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563877875
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Memos to JHS [John Sununu] May 1990 - August 1990 [1]
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563877875
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document
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Memos to JHS [John Sununu] May 1990 - August 1990 [1]
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03661-012a
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Records of the White House Office of the Chief of Staff to the President (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Ed Rogers' Correspondence Files
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563877875
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1990-08-31
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8
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1990
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1990-05-01
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5
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1990
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
2025-0647-S
2025-0647-S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Chief of Staff, White House Office of
Series:
Rogers, Ed, Files
Subseries:
Correspondence Files
OA/ID Number:
03661
Folder ID Number:
03661-012a
Folder Title:
Memos to JHS [John Sununu] May 1990 - August 1990 [1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
15
22
7
for file - Ed Rogers'
memoranda to the Chief
of Staff for the past
few months
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 23, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS X
SUBJECT:
BUSH DOCTRINE
Per our discussion, attached please find Jim Pinkerton's work
thus far on the "Bush Doctrine". The Speech Draft text lays the
predicate for others to herald the existence of a "Bush
Doctrine". In the Suggested Congressional Reforms Speech draft,
Pinkerton takes a stab at reordering our domestic priorities
based on the new international order.
SPEECH DRAFT
August 23, 1990
In my lifetime America has twice led the peace-loving
world to victory over tyranny: we defeated fascism in
World War II, and more recently, we led the democracies to
the triumph of freedom in ending the Cold War. Now we
have entered a new era, a new global reality. Just as
Harry Truman was the first President of the Cold War era,
and Ronald Reagan was the last President of the Cold War
era, I am the first President of the post-Cold War era.
At this moment we face another tyrant, not nearly so
formidable as the previous totalitarians of course -- not
yet, at least. But this new tyrant is a reminder
nevertheless that the United States has always and must
always take the lead in standing up to tyranny. In
previous times we faced different forms of
totalitarianism. Now the challenge will be from different
forms of aggression, including the threat of proliferation
of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons.
The current crisis is another reminder that the post-
Cold War era has arrived. President Truman said, in
announcing the Truman Doctrine, that "One of the primary
objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is
the creation of conditions in which we and other nations
will be able to work out a way of life free from
coercion."
That is still the foreign policy of the United States.
The passing of the Cold War does not alter our commitment
to freedom from coercion. And in light of the new global
reality, it is my intention to define a new doctrine of
American leadership for the new international environment
-- to chart a course that seeks to protect America's
national interest and advance the rule of law around the
world.
It is America's duty to help maintain world order, not
as the world's policeman, but as a leader in the community
of nations. If this sounds idealistic, then I can only
quote Woodrow Wilson about being an idealist: "[T]hat is
the only way I know I am an American." We will not
hesitate to assert our power in defense of our national
interest and world order through the rule of international
law. That means that the kinds of threats to peace such
as we have witnessed in the brutal invasion of Kuwait will
never be allowed to stand -- now, or in the future.
I remember back in 1941, just after America had entered
the war, my President, Franklin Roosevelt spoke of why we
fought and "Four Freedoms" -- freedom from fear, freedom
from want, freedom of speech, and freedom of worship. Of
2
the eight Presidents since Franklin Roosevelt, all have
upheld our national interest and the rule of international
law. America triumphed over totalitarianism in its
various forms. Today, we are facing different forms of
aggression: piracy, terrorism, hired armies of drug
cartels, and proliferation of the most horrifying weapons
known to man. I know I can count on all Americans to do
their duty. Let us work together then, to protect and
increase the rule of law throughout the world.
###
3
SUGGESTED CONGRESSIONAL REFORMS SPEECH
August 22, 1990
As we strive to meet the new challenges of the post-
Cold War world, we must undertake a comprehensive program
of reform at home. And that reform has got to start with
the place where our laws begin: the U.S. Congress. Three
reforms are urgently needed
O First, we must re-orient defense spending.
O Second, we must deal with the deficit crisis.
O Third, we must reallocate the priorities of domestic
spending.
Three areas need immediate attention: First, given the
new global realities, we must re-orient defense spending.
In this past, and even in this time of budget crisis,
the Congress has too often forced the Department of
Defense to buy materiel that it does not want or need:
fighter planes, helicopters, ground vehicles and the like.
But because these things are built in a Congressman's
district, the taxpayers are forced to pay. We owe the
brave men and women who defend us nothing but the best,
and we owe it to the American taxpayers to see to it that
their tax dollars are buying the most defense for the
least cost. I propose re-orienting those defense dollars
to meet the new realities and I call on Congress to work
in partnership with me.
The new threats to America's security and to
international order will be qualitatively different and
thus will require new weapons, new strategies, and new
tactics. The Department of Defense will do its part so
long as I am President. And I call on Congress to do the
same.
All too often, Congress has tried to micro-manage
America's foreign policy even though the Constitution
gives that power to the Presidency. Congress should know,
especially given events overseas, that I am sworn to
uphold the Constitution of the United States and I will
not see the principle of separation of powers trampled on
when it comes to the defense and foreign policy of the
United States. Past Presidents like Franklin Roosevelt,
Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and John Kennedy could
count on Congress to work in close alliance with them.
Politics stopped at the waters edge. Let us return to the
practice of a bipartisan foreign policy.
4
Second, we must deal with the deficit crisis. As I said
on August 14th, while we are meeting this crisis abroad in
the Persian Gulf, there is another crisis looming at home:
the failure of the budget process to produce a solution to
this nation's deficit. The Congressional budget process
has broken down. And the opposition's Congressional
leadership has failed to offer any budget plan of their
own.
While Congress drags its feet on positive solutions,
they seem to have no trouble passing all kinds of
legislation which worsens our fiscal problems. Of the 10
appropriations bill passed by the U.S. House of
Representatives, eight exceed my request for discretionary
spending by $14 billion. Together, these spending bills
are $25 billion higher than the budget for last year. On
top of this the Senate is asking the taxpayers to put up
$150 million to finance congressional election campaigns
-- a measure which I intend to veto.
Third, we must reallocate the priorities of domestic
spending. While the brave men and women of our armed
forces are overseas defending against the aggression of an
illegitimate dictator, the U.S. Congress, which should be
the highest expression of American democracy, is hurting
its own claim to represent the people. Continuing
problems that face America are being ignored by Congress.
They would rather pass subsidies and grants to special
interests than to deal with these urgencies.
We cannot continue making the American consumer pay many
times the world price of consumer products in order to
benefit special interests, while refusing to address the
crying needs of America's cities, America's schools,
America's neighborhoods, and America's families. We cannot
spend billions on budget-busting pork barrel projects
while we have shocking rates of infant mortality, for
example. Among the countries of the world, America ranks
not first for least number of infant deaths, but 19th.
That is just unacceptable.
To do something about it, I propose that we take the
money that is needlessly wasted on these special interest,
pork barrel programs, and put it where it will do some
good: like marshalling our energies to reduce infant
mortalities, like straightening out America's schools,
cleaning up the environment, and taking back the streets
of our cities from criminals and drug dealers. From my
first year in office, this Administration has been swift
to offer new ideas and we acted without delay in
5
presenting Congress with legislation to address these
challenges.
But so far, none of these bills has passed. I sent them
an anti-crime bill. I sent them a child care bill. I
sent them a clean air bill. I sent them an education
bill. None -- not one -- has yet been passed.
Meanwhile, an important component of our overall
strategy for competitiveness languishes. Billions of
dollars in job creating capital investment and millions of
potential jobs are blocked by the senselessly high and
counterproductive capital gains tax policy that the
Congress seems determined to keep. I was elected
President on a program that included cutting the capital
gains tax. If the jobs of working Americans are lost by
the Congress's delay in passing a capital gains tax cut,
it will not be for my lack of trying. We simply cannot
afford to delay cutting the capital gains tax rate any
longer.
Congress must also recognize that its budget process is
broken. We must fix the budget process and that means, as
a start, a Line Item Veto, a Balanced Budget Amendment.
It means untangling the mare's nest that is prevents the
business of the American people from getting done.
We must act as a model to the rest of the world in this
time of spreading freedom and democracy -- We are not as
strong in standing up to tyrannies like Saddam Hussein's
that threaten that freedom and democracy when our own
institutions aren't living up to the standard the world
expects of America. These three reforms:
O re-orienting defense spending,
O dealing with the deficit crisis,
O and reallocating the priorities of domestic spending,
are the way to meet that standard.
###
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 21, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS of or
SUBJECT:
1992 CONVENTION STATUS REPORT
For several months, the RNC site selection crew has been
reviewing locations. At present, their list of possibilities
includes Houston, Texas, and New Orleans, Louisiana. Both cities
are viable options and are aggressive in their campaigns.
As you know, Bill Harris and Sig Rogich have looked at San Diego
and concluded that this is a realistic option as well. The next
step is to contact the appropriate city/state officials and GOP
leaders and to evaluate the feedback.
I've talked confidentially with Steve Merksamer and Craig Fuller
and asked them to begin to activate and assess California support
for San Diego.
Assuming all this occurs, by mid-September we could announce
three, perhaps four, (New Orleans, Houston, San Diego and
possibly Cleveland or Tampa/St. Petersburg) competitive
bids and let the system begin to run its course. All things
being equal, I understand we're inclined to go with San Diego.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: August 20, 1990
FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI
POLL UPDATE
*16 HOTLINE/KRC: HIGH EXPECTATIONS IN THE MIDEAST
1005 registered voters were interviewed 8/12-14 by KRC
Research; margin of error +/- 3% (BOSTON GLOBE, SAN FRANCISCO
EXAMINER, WBZ-TV, 8/16).
ALL
MEN
WOMEN
FAV UNFAV
FAV UNFAV
FAV
UNFAV
George Bush
76% 19%
77% 19%
75%
18%
Dan Quayle
43
35
45
36
41
34
Israel
48
26
55
24
42
29
Iraq
3
86
4
88
2
85
Saudi Arabia
43
31
55
25
31
38
Jordan
24
31
27
36
21
25
Syria
13
41
16
52
11
31
BUSH JOB RATING, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, ECONOMY RATING
OVERALL
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ECONOMY
ALL
DEM
IND
GOP
ALL
DEM
IND
GOP
ALL
DEM
IND
GOP
Excellent
19%
10%
15%
31%
18%
6%
19%
32%
5%
1%
2%
12%
Above average
43
17
38
56
41
40
41
43
23
13
24
36
Average (vol)
13
13
19
7
14
19
14
10
16
13
12
23
Below average
17
27
17
4
16
23
15
9
31
38
36
19
Poor
7
11
9
1
6
10
6
1
20
32
22
4
QUAYLE JOB RATING
ALL
DEM
IND
GOP
MEN
WOM
Excellent
6%
5%
5%
8%
7%
5%
Above average
22
12
20
34
24
19
Average (vol)
21
15
23
26
21
21
Below average
22
29
21
17
20
24
Poor
15
27
15
4
15
16
QUESTION: "Do you think American troops will be in Saudi Arabia
for less than one month, more than one month but less than one
year, or more than one year?"
