more brother, as an equal, with no
more rights than the most modest of the nations of Central
America - with an open, cordial and sincerely friendly
mind. At last the American community had been established,
as
-3-
as it was dreamed of by Washington, San Martin, Bolivar
and Marti!
Such was the work accomplished in this first historic
term. Today the second one is beginning. The peoples of
America heard from the lips of the illustrious statesman,
from the high tribune afforded him by the Buenos Aires
Conference, his profession of faith in democracy, his un-
shakable adherence to the institutions which have made
the greatness of our continent. Under them, Mr. Roosevelt
proposes to keep on with the realization of his broad
program of progress and social justice. His dynamic will,
his political talent, the confidence of his people, the
esteem of the countries of the continent, the respect of
Europe, place in his hands implements favorable to the
victorious culmination of his gigantic task. Our fervent
wishes are that in this new term Mr. Roosevelt may carve
his definitive figure in the bronze that posterity will
cherish.
(Translation)
SOURCE: LA NACION,
January 20, 1936. [sic].
THE EXAMPLE OF THE UNITED STATES
Today Franklin D. Roosevelt begins his second presi-
dential term. Reelected by a huge majority of votes, the
eminent citizen finds himself in exceptional conditions
to continue to carry out his policy intended, at home, to
conjure away the ills accumulated during the world crisis,
and abroad, with respect to Latin America, to establish
confidence on the firm basis of the rules of a good
neighbor.
For us, as for many nations, the functioning of North
American institutions continues to be a matter worthy of
special attention because of the lessons it teaches. What-
ever may be the defects of detail that may be noted in the
mechanism, there is no doubt as to the respect for the es-
sential principles of democracy. The idea of winning a
triumph in the elections by methods not exactly identical
but indeed somewhat similar to those used, with some fre-
quency, among us, cannot arise in a nation in which one
does not conceive the possibility of denying civic rights.
Contributing to this result are certain conceptions of
governmental ethics which are carried out in reality in
the United States and in Argentina are often enunciated.
There, there is a reaction, more and more powerful, against
the false belief to which Mr. Roosevelt referred in his
address
-2-
address of March 4, 1933, that public offices and high
political places ought to be esteemed only for the per-
sonal vanity and benefit which they bestow. All the
practices urged by the men at the head are directed to-
wards extirpating abuses and obtaining the predominance
of justice and ethics. It is an effort to which are
pledged all the forces of the nation, not excepting the
political parties. Doctrinary controversy operates in
a world always prepared to that effect, because of the
existence of the conviction that a unanimity of opin-
ions is not possible and would not be desirable. Each
force takes its place in the struggle of ideas, and
does it in due time, without fear of the risk of losing
prospect of obtaining the positions which elsewhere are
sought by patient waiting, decided by the weight of
governmental factors.
While in the United States a new presidential term
is inaugurated in the above circumstances, in our coun-
try, where the elections for renewing the presidency are
only eight months away, symptoms are observed which are
not at all favorable to institutional normality. The
Province of Santa Fe, in which intervention has been in
effect since October, 1935, a lapse of time which re-
calls the personal interventions, points to one of the
weakest places in the policy of the Executive Power, con-
sidering
-3-
sidering the absence of any excuse for proceeding in
that manner. The numerous lawsuits for alleged cases
of disrespect, filed against newspaper men in the in-
terior, constitute a retrogression with respect to the
methods of the past, even the immediate past. The in-
ability in which the Chamber of Deputies of the Congress
saw itself last year to pronounce upon the credentials
derived from the fraudulent elections in the Province of
Buenos Aires is another sign revealing the lack of con-
stitutional regularity. At the same time, as if these
and other factors which might be mentioned were under-
mining confidence, a strange civic atony is observed.
Indeed, in spite of the space of only a few months which
separates us from the date of the elections, there is
not perceived in the parties the agitation which is a
precursor of the great decisions signified by the desig-
nation of the candidates. Public opinion, especially
the independent bulk, which counts large numbers, is not
informed of the proposals of the groups, nor can it be,
in view of the fact that within the membership of the
groups themselves they have not yet reached even the
prolegomena of the large assemblies. The truth is that
the party organizations, some due to their connection
with officialdom and others for reasons that, probably,
they consider useful for their purposes, maintain
silence,
-4-
silence, as if awaiting the decision of the Executive
Power before adopting the proper attitude, whether one
of opposition or adherence. While in the United States
the president fights for his reelection or carries on
propaganda for his party, and no one thinks about vote
frauds, among us the influence of the president continues
to be an element of incalculable value. In periods such
as the present all eyes are turned on the First Magistrate,
and among gossips the names are mentioned of the persons
who, according to the informers, are said to enjoy his
preference to receive the inheritance. The inexactitude
of which such versions may suffer is not a matter of mo-
ment; the important thing is the significance implied by
them, that is, the belief in the power of the president
to cast decisive weight in the solutions.
We still have a long way to go to extirpate improper
influences and electoral abuses. The country is still
under the impression of the omnipotence of the Federal
Executive Power, which intervenes in the provinces with-
out a law of Congress and which prolongs the interventions
beyond measure. The cases today are less numerous than
yesterday, but both the former and the latter contain the
germ of arbitrariness with a view to the elections. We
must not lose hopes for a definitive reaction. To secure
it, the effort of the political parties will, in the first
place,
- -5-
place, be necessary. Further, in contrast to this situ-
ation, reports are being received today on the inaugura-
tion of the new presidential term in the great democracy
of the North. They must serve as a stimulus in the work
which must be done.
TR: :IML
[COPY:EVB:SS]
[COMP Donk
EL MUNDO, January 20, 1937.
In His Second Administration Roosevelt Has
to Put His Experience to the Test to Over-
come Great and Profound Difficulties.
With the message that he will read before Congress
today, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt begins his second admin-
istration. The enormous mass of votes that carried him
to power must not be viewed merely as the triumph of a
party, nor as the triumph of a given policy. Rather than
the success of the Democratic Party or the policy of the
N.R.A., - expressions very clearly defined for the voting
public, - there triumphed in this case a man who embodied
as few have done the spirit of free institutions.
Mr. Roosevelt has been and is, to his fellow citizens,
the man who maintains his faith in democracy. When many
were straying, disillusioned, toward the formulas dictated
by the emergency and were finding salvation in systems
foreign to the American temperament, the President of the
Union asserted himself as a defender of liberties. At
another time, such an attitude would not have sufficed to
form a platform. At that time, it constituted a whole
program. There was no lack of critics of the politician,
the statesman and the ruler during his first administration
and after his reelection. But that was nothing more than
a
-2-
a lukewarm word for legalism, thrown out by the opposition.
Confronted with difficult situations, with no time for
consideration, with problems which appeared insoluble,
he alone could act. And Roosevelt "acted". His executive
temperament did not exceed the rights of the state and did
not sweep away the rights of the citizen.
The Last Hours of the Hoover Administration.
To get an understanding of the extent to which
Mr. Roosevelt had to carry his responsibility and proceed
as he did, we have only to recall the last hours of the
Hoover administration. On March 3, 1933 the banks suspended
operations. Terror invaded the Stock Exchange. The crisis
was precipitated, hundreds of credit institutions closed
their doors, and 25,000,000 unemployed (one-fifth of the
total population of the country) formed a true hunger
patrol round about the gloomiest scepticism. One day
later (the 4th), Roosevelt began his term. On the 9th he
addressed a message to Congress. The NEW YORK HERALD
TRIBUNE, which had been characterized by its firm opposi-
tion to the candidate, had to acknowledge that the country
was in firm hands. "Our first task", said Roosevelt, "1s
to re-open all the banks in sound financial condition".
There was no time to lose. He asked for full powers to
alleviate the financial situation. Twenty-four hours
later
-3-
later he again repeated the same request to alleviate
the situation of the people. Thus was born the much dis-
cussed "New Deal". Whatever its results may have been,
it 1s certain that it raised the morale of the profoundly
discouraged people. More work. Shorter hours. Was that
not planned economy? Yes; it was planned economy, if you
wish, but it was also the beginning of a fight against the
commercial monopolies and the financial consortiums that
had brought the country to that deadfall. Whatever it may
have been, it was democracy, because it was "controlled"
to favor the greatest number and to limit the power of
money, increasing the power of the government which watched
over the life of the citizen.
Facing the Elections; The Opposition with Landon.
The election campaign assumed in 1936 the character-
istics of a violent passion (as was not the case in 1932),
and the opposition sought in Landon the man who, in the
trend of his ideas, was further away from Roosevelt than
any other in the Union. The Republicans accused the
Democratic candidate of the exorbitance of expenditures,
of the lack of a real plan in public works, of having
utilized public moneys with a strong demagogic tendency
in order to keep in touch with the man in the street,
and, without denying what he had done to change the "tone"
of
-4-
of the nation, they accused him of having done nothing to
lower the deficit in the budget. And his defense at
Pittsburgh did not hit the target. It appeared that he
was not replying to all the criticisms. He had, it is
true, spent 1,500,000,000 dollars, but aside from the pay-
ment to the veterans, he likewise provided for unemploy-
ment with the groups of the Civilian Conservation Corps
(ccc) and with public works so echelonned as to provide
for prosperity. Some of those criticisms were, legally
speaking, sound. The financiers could ask him for a
balance of the budget; the parliamentarians for respect
for the laws of the land, the defense of which had been
assumed by the Supreme Court; the merchants and manufac-
turers for the removal of the heavy burden of taxation;
and all who felt a certain optimism, as they had once be-
fore been led to disaster under the standard of the same
word: PROSPERITY. But, and in general, had not Roosevelt
been successful? This question was put to himself by the
voter more than once, and when he wished to give himself
the same confidence, he thought again of the confidence
and optimism of Mr. Roosevelt.
Organized Prosperity versus Organized Money
Roosevelt has today an authority that he did not
possess in 1932. For the time being, a majority of over
9,000,000
-5-
9,000,000 votes gives his former work an "O.K." that
nobody can deny and that stimulates him to keep on with
executive methods. It is to be believed that from the
point of view of a program of government his second admin-
istration will be nothing more than a continuation of the
first one. But with some limitations. In the first place,
it is very difficult for him to come into conflict with
the Supreme Court, as in the preceding term. The Democratic
platform binds the President "to maintain the letter and the
spirit of the Constitution". But he has his own ideas
about the Constitution. He believes that the Constitution
of the eighteenth century is not entirely well adapted to
the United States of today. At least he has said 80, It
does not speak at all of the protection of the family and
the home, and neither has it contemplated aid to those
struck down by misfortune. Perhaps this may bring about
a constitutional amendment, and this too would presage dif-
ficulties raised by the conservative elements. But as the
Democratic Party also obligates him to fight against "the
practices of unfair businesses", it would not be hard for
him to ask for greater power for the government along those
lines. His idea 1s: organized prosperity versus organized
money.
The
-6-
The Increase of the Public Debt.
Nothing causes it to be believed that the debts are
diminishing. Mr. Roosevelt 1s facing his second adminis-
tration, more and more persistent in furnishing "aid to
the unemployed" and a "subsidy to the farmers". This will
demand huge sums. It will require new taxes. The most
unbiased commentators maintain that Roosevelt has been
able to postpone that increase until after his reelection,
but that he can not let much time go by without having re-
course to new taxes if he wishes to render the life of the
administration easier. The United States believes in
Roosevelt. But while some consider that his political
adroitness will come out triumphant, others think that it
will fail, defeated by the weight of the very difficulties
born of those solutions which he gave the country during
his previous administration. However, the country's pros-
pects are good. Although there is a national debt of
more than $33,000,000,000, there is confidence in business,
and the number of unemployed varies from 8,000,000 to
11,000,000 persons, a figure that is still high, but that,
if compared with the figures for 1932, gives a true indica-
tion that the nation has been improving. Roosevelt 1s a
guarantee of liberalism in foreign trade policy, and the
countries of America are bound to benefit, without doubt,
from
-7-
from the interchange of goods.
Transcendent Importance of the New Deal.
In the meantime we can only follow the New Deal with
interest. Roosevelt has believed in democracy and 1s the
work of democracy. Democracy has again brought him into
power. If he succeeds in conquering the difficulties,
undoubtedly numerous, that beset him, if he succeeds in
creating a new mysticism around labor and in overcoming
the obstacles which capital sets before him, if he can
develop a course of action on the basis of the old formula
of liberalism, to broaden the possibilities of the individual
and at the same time render the government effective; if
he succeeds in turning his "good neighbor policy" to advan-
tage and in maintaining internal order, as he has done 80
far; if he can free his country of the conflicts which are
darkening distant horizons and can give a precious meaning
to peace, which he 80 frequently has invoked as necessary
to the progress of nations, then he will not merely have
made a good administration. He will have given the world
a lesson beyond price.
Copy: FMC/SS
Comp: V.AS.
SOURCE: LA VANGUARDIA
January 20, 1936 [sic]
ROOSEVELT'S SECOND TERM
Today Franklin Delano Roosevelt begins his second
presidential term, having been elected by an enormous
majority in the election of November 3, 1936, as the Democratic
candidate.
The triumph of the citizens who today will read his
presidential message was greeted in the whole world as the
triumph of democracy. In this sense we also gave him our
applause on his reelection.
Franklin Roosevelt began his first presidential term
when his country and the world were passing through an
acute economic crisis. He developed a policy directed to
the purpose of minimizing the effects of that situation, at
least in the United States. But his work met with the
obstacles which vested interests brought up against him
under the economic system prevailing. Likewise the great
mass of the citizens and the country saw in that effort an
augury of better days and repeated the expression of their
confidence in him. There is no doubt that Roosevelt will
continue that policy, as he has promised in his program.
But perhaps he will meet with serious difficulties to over-
come. The depression crisis has not been overcome. The
deficit
-2-
deficit in the Federal budget is large, precisely because
of the expenses occasioned by the policy of economic restora-
tion. And furthermore, notwithstanding the creed of peace
set forth by Roosevelt, the military expenses of the Union
continue to increase.
Roosevelt's rise to the first magistracy of the United
States for the second term can be considered an auspicious
event in the present situation of the world because he is
an ardent partisan of various measures for the rapproche-
ment of the peoples and a greater mutual knowledge between
them. In the midst of the nationalist and protectionist
madness of the hour Roosevelt and his party proclaim and
endeavor to carry out a broad program of free trade. This
is an attitude of a peace-making character because it is
conducive to softening the relations from nation to nation.
In short, Roosevelt is a defender of democracy. This
is a merit in the present international situation of the
world when extremist tendencies are struggling to impose
themselves, with contempt for the individual rights which
are considered as the most precious conquests of civiliza-
tion.
In resume, in view of the importance of the North
American people in the economic and political relations
of the nations, considering its possible weight as a
factor
-3-
factor for peace within the framework of the defective system
of capitalistic production, it 1s a favorable symptom that
the chief magistracy of the United States should be taken
by & citizen inspired by really democratic principles.
As for the rest, the Socialist party of North America,
which takes part in political struggles with a well-defined
platform, defends the interests of the working class and
constantly brings out the defects of the policy of the
government.
TR:VIC:SS
[COPY: GAL:SS]
[COMP: Eas
SOURCE: LA CRITICA
January 20, 1936 (sic)
ROOSEVELT AGAIN OCCUPIES THE SEAT OF WASHINGTON
In the presence of an immense multitude coming
from all the corners of the enormous territory of the
United States, Mr. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the great
democrat, today again took the oath of office and assumed
the position of President of the United States. His
remaining as the first magistrate of the great nation
has the meaning not only of the ratification of the
confidence, on the part of his people, in his great
gifts as a statesman, but also what is more important,
that of a reaffirmation of democratic principles.
Mr. Roosevelt's reelection most of all meant that.
It was an act of faith of the North American people
in the principles and the doctrine which constitute
the spinal cord of democracy.
The political career of the great magistrate who
visited our country a short time ago and his public life
are nothing but an uninterrupted consecration to demo-
cratic principles. Very clearly did he in the presence
of the enthusiasm of the immense majority of Argentine
citizens proclaim his attachment to democracy at the
opening
-2-
opening act of the American Conference for the Maintenance
of Peace. Nations must govern themselves by the will
of their peoples freely expressed. Democracy 1s the sole
guarantee of domestic peace and of concord between the
nations. It 1s necessary that peoples and those who
govern them should understand that. The path of humanity
towards the happiness to which it has a right is possible
only through the quiet channels of democracy. Such summed
up in a few words, are the principles maintained by
Mr. Roosevelt.
Clear it is that that work is not terminated. Four
years are too short a period of time to complete the
solutions required by the complex political economy and
social architecture of a great nation. But this very
circumstance is one which that people has not failed
to take into account, when it first ratified the conduct
of a government which was without spot. Unemployment
has not disappeared from the United States. But out of
the fifteen millions of persons out of work who were
falling upon the national economy with the deadweight
of their necessity and unproductivity, about half had
been incorporated in the process of production. That
is a consequence of the liberal, realistic and able
policy
-3-
policy of President Roosevelt.
But more important than all these considerations
1s the indisputable fact that what shines in Mr. Roosevelt's
high personality, what stands out in the happy harmony
of his exceptional gifts for governing, is his human and
democratic character, the character of a citizen respect-
ful of the rights of his fellow citizens and of the rights
and duties of his people. The magistrate on whom there
falls no shadow of a transgression of the laws of his
native land, the magistrate who with equanimity and calm
presided over the impeccable elections in which his own
candidacy was at stake, who repeated with a quiet voice,
without any doubt whatever, the sober, sacramental,
beautiful and austere formula of the constitutional
oath of President of the United States:
"I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute
the office of President of the United States, and will
to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend
the Constitution of the United States".
TR:VIC:GAL:SS
TRANSLATION
SOURCE: LA FRONDA
January 20, 1936 [sic]
ROOSEVELT
The man of the thousand smiles will occupy today for
the second time the presidency of the United States. Or
rather, he will continue to occupy the White House, which
he entered with a dash and vigor which few chief magis-
trates of the Union have been able to maintain in admin-
istration with the same intensity as in those formidable
election campaigns a la Yankee. Roosevelt initiated his
first presidential term with a revolution both in the
system and in the details. As Hickes [sic]--one of his
ex-ministers--has said, he attacked the party bureau-
cratic obligations in small matters; and with a stroke
of the pen, within a few days after assuming his office,
he provided that several hundreds of millions of dollars
should be spent on public works in order to remedy un-
employment. No man, in six years, has stirred up in our
times a greater agitation. On the edge of bankruptcy, the
land of dollars found its man. A man who is 111 from the
physical standpoint but with a mental and spiritual health
above any weakness. The "New Deal", applauded and
combatted; the "Agricultural Act" which unloosed a tempest
of diatribe and eulogy; the whole series of measures of
foreign
-2-
foreign policy, show that Franklin D. Roosevelt was not--
not only an ordinary man--one president more, but a
fighter, responsible, almost heroic, in his boldness.
Reports from the United States now say that all the nerves
of the nation felt a thrill when that urge of excitement
unexpectedly shook them. And in a short time his figure,
if not his work (which was debated), gained for him among
his people the place which the Yankees reserve for those
who appear a little like Lincoln in the affection for his
native land.
Others have told what reasons moved the Americans
to vote for Roosevelt for the second time. Among all
those reasons, an observer of weight preferred the opinion
that Roosevelt gained for himself the personal gratitude
of each one of his voters. That observer said it almost
contemptuously. But in the case of a people like that,
one can never forget the mass. Roosevelt has favored the
latter in its fundamental necessities, and it has carried
him to the White House because his presence there seemed
urgent to it as one more necessity. The man of the
thousand smiles, agreeable to the Argentinians who received
him very recently with the hospitality and rejoicing with
which those who accomplish something are honored, will
ascend the slopes of the Capitol with the same simplicity
that we saw in him during the few hours of his visit.
And
-3-
And this very night, in order to confirm what we know of
his first term as President, he will work ten consecutive
hours for the good of his people. It is the general
impression that Roosevelt's day is about 18 hours of
intense labor. It is possible that not otherwise could
that man, who is almost an invalid, reach the frieze of
heroic figures in which appear the great statesmen of the
world.
TR:VIC:AR:SS
Translation
NOTICIAS GRAFICAS, January 21, 1937.
Roosevelt's Speech.
The speech that President Roosevelt was to make at
the opening of his second term of office was awaited with
profound interest. It cannot be said that his words did
not meet the general expectation. On the contrary, it
was fully satisfied by the firm ideas and the human
accent that once more characterized the address of the
mandatary of the United States.
Roosevelt alluded very briefly to the immense task
performed during the first four years of his administra-
tion, in which "he endeavored to settle, for the individual,
the ever increasing problems of the complex of civilization".
The President then explained that from the first moment he
had "the feeling of the truth that a democratic government
has an innate capacity to protect the people from the dis-
asters which in other times were considered inevitable".
His profession of faith in democracy 1s well known, and
Roosevelt availed himself of the solemn occasion to re-
affirm it with his well known sincerity and vigor. His
whole speech 1s, in reality, nothing more than the ex-
pression of his confidence in the democratic system, under
which the individual may attain happiness and the nation
economic well-being. Referring to all these aspects of
the
-2-
the broad question, Roosevelt wished to leave well es-
tablished in each of them the endless possibilities of
democracy, under the principles of which he fought the
great battle the results of which are evident. So he
said categorically: "The essential democracy of the
Nation and the security of the people do not depend on the
absence of a power, but on giving it to those whom the
people can change or can continue to support, at fixed
intervals, by means of an honest and free system of
elections. It cannot cause any surprise that he believed
it necessary to refer to the purity of the suffrage, the
basis and essence of all authentic democracy. Roosevelt
knows well that without a vote given freely the Constitu-
tion and its system are only a myth.
From his whole speech this great lesson stands out:
all the good that man needs can be obtained under an
authentic democratic system, despite the pretexts which
the partisans of dictatorships find to justify themselves,
alleging the advantage of granting all-embracing powers to
a single man through the citation of dubious political or
human needs.
We have said before that Roosevelt spoke little of
what has been done already. He took much more time when
he referred, in general terms, to what was still to be
done. He followed in that part that tone of irresistible
force and conviction that always flows from his discourses,
in
-3-
in which there is no room for the commonplace. He out-
lined visible evils, and expressed his purpose of attack-
ing them. "I am not painting this picture with despair,
but with hope, because the Nation, which sees and under-
stands injustice, proposes to obliterate 1t", he said.
And he closed with these words, which summarize his ideas
and his proposals: "The Government is competent when
all those composing it work as trustees for the whole
people; it can make constant progress when it keeps it-
self informed on all facts".
[COPY: EJF: SS]
[COMP. His
SOURCE: LA CRITICA
January 21, 1937.
Roosevelt's Word Has Spread to All the Latitudes of the Planet
There is no ruler, there is no citizen in the world
who at this hour does not know that powerful hymn to
democracy and that vigorous attack on social injustice
which appeared in the speech which was delivered at Wash-
ington yesterday by this, the chief figure of contemporary
politics.
At a time when the maddened world of the dictators is
full of audacity and aggressiveness, Roosevelt, with this
historical speech, has set the antithesis of doctrines
before the court of the world. Seldom has a leader of
democracy spoken with more clearness, with more courage.
The truth is that as soon as Roosevelt spoke the concep-
tion of democracy rose in the whole world and lost that
vacillation and decline, a mixture of submission and resig-
nation, which certain contemporary figures had given it.
Roosevelt is teaching the world how democracy, in order
not to be drowned by fascism and the dictatorships, must
assume 8. fighting attitude and a militant activity.
Exactly: the skepticism which at certain moments appeared,
spiritually, in the world regarding democratic efficiency
and regarding any reason for its survival, was largely
caused by the contemplative policy, by the vacillations
betraying a lack of will, of those who having the duty of
confronting
-2-
confronting efforts and holding them back do not know how
to assume in time a worthy attitude. In the present real
crisis of character, fascism carried to the extreme the
note of its audacity and the Hitlers and the Mussolinis
multiply the insanity of their gestures and their inten-
tions. Fortunately for the world, the mere moral value of
the word of a Roosevelt and the factual proof of heroism
offered to us by the simple workmen of Spain, are build-
ing up a defense. Now even an Eden, a master of vacillation,
knows how to assume a firm attitude and to deliver categorical
words in the face of the boasting of the Duce as is shown by
his speech of day before yesterday.
Roosevelt has explained how the government of democracy,
while respecting all liberties of doctrines, can energetically
carry out its rôle.
In view of the real juridical mandate which was the
meaning of the vote which endorsed him four years ago,
Roosevelt, with a firm hand checked speculation, drowned out
plutocratic representatives, attacked exclusive privileges
and demonstrated that there is no need of dictatorships
and subjects of a Caesar to transform a regime and the
traditional panorama of a. country. The Constitutionalist
system -- as the great statesmen so clearly says - instead
of rendering democracies impotent, invigorates them if
action is taken with a passion for the public welfare and
the
the autocratic interests of private springs of action
are placed at the service of all. It is with reason
that Roosevelt declares with pride that his administration
broke the legend of the invincibility of certain interests.
As no one will fail to understand the reference is to
plutocracy and privilege.
But Roosevelt's speech is great and of outstanding
importance not only because of its democratic significance,
because of what it means a.s an antithetical voice against
the wildness of fascism but also because the courage which
it shows in its reference to social justice. Here is the
great socialist word which has in these hours been heard
in the world from a man who is not of the socialist party.
Without bigotedly attaching himself to a specific doctrine,
Roosevelt has labored and will labor during these coming
four years for a better world. He wishes to see the 130
millions of beings who constitute the population of his
native land blessed with the benefits of a better standard
of life and there is a real sadness, there is in his speech
a tone of deep bitterness which for a long time past has
not been heard from a men of his rank.