ALL
DEM
IND
GOP
MEN
WOM
Less than 1 month
15%
19%
10%
13%
10%
19%
1 month to 1 year
53
47
59
55
58
49
More than 1 year
25
28
26
23
26
24
QUESTION: "Do you think that Iraq will hold foreigners hostage
in either Kuwait or Iraq, or do you not?"
ALL
DEM IND GOP
MEN WOM
Will hold hostages
75%
73%
80%
76%
75%
76%
Will not
11
15
9
10
14
9
QUESTION: Do you think Bush will be successful or unsuccessful
in getting the Iraqis out of Kuwait?
ALL
DEM IND GOP
MEN WOM
Successful
57%
53%
54%
62%
62%
53%
Not successful
23
27
26
19
23
24
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: August 20, 1990
TO:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
ED ROGERS
FYI, the attached was sent out roughly
6 weeks ago.
GEORGE MITCHELL
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Dear Friend,
What would you do with $100 million?
This is not just an idle question. Republicans will spend at least
that much in the upcoming Senate campaigns. And at this very moment,
Republican political operatives are developing their 1990 campaign strategy
which will combine this enormous war chest with the ruthless tactics of Lee
Atwater and Roger Ailes to unseat leading Democratic Senators and take back
control of the United States Senate.
And believe me -- they can do it, if we do nothing.
In the hands of men like Atwater and Ailes this staggering sum of money
makes all Democratic Senators vulnerable. Even outstanding leaders like
Claiborne Pell, Joe Biden and John Kerry will be hard-pressed to make their
message heard above the deafening roar of Republican millions.
My friends, I am truly concerned. If we fail to shape our message
and convey it to the American people in a compelling and effective manner,
then the Republican campaign tactics -- used so effectively in the last
election will once again cloud and confuse the real issues and allow
Republican reactionaries to rise to positions of power and influence in the
United States Senate.
That's why I'm writing to you today. And asking you to
complete the PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and return it to me
today with your most generous contribution to the
Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.
Às you know, the DSCC exists solely to help Democratic candidates.
And the generous support we receive from members like you -- who share a
Democratic vision of an America built on opportunity and fairness and a
government responsive to the needs of all its people -- is what has enabled
us to build a 55-45 Senate majority.
Your answers to the enclosed SURVEY, combined with those of thousands
of other concerned DSCC members nationwide, will help our Democratic Senate
form the strategies we will need to craft new legislative solutions -- as
well as protect those solutions already built by generations of Democratic
Senators working on the behalf of the American people.
AND
your answers will be invaluable to Democratic candidates
planning their 1990 Senate campaigns. As a former Chairman of the DSCC, I
cannot overstate the importance of your informed and insightful thoughts on
the issues the Democratic majority should emphasize in our legislative
strategies and political campaigns.
Nor can I overstate the importance of your generous and early financial
support of our Democratic candidates. Only by raising money -- and lots of
- 2 -
it -- early in the election cycle can we hope to counter the staggering
sums of money the Republican Party will unleash on our Democratic Senators
and challengers.
While it is not possible to match the Republican millions dollar for
dollar, we must make certain that the issues we campaign on have the
financial wherewithal to reach the American people. It is on the issues --
not the slick tactics of the Republicans that we will win the coming
election.
You and I know that the Democratic Party best addresses the true
concerns, hopes and dreams of the American people.
From Roosevelt to Kennedy, Democratic courage and vision has shaped
this nation into the land of opportunity and liberty that to this day
inspires the struggle for freedom and human dignity around the world.
But most importantly, Democrats have been the party of the people
...
working people, who subscribe to the notion that hard work and honesty are
the ingredients for success. And that America's promise is within the
grasp of all those who have the opportunity to reach for it.
President Bush has not built a "kinder and gentler nation."
His foundation has proven to be built on rhetoric -- lacking programs
of substance or policies of vision. His "thousand points of light" have
not warmed the faces of the cold, homeless children living in our streets
...
they have not brightened the darkness of those stricken by the scourge
of drug abuse or left ignorant by schools ill-equipped and understaffed.
My friends, it is time for a new approach. If this administration is
unable or unwilling to lead this nation into the 21st Century, then we must
assert our historical mandate, as Democrats, and shape this nation's future
to meet the challenges of the coming century.
President Bush says give the richest 1 percent of Americans a Capital
Gains tax cut so they will invest in America ... but
consider
the
111
million Americans who work in America and have seen their Social Security
taxes increase nine times in the last 10 years!
President Bush says America stands for human rights and decency around
the world
...
but why did he send secret missions to China and toast the
leaders who mercilessly butchered their own people in Tiananmen Square?
President Bush says he supports clean air legislation ...
but insists
that the Senate's proposal is too expensive. How can we put a price on the
health of our children?
These and countless other questions are waiting to be answered by our
President. But unless Democratic Senators have the resources to force
these issues in the campaign debate, do not expect to hear them addressed
in the November election.
It is absolutely critical that the DSCC have a large enough war chest
- 3 -
to force these issues out of the shadows and into the light of public
scrutiny. And we must have your support for this to be possible.
Unfortunately, there are many, many other questions that the
Republicans have been avoiding for too long ...
** What are the Republicans offering to the struggling democracies
in Eastern Europe except pocket change and wishes of good luck?
** What are the Republicans offering to young couples who watch
helplessly as housing costs spiral out of their reach and child
care bills eat up their modest savings?
** What are the Republicans telling poor women who are victims of
rape and incest and need access to abortion services?
I'm afraid not very much.
And if we fail to force the debate on these questions, we will face the
same issueless, rhetoric-filled and demoralizing campaign as last time.
So please, fill out the enclosed PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and join with
thousands of committed Democrats in shaping the political debate that will
take place this November. AND ... please make as generous a contribution
as you possibly can to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and
send them in today.
If we are to have a fighting chance this November, your support is
absolutely essential. And fight we will ... to further the work of Senator
Paul Simon of Illinois, a Senator who has championed the bedrock Democratic
values of education, health care and individual liberties.
We will fight for Senator Harkin of Iowa ... an outspoken opponent of
the administration's policies in Central America and who has taken a strong
stand on a women's right to choose.
We will fight for Senator Levin of Michigan, a progressive Democrat who
has opposed the MX missile and worked hard to assure U.S. compliance with
international arms control agreements.
We will fight for Senator Johnston of Louisiana, a three-term Senator
who may face former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan David Duke. This
would be the first time in modern history that a member of the KKK will
run for the U.S. Senate as a member of a national party.
It's essential that we keep all 16 of our Democratic Seats.
I was the Chairman of the DSCC when we took back the Senate in the
historic election of 1986. I know how important the early and generous
contributions of DSCC members are to shaping issues, recruiting challengers
and financing the myriad of projects essential to successful election
campaigns.
Our Democratic Senate majority will be the only guarantee that the
- 4 -
issues so critical to the future of the American people and our nation will
be debated, fought for and put forth in the coming decade.
And remember - it will be ten years ago this November when the
Republicans pulled out their checkbooks and reached deep into their pockets
to defeat powerful Democratic Senators like Birch Bayh, Gaylord Nelson,
Frank Church and George McGovern.
DEMOCRATS MUST NOT LET THAT HAPPEN AGAIN!
But to maintain and strengthen our majority, our Democratic Senate and
the DSCC need your help today. We must know which issues loyal members
like you consider most urgent, so we can set the legislative priorities
most important to the American people.
And it is absolutely critical that we have your financial support as
well so we can continue to provide the campaign funds and technical
assistance for television, radio and print advertising, fundraising,
polling, telephone banks, get-out-the-vote efforts and everything else it
will take to defend our incumbents and challenge the vulnerable Republicans.
So, there are two things you must do:
FIRST ... complete the enclosed PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and return
it to me today. Your opinions on these issues will shape
Democratic legislative strategy and develop the issues from which
winning campaigns will be built.
SECOND ... enclose the most generous contribution you can to show
your loyal support of the DSCC.
Your generous support will help maintain and strengthen our Democratic
majority at a time when America and indeed the entire world is looking to
the United States Senate for leadership.
Please let me hear from you today.
Sincerely,
George George 9. J. Mitchell Mitchell
Majority Leader
430 SOUTH CAPITOL STREET, SUITE L14, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003
Authorized and paid for by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee
Contributions to this political committee are not deductible on federal tax returns
DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE
The official arm of the Democratic Senate
PRIORITY ISSUES RESPONSE
Dear George Mitchell,
I AGREE! The coming election will decide America's future for the coming decade and into the next cen-
tury. I will help ensure this future by building an even stronger Democratic majority in the United States Senate.
I understand that the Republican millions will be used by Lee Atwater and Roger Ailes to distort and confuse
the issues. Democrats must have the financial resources to make our issues heard and force the Republicans to
address the real concerns of the American people.
I have completed my Democratic Priority Issues Survey (below) to help Democratic Senators plan their
strategy...and I am also enclosing my generous contribution for the amount of:
$25
$35
$50
$100
Other $
.
5-DIGIT ZIP + 4
G202
Shawn Smeallie
5 Court Terrace
Washington,
DC 20002
PLEASE MAKE YOUR CHECK PAYABLE TO THE DSCC AND RETURN TO: DSCC, P.O. BOX 96047, WASHINGTON, DC 20077-7245.
AUTHORIZED AND PAID FOR BY THE DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. CONTRIBUTIONS ARE NOT DEDUCTIBLE ON FEDERAL TAX RETURNS.
DO NOT DETACH. RETURN ENTIRE SURVEY IN THE ENCLOSED ENVELOPE.
DEMOCRATIC PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY
The stakes are high in 1990. Incumbent Democratic Senators
will be faced with a campaign war chest unprecedented in the history of American politics.
There is virtually no chance that we can match the Republicans dollar-for-dollar, but by
focusing on the issues that really matter to the American people we will have a fighting
chance. Please rank by order of importance (with "1" being most important) the following
issues which you believe should be stressed in the upcoming campaign.
A
Reduce Social Security taxes for working people, not Capital Gains for the
rich and special interest.
B.
Provide increased economic and political support for the democratic
movements in Eastern Europe.
CONTINUED ON OTHER SIDE
DEMOCRATIC PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY
C.
Support legislation that ensures that the decision to terminate a pregnancy
remains in the hands of the woman, not the government.
D.
Pass legislation that emphasizes compassion, treatment and prevention in
our fight against the scourge of drug abuse.
E.
Propose a rational build-down of the military-industrial complex.
F.
Condemn the repression of Chinese people and support policies to force
the Chinese Government to allow the formation of democratic institutions.
G.
Support policies to end America's housing crisis.
H.