At a time when we still fell the unforgettable emotion
we experienced at his great speech forty days ago, this
new speech by Roosevelt, delivered at Washington and sent
over the radio to the whole world, proves to us that the
great
-4-
great citizen who was our guest has the right to display
the rank of leader of world democracy. Everything joins
in him to prevent any dispute a.s to his right to that
eminent rank. His talent, the passion of citizenship
which he puts into his words, the generous aim for social
justice which he today shows in his actions, and above
all, that militant energy which he furnishes to democracy
in its struggle against fascism. His resounding speech
of yesterday shows that in Roosevelt democracy has a
formidable builder and a luminous maker of orientations.
TR: VIC: EJF: SS
COPY: EH: SS]
COMP: Jelf
LA RAZON, January 21, 1937.
A Speech of Full Reaffirmation.
A summary of Roosevelt's splendid address, upon
beginning yesterday the second term of his administration,
can be given in a few words: reaffirmation of the policy
followed up to the present. Experience, far from sug-
gesting to him a correction in his courses, indicates the
maintenance of his former judgment. It does not seem
necessary to recall that when that man of extraordinary
faith and rugged character assumed power with immense
responsibilities, the United States was passing, economical-
ly and socially, through one of the deepest depressions
ever known in what had been the classic country of pros-
perity; nor is it necessary to repeat that his revolution-
ary ideas encountered bitter opposition on the part of
those who believe that the best art of governing is that
displayed by a minimum of state action. Like Lenin,
Mussolini and Hitler, Roosevelt accomplished a real revo-
lution in business, in finance and in social matters,
bringing planned or controlled economy into a field hereto-
fore unsuspected in the magnificent nation of the North,
which was built on the basis of individualism. For that
reason the Supreme Court of Justice, on more than one
occasion,
-2-
occasion, had to annul some of his decisions, based on
principles contrary to the old Constitution which, as is
well known, was the model for our Constitution of 1853.
While the speech We are discussing introduces a
ratification of all of his former policy, it likewise
contains pleasing promises for the future of America.
His "good neighbor policy", to which reference is made
a.8 a standard to be followed, had the virtue of dispelling
the not unfounded distrust with which the American conti-
nent viewed the foreign advances of the White House.
Cuba, Venezuela and Mexico felt on more than one occasion
the weight of Washington, which was contemplated with
fear by the countries on the Pacific and the Atlantic.
From the first days of his first term, Roosevelt dispelled
those expressions of a new Monroeism and won at one stroke
the full good will of all America. If that policy of
Americanism needed a cement, it found it in the Buenos
Aires Conference, which has already won a place in the
history of the fundamental ideology of our continent.
With an ideological climate such as has just been created
(and it would be unjust to forget the Argentine efforts
in that direction), much can now be hoped in the near
future in the way of a great increment of intellectual
and commercial intercourse. The fair illusion of yesterday
is
-3-
is on the way to being converted into the beautiful reality
of tomorrow, and our country made a good contribution
towards this pleasing transformation.
Roosevelt also reaffirms his faith and hope in de-
mocracy. That is explained, among other reasons, by the
noble way in which it is being developed there. Its basic
and largely traditional parties respond to principles and
ideas that are their creed and dogma. They have at their
head men who are conscious of the immense responsibility
that attends the leaders. They cooperate towards the
common good, without other aspiration than that of the
boundless progress of the nation, and log-rolling and
plots to further purely personal interests are alien to
their practices. Democracy, thus understood and thus
applied, constantly improved, is bound to merit the
eulogies which Roosevelt has just devoted to it in his
speech, repeating his former opinions on this system of
government, anchored for centuries in the Constitution
of that country.
In general outline, such are the ideas contained in
the speech with which the second book of his presidential
work begins. It was awaited eagerly, and its content has
not disappointed expectations. The whole world, which
has been watching the United States for some time, will
receive
-4-
receive it with applause. Argentina, bound more than ever
to that great country by ties of all kinds, expresses her
wishes that increasing prosperity may attend this second
administration of Roosevelt, the man with a character of
iron and of a faith without bounds.
(Translation)
SOURCE: LA NACION,
January 22, 1936 [sic].
President Roosevelt's Ideas.
In the address delivered by Franklin D. Roosevelt
on taking his oath of office, on the occasion of the
inauguration of the new presidential term, the ideas are
summarized which he set forth on many occasions and which
gave him such undeniable popularity in the United States.
They are, in substance, the democratic principles which
he raised in his propaganda to the level of politico-
social ideology and which revealed to his fellow citizens
that this man, this leader of opinion, in spite of his
using a language of current formulae, brought to the
country no routine spirit but a disciplined will to ao-
complish a work of transformation. On their face, his
declarations did not differ from those which North Amer-
ican politicians invested with the responsibility of
government have been making and are accustomed to make,
since none of them, whatever his party, would profess
tenets contrary to democracy or ignore the existence of
urgent problems relating to the needy masses. Neverthe-
less, Mr. Roosevelt's words have for everyone a more
profound meaning and at the same time a more specific
meaning. His democratic sentiment and his interpreta-
tion of the means that it offers are not confined solely
to
-2-
to the exaltation of a system which assures to the indi-
vidual the enjoyment of liberty and the protection of
undeniable rights; in addition to this they represent a
pliable and strong instrument to work for the effective
improvement of the moral conditions and the real situa-
tion of people, since the life of a nation is not limited
to expecting good administration and scrupulous applica-
tion of the laws; it includes the solving of serious,
difficult and dangerous problems which are connected with
the well being which is the due of each person, with his
proper place in society, with his demands for justice.
What Mr. Roosevelt calls in his address "the ever increas-
ing problem of the complexity of civilization", which in-
cludes economy, the distribution of wealth, the spread of
employment, the gradual lifting of living standards, the
diffusion of the means of progress, whose influence con-
tinuously determines advances and backsets in the world,
must be for the modern ruler a systematic preoccupation
and a program in the government of the state. And only
the methods whereby the people changes or confirms the
men who are to govern it, are the ones having efficacy to
raise and settle those problems, or in other words those
which best serve that which constitutes the "complexity
of civilization". Making use of them in the course of
four years, Mr. Roosevelt's administration was able to
establish
-3-
establish a control over blind economic forces and
haughty selfishness and protect the nation against the
disasters which elsewhere are considered inevitable by
anti-democratic pessimism. During this period of
fruitful trials those who believe themselves above the
democratic government of the community were put to rout.
"They have been defied and defeated", Mr. Roosevelt says.
He began to govern at the worst moment of the
economic depression; but the work of reconstruction, of
reviving creative energy, is not confined to the recovery
of prosperity: upon the old foundation it is necessary to
build a stronger and more ample edifice with "new mater-
ials" demanded by "a new order", based on social justice.
The increase in production, facilitated by a richly en-
dowed nature, can thuse be translated into the extension
of human comforts, be expressed in advantages which go
beyond the mere requirements of subsistence. There are
in the United States millions of inhabitants who do not
have what is an indispensable necessity, who suffer from
want, and this indigence, this form of lack of balance
or injustice must call for experiments, and constant ef-
fors to find the remedy, to suppress this poverty and
attain to standards of social justice, which democratic
procedure may bring, because this progressive perfecti-
bility is a condition of democracy, inasmuch as a nation
which
-4-
which sees and understands those phenomena of inequality
tends to eliminate them. If we interpret Mr. Roosevelt
exactly, his doctrine of government of the people 1s
based on an aspiration toward unceasing social perfection.
He has demonstrated the sincerity and efficiency with
which he can apply his ideas, and this firmness of
character and this clarity of intelligence in action en-
hance the prestige with which now he once more assumes
the destinies of the great Republic of America. He pre-
sents himself before the nations with the authority of
the statesman who is accomplishing his thought without
dissimulating itand without belittling it through momen-
tary weaknesses or useless violences.
TR:
:IML
Embajada
de la
República Argentina
Octubre 6 de 1937.
Agradeceré a V.E. se sirva expresar al
Excmo. Señor Presidente Roosevelt nuestra adhesion
a las nobles manifestaciones que acaba de realizar
con tan admirable oportunidad que confirman la fé
en el imperio que alcanzarán en definitiva la jus-
ticia y el derecho de que es ilustre exponente.
Nos es grata la coincidencia de sus
trascendentes declaraciones con el voto unánime
de la Asamblea de la Sociedad de las Naciones que
acaba de consagrar la posibilidad, en ciertos
casos, de una cooperación universal en el afianza-
miento de la Paz respondiendo a los grandes pos-
tulados que se consagraron en la Conferencia de
Buenos Aires bajo su alta inspiración e iniciativa.
Embajada
de la
República Argentina
October 6, 1937.
I shall be grateful if you will be good
enough to convey to His Excellency, President
Roosevelt, our adhesion to his noble declaration
recently made at such an admirably opportune
moment which confirms faith in the ultimate reign
of justice and right of which he is an illustrious
exponent.
We are pleased at the coincidence of his
transcendental statements with the unanimous vote
of the Assembly of the League of Nations which has
just made manifest the possibility in certain
cases of world-wide cooperation in the affirmation
of peace, responding to the great postulates
consecrated at the Conference of Buenos Aires
upon his initiative and under his lofty inspiration.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Hyde Park, N. Y.,
October 16, 1937.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
It is entirely agreeable to
me that President-elect Ortiz should
come here, and I take it that, as
his Inauguration is on February 20th,
he will be in Washington prior to
the first of February. Go ahead with
the arrangements.
Be sure to check with White
House Social Bureau which has already
prepared program of receptions and
dinners at White House for coming
season.
F. D. R.
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
October 15, 1937
My dear Mr. President:
Espil had dinner with me alone last night
and in the course of our talk he told me that
he had learned from the Associated Press that
Dr. Ortiz, the President-elect of Argentina,
had actually said to the press correspondents
that he hoped before his inauguration on Feb-
ruary 20 next to visit the United States.
Under the Argentine Constitution Dr. Ortiz
will be considered officially the President-
elect after the college of electors ratifies
his election, and this is scheduled to take
place on October 20.
I think it would be a singularly helpful
thing--particularly in view of our recent
The President,
The White House.
flurry with Argentina-if Dr. Ortiz did visit
the United States before his inauguration, and
I consequently wish to know if you will author-
ize me to instruct Weddell to take an early
opportunity of telling Dr. Ortiz that he has
been instructed by you to let the President-
elect know personally that you will be partic-
ularly happy if he finds it possible to make
this visit. I am hoping that the preliminary
conversations for the trade agreement will com-
mence within the next two or three weeks and if
Dr. Ortiz's visit coincided with the announce-
ment on the part of the two Governments that
the trade agreement was to be negotiated, it
would probably make the President-elect partic-
ularly happy since it would enhance his own
prestige at home.
Will you let me know what your wishes
may be.
Believe me
Faithfully 115 yours,
Halls
fund
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
October 18, 1937.
My dear Mr. President:
Spruille Braden has sent me with a personal
letter a copy of a letter which he received under
date former of President October 8th of Argentina from Dr. Marcelo and the de defeated Alvear, erong-
candidate in the recent elections for the presi-
dency. I think you may find this expression of
opinion of the leader of the great Radical Party
in Argentina gratifying to you.
Believe me
Faithfully 114 yours, halls
Enc.
The President,
The White House.
TRANSLATION
Buenos Aires, October 8, 1937.
Mr. Spruille Braden,
CAPITAL.
Distinguished Ambassador and esteemed friend:
I feel the need of expressing to the worthy rep-
resentative of the great North American Republic my
congratulations for the clear expression, the lofty
thought and the rigorous morality of its great Presi-
dent, all of which have been clearly brought out in
the address delivered in Chicago.
All you Americans and especially you diplomatic
representatives who have a direct contact with the
Government of your country should be proud of the
great President whom your noble and glorious country
has the good luck to possess.
Very cordially yours,
M. T. de ALVEAR
Travelate
Cava DRooabou, Fobrew 49 Se 1958.
ord estimado Senot Bresidents:
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más.
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the nacional poder mantenctlas y perjectuatlas.
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continente
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R.F.
Translation pls.
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[TRANSLATION]
Casa Rosada, Buenos Aires, Argentina
February 19, 1938.
My dear Mr. President:
Among the deepest satisfactions which I have received
on the occasion of my accession to the First Magistracy
of the Argentine Republic there 1s your cordial message
of greeting, brought by the bold and expert aviators of
your country.
I am deeply grateful for the sentiments of frank
friendship which you renew in this significant communi-
cation; believe me when I say that I intend to make this
friendship ever closer.
Truly the bonds of union between the two republics
have not originated only in our protocols of rapproche-
ment. They are the consequence of common ideals, of
legitimate aspirations, and of a uniform policy tending
to preserve peace, which is the sole foundation for the
perfecting of any civilization.
Our republican institutions and our policy of inter-
national solidarity have ever been inspired in those of
your progressive country, and it 1s a reason for
national pride to be able to maintain and to perpetuate
them.
I have always said that one of the primary rules of
my
-2-
my Administration will be that of responding to the
innumerable demonstrations of the good neighbor policy
that the countries of America have given us with the same
lofty views and the same faith in the destinies of the
continent.
I make it my duty to repeat to you this statement
of principles which I have drawn from the Argentine people
as well as from my own convictions as the greatest proof
of fraternity and good understanding.