Restrict corporate takeovers financed by worthless junk bonds that drain
America's competitive energies.
I.
Pass tough clean air and clean water legislation with stiff fines and
punishments for corporate polluters.
J.
Reform our education system to ensure our children's future.
K.
Force the reform of the Salvadoran government and make certain those
responsible for the murder of the Jesuit Priests are brought to justice.
L.
Other:
Additional comments:
Thank you for your participation.
Your response will help Democratic candidates
set the terms of the debate in the upcoming elections.
And ensure that Republican money and
campaign tactics will not distort the issues that
matter to all Americans and Democrats.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: August 20, 1990
TO:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
ED ROGERS
I would expect heavy lobbying to be coming
your way on the attached.
Just a heads-up.
FYI.
LAW OFFICES OF
NIELSEN, MERKSAMER,
HODGSON, PARRINELLO & MUELLER
A PARTNERSHIP INCLUDING A PROFESSIONAL CORPORATION
MARIN COUNTY
770 L STREET, SUITE 800
SAN FRANCISCO
591 REDWOOD HIGHWAY, #4000
SACRAMENTO, CALIFORNIA 95814
650 CALIFORNIA STREET, SUITE 2650
MILL VALLEY, CALIFORNIA 94941
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 94108
TELEPHONE (415) 389-6800
TELEPHONE (916) 446-6752
TELEPHONE (415) 989-6800
August 13, 1990
The Honorable George Bush
President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20050
Dear Mr. President:
It is my pleasure to invite you to be our special guest
at a Tribute to Governor George Deukmejian, who is retiring from
office this year. The dinner will be held on Wednesday, December
19 at the Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles, California, and is
being sponsored by a Tribute Committee comprised of the
Governor's closest friends and supporters.
We would consider your personal comments on Governor
Deukmejian's public service career the highlight of our dinner
program that evening.
For your information, the California Chamber of
Commerce, whose Centennial dinner you addressed in March, is
playing a major role in the development of this event with strong
support from the agricultural, electronics, financial, petroleum,
transportation and law enforcement sectors. A complete listing
of the dinner committee is attached for your review.
This event is not meant to be a fundraiser, but rather
a fond farewell to a good friend, our Governor.
If I may provide additional information concerning the
dinner, please ask your staff to contact me at their earliest
convenience. I look forward to hearing from you.
With best personal regards.
Cordially,
Stino
Steven A. Merksamer
SAM:en
Enclosure
CC: Ed Rogers
Tribute to Governor - December 19, 1990
Dinner Committee
Steve Merksamer, Chairman
Howard Marguleas, Chairman
Nielsen, Merksamer, Hodgson,
Sun World International, Inc.
Parrinello & Mueller
Jim Miscoll, Vice Chairman
George Babikian, President
Bank of America
ARCO Products Company
Bob Monagan, President
Roger Baccigaluppi, President
CA Economic Development Corp.
Blue Diamond Growers
David Moore
Bill Bagley
Western Growers Association
Nossaman, Guthner, Knox &
Elliott
Don Novey, President
CA Correctional Peace Officers
Ben Biaggini, Past Chairman
Association
Southern Pacific
Will Price, President
Don Bren, President
Chevron U.S.A., Inc.
The Irvine Company
Karl Samuelian
Roy Brophy
Parker, Milliken, Clark,
Brophy Development
O'Hara & Samuelin
Clair W. Burgener
Richard Stegemeier, Chairman,
President & CEO
Bill Campbell, President
Unocal Corporation
California Manufacturers
Association
Tom Stickel, Chairman & CEO
TCS Enterprises, Inc.
Will Carr, Partner
Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher
James Ukropina, Chairman
Pacific Enterprises
Dick Clarke, Chairman
Pacific Gas & Electric Company
Bob Vice, President
CA Farm Bureau
Lodwrick Cook, Chairman
ARCO
Stan Wainer, Chairman
Wyle Laboratories
David Gardner, President
University of California
Dean Watkins, Chairman
Watkins-Johnson Company
Ken Khachigian
Attorney at Law
Kirk West, President
California Chamber of Commerce
Howard Leach, President
Cypress Farms, Inc.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 19, 1990
NOTE TO GOVERNOR SUNUNU
MIKE DELAND
ROGER PORTER
ANDY CARD
FROM: ED ROGERS 30R
SUBJ: Weather Computer Modeling
Interestingly, we now have the models and technology to forecast
the weather 5 1/2 days in advance. Aggressive work for 1 1/2
years will allow us to extend our forecasting by one half of
one day.
This is an interesting fact when considering predictions of
global warming in the next century.
WIND PATTERNS on June 1, 1990 (left), are compared with
earlier, for a .78 correlation (center), and nine days earlier,
forecasts the National Weather Service had made four days
for a .36 correlation (right).
The inability to know present condi-
much time with less expense by updat-
Lorenz's Butterfly
tions precisely led Lorenz to set the
ing models as they run. Most weather
Weather forecasters grapple
theoretical bound of any forecasting
models are now run only once or twice
with the limits of accuracy
system at about two weeks, a judgment
a day. Data collected in between runs
that most meteorologists still endorse.
cannot be entered without recalculat-
T
he computers of 35 years ago
At greater ranges any forecast must
ing everything from scratch. "People
could run numerical models of
fall below a .6 correlation with reali-
tried to use accumulated data in real
the weather no more than three
ty, the lowest that is considered to be
time, but this was not very success-
days ahead before their predictions
of value. Longer-range forecasts must
ful," Navon says. "We use a system that
became pure fiction. Today better
therefore resort to seasonal statistics,
incorporates data during certain win-
data, more detailed atmospheric mod-
which tend to be worthless when accu-
dows of time."
els and immensely faster computers
rate-as in predicting Death Valley's
The Florida State team has drawn on
have pushed the range of reliable fore-
rainfall in July-and inaccurate when
the theory of optimal control, devel-
casts to nearly six days, on average.
they would be most valuable-as in
oped by Soviet and French mathemati-
Better predictions are saving lives
forecasting hurricanes.
cians in the 1950's and 1960's, to build
and money. But each extension in
Lorenz left numerical modelers plen-
a secondary computer model that up-
range comes at a higher price. That is,
ty of room for improvement, however.
dates the regular weather model. The
because the weather is a nonlinear, or
They can attack the problem by ob-
computer runs the "adjoint" model for-
chaotic, system, a tiny inaccuracy in
taining more data. They can raise their
ward in time from the original initial-
the initial data can easily snowball into
resolution by dividing their represen-
ization point until it encounters obser-
a huge error in prediction.
tation of the atmosphere into smaller
vational data that contradict the regu-
Forecasters are therefore seeking
and more numerous pieces. And they
lar model's forecast. The adjoint model
ways to make better use of the raw
can produce computer models that
then redraws the curve describing the
data that are already at their disposal.
account for other physical processes,
evolution of the weather.
One promising approach applies math-
such as the variation in sunlight from
Billions of points are arranged in
ematics to update models more fre-
day to night, the wind resistance of-
complex curves that snake through
quently. "We expect this work to take
fered by mountains and the exchange
three dimensions of space and one of
one-and-a-half years," says Michael Na-
of heat between oceans and air mass-
time. The program has done well with
von, a French-born mathematician who
es. Better models, in turn, require fast-
simulated data and has now begun the
heads the weather modeling program
er computers.
final test with real information.
at Florida State University in Tallahas-
The National Meteorological Center
These refinements will surely trickle
see. "We believe that we will be able to
followed this strategy in March, when
down to local forecasters and from
raise the U.S. forecasting range by half
it replaced a Control Data Cyber 205
them to the man in the street. Still,
a day to six."
with a faster Cray Y-MP supercomput-
numerical models are made to project
What is confounding weather mod-
er. That did not improve the center's
the precipitation patterns for an entire
elers is a theoretical butterfly. In the
spring forecasts. But it will enable the
hemisphere rather than to provide the
1960's Edward N. Lorenz, a meteorolo-
center to run a higher-resolution mod-
details that so concern picnickers and
gist at the Massachusetts Institute of
el. Once the system is debugged, the
ballgame goers.
Technology, reasoned that the mere
workers believe the model will make
Nevertheless, the forecasts on the
flapping of a butterfly's wings could
up the half-day forecasting advantage
news are improving. Andrew J. Wagner
spawn hurricanes because a chaotic
that has long been maintained by the
of the U.S. National Weather Service
system is very sensitive to initial condi-
European Center for Medium Range
says that local meteorologists can now
tions. Since numerical models cannot
Weather Forecasts in England.
predict 36 hours ahead with nearly 95
account for such a small deviation,
Navon and his colleagues at Florida
percent reliability versus an 80 percent
there is a limit to how far ahead they
State University's Supercomputer Com-
batting average just 20 years ago-be-
can predict the weather.
putations Institute hope to gain as
lieve it or not.
-Philip E. Ross
42
SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN September 1990
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
AUgust 10, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS spar
SUBJECT:
S&L ACTIVITIES
Our S&L group, headed by John Robson, has been meeting and I
wanted to make you aware of several things that we're developing:
1.
The Senate Ethics Committee will start hearings on Reigle,
DeConcini and Cranstor on September 15th.
; expected to begin on September
THE WHITE HOUSE
en press hearing and we don't know
WASHINGTON
August 8
, all 1988 FSLIC deals will become
TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU
to draw a lot of press attention as
orruption, etc.
FROM: ED
we will have to appont our members
FYI
legislatively mandated. Treasury
ptions.
1th you later.
*6 MICHIGAN: BLANCHARD MEDIA STILL TAKING HITS
In the wake of the WJBK-TV poll (Blanchard 44%, Engler 39%,
see HOTLINE 8/6.#6), Gov. Jim Blanchard (D) also sits on the hot
seat for his 10-second TV ads. EXAMPLE: DETROIT NEWS editorial,
titled "Image over substance," notes a Blanchard's ad proclaims
he is "putting welfare recipients to work." Says the paper,
"Nice try, guv, but if the examples in the ad are any evidence,
it just ain't so. Getting tough with the state's welfare
programs is a great message, but it's one we haven't seen the
governor take up as vigorously as portrayed in his campaign
advertising. The message we get is that the governor prefers
image over substance" (8/7). EXAMPLE: NEWS' George Weeks notes,
"Recent polls indicate Blanchard had a slower launch, and
challenger [GOP Senate Maj. Leader] John Engler a far faster one,
than anticipated. Is it bleak for Blanchard? No. Worrisome?
Definitely." Engler director Dan Pero "is 'ecstatic' about the
last poll and argues it indicates Blanchard's latest TV ads
attacking Engler have backfired ... As the general election
starts, I suspect Blanchard would be doing better if he had spent
more on touting himself, rather than tearing down Engler" (8/7).