In thanking you for sending the brilliant American
aviators who emphasized their spontaneous message on the
auspicious serenity of our sky, I greet the distinguished
President, the Government, and the people of the United
States, and repeat, that I am their
Very sincere friend,
[Signed] ROBERTO M. ORTIZ
To His Excellency,
Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
President of the United States of America.
TR:RMB
argenture- - 1938
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 1, 1938
MEMORANDUM:
We are advised that this was given
out at the State Department the evening of
February 28, 1938.
RESORT HOTEL IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL
The SHOREHAM
Connecticut Avenue at Calvert Street
Washington.D.C.
Sept. 19th 1938.
hey dear Her. President
Thank you Lo
much for The excellent photopraph
you sent we of yourself. It was
must Ruid of you, and I am
very pleased, and very proud
undeed to have it
Suice our delight ful luncheon
at Hyde Park I have Leen
Mr. o' Connar on Leveral occaseous,
and Her. Toom les. I am glad
to be able to tell you Thatwark
on The school will begin within
The wext few days. we have
arranged to add a small
library, which I Thuik will be
an asset.
week- end in Detroit Excellent
I spent a very interesting
work is being done at The
arthopaedec Chuic, 9 Corwalesent Home.
an insurance study is being
heade The over a period of years
of potents who have been
of social & house problems
under our Care. loe hope to
publish a report of our fuiday;
within The next two or three
years which should be of
balue, of interest.
We day by appreaciate your
kind uses to us, and The
RESORT HOTEL IN THE NATION'S CAPITAL
The SHOREHAM
Connecticut Avenue at Calvert Street
Washington.D.C.
provily will of having wet you
always remain a
very real and happy wemory.
with Recidest rejards
in we, which my husband jouis
Very suiversly
Kathern luck.
File
Buenas ares
Twee 2nd,989.
Dear Mr. President,
It was wast kind
of you to write to we, - your letter
has quin we The greatest pleasure.
I am indeed Larry that I
Could not be at the Dedication of The
School,- - but I am looking forward
to our next leave at howe, when
we shall wast certainly insit
Warm Springs. Ican only hope
that this will be at a tune
when you are there.
we are delighted that
her. Norman arue our is to be our
Ambassadas here, he arrives very
Loon, and is much keeded in This
busy and difficult past. we have
been alone here fince two weeks
after our arrival last October,
and have tried very hard to
do our best.
I are enclosing a few more
stamps from The Pastal Coupress, -
please do not trouble to acknowledge
them. I am so flad you lilced The
others 9 sent
her O' Counor teles we Classes
started may 15th I am to happy
that the school belongs to a
Community under your fridance
and care.
with every good wish in
which my husband jouis we,
heast Sincerely,
Katherne Tuelc.
PSF.Crigentena - 1939
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
October 25, 1939
My dear Mr. President:
You will recall that you recently signed a letter
to President Ortiz of Argentina on the occasion of the
tenth anniversary of the establishment of direct air
service between that country and the United States.
The original of the reply made by President Ortiz
has now been received from the American Embassy in Buenos
Aires and is enclosed, together with an English transla-
tion. The text of your letter and the reply from President
Ortiz were given to the press in Buenos Aires and in
Washington on October 12, 1939.
Faithfully yours,
Enclosures:
1. From President
Ortiz, October 11,
1939.
2. Translation.
The President,
The White House.
Department of State
BUREAU
DIVISION
}
RA
ENCLOSURE
TO
Letter drafted
ADDRESSED TO
The President, The White
House
er. 5. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1-1033
PSFi@rigentins
Presidente de la Nación Argentina
Octubre 11 de 1939.
M1 estimado Señor Presidente:
Me complazco en acusar recibo de la
carta que Vuestra Excelencia me dirije con oca-
sión del décimo aniversario del servicio aéreo
directo entre Estados Unidos y la Argentina.
En tan grata oportunidad, es para m1
una gran satisfacción rendir tributo a los mara-
villosos progresos realizados por la aviación
civil de Estados Unidos que, al aproximar cada
vez más a nuestros dos países, han hecho posi-
ble el contacto de sus pueblos y el conocimien-
to recíproco de sus intereses y de su cultura.
Los resultados obtenidos hasta hoy
permiten augurar nuevos progresos de las comuni-
caciones aéreas entre las dos naciones, y me
agrada pensar que eso será para bien de la
obra de paz y de trabajo que constituye nues-
tro común ideal.
El contacto fácil y rápido que asegu-
ra esa línea entre los Estados Unidos y la
Argentina, y el constante progreso en que se
desenvuelve y mejora tan precioso recurso de
acercamiento por el esfuerzo ejemplar de la
industria norteamericana, servirán gin duda
a la amistad cada vez más estrecha y cordial
de las dos repúblicas y 8 la empeñosa colabo-
ración de sus gobiernos en el terreno de la
solidaridad continental.
sincero amigo.
Soy, Mr. Señor, Presidente, su affmo. y
Al Excmo. Señor Presidente de los Estados
Unidos de Norte América, D. Franklin D.
Roosevelt.
Excmo. Señor Presidente de los Estados Unidos
de Norte América
Don FRANKLIN Do ROOSEVELT
Casa Blanca
Washington
EE.UU.
PSF:Argentina
TRANSLATION
President of the Argentine Nation
October 11, 1939
My dear Mr. President:
I take pleasure in acknowledging the receipt of
the letter which Your Excellency addressed to me on the
occasion of the tenth anniversary of direct air service
between the United States and Argentina.
On such a happy occasion, it gives me great satis-
faction to pay homage to the marvelous progress realized
by the civil aviation of the United States which, in
bringing our two countries closer together, has made
possible the meeting of their peoples and the mutual
knowledge of their interests and culture.
The results thus far obtained make it possible to
foresee further progress in aerial communications between
the two nations, and I am happy to think that this shall
be for the work of peace and progress which constitute
our common ideal.
The easy and rapid contact assured by the line
between the United States and Argentina, and the constant
progress
-2-
progress in which such a valuable means of communication
develops and improves, will doubtless serve more and more
to strengthen the close and cordial friendship of the two
republics and the earnest collaboration of their govern-
ments in the field of continental solidarity.
I am, Mr. President, your affectionate and sincere
friend,
R. M. ORTIZ
To His Excellency the President of
the United States of North America,
Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Translated by:
RA:AED: CZS
[Translation]
Argentine Republic
Ministry of Worship and Foreign Relations
First Pan American Housing Conference
Organizing Commission - Santa Fe 953
Buenos Aires, November 8, 1939.
His Excellency
The President of the United States of North America,
Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt.-
S/D.
His Excellency
The President:
On the close of the tasks of our First Pan American
Housing Conference, I have the honor to express to Your
Excellency our most cordial gratitude for the distin-
guished delegation from your country which you were good
enough to appoint and which has so brilliantly represented
your great sister nation at our conference and contributed,
with its important aid, to the success of this Assembly.
As an expression of this gratitude, I take pleasure
in sending you a medal commemorating the Conference and I
hope
-2-
hope that Your Excellency will keep it as a modest re-
minder of it.
With the highest and most distinguished consideration,
JUAN F. CAFFERATA
President
RÓMULO AMADEO
Secretary General
[There is a stamp of the Organizing
Committee of the First Pan American
Housing Conference]
República Argentina
white of House
Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y Culto
Rimor Congreso Panamericano de 6 Vivisnda Pepular
Puenos noviembre 8 de 1939
Comisión Organizadora. Santa Torse
Al Excelentisimo Señor Presidente de los Estados Unidos
de Norte America, Don Franklin D. Roosevelt.-
S/D.
Exmo. Señor Presidente:
Terminadas ya las tareas de nuestro Pri-
mer Congreso Panamericano de la Vivienda Popular, tengo el ho-
nor de hacer llegar a V.E. nuestro más vivo agradecimiento por
la destacada delegación de ese pais que tuvo 8. bien designar
y que en forma tan brillante ha representado 8. esa gran nación
hermana en nuestro certámen contribuyendo con su valioso apor-
te al mayor éxito de esta Asamblea.-
Como expresión de este agradecimiento,
me complazco en enviarle una medalla conmemorativa del Congre-
80 esperando que V.E. la guarde como un modesto recuerdo del
mismo.-
Sin otro particular, saluda al Exmo. Sr.
Presidente con su más alta y distinguida consideración
Juan F. Cafferata
Presidente
Rómulo Amadeo
STATEMENT Popular 20
Secretario General
des -ORGANIZADORA- COMISION from Lest OUT Y
#
X-G
Man
June 16 1939
My dear Mr. President:
There is enclosed the English translation of a
letter addressed to you by the Union Popular Argentina
por la Alianza de las Americas, which the Embassy at
Buenos Aires was particularly requested to transmit to
the Department for the information of the White House.
It appears from the comment made by the Embassy
that the Alianza has a decided political tinge, but
that its aims are for the moment similar to those of our
Government with respect to inter-American relations. The
Embassy also expresses the opinion that the Alianza should
be carefully watched since, through possible increasing
influence of the Radical party from which it draws many
of its members, it may assume more and more importance
and influence on Argentine foreign policy.
There is attached 8. draft of a letter for my signature
which, if it meets with your approval, could be sent to the
Embassy
The President,
The White House.
-2-
Embassy at Buenos Aires with instructions to transmit it
in an appropriate manner.
Faithfully yours,
Summer Welles
Enclosures:
1. Translation of letter
from Union Popular
Argentina por la Alianza
de las Americas.
2. Suggested reply to letter
from the Alianza.
My dear Mr. Araujo:
On behalf of the President I take pleasure in
acknowledging with his thanks the receipt of the
generous letter from the Unión Popular Argentina por
la Alianza de las Americas, signed by you and by the
other officials of the Alianza, with respect to the
problems of foreign policy facing the American
Republics.
Your kind endorsement of the good neighbor policy
and of President Roosevelt's initiative in international
affairs have been genuinely gratifying to the President,
who is likewise most appreciative of your cordial comment
concerning the recent good will visit to Argentine waters
of the Seventh Cruiser Division of the United States
Navy.
Sincerely yours,
Mr. Eduardo Araujo,
Secretario General,
Union Popular Argentina por la
Alianza de las Americas,
25 de Mayo 158 - Esc. 512,
Buenos Aires, Argentina.
PSF:Argentina
EnClosure 2 to
UNION POPULAR ARGENTINA
POR LA
ALIANZA DE LAS AMERICAS
25 DE MAYO 158 - Esc. 512
BUENOS AIRES
May 8, 1939
FUNDADORES
To His Excellency the President
Marcelo T. de Alvear
of the United States of America
Rodolfo Moreno
Santiago C. Fassi
Mr. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT
Fernando Saguier
Vicente Solano Lima
José P. Tamborini
Washington, D.C.
Julio A. Noble
Carlos M. Noel
Américo Ghioldi
Excellency,
Juan José Diaz Arana
Eduardo Araujo
The most welcome visit of the seventh division of crui-
Emilio Troise
Victor Juan Guillot
sers under the command of rear admiral Kimmel, affords us
Carlos Sanchez Viamonte
Argentines a new opportunity to express our warm adherence
Leónidas Anastasi
Avelino Sellarés
to your defence of peace and international law. As an orga-
Raúl Damonte Taborda
Francisco Perez Leirós
nization joining the main political, cultural and labor for-
Arturo Orzábal Quintana
Rodolfo Araoz Alfaro
ces of this country in the common purpose of promoting a
Carlos E. Cisneros
Pan American defensive agreement, the Argentine Popular U-
JUNTA EJECUTIVA
nion for the Alliance of the Americas has the honor to de-
CENTRAL
clare that your Good Neighbor policy in the western hemis-
Secretario General:
Eduardo Araujo
phere and your firm stand against totalitarian aggressions
Secretario:
Arturo Orzábal Quintana
throughout the world, added to the tokens of special friend-
Tesorero:
ship that your Government has given the Argentine people,
Duncan Haymes
Vocales:
have enormously increased our traditional feelings of fra-
Julio A. Noble
Leónidas Anastasi
ternity towards the United States of America.
Francisco Perez Leirós
Julio González Iramain
The International Congress of Democracy recently held in
Rodolfo Araoz Alfaro
Emir Mercader
Montevideo, which has been a genuine expression of popular
will, has proved that all the Latin American countries share
these feelings.
On the occasion of the Lima Conference, and for several
months previously, Argentine popular opinion manifested its
support in your scheme of continental solidarity; and it was
a matter of deep regret for the people of this country, there-
fore, that more positive results were not reached by that
Pan American gathering.
PSF: argentina
UNION POPULAR ARGENTINA
POR LA
ALIANZA DE LAS AMERICAS
25 DE MAYO 158 - Esc. 512
BUENOS AIRES
FUNDADORES
Fully conscious of an impending danger to the sovereign-
Marcelo T. de Alvear
Rodolfo Moreno
ty of these sister nations, the Argentine people adheres un-
Santiago C. Fassi
Fernando Saguier
reservedly to your declaration of April 14 last, that it is
Vicente Solano Lima
José P. Tamborini
necessary "to match force with force if any attempt is made
Julio A. Noble
Carlos M. Noel
to subvert our institutions or impair the independence of
Américo Ghioldi
any one of our group". The alliance of the Americas is one
Juan José Diaz Arana
Eduardo Araujo
of the most vehement aspirations of our people.
Emilio Troise
Victor Juan Guillot
We have also greeted with joy the declaration that your
Carlos Sanchez Viamonte
Leónidas Anastasi
country "will give economic support, so that no American na-
Avelino Sellarés
Raúl Damonte Taborda
tion need surrender any fraction of its sovereign freedom
Francisco Perez Leirós
Arturo Orzábal Quintana
to maintain its economic welfare". Argentine popular opinion
Rodolfo Araoz Alfaro
Carlos E. Cisneros
regards the spirit of this fraternal statement as implying
the certainty that all commercial difficulties between our
JUNTA EJECUTIVA
CENTRAL
two countries will very soon disappear.
Secretario General:
The Central Executive Board of the A.P.U.A.A. express
Eduardo Araujo
Secretario:
their best wishes for the pursuit of your enlightened poli-
Arturo Orzábal Quintana
cy, and have the honor to transmit to Your Excellency the
Tesorero:
Duncan Haymes
assurance of their highest consideration.
Vocales:
Julio A. Noble
Leónidas Anastasi
Francisco Perez Leirós
L. arango
Julio González Iramain
Gen. Secretary
Rodolfo Araoz Alfaro
Exec. Secretary
Emir Mercader
Treasurer
gluwber
Members:
funfidental
PSF:Argentina
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
June 14, 1940
My dear Mr. President:
I believe that you will wish to read the
enclosed despatch from Norman Armour, which I
think is of very real significance.
Believe me
Faithfully yours, Kally
The President,
The White House.
EMBASSY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Buenos Aires, June 6, 1940
No. 739
By air mail June 7, 1940.
OPINION OF CHIEF OF ARGENTINE NAVAL
AIR SERVICE AS TO ARGENTINE COOPERATION
IN THE EVENT OF WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED
STATES AND THE TOTALITARIAN POWERS.
Strictly Confidential
The Honorable
The Secretary of State,
Washington.
Sir:
With reference to my strictly confidential telegrams
no. 169 of June 1, 4 p.m. and no. 171 of June 2, 9 p.m.,
regarding projected discussions relating to defense plans,
I have the honor to enclose as of pertinent interest a
memorandum of a conversation with Captain Marcos A. Zar,
Chief of the Argentine Naval Air Service, which it is
thought should receive careful consideration. It gives
a thoughtful expose of the views of a high ranking Ar-
gentine naval officer who 1s known by the Embassy and the
Naval Attache to be sincerely pro-American in his senti-
ments.
It will be noted that in Captain Zar's opinion Ar-
gentina would not cooperate with the United States in war
against European powers unless the United States had pro-
vided a market for Argentina's exportable surplus of
agricultural products.
-2-
Captain Zar is married to an American, 1s a gradu-
ate of the United States Naval Air Station at Pensacola,
Florida, served with the American forces during the first
World War, and since 1938 has been the Director General
of Argentine Naval Aviation and the President of the
Permanent Argentine Committee on Aeronautics.
Respectfully yours,
NORMAN ARMOUR
Enclosure as stated.
CLINO
Buenos Aires, June 5, 1940
Strictly Confidential
MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION
During an extended conversation this morning,
Captain Marcos Zar, Chief of the Argentine Naval Air
Service, spoke very frankly under the condition that
he would not be quoted. He stated that in his opinion
there is no immediate danger of revolution, since the
President seems to have the situation well in hand, the
Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Interior and Public Works
are pro-ally, and the Congress appears to be about to
pass emergency legislation which will enable the Execu-
tive to handle subversive activities more effectively
than heretofore.
He thought, however, that there would be a very real
danger of revolution if Italy should enter the war on
the side of the Germans, for then the 3,000,000 Fascists
in Argentina would be thrown into the Nazi camp, bringing
the forces of the totalitarians in this country up to
almost one-third of the total population. (He added here
parenthetically that the Communists in Argentina are al-
ready tied up with the Nazis and that evidence of this
fact can be found in the identical language used in edi-
torials appearing in the Nazi and Communist press). And
under such conditions he believed it would be doubtful
whether the Ministers of War and Marine would continue
to support a democratic government.
The question of whether the Argentine people would
resist the formation of a totalitarian government, sub-
ject to the influence of the Nazi-Fascist authorities in
Europe, would depend, he believed, upon what precautions
the United States had taken in the interim. He thought
that no matter what plans were made for cooperation among
the American Republics, Argentina would not join the United
States in war against the totalitarians unless the United
States had provided for Argentina's economic future.
Under the existing United States tariff, he said, Argentina
1s dependent upon European markets and would have to fall
in line with European requirements irrespective of poli-
tical conditions. However, if the United States should
lower its customs duties on the products supplied by Latin
America, 80 that, in effect, there would be virtually a
Pan American customs union, then Argentina's economic future
would be assured and Argentina would be enabled wholeheartedly
to join the United States in any action which might be taken
to save democracy. He pointed out that the United States
appears to be willing to spend billions of dollars to pro-
tect its democratic institutions and its present form of
economy. To what better use could part of those billions
be put than to keep totalitarianism away from the Americas
by lowering the United States customs duties on Latin
American export products? Lower the tariff, he urged, and
use some of that money in reasonable subsidies to the American
farmer, 80 that the American farmer would not be adversely
affected by the competition of Latin American agricultural
products. From the long range point of view, he asked,
what lasting good would be served by merely building up
-3-
United States military defenses if a continuance of the
present United States tariff would mean an invitation to
Latin American countries in Argentina's position to fall
in 1ine with the wishes of the totalitarian powers? (Cap-
tain Zar appeared to be familiar with the President's authori ty
to reduce customs duties by 50% and with precedents for
compensation payments).
Of course, he said, if the Allies shouldwin the war
Argentina would not be required to have a totalitarian
form of government, but considering its present dependency
upon European markets and the probability that Europe will
be impoverished after the war, Argentina would have to
give preference to European barter deals and concomitantly
discriminate severely against United States merchandise.
Captain Zar added that he believes that the greatest
difficulty which the United States faces in Latin America
is the Latin fear of Anglo-Saxon domination. He said the
average Argentine does not think that the United States 1s
supporting the Monroe Doctrine for the common benefit of
all of the American Republics. The average Argentine thinks
that the United States 1s merely planning to transfer
Argentina's dependence from Europe to the United States in
furtherance of an imperial policy. The Good Neighbor Policy
has not done much to weaken this belief, since the United
States Tariff speaks a different language. "Lower your
customs duties and you gain a closely knit family of American
nations ready to fight shoulder to shoulder against any ag-
gression."
Captain Zar did not think that German successes had
altered Argentina's preference for and satisfaction with
-4-
United States military missions. He recalled that in a
staff meeting held yesterday it had been expressed as a
unanimous opinion that Germany's air successes had been
entirely due to superiority in numbers of airplanes and
not to capacity or technique. He added that the Argentine
Army Air Service had been receiving suggestions from the
German aviation officer of the German Army Mission when
the United States Army Air Mission arrived, but that never-
theless, according to Colonel Parodi, the efficiency of
the Argentine Army Air Service had improved 100% as a result
of American training.
As for sentiment among Argentine naval officers,
Captain Zar asserted that of Argentina's ten Rear Admirals
eight were trained in the United States and are considered
pro-democratic and pro-Ally. The two doubtful Rear Admirals
are Benito S. Sueyro and Gastón Vincendeau. He went on to
say that while Vice Admiral León L. Scasso, the present
Minister of Marine, is against everything and everybody,
Vice Admiral Julián Fablet is definitely pro-Ally. He con-
cluded with the assertion that most of the pro-Germans in
the Argentine Navy, and there are not many of them, are
found in the junior grades; that 1s, among the younger
officers "whose judgment 1s not yet seasoned."
C.M.R.
THE WHITE HOUSE
washington
filendented
January 9, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR PA
I want to take up with
Cordell Hull whom I want to
see Monday, Tuesday or Wednesday,
whichever is the best.
F. D. R.
PSF: argentine peder 1-44
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
January 8, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
From Secretary Hull to keep you up to date:
On January 5 he took up with the British possible
economic pressure against Argentina, including embargo
of exports; reduction or stopping of purchases; "freez-
ing"; issue of parallel statements by them and us con-
demning Argentina. Halifax recommended cooperation, but
noted the need for Argentine food. Our statement con-
demning Argentina should be ready on Tuesday; British
have not yet given their answer.
Secretary Hull is studying the results of breach of
relations, since there will be economic and political
losses to be weighed against the political gains. At-
tached telegram to Armour summarizes economic risks
inherent in breach of Argentine-United States relations.
The Secretary hopes to see you on this early next
week. He feels the scales have tipped to where drastic
action may be needed. Chile appears next danger point.
All of us are glad you are recovering.
Adolf A. Berle, Jr.
Enclosure:
Copy of telegram to Buenos Aires.
COPY
TELEGRAM SENT
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
January 8, 1944.
AMEMBASSY,
BUENOS AIRES.
STRI OTLY
CONFIDENTIAL
FOR THE AMBASSADOR
This telegram constitutes an interim indication of
discussions within the Department and with the British
Ambassador regarding policy with respect to Argentina.
On the economic side the Department has considered
three principal phases of economic action:
(1) A complete cessation of economic intercourse between
Argentina and the United States, the United Kingdom,
Brazil, and as many other American republics as
possible. +n considering such & course the Depart-
ment has discussed fully with representatives of the
supply and shipping agencies the effect of cessation
of imports from Argentina by the participating coun-
tries. It is clear that the most difficult problems
would lie in connection with wheat and meat. here
is plenty of wheat in the world, but much of it is
immobilized in western Canada because of lack of
internal railway facilities. The reorganization of
international movements of wheat would also occasion
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
By J. Schauble Date
FEB 4 1972
-2-
great strains on United Nations shipping facilities,
notably in the case of supplying Brazil. The loss
of Argentine meat for any protracted period would
necessitate violent shifts in British consumption
from beef to pork even with drastic drains upon
United States supplies, both of which as a practical
matter seem out of the question. Fats and oils
problems would be serious but less difficult, while
cessation of procurement of other items such as
hides and quebracho could be handled by consumer
rationing.
The Department and the supplying and shipping
agencies have concluded that in considering the
possibility of foregoing Argentina as a source of
supply the basic factors are the following: Argentine
supplies could probably be foregone for a period
of from three to six months subject to the following
conditions and exceptions:
(a) that a complete resumption of Argentine
shipments could be counted on at the end of that
period;
-3-
period;
(b) that we would not be faced during the
period with the supply of any substantial part
of areas to be liberated from the enemy; and
(c) that in the light of probable military
demands for shipping there is considerable doubt
that shipping could be made available to supply
wheat to Brazil. for a period of from six months
to a year the practical difficulties of the
drastic rationing in the United States required
to provide supplies for other areas, especially
the U.K., and of the changes necessary in the
British meat ration could probably not be sur-
mounted, even though on a purely statistical
basis this would be theoretically possible sub-
ject to the same conditions and exceptions. The
opening of liberated area demand would bring
such pressure on wheat and fats and oils that
the supplies could not be provided if Argentina
were not available as a source.
-4-
(2) A complete cessation of economic relations between
the United States and Argentina involving a dis-
continuance of all our procurement, embargo on all
exports to Argentina, and a general Treasury freeze
not accompanied by a liberal license policy. To
such 8. measure might be added collaboration of
Venezuela and other oil producing countries in
withholding supplies of petroleum. Possibly also
War Shipping "dministration could hold up coal
imports from South Africa.
(3) A general freeze of Argentine assets accompanied
soon after by license arrangements which would per-
mit commercial trade at least. To this might be
added the oil and coal measures mentioned in (2)
above.
-5-
On the political side, the Department has con-
sidered the moral and psychological effects of the
various economic measures mentioned above and the
advisability of a strong statement of our position
coupled with parallel statements by the British and
other nations; the expulsion of Argentina from member-
ship on the Committee for Political Defense; and the
expulsion of Argentina from other inter-American
economic organizations such as the inter-American
Financial and Economic Advisory Committee.
I have discussed all of these matters at consider-
able length with the British Ambassador, the Department
has furnished him with considerable detailed informa-
tion, and he is awaiting a definite reply from London.
I am thinking at the present time of the possi-
bility of making a scathing denunciation of Argentina's
course with special reference to the Bolivian situation,
and I have hoped that the British Government would make
& somewhat similar declaration simultaneously.
-6-
I would appreciate your urgent comments
a) on the possibilities of various types of action
outlined in this message and b) on what might be
included in the statement.
HULL
(AAB)
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
file Phone
February 15, 1944.
11:50 A.M.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM: ACTING SECRETARY STETTINIUS
We have heard from Ambassador
Armour by telephone just a few minutes
ago that the foreign office in Argentina,
who was on our side and was in favor
of declaring war, has now been taken
over by military authorities unfriendly
to us. It is a very disturbing develop-
ment. It interferes with the hopeful
attitude that we had in connection
with the whole Argentine situation.