EXAMPLE: Weeks headlines his 8/5 piece on Blanchard's "strident"
start, "Nasty streak detracts from Blanchard ads" and says, "Yes,
[Engler] has been at least as shrill. It's just that the low
road is a strange place to start a bid to retain high office."
*15 RHODE ISLAND: PELL WON'T ALLOW FULL DEBATE TAPE'S RELEASE
Sen. Claiborne Pell's (D) "memory lapse" during last week's
Channel 10 news forum/debate "took on new life when Pell's
campaign forces refused to allow the tape [of the debate] to be
released for rebroadcast" (John McPhillips/John Mulligan,
PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-BULLETIN). C-SPAN had requested a copy in
order to rebroadcast the entire debate. Because a rebroadcast
had not been discussed with either Pell or Rep. Claudine
Schneider (R), the station refused to release it without the
permission of both camps. Schneider's people said yes but Pell's
campaign staff said no. CNN asked for, and received, a copy of
the tape for "news excerpting" to use "30 or 60 seconds ...
as
part of [CNN's] coverage of state elections." When asked "if the
refusal to release the tape was an admission that it may damage
Pell's image," Pell manager Mary Beth Cahill said: "No. No.
Our agreement was a news program to be shown in [RI]. That's
what we agreed to and that's what we're living with. ... We
agreed that this was going to be shown in Rhode Island and it
was, on Wednesday and Sunday. If we had agreed to do C-SPAN,
we'd be doing C-SPAN" (8/7). Schneider spokesperson Bob Rendine:
"Sen. Pell's handlers have apparently decided that it's too much
of a risk for voters to see this program again. This lamentable
decision is proof in the pudding that the Pell campaign has been
seriously damaged by his performance" (Schneider release, 8/7).
AUG- 9-90 THU 10:20 PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-D.C. P.03
Contents copyright 1982 to 1988 by The Providence Journal Lo.
THE EVENING BULLETIN
Tuesday August 7. 1990
PAGE:
A-03
SECTION: NEWS
EDITION: CITY FINAL
LENGTH: 596 MEMO: Updated version of Journel story which appeared on
page BO1
Pell won to release TV tape
By JODY MCPHILLIPS and JOHN E. MULLIGAN
Journal-Bulletin Washington Bureau WASHINGTON
The political crossfire over the Channel 10 news show during which Sen.
Claiborne Pell pleaded a memory lapse took on new life yesterday when Pell's
campaign forces refused to allow the tape to be released for rebroadcast.
* *
C-SPAN. the civic affairs cable network that broadcasts congressional
events to an estimated 55 million homes, asked Channel 10 for a copy of the
hour-long tape. which it wanted to rebroadcast in its entirety this weekend.
* * *
"Since the question of subsequent rebroadcast hadn't been discussed with
(Pell and his opponent, Rep. Claudine C. Schneider) beforehand. we approached
both and asked for their permission;" said Larry Price. Channel 10 news
director,
Miss Schneider S people said yes, Price said, but Pell's campaign staff
said no.
The incident got wide news play in Rhode Island immediately after it
aired on Aug. 1, the day it was taped. Channel 10 aired it again on Sunday.
Cable NOWS Network also asked for the tape for "news excerpting," Price
said, and will receive a copy. Kip Grosenick. CNN S associate producer for
political news, said the network most likely will LISE "30 or 60 seconds" of
the show "as part of our continuing coverage of state elections."
"We agreed that this was going to be shown in Rhode Island and it was, on
Wednesday and Sunday,' said Mary Beth Cahill. Pell's campaign manager. "If We
had agreed to do C-SPAN, we d be doing C-SPAN. because we live by our word."
Asked wether the refusal to release the tape was an admission that it may
damage Pell's image. Cahill said, "No. No. Our agreement was a news program to
be shown in Rhode Island, That 15 what we agreed to and that S what we re
living with."
"There 5 no reason why we wouldn t want to let voters see it," said
Robert J. Rendine Jr.. Miss Schneider $ top Rhode Island aide. "What are they
embarrassed about?"
Today. Price said C-SPAN came back with a request for a tape copy it
could excerpt, and he said the station would provide it for that purpose.
Steve Scully of C-SPAN said it was safe to assume the network woiuld air
the memory-lapse segment. The segment will be part of a 90-minute political
news program. Election 90, on Sunday at 12:30 p.m. and again at 9:30 p.m.
On channel 10. Pell was asked to name a recent bill he wrote that
directly benefited Rhode Island. After thinking for if moment, he said his
memory wasn t as good as it should be and he couldn t call one to mind,
He said later that he had thought the question referred to a personal
bill such as help with scmeone an immigration status as opposed to more
Extended Page 3.1
Meanwhile, Miss Schneider has mailed an "urgent" fund-raising request to
supporters of her Senate campaign. asserting that "wa are falling behind in
our efforts to meet our budget" for the end of the race.
But in fact. the Schneider fund-raising effort is going well, according
to her office. Rendine cells the mailing "just $ typical fund-raising
strategy."
"We're where we want to be" in terms of fund-raising, Rendine said. He
said the Schneider campaign has raised more than $1.3 million and expects to
attain its target of between $2 million and $2.5 million in total spending.
The Pell camp expects to spend between $2.5 million and $3 million.
KEYWORDS: campaign picture election 1990 congress PELL
0001
AUG- 9-90 THU 10:19 PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-D.C. P.02
Contents copyright 1982 to 1988 by The Providence Journal Co.
THE PROVIDENCE JOURNAL
Thursday August 2. 1990
PAGE:
C-10
SECTION: NEWS
EDITION: ALL
LENGTH: 431
A forgetful Pell trips in 1st debate with Schneider
By JOHN MULLIGAN
Journal-Bulletin Washington Bureau WASHINGTON
Sen. Claiborne Pell and Rep. Claudine Schneider sparred gently on the
same television forum for the first time in their campaign yesterday. with the
Democrat taking what he seemed to consider a self-inflicted bruise.
Appearing on A special hour-long edition of 10 News Conference, Pell
balked when asked to name the last legislation he had written that directly
benefits Rhode Island.
For viewers of WJAR-TV early evening news. that WBS the focal point of
the interview program taped yesterday morning at a studio in Washington.
Pell and Schneider. the Republican running for his seat, differed on some
issues such #$ whether to cut Social Security taxes (Pell would, Schneider
would not). and on the death penalty ishe now supports it in some cases: he
opposes it on "principle").
Late in the hour, Pell was asked to recall (if) specific bill the personally
had pressed through that helped his constituents.
" I couldn t: give YOU - specific answer. NY memory's not good # # it
should be. but it any of the people of the people out watching us, 1 would be
delighted 1f you sent me a postcard to do it."
The 30-year Senate veteran proceeded to describe the continuing benefits
of programs he launched, such as Pell grants. the 1972 program of federal
college scholarships for students from poor families, and the Sea Grant
program that has generated millions of dollars for the University of Rhode
Island.
"But you can t remember the last bill you sponsored?" Pell was asked.
"That directiv hits Rhode Island?
No."
Miss Schneider was then asked what was the last bill that "you've
sponsored and were the prime mover on that directly benefits Rhode Island in
some way?"
The 10-year Republican congresswoman was ready with a quick answer: a
bill regulating and eventually banning carbage dumping at sea.
"My bill later became the committee bill." Miss Schneider said.
Miss Schneider acknowledged only subtly, if at all, that she was not the
"prime mover" of the ocean dumping bill that became law. The version whe first
sponsored changed - in ways who opposed new before it emerged from her
ocean-related committee.
But Miss Schneider did point out that "in the House of Representatives,
working with 434 other people. there are no bills that have my name on them,
because that =5 just the way the system works."
Later. Pell called to explain he had been trying to think of the kind of
bill that in senator would write to help, say, a constituent's relative to
immigrate. He said he should have mentioned his vocational education bill,
which provides several million dollars to the state per year. KEYWORDS:
election 1990 campaign congress picture $LKYEXIQB
0153 END OF DOCUMENT.
LOS ANGELES TIMES, TUESDAY,
AUGUST 7, 1990, B6
CAMPAIGN WATCH
A Good Issue, but the Wrong Man
Because Dianne Feinstein
anger over the savings and
leagues had run only once.
and Pete Wilson both are in-
loan debacle. As a result, her
Moreover, his funds were re-
stinctual political moderates,
campaign is attempting to im-
ported as direct contributions,
few genuine differences over
ply that Wilson is particularly
while S&L gifts to his col-
issues have emerged in their
culpable in the matter because
leagues often were disguised.
gubernatorial campaign.
he received unusually large
For example, Alan Cranston,
However, as she demon-
contributions from S&L inter-
who ran only once during the
strated in the Democratic pri-
ests.
period, is listed by Common
mary, Feinstein has a shrewd
Neither point is supported
Cause has having received on-
sense of the electorate's anxie-
by facts. A recent Common
ly $143,700. No mention is
ties and an ability to make her
Cause report said that Wilson
made of the $1 million he got
opponent their focus. In that
had received more money,
for a voter registration drive.
race, she managed to link
$243,000, from thrift-related
Finally, there is no evidence
women's apprehension about
contributors than any other
that Wilson, whose S&L con-
reproductive rights to John
senator. It did not point out
tributions account for less
Van de Kamp's personal reser-
that during the period ana-
than 1% of his total campaign
vations about abortion. Now,
lyzed,, Wilson ran for office
funding, ever intervened on
she has sensed the voters'
twice, while many of his col-
behalf of the thrifts.
THE SUNDAY BOSTON GLOBE, AUGUST 5, 1990,
A19
A Silber opportunity, thanks to Kaufman & Co.
MacLean (D-Fairhaven) and his friend Bristol
nomination. The conservative vote and the talk-
DAVID B. WILSON
District Attorney Ronald Pina, to Senate Majority
show, anti-incumbent uprising would have had no
Leader Walter Boverini of Lynn, Sen. Jack Bren-
place to go but Pierce, who seems still ahead of
Let us stipulate that Ron Kaufman and Ste-
nan (D-Malden) and former House Speaker
William Weld in the contest for the GOP nomina-
phen DeAngelis did conspire with the Springfield
Thomas McGee of Lynn (by no means a complete
tion.
police union to disrupt the Democratic State Con-
roster) to market the admirable qualities of the
Instead, the big lawyers, contractors, insur-
vention, as the Democratic State Committee in-
sage of Bay State Road.
ance types, bankers and stockbrokers are clam-
sists.
If these talented persuaders were not able to
bering all over each other trying to find out how
Now maybe Kaufman and DeAngelis did it
net 11 votes Silber's way, then let us discuss "why
they can buy a chance to shake John Silber's hand
and maybe they didn't; but even if they did, they
the sea is boiling hot and whether pigs have
for $1,000 while poor Pierce, otherwise known as
may have done nothing any more criminally
wings," as Lewis Carroll's Walrus said to the Car-
the Stealth candidate, performs a comparable fa-
wrong than your utility-grade fraternity prank.
penter.
vor in remote villages for $250 per squeeze.