(The Ambassador of Argentine
who is coming in at 12:15 to see you
probably has not heard this news.)
Mr. Bonsal of the State Dept.
is coming to act as interpreter and can
give you more background on this if
you want him to.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 13, 1944.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF STATE:
FOR PREPARATION OF REPLY FOR
MY SIGNATURE.
F.D.R.
Letter to the President, 5-10-44, from
Secretary Morgenthau, re prev. corres.
between Treasury and State and the Pres.
re freezing Argentina. Says Treasury
now feels that Secretary Hull's cable,
5-5-44 to Ambassador Armour, be put into
effect. Attached are Exhibits 1,2,3,
which are copies of prev. corres. and of
Hull's cable of 5-5-44.
PRIME MINISTER
3
Admial withon Brown
The President san there
to kir PM in order that we
micht have copies made. This
has know dons and / Zeturn
them herewite
IR.COLINE
16/1x/44
File
WB
PSF: argentine folder 1-44
ADDRESS OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
September 12, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
British Economic Cooperation Toward
Argentina -- Meat Negotiations
It is no exaggeration to say that effective imple-
mentation of our Argentine policy depends on British
cooperation in economic matters. Up to the present we
have received only tentative and highly qualified pro-
mises from London to investigate the possibility of such
cooperation.
As you know, we have considered that it 1s of the
greatest importance that if the British ultimately find
it necessary to sign a meat contract rather than to pur-
chase on a month-to-month or spot basis, such contract
should be for the shortest possible term. However, the
rumor has persisted that the British intend to sign a
four-year contract and Mr. Eden has now written to
Ambassador Winant stating among other things that
"We have no desire to conclude a contract running
for a longer period than is strictly necessary
but our paramount duty both to our people and to
our Allies is to ensure that, during the acutely
difficult postwar years, they shall be adequately
fed; and the case made out by our Ministry of Food
that only a longer term contract will ensure this
as regards meat is entirely convincing."
In view of the situation developing on food sur-
pluses as pointed out in Judge Byrnes' report to you
of September 7, it would appear that longer term commit-
ments with the Argentine could be avoided. As Judge
Byrnes has indicated "Production in the areas under
Allied control with the exception of Russia is approxi-
mately one third above normal production. War reserves
have been established. When peace comes the reserves
in the military theatres will become surplus.'
FOR VICTORY
With respect
BUY
UNITED
STATES
SAVINGS
BONDS
AND
STAMPS
- 2 -
With respect to meat specifically, which the Com-
bined Food Board may consider in relatively short supply,
although it has not as yet analyzed or allocated the
supply for the period November to November 1945, it appears
that with the overall ample food situation, that some pro-
vision could be made for supplying additional meat to the
United Kingdom from the United States, Canada, Australia
and South American countries other than Argentina. I
understand that there is a surplus of utility beef in
the United States and with the current prospects of
slaughter this fall that the surplus undoubtedly will be
increased. It is also my understanding that there may be
some surplus of commercial grades of beef. It may be
possible for us to arrange to increase lend-lease of
certain quantities of utility and commercial grades of
beef to the United Kingdom provided a similar reduction
of British purchases of beef in the Argentine is obtained.
I therefore suggest that you urge upon the Prime
Minister that -
l. British purchases of meat in the Argentine be
continued on a spot basis and that no agreement for a
period of four, or even two, years be concluded.
2. The British Ministry of Food reduce its meat
purchases in Argentina by resorting to the above-
mentioned possible alternative sources of supply and by
giving due weight to the promising food supply situation
in Europe and elsewhere. I have been informed that our
Army has terminated all purchases of Argentine canned
beef through the British Ministry of Food, which, as you
know, purchases meat in Latin America for us under an
arrangement of the Combined Food Board.
CH
PSFiArgentine focar 1-44
ADDRESS OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS TO
THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
May 15, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Argentine Supplies
With reference to your request for a summary of
the relationship of Argentine supplies to our war
effort, there is enclosed a digest of correspondence
that has been exchanged with the Combined Boards and
the Combined Chiefs of Staff.
You will note that the Combined Boards report
that in the light of current commitments they are
not disposed to undertake the responsibility for the
increased burden that would fall on the United States
should economic sanctions be applied to the Argentine.
Enclosure:
Digest of Correspon-
dence Regarding
Argentine Supplies.
FORVICTORY
BUY
UNITED
STATES
person
BONDS
AND
STAMPS
OH
DIGEST OF CORRESPONDENCE WITH COMBINED BOARDS AND
COMBINED CHIEFS OF STAFF REGARDING ARGENTINE SUPPLIES
On two occasions the Department of State and the
British Embassy have addressed letters to the Combined
Boards to determine the degree of dependence on the
Argentine for supplies essential to the prosecution of the
war and to the provision of relief. The first letters
were addressed in January of this year and sent to the
Combined Food Board, the Combined Raw Materials Board,
the Combined Shipping Adjustment Board and the Combined
Production and Resources Board. After the replies had
been received, they were sent to the Combined Chiefs of
Staff. After studying the correspondence, the Chiefs of
Staff expressed the opinion that "the effect of cutting
off the supply of meat from the Argentine would make it
necessary to re-examine the feasibility of undertaking
military operations on the scale now planned; and that the
loss of wheat supply from the Argentine would be likely
seriously to prejudice the feeding of liberated territories
during the military period. The supply of leather from
the Argentine is also of considerable importance and 1f it
were to be cut off, this would undoubtedly handicap future
operations.
"Although
- 2 -
"Although the recent turn of events makes this matter
of less serious import than formerly, the Combined Chiefs
of Staff would like placed on record the serious military
implications that would follow any such cessation of sup-
plies from the Argentine at the present time."
In the early part of March the Department of State
and the British Embassy again addressed the same Combined
Boards, except the Combined Production and Resources
Board which had no immediate interest in the matter. It
was pointed out that additional data relating to the world
position of some of the commodities might have become
available. In order to make the matter more specific,
two questions were asked:
"(1) How long could a cessation of Argentine
procurement by the United States and United Kingdom be
continued without affecting the existing level of use or
consumption in these two countries? The answer to this
question will of course involve consideration of alternative
sources of supply, and of existing stockpiles in the two
countries and the extent to which they might be reduced with-
out serious consequences.
"(2) Subsequent to the reduction of existing stockpiles
to a safe strategic level, to what extent would use or
consumption
- 3 -
consumption have to be curtailed in order to continue
the cessation of Argentine procurement indefinitely? This
question raises the further question of the place of relief
needs as a part of total requirements. Such needs should
be given full consideration, along with all other requirements.
It was pointed out that these questions were predicated
on the assumption of the termination of procurement activities
in the Argentine by the United States and United Kingdom,
and did not involve similar action by other countries, such as
European neutrals or other American republics.
The reply from the Combined Raw Materials Board pointed
out that the level of consumption of hides would be affected
almost immediately although apparently quebracho, bones,
gluestock, and casein are in somewhat better supply. Only
small supplies of mica come from the Argentine but any
decrease in procurement would be correspondingly reflected
in use immediately since there is no accumulation of inventory.
The Combined Food Board, in two new developments since
their previous letter, pointed out that a world increased
demand for food and the commitments of the United Kingdom
to General Eisenhower to supply his needs for ninety days
from United Kingdom stocks, made the situation more difficult
than in January. With respect to the commitments made to
General Eisenhower
- 4 -
General Eisenhower, it was pointed out that if the
cessation of Argentine or other imports into the United
Kingdom were to force a reduction in stocks, the commitments
made to the Supreme Commander would have to be immediately
reconsidered.
Since the United Kingdom was unwilling to reduce
stocks or consumption of food, the whole burden of making
up the United Kingdom loss of Argentine supplies would
necessarily fall on the United States and Canada. The
food authorities of the United States and Canada are
unwilling to undertake this responsibility.
The Combined Shipping Adjustment Board reported that
since their January letter military demands upon shipping
have increased substantially, and, on the basis of their
present knowledge of military and civilian requirements,
there is no prospect that an added burden involved in the
cessation of Argentine procurement can be accepted.
These replies received from the Combined Boards were
again sent to the Combined Chiefs of Staff for their
comments. They have replied that:
"A careful study of the replies from the Combined
Boards, received as a result of your recent inquiries with
reference to the implication of economic sanctions against
Argentina
- 5 -
Argentina, together with a study of other materials, has not
served to convince the Combined Chiefs of Staff that the
situation in this respect has changed from that expressed in
their letter of 29 January 1944.
"Irrespective of the effect upon civilian economies,
any cessation of supply from Argentina of meat, wheat,
fats, oils, leather, and quebracho, would have unfavorable
military implications."
(2985)
PSF: argentine freder 1-45
hmo
THE WHITE HOUSE
washington
May 23, 1944.
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
Will you see Cordell again
in regard to the Argentina situation?
F. D. R.
Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,
marked "Copy", 5/10/44, to the President,
in re freezing of Argentina, in an effort to
stop the growth of Fascism in the Argentine
and neighboring States. States the Treasury
Dept. feels very strongly that Secretary
Hull's cable of 5/5/44 to Ambassador Armour,
which was drafted solely within the State
Department and without consultation with the
Treasury, sets forth a realistic Argentine
program and should be put into effect at once.
Attached is a folder containing a copy of
of the cable referred to, a copy of joint
memorandum sent to the President on 10/25/43
by Treasury and State, and a copy of the
President's memorandum of 10/25/43 to Mr.
Stettinius, regarding the matter.
Prey cones. filed - state Dept. freder, 2 -43)
PSF: argentive freder 1-44
THE WHITE HOUSE
washington
November 24, 1944.
MEMORANDUM FOR
HON. E. R. STETTINIUS, JR.
TO DO THE NECESSARY.
F.D.R.
Personal and Top Secret letter, 11-22-44, to
the President from Lord Halifax, enclosing 2
copies of recent relevant telegrams on the
question of Argentine meat - telegrams exchange
between the Prime Minister, the President, Mr.
Hull and Mr. Stettinius, re the Argentine and
the British meat contracts from April 30 to
Oct. 17, 1944.
PSF: argentina freder 1-44
June 26, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
When the Chilean Ambassador Don Rodolfo Michels
makes his farewell call on Tuesday you may wish to
give him a message to carry to President Rios con-
cerning our present views on Argentina, our strong
feelings of regret and disappointment that Argentina
remains the only country in this hemisphere which
lends aid and comfort to our common enemy, and our
concern with the militaristic totalitarian program
of the Farrell Government. For these reasons we
have asked Ambassador Armour to return to the United
States.
You might wish to refer to the fact that when
Chile recognized Argentina, the Foreign Minister of
Chile stated that the recognition was conditional on
Argentine implementation of the break in relations
with the Axis. It might then be advisable to express
the hope that Chile as a leader among the nations truly
dedicated to the principles of democracy may now be
receptive to a re-examination of its position toward
the Farrell government.
(C.H.)
(Original memo filed. chile folder1-4
PSF - Argentine
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
September 13, 1944
mar SECRET
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Additional Observations Relative to
British-Argentine Meat Negotiations
I must again refer to the matter of the British
meat contract about which I sent you my memorandum of
September 12th.
Our Embassy in Buenos Aires reports that the
British Ministry of Food has informed the Argentine
government that the British are disposed to sign a new
contract for two years at the same prices as the cur-
rent contract. The contract would be on the same basis
as that recently concluded with New Zealand and Australia
so that Britain would buy the entire exportable surplus
for four years with prices subject to re-examination at
the end of two years. The Embassy adds that this word
from London came as a great relief to the Colonels.
I regret to say that it has become increasingly
clear that the British continue to treat the Argentine
Fascist threat as a matter of minor and relatively un-
important policy. To us it is a matter of major policy.
If we fail in the implementation of that policy, the
Nazis will have a powerful center to renew their fight
in this Hemisphere economically, politically and even-
tually in a military way. This would mean inevitably
the destruction of all that we have been trying to build
since 1933.
In view of our enormous aid to the British on supply
matters, it is certainly not asking too much to request
that they forego the petty commercial advantages of a
long term bargain with a Fascist government. It is hard
to believe
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
By J. Schauble Date
FEB
4 1972
-2-
to believe that they will permit the Argentines to
succeed in the "divide and conquer" tactics they are
so obviously employing in the matter of the meat con-
tract. As I have said time and again, the political
implications of these meat negotiations are really
tremendous. If they are concluded, as the Argentines
hope they will be, their position will be greatly forti-
fied and our own position correspondingly weakened
throughout the Hemisphere.
CH
PSF: argentina focher 1.4%
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
THE SECRETARY
September 28, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
As of possible interest I enclose
an excerpt from the report submitted
by General Lang, our Military Attaché
in Argentina, regarding public re-
action in that country to the announce-
ment of the liberation of Paris and
its implication with respect to our
policy.