And consider this: If John R. Silber becomes
I wish I could take credit for the preceding
Perhaps the most misleading aspect of this
governor of Massachusetts - and he may at this
speculative insight. Authorship actually belongs to
sorry spectacle is the public perception of Silber
writing be the leading prospect - he may owe his
Glenn W. Fiscus, the irreconcilable Republican
as a conservative. He is anything but.
opportunity to Kaufman & Co.
Diogenes who wants to relieve incumbent Joe
If that sounds far-fetched to you, remember
Sure, he fought the faculty union at BU and
Kennedy of the burden of representing Harvard,
that Silber obtained his 15 percent of delegate
won. Sure, he makes Presbyterian noises on social
MIT and the State House in Congress.
votes by a whisker-thin margin of 22. That is just
issues and supports a tough foreign policy.
11 switches off Jack Flood, Frank Bellotti and
Can you imagine a more delicious paradox
Evelyn Murphy.
than the possibility that the Republican national
But John Silber, domestically, is a Democratic
committeeman for Massachusetts - White House
big spender, Wilsonian, his proposals for the ex-
Gov. Dukakis' keynote speech had been sched-
aide Kaufman - was responsible, unintentionally
pansion of education and the "jump-starting" of
uled for 9:15 a.m. Saturday. Quite a few delegates,
disgusted at the flap, left the convention, lowering
of course, for rescuing John Silber from being
the economy via public construction projects
reminiscent of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal or
the Silber vote target. By the time committee
kicked off the primary ballot?
Nelson Rockefeller's great ghastly monument at
counsel James Roosevelt got an injunction and
For Silber has been eating Steve Pierce's
Albany to profligate government policy. John
shooed the pickets away from the auditorium, it
lunch. Pierce, in case, like most voters, you have
Silber is against the CLT tax rollback and for 10-
was early afternoon. Silber went to Springfield
not noticed, is the able, articulate, young, bright,
with most of what President Bush used to call the
hour day care and the big Central Artery dig; and.
attractive, respected Republican leader in the
his program is pure gravy for the public sector
"Big Mo" - momentum. Time was working for the
state House of Representatives who was over-
and construction unions.
Boston University president.
whelmingly endorsed for the nomination by the
The four to six hours Silber gained as a result
Republican State Convention.
Meanwhile, Weld and Pierce cling pathetically
of the picketing gave unexpected scope to such
to each other's throats. As Casey Stengel used to
capable allies as Senate President William M.
If Silber had not qualified for the ballot, Frank
say, "Can't anybody here play this game?"
Bulger and his aides Jim Julian, Marty O'Brien,
Bellotti and Evelyn Murphy - not exactly a fair
Roger Gill and Paul Mahoney, to Sen. William Q.
fight - would be squabbling for the Democratic
David B. Wilson is a Globe columnist.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 10, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
ED ROGERS s/yr
SUBJECT:
POLITICAL /OUTREACH
1. Just to bring you up-to-date, our political outreach efforts
are underway. We've targetted five groups along with
priority states where we plan to intensify our activities.
(See attached list.) For instance, throughout the campaign
cycle, whenever the President or Vice President is in
California, there will always be a Hispanic and Asianic
component to the trip. It might be a separate event, or in
some cases, simply greeters. In any case, we will always do
something when traveling in priority states.
2. From our perspective, the most important group is the East
European ethnics. David Carney and I met with Secretary
Derwinski, and he has agreed to head a project to jump start
our operation. This "Derwinski Project" includes the
President and Vice President having "community leader"
meetings with East European ethnics in priority states.
These will be issue briefings during which the President or
Vice President will drop-by. Their purpose will be for us
to build relationships and a leadership core within the
community. Ed will host the meetings, determine lists of
attendees, and commit the time and effort to be sure these
events are effective and well managed. Also, we will be
working with Hagin and Demarest to set up an ethnic press
briefing to take place the third week in September. This
will most likely occur in the State Dining Room with ethnic
media only. This group will have a heavy emphasis on East
Europeans from our priority states.
CC: David Carney
Andy Card
1990
Hispanic
Black
1.
CA - Wilson
1.
AL - - Hunt/Cabaniss
2.
TX - - Williams
2.
SC - - Campbell
3.
FL - Martinez
3.
IL - - Edgar/Martin
4.
IL - - Edgar/Martin
4.
OH - Voinovich
5.
AZ - Gov's race
5.
MI - Engler/Schuette
6.
NM - Gov's race
6.
GA - Isakson
7.
KY - - McConnell
Asian
8.
CA - Wilson
1.
CA Wilson
9.
CT - Rowland
2.
IL - Edgar/Martin
3.
HI - Saiki
Jewish
4.
WA - WIlliams (CD)
1.
FL - Martinez
5.
TX - Williams
2.
IL - - Edgar/Martin
6.
MN - Gov's race
3.
CA - Wilson
4.
RI - - Schneider
East European
5.
MI - Engler/Schuette
1.
MI - Engler/Schuette
6.
OH - - Voinovich
2.
IL - Edgar/Martin
3.
OH - Voinovich
4.
PA -
5.
WI - Thompson
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: July 30, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI
7/23/90
ED,
FYI.
SECRETARY ELIZABETH DOLE
REMARKS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY
CALIFORNIA STATE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION
Join
JULY 20, 1990
SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA
What a pleasure it is to escape from the hot air of
Washington, D.C., to the fresh air of San Diego!
Let me just say how fitting it is that we Republicans meet
so near in time and location to four great Republicans who have
led our nation. I'm sure you share my feelings of pride and
appreciation as Presidents Nixon, Ford, Reagan, and Bush,
gathered Thursday for the dedication of the Nixon Library.
I bring greetings from John Sununu, who asked me to express
his profound regrets that he was unable to be with you today.
Being forced to remain in Washington to negotiate the budget with
the Democrats, instead of coming to beautiful San Diego to join
up with Republicans, lends new meaning to the term "business over
pleasure."
Greetings also from my husband, who is keeping John company
back in Washington. And let me say that Bob joins me in
expressing deep respect and admiration for Pete Wilson, our
friend and colleague. What a joy it is to be with you, Pete, and
what a superb slate of Republican candidates you have running
with you for statewide office.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, take a VOW right now to pull out
all the stops to ensure that those next to Pete on the ballot--
Marian Bergeson, Dan Lundgren, Tom Hayes, Joan Milke Flores, Mat
Fong, and Wes Bannister, are standing next to Pete when he's
sworn-in in Sacramento.
What a day that will be, and what a Governor Pete will make.
During his years of public service, Pete Wilson has earned a
sterling reputation for integrity, intelligence, and courage.
I well remember the day of a landmark Senate vote to produce
$135 billion in savings. It was a tough vote, and a bold plan.
Passage hung on the vote of Senator Pete Wilson, who left for the
hospital for an emergency appendectomy, just thirty-six hours
earlier.
It was the morning of May 9, 1985--I'll never forget it--
when Bob called Pete's doctors, and asked if he could physically
withstand a trip to the Capitol. Pete's doctors said "no," as
they didn't want him jostled over the six miles from the hospital
1
to Capitol Hill. Pete overrode their objections. While he may
have lost an appendix, he never lost his backbone; and clad in
pajamas and a robe, and hooked up to an IV tube, it was nearly
two in the morning when Pete Wilson was wheeled into the chamber,
amidst a bipartisan standing ovation.
Perhaps it was that type of courage that led a certain
former Mayor of San Francisco to call Pete "wonderful."
And, indeed, whether he's fighting crime with his highly
successful "Proposition 115, or proposing a cabinet-level
department to oversee children's services, or advancing a
landmark education proposal to integrate social welfare services
with public schools, Pete Wilson is a wonderfully innovative and
effective public servant.
You and I know that Pete's four years in the state
legislature, eleven years as Mayor of San Diego, and eight years
in the U.S. Senate give him superb experience to lead a state,
which on its own, would be the sixth largest economy in the
world.
But rather than focusing on issues and experience, some are
spending much time speculating about the role of women in the
California gubernatorial election. And I'm here to tell you that
women in the 1990's comprise a diverse group with varied
interests. We're not a voting block. No candidate can put us in
a single box and call us "hers." We're individuals. And we
won't fall lock-step in line. If you have any doubts, just check
with President Mondale and Vice President Ferraro.
Then, as now, the stature of women everywhere would be
diminished if a candidate for major office were supported simply
because she's a woman. Those who think women will vote for
gender, underestimate the intelligence and insight of women
voters everywhere. The idea that the election could be won on
the basis of gender insults our electoral process. We are
thinking women. No platitudes will buy us. No party will
inherit us. No candidate will own us. We're too smart, too
savvy. Like all voters, we don't want promises. We want
results.
Both men and women want a governor who goes to bat for
California's farmers in today's complex global market. Both men
and women want a governor who works to get increased funding for
research on Alzheimer's and AIDS. Both men and women want a
governor who fought, and fought hard, to earn wilderness
designations for California rivers, who battled against off-
shore oil drilling--and who won that battle. Both men and women
want a governor who is leading the fight against drug dealers and
traffickers.
2
That is Pete's record. And that's why come November, both
men and women will elect Pete Wilson the next governor of the
great state of California.
And I know that both men and women will be proud to serve
as part of the Wilson administration. I am pleased to work for a
President who has appointed more women to his senior staff than
any President in history. And I am very proud that 62% of my
Department of Labor senior staff are women or minorities.
The women I appointed to senior positions were chosen
because they were the best person--man or woman-for the job.
They were appointed because of qualifications, not because of
quotas.
And that, my friends, is what America is all about. And
what the Republican Party is all about. Ensuring that all of our
citizens have an equal opportunity to reach their full
potential to go as far and rise as high as their skills and
talents will take them.
And, under the leadership of Ronald Reagan, George Bush, and
Pete Wilson, more Americans than ever before have been able to
reach for the stars, and build a better life for themselves and
their families.
Do I need to remind this audience of what befell America the
last time the Democrats controlled the White House? Inflation
was in double digits. Unemployment, in double digits. Home
ownership, an "impossible dream," as interest rates approached
20%. And the government's view of the economy could have been
summed up in a few short phrases. If it moves, tax it. If it
keeps moving, regulate it. If it stops moving, subsidize it.
And, by all means, if it involves money, spend it.
And just as the economy was out of control, so too was
crime. Politicians were more concerned about the rights of
criminals than the rights of victims.
That was the legacy of the Democrats.
And what is the legacy of the Republicans a decade later?
We're now in our 92nd month of economic expansion--a
peacetime record.
Inflation and interest rates have been cut in half--and then
some.
Unemployment is near a 15-year low.
22 million jobs have been created--two and a half million in
3
the last year alone.
Government regulations, red tape, and intrusion have been
reduced.
And individuals, not bureaucracies, have been empowered.
In short, the magic of the marketplace has worked its
wonders.
And although we're a kinder and gentler nation, we've gotten
rougher and tougher with criminals. And thanks to Pete Wilson's
leadership, we'll continue the fight against those who poison our
children and communities with drugs.
That's our legacy here at home. And it's success is only
matched by what has become our legacy abroad.
Again, I don't have to remind you about the foreign policy
mess we faced when we took charge. Communism was on the march.
Our adversaries and our allies, alike, doubted both our word and
our will.
Again, all this has changed. Because we Republicans believe
that strength is not the means of war, but the key to peace.
That using American power in defense of freedom isn't
provocative, but protective of everything we cherish. That
America is right, far, far, more often than she is wrong. And
that in places like Panama, we were right, indeed, to use our
armed forces as lifeguards, to prevent a nation from drowning in
a sea of tyranny.
And, today, the tide of tyranny has run out, and a new tide
of freedom runs high. As President Bush said in his inaugural
address, "The day of the dictator is over." Indeed, the iron
curtain has been destroyed, and not by armies or missiles, but by
ideals. American ideals. Ideals of democracy, freedom of
religion, freedom of speech, and free and open markets.
Today, under Republican leadership, it is not just morning
in America, it's a new dawn for democracy across the world.
When we look at the state of America and the world in 1990,
compared to what it was a decade ago, can anyone deny that
Republican leadership
that George Bush's leadership
that
Pete Wilson's leadership
has made a very positive difference?
Can anyone deny that Republicans
that George Bush
that Pete
Wilson have re-written history?
Unprecedented opportunity for Americans. Unbelievable
opportunities for freedom-seeking people throughout the world.
These are the true legacies of the 1980's. And they're our
4
legacies. Republican legacies.
Ladies and gentlemen, now we stand on the edge of a new
century. Will we continue to work together to meet the
challenges ahead, or fight amongst ourselves for a piece of the
pie? Will we expand on our opportunities or let them slip
through our fingers? Will America be truly strong, or just
barely strong enough? Will we continue on the march, in pursuit
of freedom, justice and economic opportunity? Or will we retreat
to the failed policies of the past? Will we continue to re-
write history? This is what is truly at stake on Election Day
1990.
This year, we are presented with an opportunity to write
history once again. 1990 marks the first time in nearly half a
century that, nationally, Republicans have headed into a mid-
term election with an advantage in party identification.
According to a recent poll, 48% of Americans describe themselves
as Republicans, while 43% call themselves Democrats.
And we need every Republican we can get, because in each
mid-term election this century, except one, the party in control
of the White House has lost seats in Congress. In order to
defeat the Democrats and keep America moving forward, we've got
to defy history. It's that simple, and it's that vital.
I firmly believe that nothing is more important than
helping George Bush succeed, and the only way that can happen, is
with our help.
From the grass roots level of the state legislatures, to the
Governor's mansions--especially here in the largest state in the
union--and to the House and Senate in Washington, D.C., we must
elect more Republicans. Men and women who will stand with the
President, and build on our legacy of growth, jobs, and freedom.
This task will not be easy. In Congress, for instance, we
know that the odds of defeating an incumbent are 49-1. And for
some Democrats, those odds just aren't good enough. We know that
next year, during the reapportionment process, they'll try to
make their odds even better
That's another reason why electing Pete Wilson is so
important. And I don't need to tell you, that's why electing
Republican state legislators is crucial, too.
Non-partisan observers point to the 1981 California
reapportionment--a process controlled lock, stock, and barrel by
the Democrats--as an action which completely stripped the voters
of their power to choose between competing parties and
philosophies. Under this plan, politicians chose voters rather
than voters choosing politicians.
5
We must stop the perversion of this process. We don't seek
an advantage over Democrats. We seek fairness. And in a fair
fight we can more than hold our own.
My friends, it is up to us to ensure that 1990 is not the
end of an era, but a time to refresh and strengthen the new
beginning we undertook a decade ago.
And, as we set about our mission, let us remember the words
of a great Californian, a great American, and a great President.
In his farewell address to the nation in January 1989,
Ronald Reagan said, "Ours was the first revolution in the history
of mankind that truly reversed the course of government. And we
did it with three little words--we, the people."
Ladies and gentlemen, by working together, we, the people,
can ensure that the Republican revolution will endure, and that
America's best days are truly yet to come.
6
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: July 26, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 26, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS
FROM:
DAVE SALLY CARNEY SALMON of
SUBJECT:
Mason-Dixon Poll - Florida Governor's Race
Attached are results of a Mason-Dixon poll released today on the
Florida Governor's race.
The poll, taken July 20-23, indicates a small gain for Democrat
Bill Nelson against Lawton Chiles. Since a mid-June survey,
Chiles has lost three percentage points while Nelson has picked
up 2 points.
Republican Governor Bob Martinez continues to lag behind both
Democrats. He trails Chiles by 14 percentage points and Nelson
by 9 points.
Let me know if you have questions or need further information.
MASON-DIXON SURVEY
n=836 registered voters
Margin of error = +-4%
July 20-23, 1990
Mid-June
Mid-April
Chiles
52%
55%
58%
Nelson
40%
38%
24%
Undecided
8%
7%
18%
Chiles
53%
53%
48%
Martinez
39%
38%
42%
Undecided
8%
9%
10%
Nelson
49%
45%
40%
Martinez
40%
41%
42%
Undecided
11%
14%
18%
Tampa Bav Metro
Nelson closing
Mason-Dixon Florida poll
Results based on telephone Interviews conducted July 20 23, 1990,
with 836 Florida voters chosen at random throughout the state. Margin
gap with Chiles,
for orror is no more than plus or minus 4 percentage points. The
primary slection will be held on Sept. 4 with the general election on
Nov. s
new poll shows
THE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY
THIS POIL
Chiles
52%
Nelson
40%
By BRUCE DUDLEY
Undecided
£
Tribune Staff Writer
MID-JUNE
Ohiles
TAMPA - Florida political icon Lawton Chiles no
55%
Nalson
38%
longer has & lock on the Democratic subernatorial
Undecided
7%
nomination, based on a poll released Wadnesday
showing that U.S. Rep. Bill Nelson continues to gain
MID-APRIL
Chilas
58%
ground on the former U.S. senator.
Nelson
Chiles still has the support of a majority of Demo-
Undecided
18%
crats eligible to vote in the Sept. 4 primary, but since
mid-April Chiles' lead over the
THE REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Melbourne congressman has
dropped from 34 points to a 12-
THIS POLL
Martinez
51%
point advantage.
Howard
22%
Republican Gov. Bob Marti-
Other candidates
Undecidad
25%
nez has been lagging behind the
CAMPAIGN
two Democrats since mid-June,
APEL go
Martinez
47%
Howard
'90
and he continues to be in possible
14%
trouble in his own party, accord-
Other candidates
14%
Undecided
25%
FINANCES
ing to The Tampa Tribune/WTSP
Channel 10 poll conducted by
OCT.
Nelson blasts
Martinez
53%
Mason-Dixon Opinion Research
Howard
2%
Chiles/4B
Inc.
Undecided
26%
Nearly 50 percent of the Republican voters are
looking for another candidate to back or are undecid-
THE GENERAL
Martinez vs.
Martinez VS.
ed about supporting Martinez, according to the poll.
ELECTION
Chiles
Naleon
Undecided
Undecided
With little money or statewide name recognition,
state Sen. Mariene Woodson Howard of Bradenton
11%
received 22 percent of the Republican vote when
THIS FOLL
40%
matched against Martinez and three other candidates
seeking the GOP gubernatorial nomination.
And 25 percent of the state's Republican voters
%
14%
say they still are undecided about who to support
41%
even though the party has an incumbent governor
MID-JUNE
seeking re-election.
Howard's campaign manager, Fay Williams, said
10%
the poll results confirm the work that the Bradenton
18%
42%
senator has been doing to build support statewide for
MID-APRIL
her candidacy.
See NELSON'S, Page 10B
Tribune graphic by JIM BREDECK
Tampa
10-B
Nelson's stock rises with voters,
newlv released poll indicates
polls now have showed a continual
Secretary of State Jim
From Page 1B
decline In Chiles' support.
appears in no danger of being un-
When the Democratic primary
seated. The Republican Incumbent's
When Martinez was matched
sample in the latest poll was whit-
strongest Democratic opponent is
against the two Democrats, Chiles
tied down to 289 voters who said
former newspaperman Jim Minter,
received 52 percent of the vote
they "always or almost always
but even Minter only gets 23 per-
compared to 39 percent for the gov-
vote," Joffee said Chiles lead over
cent of the vote compared to 48 per-
ernor, and Nelson received 48 per-
Nelson was chopped to 11 points.
cent for Smith.
cent in contrast to 40 percent for
Other poll
When matched against ousted
the GOP incumbent.
results show:
federal judge Alcee Hastings, Smith
About three months ago, Neison
Former
gets 56 percent of the vote com-
even trailed Martinez by two points.
Republican Gov.
pared to Hastings' 19 percent.
Neison said in Tallahassee
Clauds Kirk is
Fifty-three percent of Fiori-
Wednesday that he feels "very
making 8 strong
da's voters are undecided about
good" about the results, while aides
showing against
who to back for agriculture commis-
for Chiles and Martinez downplayed
Education Com-
signer with Democrat Doyle Conner
the poll findings.
missioner Betty
retiring from the post. State Senate
J.M. "Mac" Stipanovich. the gov-
Castor less than
President Bob Crawford, a Winter
ernor's campaign manager, said he
a week after de-
Haven Democrat, has a slight edge
was pleased with the results be-
ciding to chal-
over his chief Republican opponent,
cause Martinez still is within strik-
lenge the Demo-
Castor
Charles Bronson, who was the Re-
ing distance of Nelson or Chiles
cratic
publicans' unsuccessful nominee for
"even though he has been sitting on
incumbent. In
agriculture commissioner in 1986.
the sidelines" and watching the two
the poll, Kirk
The race for education commis-
Democrats fight,
received 24 per-
sioner is likely to supply the most
Stipanovich said Howard's sup-
cent of the vote
political fireworks of the state Cabi-
port in the Republican primary rep-
compared to 39
net contests since it features yet an-
resents a negative vote that shows
percent for Cas-
other political comeback attempt by
up in any poll. "You could have a
tor, while there
Kirk, who has run for a number of
referendum on apple pie, and 20
is B whopping 37
offices since losing the governorship
percent of the people would vote
percent of the
in 1970.
no," he said.
voters undecid-
Kirk said the Mason-Dixon poll
Chiles' press secretary, Julie
ed about who to
shows he is off "to a good begin-
Fletcher, said she feels the poll
back in the Kirk
ning" Kirk faces Republican prima-
showed little movement by any can-
race.
ry opposition from Inverness lawyer
didates. She said pollsters indicated
Insurance Commissioner Tom
Ken Sharpe and former state em-
there was a 5 percent margin of or-
Gallagher is maintaining a steady
ployee Amefike Geuka of Tallahas-
ror in the poiling of 450 Democratic
12 percentage point advantage over
see. But Kirk said he is concentrat-
voters, so Nelson might not have
Democratic challenger George Stu-
ing on defeating Castor.
moved a single point in his race
art Jr., an Orlando state senator
Castor's campaign manager,
against Chiles. The margin of error
who dropped out of the governor's
Sheri Bryan, said she knows the in-
on the overall poll was 4 percent.
race. The latest poil shows Gallagh-
cumbent commissioner is going to
Robert Joffee, Mason-Dixon vice
er getting 43 percent of the vote
be in a campaign with Kirk running.
president for Florida, said the ap-
compared to 31 percent for Stuart
But Bryan pointed out that the
parent five-point gain by Nelson is
and 26 percent undecided. Polls in
Mason-Dixon poll showed Kirk has
within the poll's margin of error.
mid-April and mid-June showed
a 20 percent unfavorable rating
But Joffee said three Mason-Dixon
similar results.
compared to 7 percent for Castor.