CA
CONFIDENTIAL
1. Effect of the Liberation of Paris in Argentina.
A-1. Within the past few days, the attitude of the people of
Argentina as a whole, toward the United States, has undergone a
profound change. As yet it 1s premature to attempt to forecast
the precise political implications of this popular psychological
awakening. It seems probable, however, that it will have a far-
reaching significance. The well known political ineptitude and
ignorance of the science of government, which characterize the
present régime in the Casa Rosada, have contributed enormously,
though perhaps negatively, in the short space of two days to the
crystallization of the altered public attitude toward North
America.
On 22 August, the newspapers of Buenos Aires reported that
Dr. Rafael Augusto BULLRICH, chairman of the Comité France
Amerique, had petitioned the Chief of Police of the Federal
Capital for permission to hold a public celebration in the Plaza
Francia on the day upon which Paris would be delivered from Nazi
control. It was further reported that such permission had been
refused. Apparently sensing a wave of popular disapproval as
the result of this report, the Chief of Police officially announced
in the newspapers of 23 August that he had never denied, or even
received, the petition referred to and that authority to hold the
celebration was granted.
In the forenoon of 23 August, newspaper bulletin boards
and radios announced that the French Army of the Interior under
General KOENIG, assisted by citizens of the French capital, had
liberated Paris from Nazi control. This announcement produced
a tidal wave of joy which passed over the city of Buenos Aires
and, virtually, the entire republic of Argentina. Those who
write and those who read the reports from this office are fully
aware that the vast majority of Argentines have favored the
Allied cause throughout this war and that this number has been
increased as a consequence of Allied victories. They also know
that France, and especially Paris, has always been the cultural
and recreational Mecca for Argentines of wealth and position.
Despite this knowledge, the extent of the emotional reaction in
the city of Buenos Aires to the deliverance of Paris far sur-
passed anything which had been anticipated. Even more unexpected
was the almost universal popular reaction, especially among the
upper classes, to the decision of the American Commander-in-Chief
to employ French troops for the actual occupation of the French
capital. No one seemed to pause to consider the manifest prac-
tical wisdom of the decision of the American commander. On all
sides, this decision was attributed to great gallantry and was
hailed as a complete demonstration of the nobility of purpose
actuating
REGRADED UNCLASSIFIED
-2-
actuating the United States in the war. The Yankee had been
misunderstood, He was not an imperialist. Otherwise, today
he would be flying the hitherto far-from-loved Stars and Stripes
from the Eiffel Tower. The Americans were really liberating
France for the French and not for their own aggrandizement.
Such are the sentiments which are still being volubly expressed
on all sides and, doubtful as the compliment may appear to be,
the significance of such utterances, as indications of a funda-
mental change in public opinion, is not to be underestimated.
How long this wave of American popularity will last is
conjectural. If, however, any miracle could have been performed
to render it permanent, the present Argentine Government has
accomplished it.
The news received on 23 August, that French troops had
occupied the city of Paris, was the signal for general jubila-
tion throughout the city. In the staid restaurant at HARROD's
British department store, at lunchtime that day, the clients
repeatedly sang the "Marseillaise", "God Save the King", the
"Star Spangled Banner", and other Allied patriotic songs.
Similar scenes were witnessed in other restaurants. That eve-
ning, very large crowds spontaneously gathered in the calle
Florida and marched to the Plaza San Martin, shouting: "Argen-
tines, yes; Nazis, no"; "Down with the dictators"; "Liberty,
Liberty, Liberty"; and "vivas" for France, Great Britain and the
United States. The crowd was jubilant and very well behaved.
The majority of them reached the Plaza San Martin, where they
gathered around the statue of the Liberator (who had died in
France) and continued shouting in favor of liberty and against
dictators. Some brave souls even shouted for the Argentine
Constitution and elections. A small part of the procession in
calle Florida was diverted by the police down side streets.
The police were good natured, but were the victims of a certain
amount of rough and tumble at the hands of objecting members of
the demonstration. Several arrests were made, but there were
no serious disturbances. All through the night, the clubs,
restaurants and night clubs of Buenos Aires were the scenes of
continual singing of the "Marseillaise" (of course illegally
under the state of siege) and of demonstrations for France and
the Allies. The vast number of people who participated in these
demonstrations and the manifestly pro-Allied and pro-democratic,
rather than merely pro-French, atmosphere which prevailed stood
out conspicuously in the proceedings. Moreover, in the crowds
the best classes of Argentines were conspicuously represented.
Having obtained permission from the police, the various
French committees in Buenos Aires announced a mass meeting in
the Plaza FRANCIA, at the French Monument, in celebration of the
victory, for the afternoon of 24 August at 6 p.m. No speeches
or
-3-
or singing were to be permitted at this gathering. All during
the afternoon of 23 August and the day of 24 August, vast num-
bers of floral offerings from organizations and individuals
were heaped upon the French Monument. By 5.30, when delegations
from the British and American Embassies visited the monument,
on which they had already placed wreaths, the Plaza Francia,
which faces on Avenida Alvear, was jammed with an enthusiastic
but very orderly throng of people who were cheering and alter-
nately singing the "Marseillaise" and the Argentine National
Anthem. Large numbers of people continued to pour into the
Plaza Francia from all directions until, by 7 o'clock, there
was a crowd variously estimated at between 50,000 and 100,000
people. Ex-President RAMIREZ, whose house is directly behind
the French Monument, deposited a wreath and, subsequently, made
numerous appearances with his wife and guests upon the balcony.
He was cheered, though not with great enthusiasm, and made a
short address which could not be heard because of the general
din. Ex-President General RAWSON, in uniform, also deposited
a wreath and mingled freely in the crowd with former Senator
Alfredo PALACIOS and other pro-Allied political figures. Normal
contingents of uniformed police, both mounted and on foot, were
on hand, reinforced by very large numbers of detectives. The
orderly and eminently respectable character of the crowd cannot
be over-emphasized. At approximately 7.30, for reasons which
it has been impossible to ascertain, a police riot call was
turned in and police motor vehicles, with sirens blowing, ar-
rived on the scene with substantial reinforcements of uniformed
police. The crowd was ordered to disperse and, subsequently,
tear gas was employed against it. This was the first of a
series of errors of judgment on the part of the police, pre-
sumably acting under orders of the Government, which during the
next few hours appeared to alienate whatever support the FARRELL
regime possessed among the rank and file of citizens of Buenos
Aires.
As a result of the measures taken by the police, large
groups of demonstrators departed by various routes from the
Plaza Francia, headed toward the center of the city, yelling
imprecations against dictators and chanting "Argentines, yes;
Nazis, no". Many of these groups sang the "Marseillaise" and
the Argentine National Anthem. They were loudly applauded from
the sidewalks. French flage were in evidence everywhere through-
out the city, permission for this display having been granted
by the Government.
Wherever these marching groups were encountered by the
police, stern measures were taken to disband them. Neverthe-
less, large numbers reached the Plaza San Martin where a very
large mounted police guard was drawn up in front of the "Cir-
culo Militar" (Military Club). The obvious implication with
respect to the popularity of the Military among the citizens
was
-4-
was not lost upon the crowd. As groups of demonstrators
reached the Plaza San Martin, some one gave the order to clear
them out and police, both mounted and on foot, charged the
crowd, freely using sabers, riding whips and clubs. Many
innocent passers-by, including a clerk from this office, who
was a full city block from the demonstration, were beaten.
Farther downtown, similar scenes were enacted throughout
the night. The police apparently completely lost their heads
and attacked any group of people whom they happened to see.
Many of these groups fought back and general disorder reigned.
At the Boston Bar, on calle Florida, the police undertook to
break up the singing of Allied songs and a near riot ensued,
in which sabers were met with bottles and other improvised
weapons, many serious injuries resulting. Three American seamen
in uniform, from the gun crew of a merchant vessel, were hauled
out of a taxicab by the police who, in turn, were reviled by
the crowd which, for the first time in many years, kept shouting
"Viva los norte americanos". While innocently watching this
performance, Major KING of this office, in civilian clothes,
was clubbed from behind by a policeman.
The night clubs and other places of amusement of the city
again were the scenes of tumultuous pro-France and, more especial-
ly, pro-Allied demonstrations, with much singing of the songs of
France, Great Britain and the United States.
The newspapers of 25 August reported these events fairly
accurately and announced that there had been over 100 arrests.
The true total 1s, of course, unknown. Public resentment against
the police and the FARRELL Government 1s universal. This latter
fact is recognized by the Nationalist press which clamored for
an immediate suppression of anti-Government elements which
threatened to get out of hand.
All rumors indicate that the Government is very much dis-
turbed by the force and character of these pro-Allied manifes-
tations and by the flood of popular resentment against it. On
all sides, Argentines are saying that after all the United States
appears to have been right about the character of the present
government, the Fascist character of which has now been publicly
revealed. It may well be that the stability of the present
regime has been seriously affected. It is absolutely clear that
the prestige of the United States among the Argentine people has
been immeasurably enhanced. The final repercussions of this
entire incident are yet to be heard.
Excerpt from Report of M.A., Buenos Aires, August 26, 1944,
No. 11559.
PSF: argentina forder 1-44
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
October 11, 1944
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: Favorable effect of your statement of
September 29 on Argentina; persistent
campaign to undermine our position by
Reuter and other British agencies.
1. Our Embassy in Buenos Aires reports that your
statement of September 29 on Argentina has had a "tre-
mendous and salutary effect" in well-informed circles
in counteracting propaganda to create the impression
that our counsels are divided, that British are not with
us, and that Brazil 1s swinging toward Argentina. Your
statement was given full publicity and significantly
Argentine authorities have not replied publicly, although
pro-Axis press makes usual vicious attacks.
2. Unfortunately the Reuter agency continues to
send stories to other American countries calculated to
give exactly the opposite impression. Reuter story on
September 30 said that your statement was received in
London with "surprise and sorrow", it having been assumed
that Argentine statement on war criminals had cleared up
the situation completely. Reuter despatch from Washing-
ton, publicized in Argentina, reported official concern
here over Ambassador Martins trip to Rio de Janeiro, sug-
gesting it foreshadowed Brazilian move away from us toward
Argentina. In view of these tendentious reports the
Brazilian Foreign Office has made a public disavowal.
Embassy at Panama reports publication of AP despatch from
London quoting editorial in South American Journal bit-
terly attacking us and defending Argentine regime. Edi-
torial asserts "1t is not true that Argentina repudiated
her solemn inter-American obligations", and adds: "The
United States has a Pan American obligation not to inter-
fere in the internal affairs of her sister nations".
South American Journal is notorious for its bitter attacks
on our position in Argentina for months past.
These
-2-
These press stories have effectively created the
impression in Argentina and other South American
countries that Britain has no intention of going along
with us on implementation of non-recognition policy,
and is in fact content to do business with Fascist
military regime in Argentina at our expense.
e.H.
PSF: argentine freder 1-44
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
SECRET
WASHINGTON
file?
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: Argentina
I hand you herewith a memorandum which sum-
marizes developments in our Argentine policy.
The memorandum states our basic objectives,
describes developments in the months preceding the
Argentine request for a Meeting of Ministers, sum-
marizes developments in relation to that request,
and indicates the proposed future course of our
action.
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
By J. Scheuble Date
FEB 4 1972
THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: Our Policy Toward Argentina
I - Objectives and basic policy.
The following is a brief statement of our objec-
tives and the basic policy we have been pursuing since
the Farrell government took power early this year:
1. The power which in the final analysis controls
the Government of Argentina today 1s vested in the
Campo de Mayo and Club del Plata military-Fascist com-
bine. This group is pro-Nazi, anti-United Nations and
is determined to stimulate the formation of the same
type of government in other South American republics.
2. The same military-Fascist group has definite
expansionist plans for the domination of South America
and is working feverishly to develop a military
machine powerful enough to support arbitrary political
and economic demands upon its neighbors. It is plan-
ning for and anticipates assistance from refugee Nazi
technicians, economists and military personnel after
the war. If this group is permitted to stabilize and
solidify its position through the political tolerance
and helpful trade of the principal United Nations it
will threaten the peace of South America as soon as
its strength permits.
3. So long as this group is in control of any
Argentine government, the Government of the United
States will refuse to accredit an ambassador to Buenos
Aires and will do everything possible to prevent such
government from gaining strength through commercial
intercourse with the United States.
-2-
II - Evaluation of situation prior to Argentine
request for a Meeting of Ministers.
The diplomatic isolation of Argentina, supple-
mented by convincing evidence that this government
was determined not to be drawn into any compromise
deal, caused a steady deterioration in the position
of the Farrell regime during the past five months.
The exclusion of Argentina from the UNRRA meet-
ings, from Bretton Woods, from the Aviation Confer-
ence, from the discussions of the Dumbarton Oaks
conclusions, and the rumors that a Meeting of Foreign
Ministers might soon be called without her participa-
tion, have hurt and hurt badly. At the same time,
our economic measures, although not as decisive as we
would prefer to make them, have suggested that more
severe action might be forthcoming as soon a.s improve-
ment in our general supply situation decreased
England's dependence on Argentina for meat and other
products. Our Lend-Lease policy and our refusal to
permit exports for new Argentine development projects
have resulted in a tremendous advantage for Brazil in
the race for primacy between the two countries. As
our pressure, both political and economic, has in-
creased, the war in Europe and the East has gone
directly contrary to the predictions of the Argentine
military, whose Chief of Staff, Von der Becke, estab-
lished "conclusively" in a lecture at the War College
two weeks before the Normandy landings, that an inva-
sion of continental Europe from England was a military
impossibility.