Tampes
7/26
201=2
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: July 30, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 27, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS
ALIXE GLEN
FROM:
MICHAEL P. JACKSON my
SUBJECT:
The Attorney General's Comments on the Justice
Marshall Interview
Attached is a poor photocopy of the Attorney General's response
in Boston today to questions about the interview Justice Marshall
granted to "Prime Time." Thornburgh granted several other
television interviews this afternoon and apparently responded in
much the same way to Marshall questions.
Attachment
SENT wille nuuse
EDS OF ATTORNEY GENERAL RICHARD THORNBURGH AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF
5-1 page# a
AMERICAN LEGISLATIVE EXCHANGE COUNCIL, BOSTON, NASSACHUSETTS
FRIDAY, JULY 27, 1990
properly accused of criminal behavior. We in the Justice Department
are working hard on Capitol Hill to try to reinstate those
providions of the President's Package which W# believe are important
which WH believe are pro-criminal,
and to head 011 those portions of the current version of the bill
pleased to try to answer tham.
You may have questions on those or other matters; and I'd be
Q
Mr. Thornburgh, in regard to Justice Marshall's comments
maid first of all?
think an associate Supreme Court justice should OR saying things he
last. night on "Prime Time" -- I don't know if you saw them -- do you
ATTY GEN. THORNBURGH: I WRS saddened by the observations of
Supreme Court justice has ever in our history criticized an
Justice Marshall. I believe it is the first time that any sitting
appointment and indeed criticized the President who made that
attitude to have on the EVR of the considoration by the Senature
appointment. I don't believe that it is a constructive type of
the nomination of a mean whom I consider to be possessed of
extraordinary qualities of intellmet, integrity, and character.
for that Yeason, Y was caddened by this opisode.
And
3
What do you think --
D
Will the Justice's remarks impact that homination?
ATTY OEN. THORNBURGH I doubt vary much whether the Senate is
torgive the Judge has been in Washington all this work making the rounds
And of Judge Souter, and that's what they are most interested in doing.
going to depart from its appointed task for werutinizing the record
the sonators an opportunity to begin this process.
B
And ynt, -- you say, it'm probably the first time in
not history . sitting justice has ever criticized a cominee, Might that
may something to the sonators?
ATTY OWN. THORNOURGH; I can't answer for the senators.
his level of frustration I guess?
What do you think can said about Thursood Marshal and
ATTY GEN. THORNBURGH: Well, I VRS saddened by it. *
think Q he meant How by about that? what he said about President Flush? What do you
ATTY GEN. THORNDURGH I don't know.
à
criticism saying that Judge Souter doesn't have
What do you think whout --- what do you think about the
can look at to Judge him by?
record really that
20 ' d
6697 VIS 202
07/27/1990 18:18 **** DOJ CMD CTR
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
SHT 06/11/2 at
Date: July 10, 1990
TO: Ed Rogers / David Carney
FROM:
BRUCE STEBBINS
Associate Director
Office of Political Affairs
Two polls were published in the Burlington Free
Press today in a front page story. The methodology
of the polls is questionable but the coverage
was extensive.
Center for Social Science Research at St. Michael's
College. (550 respondents/314 likely voters) +/-5.5% +/-
Governor's Race:
Snelling
47.5%
Welch
19.1%
Undecided
33,4%
At-Large Congressional Race
Peter Smith
33.7%
Bernie Sanders (I)
32.7
Undecided
32,3
Dolores Sandoval (D)
1.3
O Becker Poll conducted in late June of 510
voters +/-5.5%
At-Large Congressional Race
More
accurate
Smith (R)
46%
Sanders (I)
36%
Sandoval (D)
5%
Undecided
15%
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 25, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS DR.
SUBJECT:
SUMMARY OF RECENT POLLING DATA
I.
Presidential/Congressional Job Approval
o
The President remains very popular: 71% approve of the way
he's handling the job, 21% disapprove. These figures have
remained relatively constant since April, 1989.
O
42% approve of the way Congress is performing, while 44%
disapprove. In April, 1989, the numbers were 50% approval
and 38% disapproval.
II. The Economy
46% approve of the way the President is handling the economy
- 43% disapprove. This is the highest disapproval rating #
since the election.
O
Of those who disapprove of Bush's handling of the Presidency
overall, the biggest block is 15% who "believe he could do a
better job". These are probably partisan Democrats and can
be discounted. The next six highest reasons for disapproval
(total of 53%) are based on economic conditions ranging from
unemployment to the belief that the economy is simply
getting worse.
O
Only 3% blame the President for the S&L problem, 28% blame
the Reagan Administration, 11% - Democrats in Congress, and
52% - the managers of the S&Ls.
III. Taxes
O
54% believe a tax increase is necessary to reduce the
deficit. 41% believe it is not necessary to raise taxes.
45% to 51% of the public oppose a tax increase as "one part
of an overall plan to reduce the deficit".
If a tax increase were "absolutely necessary":
-
66% to 35% support raising the top rate from 28% to 33%
for all taxpayers;
-
61% to 28% support a less-than-one percent tax on all
stock transactions;
-
58% to 40% support a one percent sales tax;
-
33% to 64% oppose a BTU tax; and
-
17% to 81% oppose a 12 cent/gallon increase in the
gasoline tax.
People prefer a stock transfer tax to a BTU tax, 71% to 18%.
58% believe Congress has the responsibility to make the
"first concrete proposal" to reduce the deficit. 37%
believe the President has this responsibility.
By 69% to 24% the public prefers that Congress and the
President reach a deficit reduction plan that increases
taxes and cuts spending vs. reaching no agreement at all.
IV. Foreign Policy/Gorbachev Summit
By 65% to 24%, the public approves of the way the President
is handling foreign policy.
25% believe the Gorbachev Summit was a major success while
64% believe it was a minor success and 4% believe it was a
failure.
38% believe the President did a better job than Gorbachev' at
the Summit, while 22% believe Gorbachev did better.
62% to 30% believe the Gorbachev Summit did result in
"substantial accomplishments".
By 85% to 11%, people support the President's actions to
allow greater trade with the Soviet Union.
42% to 50% of the people disapprove of President Bush
"continuing to give China the same trading rights with us as
we give our traditional trading partners".
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 25, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 25, 1990
FOR:
DAVID CARNEY
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XX
FYI
Family
Research Council
T.M.
Gary L. Bauer, President
LEAVING OUT MOST MOTHERS
by Gary L. Bauer
President, Family Research Council
In what has been hailed as a great triumph for motherhood,
both Houses of Congress recently passed a bill requiring employers to
offer workers up to 12 weeks of job-protected leave after the birth
or adoption of a child. Pro-family packaging aside, the bill is flawed.
So flawed, in fact, that it does not deserve the President's signature
in its current form.
The greatest problem with the current bill is that it ignores the
needs and priorities of women who place a higher premium on
spending time with their young children than on pursuing career
objectives during this life stage. While the bill offers fast-track
career women the job protection they so greatly covet, it fails to
address the interests of "Mommy track" women who would like to be
home with their children for more than just 12 weeks.
This is no small oversight. According to a recent Roper poll,
fully half of all mothers want a respite of at least 2-3 years after the
birth of a child, and 39 percent want to be home at least until their
children enter school. Conversely, only 15 percent believe a
maternity leave of three months (13 weeks) is ideal.
Moreover, the Roper poll suggests that many, if not most,
women would be willing to sacrifice some job security in order to be
home with children for more than 12 weeks. According to the poll,
most women recognize that a natural tension exists between the
length of leave an employer can offer and the ability of that
employer to guarantee employment after leave expires. Indeed, no
less than 90 percent of the Roper respondents acknowledged that it
is unrealistic to expect an employer to hold open a job until a
woman's youngest child enters school.
Family Rescarch Council
A division of Focus on the Family
601 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Suite 901
Washington, D.C. 20004
(202) 393-2100
What, then, can be done to help all mothers (and fathers)
benefit from a leave plan? I believe federal policymakers should
pattern family leave policy after an existing law that requires
employers to give preference in re-hiring to individuals who
interrupt their employment to serve in the armed forces. As with
veteran's preference, "parental preference" could be extended to
former employees applying for available positions for which they are
qualified.
"Parental preference" legislation could be adopted instead of or
as a part of federal legislation mandating a job-protected short-term
leave. Either way, the likely result (given the prevalence of job-
protected leave in the business community) would be a two-track
system in which all qualified employees could choose a leave plan
that reflects their work and family priorities. Parents could opt for
either (1) a short-term job-protected leave; or (2) "parental
preference" in re-hiring if they interrupt their employment to carry
out family responsibilities.
"Parental preference" legislation would acknowledge that the
unpaid work of raising children is no less valuable than the paid
work of defending the country. It would affirm that a parent
previously employed by a company is entitled to some recognition of
prior service. It would be of particular benefit to those displaced
homemakers who unexpectedly find themselves in need of
employment. And since "parental preference" also would be
available to employees who take time off to help aging or seriously
ill family members, this policy would provide a safety net for any
worker whose family responsibilities extend beyond the length of
job-guaranteed leave an employer offers.
While a two-track family leave system would give parents
wider options, neither track is of any value if parents cannot afford
to take time off to be with their children. Accordingly, some parental
leave advocates have called for making job-protected leave paid. But
paid leave threatens to aggravate further the labor cost impact of
any leave plan, thereby depressing wages, benefits, and employment.
Moreover, paid leave would be of benefit only to fast-trackers;
Mommy-trackers would gain nothing.