As external developments have moved against the
regime, the internal Argentine situation has become
increasingly a matter of concern. If there had ever
been any doubt as to the basic sentiments of the
people, it was removed on the occasion of the libera-
tion of Paris when hundreds of thousands spontaneously
cheered the Allies in demonstrations which wound up as
anti-government protests. And while the underground
movement in Argentina, in Uruguay and Chile is not suf-
ficiently dynamic and unified to overthrow the regime,
1t has been a persistent disturbing factor.
-3-
Faced with this situation, the Farrell govern-
ment apparently decided some time ago to make a
paper record of compliance with the Rio agreements.
The record of the past three years, as well 8.8 of the
past six months, demonstrates that by far the great-
est number of anti-Nazi measures have been taken only
after our establishment of control of the seas and
our military successes made those measures largely
unnecessary (e.g., clandestine radio stations; port
and harbor controls). In other words, the anti-Nazi
program of the Argentine regime has been stepped up
in almost direct ratio to the disappearance of the
danger. (There 1s, of course, the obvious coincidence
that such measures would not greatly offend the German
High Command.)
More importantly, the measures adopted, even
during recent weeks, do not hit at that powerful group
of Nazi financial and industrial houses, the strength
and resources of which have increased substantially
each year through government contracts. These Nazi
firms, which include affiliates of the German cartel
system, are at the very heart of the problem. Not
only are they doing a major share of the rearmament
work for the Argentine Army, but there is irrefutable
evidence that they continue to serve as political,
espionage and propaganda instruments for the Nazi party
and the German High Command. It is these firms which
offer Nazi funds, Nazi technicians, Nazi financial and
industrial leaders, the best opportunity in the world
today for a new start. These firms have not been
touched to any significant extent by measures adopted
by the Argentine government.
However, it is clear that the Farrell government
hopes that the paper record of compliance in other
areas, supplemented, possibly, by further promises of
action on the remaining serious charges, would suffice
to induce a movement for recognition by the other
republics at a Meeting of Ministers.
-4-
III - The Argentine request for a Meeting of
Ministers.
The Argentine move for a meeting was a bold and
desperate stratagem to obtain recognition. The
Farrell government was "on the ropes" and the move
for a Meeting of Ministers was designed to give it a
"breather" and open the way for at least a "draw".
Recognition of the Farrell regime would not
only stabilize that regime internally, but (it is
obviously hoped) would lead to a relaxation of con-
trols over all types of communications between
Argentina and Europe. Furthermore, admission of the
present military government to the American family
of nations would give the Nazis a facade of unity
behind which they could operate to establish them-
selves firmly not only in Argentina but in other
parts of South America.
As window dressing to obtain a Western Hemisphere
"Munich" at the proposed Meeting of Ministers, the
Colonels are frantically turning out decrees to comply
with their Rio obligations on a mass production basis,
and our Embassy reports that the Germans are "jubilant"
because they see in these new steps the best possible
protection for themselves and their vast economic
interests.
We intend to maintain a firm and uncompromising
position in this matter because we fear that some of
the conservative military and civilian leaders of
other Republics will incline to the expedient of an
appeasement formula that would be fatal.
IV - Attitude of this Government and of the other
Republics toward a Meeting of Ministers.
We have made it entirely clear that (1) we favor
a meeting of foreign ministers of nations cooperating
in the war-of course excluding Argentina-to consider
war and post-war problems of mutual interest; (2) we
are unalterably opposed to any attempt to negotiate a
"formula" with the Argentine regime with a view to
recognizing it; (3) we are likewise opposed to granting
the Argentine request for a meeting to consider the
Argentine problem, but as a. matter of tactics we have
-5-
stated that if the other American Republics so desire,
we are prepared to participate in a full and free dis-
cussion at the end of the proposed meeting of foreign
ministers, it being clearly understood that in that
event we would not accept any limitations on the scope
of that discussion. In other words, we would go into
such a meeting "loaded for bear" with the purpose of
obtaining a final, irrevocable condemnation of the
present Argentine regime. We have, of course, made
it clear that we are not recommending any discussion
of the Argentine question at a meeting of foreign
ministers, but we feel that it would play into the
hands of the Argentines if we were to take the initia-
tive in refusing them a hearing.
As of this moment we feel that we are making
progress toward general acceptance of our views on the
Argentine situation, without in any way imposing them.
There has not as yet been a final crystallization of
opinion among the other American Republics, but there
is reason to hope that we may be able to reach a satis-
factory understanding within the next week.
Up to now we have proceeded slowly and carefully
in order to avoid any appearance of seeking to impose
our views. The other American Republics have been
given every opportunity to express their own opinions
and to suggest procedures. In stating our position
we have emphasized an attitude of cooperation and
avoided giving the impression of intransigence.
We feel that the time has now come to press our
views more directly and energetically in an effort to
obtain general agreement with the other American
Republics on our position. Instructions to that end
have been sent to our chiefs of mission.
Brazil is unqualifiedly supporting our position,
and we have reason to believe that most of the other
republics, including Mexico and Chile, will come
around. Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and Uruguay
have stated that they favor acceptance of the Argentine
request. We are calling in the Venezuelan Ambassador
and intend to state the situation to him in words of
one syllable, and are also sending further specific
-6-
instructions to our Ambassador in Caracas, in an
effort to persuade the Venezuelans to go along with
us and the majority of the other American Republics.
If they do so, we believe there may be a good chance
of persuading Colombia and Ecuador to do likewise.
As for Uruguay, it will probably go along with the
majority.
V - Future course of action.
It is, of course, clear that the negotiations
now in progress may affect the course of our future
action in a very material manner.
However, unless there 1s a real turnover in
Buenos Aires, the Department will do everything pos-
sible to maintain the "quarantine" to the full extent
in political relations, and to the maximum extent
consistent with the war effort in economic relations.
In the economic area, we will continue to press
for more effective British collaboration. Notwith-
standing our representations to the Prime Minister,
to Eden, and to Halifax, the British have given us
no more than formal and restrained support. Unfor-
tunately, the Farrell government has been well aware
of this British attitude and very much heartened by
it. Consequently, in the weeks immediately ahead,
it will be imperative that we do everything possible
to obtain full and wholehearted British support. Our
most competent observers maintain that if such support
were forthcoming and sharply brought home to the
Colonels, we could liquidate the problem in no time
at all.
PSF: argentina forder,-45
"ERS JR
OK
FDR"
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
WASHINGTON
January 2, 1945
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: United States Policy toward Argentina
Present United States Policy Regarding Argentina.
"The United States has determined not to establish rela-
tions with Argentina until its government demonstrates by
unqualified acts its intention of observing its inter-
American obligations and of abandoning its threat to inter-
American peace.'
Possible Courses for Argentina to Follow:
In the light of the proposed conference in Mexico,
forms. Argentina may react in one of the two following extreme
A. Further aid and comfort to the enemy, a with-
drawal from the Pan American Union, followed
by aggressive measures against her neighbors
to gain their support.
B. A drastic change in internal policy, followed
by steps designed to qualify her for readmis-
sion to the American family of nations.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
pursues Course (A).
1. The United States should be prepared to give
military and economic guarantees to each of
Argentina's neighbors.
2. Fullest
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
FEB
4
1972
By J. Schauble Date
TOP
- 2 -
2. Fullest diplomatic activity in support of
Hemisphere unity and Argentina's isolation
should be given.
3. Determine economic and financial policy towards
Argentina in cooperation with the British and
the other American republics, which will give
maximum support to the war effort and our
political objectives.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
pursues course (B).
1. That the United States be prepared to enter
into consultation with the other American
republics with the end in view of recog-
nizing Argentina as soon as the following
steps are taken:
a. Establishment of an interim Govern-
ment as provided for by the constitu-
tion which demonstrates by the
following action its intention to
observe Argentina's inter-American
obligations and to abandon its
threat to inter-American peace.
(i) Reaffirmation of break with
Axis, leading to declara-
tion of war.
(ii) Dissolution of Axis organi-
zations, elimination of
Axis interests in black-
listed firms and jailing
of Axis individuals.
(iii) Termination of the state
of siege and prompt
action to restore the
Argentine Constitution
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-79
and
By J. Schauble Date FEB 4 1972
- 3 -
and the calling of elections
thereunder.
(iv) Adequate guarantees that
Argentine Government officials
will cooperate fully in the
interchange of information
and the taking of appropriate
measures against the Axis and
Axis sympathizers.
DECLASSIFIED
By J. Schauble Date
State Dept. Letter, FEB 4 1972
mins Barrows says the original of this memo, approved by.
the President, toden back tothe Dept. by me Stelleness X
mr. Rochipeller hims 1/18/45.
argentina folder 1-45
January 2, 1945
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: United States Policy toward Argentina
Present United States Policy Regarding Argentina.
"The United States has determined not to establish rela-
tions with Argentina until its government demonstrates by
unqualified acts its intention of observing its inter-
American obligations and of abandoning its threat to inter-
American peace."
Possible Courses for Argentina to Follow:
In the light of the proposed conference in Mexico,
Argentina may react in one of the two following extreme
forms.
A. Further aid and comfort to the enemy, a with-
drawal from the Pan American Union, followed
by aggressive measures against her neighbors
to gain their support.
B. A drastic change in internal policy, followed
by steps designed to qualify her for readmis-
sion to the American family of nations.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
pursues Course (A).
1. The United States should be prepared to give
military and economic guarantees to each of
Argentina's neighbors.
2. Fullest diplomatic activity in support of
Hemisphere unity and Argentina's isolation
should be given.
3. Determine
- 3 -
3. Determine economic and financial policy towards
Argentina in cooperation with the British and
the other American Republics, which will give
maximum support to the war effort and our
political objectives.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
pursues course (B).
1. That the United States be prepared to enter
into consultation with the other American
republics with the end in view of recognizing
Argentina as soon as the following steps are
taken:
a. Establishment of an interim Government as
provided for by the constitution which
demonstrates by the following action its
intention to observe Argentina's inter-
American obligations and to abandon its
threat to inter-American peace.
(1) Reaffirmation of break with Axis,
leading to declaration of war.
(11) Dissolution of Axis organizations,
elimination of Axis interests in
black-listed firms and jailing of
Axis individuals.
(111) Termination of the state of siege and
prompt action to restore the Argentine
Constitution and the calling of
elections thereunder.
(iv) Adequate guarantees that Argentine Gov-
ernment officials will cooperate fully
in the interchange of information and
the taking of appropriate measures
against the Axis and Axis sympathizers.
OK
20R"
Jan.
Beturn
to
pm
January 2, 1945
289
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
Subject: United States Policy toward Argentina
Present United States Policy Regarding Argentina.
"The United States has determined not to establish rela-
tions with Argentina until its government demonstrates by
unqualified acts its intention of observing its inter-
American obligations and of abandoning its threat to inter-
American peace."
Possible Courses for Argentina to Follow:
In the light of the proposed conference in Mexico,
Argentina may react in one of the two following extreme
forms.
A. Further aid and comfort to the enemy, 8 with-
drawel from the Pan American Union, followed
by aggressive measures against her neighbors
to gain their support.
B. A drastic change in internal policy, followed
by steps designed to qualify her for readmis-
sioneto the American family of nations.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
pursues Course (A).
1. The United States should be prepared to give
military and economic guarantees to each of
Argentina's neighbors.
2. Fullest
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
FEB 4 1972
By J. Scheuble Date
- 2 -
2. Fullest diplomatic activity in support of
Hemisphere unity and Argentina's isolation
should be given.
3. Determine economic and financial policy towards
Argentina in cooperation with the British and
the other American republics, which will give
maximum support to the war effort and our
political objectives.
Recommended United States Policy in the event that Argentina
oursues course (B).
1. That the United States be prepared to enter
into consultation with the other American
republics with the end in view of recognizing
Argentina as soon 88 the following steps are
taken:
8. Establishment of an interin Government as
provided for by the constitution which
demonstrates by the following setion its
intention to observe Argentina's inter-
American obligations and to abandon its
threst to inter-American peace.
(1) Reaffirmation of breek with Axis,
DECLASSIFIED
State Dept. Letter, 1-11-72
leading to declaration of war.
FEB 4 1972
By J. Schauble Date
(11) Dissolution of Axis organizations,
elimination of Axis interests in
black-listed firms and jailing of
Axis individuals.
CC TO BOHLEN
(iii) Termination of the state of siege and
AND GREW
prompt action to restore the Argentine
Constitution and the calling of
A-R:NR:OMH
elections thereunder.
(iv) Adequate guarantees that Argentine Gov-
ernment officials will cooperate fully
A true copy of
in the interchange of information and
the signed orig-
Inst
D
the taking of appropriate measures
against the Axis and Axis sympathizers.
E. R. STETTINIUS, JR.