Rather than making leave paid, the need to provide financial
assistance to economically-strapped families with young children
could be met by creating a new government tax credit offering as
much as $1,000 per child. President Bush proposed such a credit in
his 1991 budget. Importantly, the Bush tax credit was designed to
address the tax code's current bias against parental leave-taking by
permitting parents to choose either this new credit or the existing
Dependent Care Tax Credit (which goes only to taxpayers with day
care expenses).
During the House debate on child care legislation in March,
Congressman Charlie Stenholm (D-TX) offered a bill that included a
modest Bush-style tax credit. Unfortunately, the bill was defeated in
favor of a measure that perpetuates the tax code's current bias
against parents that take time off to be home with young children.
Curiously, most of the House members who voted for the parental
leave bill voted against the Stenholm bill.
In its current form, parental leave legislation is a Wellesley
protester's dream. It offers benefits to an elite group of affluent,
fast-track women, while ignoring the interests of those who would
like to live by Barbara Bush's priorities for more than 12 weeks. The
only thing hollower than this legislation is the Democratic
leadership's child care bill which directly discriminates against
mothers who take time off from work to be home with their children.
Accordingly, President Bush should veto both bills and urge
Congress to send back to him legislation offering "parental
preference" in re-hiring family-oriented workers and a new tax
credit that eliminates the tax code's current bias against mothers
who take time off to be home with children. Only then will there be
a true triumph for all mothers.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 22, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI
AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
440 FIRST STREET, N.W., SUITE 600
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20001
(202) 639-5200 FAX (202) 639-4697
Mayer Mitchell
President
June 22, 1990
The President
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
I join the many Americans, including the leaders of
the American Jewish community, who support your
decision to suspend our dialogue with the PLO.
It is regretful that the PLO has again missed an
opportunity to demonstrate seriousness about peace
through its actions, not merely statements. The
failure by Arafat to take swift and decisive action
against terrorists within his own senior ranks is
disappointing, a move not down a moderate road to
peace, but down a path supporting terrorism, which
it was hoped he had abandoned.
AIPAC shares your views that the United States must
adhere to its principled policy against terrorism.
Your action puts Arafat on notice that the United
States will not deal with terrorists and that they
have no place at the peace table. It makes a clear
statement that the United States is determined to
move the process forward with credible, trustworthy
partners. We urge you to make sure the PLO takes
unequivocal and definitive actions, including
expelling Abul Abbas, and other steps necessary to
convince those interested in peace that he does not
support violence before the dialogue resumes.
Mr. President, our vision should be one of peace and
our minds should remain focused on how to bring that
peace to the people of the region. Peacemaking is
indeed a process. As witnesses of the peace treaty
with Egypt, we have learned first hand the benefits
that can be reaped from reconciliation.
The President
June 22, 1990
Page Two
The new Government of Israel's guidelines state
their desire for peace with their neighbors. The
United States and Israel have benefited over the
years from a close relationship. The successful
pursuit of peace is possible only through
maintaining this strong alliance. As Americans, we
are grateful that the United States, under your
leadership, is engaged in nurturing peace between
the State of Israel, the Arab states and the
Palestinians.
On a personal note, I look forward to working with
you and members of the Executive Branch during my
term as President of AIPAC to strengthen the
relationship between the United States and Israel.
I have long been a personal admirer and supporter of
yours. I will always remember the eloquent
expression of your feelings following your visit to
Auschwitz at the home of my good friends, Sage and
Elsie Lyons, in Mobile during the 1988 campaign.
I hope the opportunity presents itself in the near
future to personally discuss both AIPAC and the
U.S. -Israel relationship with you.
Sincerely,
Mayu Mayer Nitchell Mitchell
MM:cs
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 13, 1990
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FOR:
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
This is somewhat interesting....
WASHINGTON, D.C., June 10 -- Jesse Jackson leads the 1992
Democratic presidential sweepstakes, followed by Mario Cuomo and
Jimmy Carter, a new Times Mirror survey has found.
Jackson is the choice of 22 percent of a national sample of
Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents polled June 1 - 4.
Cuomo was preferred by 17 percent and Carter by 13 percent.
House Majority Leader Richard Gephardt was chosen by 10
percent, New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley by 8 percent, and
Tennessee Senator Albert Gore by 7 percent of those surveyed.
Nearly a quarter of the sample -- 23 percent -- said they
didn't know who they preferred at this time.
QUESTION: Turning to politics for a moment, which one of the
following people would you like to see nominated as the
Democratic Party's candidate for President in 1992?
Jesse Jackson
22
Mario Cuomo
17
Jimmy Carter
13
Richard Gephardt
10
Bill Bradley
8
Albert Gore
7
Don't know
23
100
Number of Interviews (496)
Early polls are generally not good predictors of eventual
electoral outcomes, but they do provide an indication about the
dynamics of the coming contest. This one indicates that the
Democratic race is at least as wide open as it was in 1988 and
that each candidate has particular areas of strength.
1
*Assuming that Jimmy Carter will not be a candidate, Jackson
probably has relatively more support than this poll shows because
a disproportionate number of Carter's supporters choose Jackson
as their second choice. With Jimmy Carter's second choices
reallocated, Jackson leads Cuomo 30% to 20%. Jackson's black
base is supplemented with strong support from young Democrats.
*Better-educated and older Democrats, who turn out at the
polls more heavily than the average Democrat, are relatively
greater supporters of Mario Cuomo.
*Former basketball star Bill Bradley has something of a
gender gap, with male Democrats twice as likely to pick him as
females.
*Senator Gore has yet to position himself as the South's
"favorite son", - trailing both Jackson and Carter in his home
region but leading Gephardt of Missouri, Cuomo and Bradley.
Jimmy
Jesse
Bill
Mario
Albert
Richard
Carter
Jackson
Bradley
Cuomo
Gore
Gephardt
DK
National*
13
22
8
17
7
10
23
Sex
Male
14
23
11
17
8
10
17
Female
13
22
5
18
6
9
27
Education
College graduate
10
14
11
38
5
7
15
Some college
8
22
10
18
8
11
22
High school
graduate
17
21
7
11
8
13
24
Less than h.s.
graduate
15
32
4
10
5
5
29
Region
East
10
14
13
24
4
6
28
Midwest
14
22
9
18
5
15
17
South
15
27
3
8
14
10
24
West
13
27
6
24
2
7
22
2
The survey results are based on 496 telephone interviews
with a nationwide sample of Democrats and Independents who lean
to the Democratic party conducted under the direction of
Princeton Survey Research Associates during the period of June 1-
4, 1990. The margin of error attributable to sampling and other
random effects is plus or minus 5 percentage points.
3
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 13, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
THE
SPECTATOR
New Hampshire's statewide news journal of political intelligence
$2.95
JUNE 1990
Vol.1/No.1
Bill Bartlett:
The power &
IIII
the process
It is the final day for
conference committees
to settle differences and
report out bills that have
split the House and
joik
Senate-last chance in
Will
the 1990 session for the
down
Republican leadership
the
RE-E
to put its spin on
spending and agency
TEG
policy bills. Nobody can
find Gov. Judd Gregg.
qu
"The jerk's gone,"
explodes Bill Bartlett,
slapping his arms down
on his gray trousers in
disbelief. Without Gregg
to OK the last-minute
THE
deals, the schedule is
derailed. Then, realizing
a reporter has witnessed
the outburst, Bartlett
B 90
shrugs as if to say
PAGE 7
The lessons of Loon
Re-teaching teachers
Art for politics' sake
SPECTATOR
JUNE 1990
Bill Bartlett:
The power and
the process
IT IS THE FINAL DAY
Senate president
for conference com-
mittees to settle dif-
ferences and report
speaks out on
out bills that have
split the House and
the Legislature,
Senate - the last
chance in the 1990
his future and
session for the Repub-
lican leadership to put
its spin on spending
Judd Gregg
and agency policy
bills. Nobody can find
BY GARY GHIOTO
Gov. Judd Gregg.
"The jerk's gone,"
PHOTO BY TIMOTHY SAVARD
explodes Bill Bartlett, slapping his arms down on his gray
trousers in disbelief. Without Gregg to OK the last-minute
deals, the schedule is derailed. Then, realizing a reporter
Legislature. An outsider. A "jerk," apparently, who doesn't
has witnessed the outburst, Bartlett shrugs as if to say,
know the process, at least the process according to
"Look - 15 months of Judd Gregg can do this to a guy."
Bartlett.
No question, Senate President William Bartlett would
"Two years ago I had my political life pretty well set.
prefer to spend this April morning teeing it up on a golf
I knew I wasn't going to be governor, and I knew what I
course somewhere, anywhere down in Florida, instead of
was going to do. I had a man I was supporting who was
smoothing out the wrinkles of a session unquestionably an
41 years old and running for governor — someone I could
embarrassment to the New Hampshire Republican Party.
support and work with through my political career," says
A partial laundry list of the session's "accomplish-
the Senate president. "I didn't get the product I thought I
ments" includes: the dismantling of a public utility whose
was going to get."
executives had dutifully served and financially supported
At 59, a successful businessman and politician,
the party for years; laying off state employees; miscalcu-
Bartlett is a man big on the process.
lating state revenues; and creating a new telecommunica-
For it was the process - that framework of power
tions tax, along with increases in the rooms and meals tax
based on knowing when to seize opportunity, wield influ-
and a raft of other taxes and fees. Christ, as Bartlett is
ence or sit back and compromise - that took him out of
wont to say, Republicans even rallied behind the notion of
an early life of nowhere jobs to an insurance and real es-
tate business that made him comfortable, some say
a state income tax.
And to top it off, the leader of the show is a 43-year-
wealthy.
old rich kid, who "never worked a day in his life," fresh out
In two decades the process took him from his metal
of Congress, who plays golf with all the grace of a 24-han-
chair at the Kingston selectmen's office and small-town
dicapper, and worse, doesn't know his way around the
decisions to a visit to the Oval Office where he's consid-
PAGES
THE SPECTATOR
JUNE 1990
ered a friend of President Bush.
And now Bartlett is letting the Senate go after five
On how he got into the governor's race: "This all
terms, and four years as its president.
started like a joke. A slow news day. (Channel 9's) Jack
He has said he would like to be governor, that if the
Heath came in and said, 'I understand you'd like to be gov-
polls indicate Gregg is weak, he will run. Whether Bartlett
ernor.' We were just shooting the shit. I said, 'That's right.
is merely tweaking Gregg's nose, or serious, will be re-
The only office I would like to own other than Senate presi-
vealed in early June, after, of course, a fund-raiser for
dent (is) governor. Don't want to go to Washington, don't
Senate Republicans.
want to be a senator, don't want to be a congressman
"You know, it's not a life-or-death deal.
He said, 'Would you like to be governor?'
I'm going to live, win or lose. I am fully
Bartlett's
I said yes. He said, 'Would you run
aware that the day you are out of office
against Gregg?' I said if the conditions
your phone doesn't ring anymore. Maybe
were right I would run against anybody."
that would be peaceful to my wife and
everyone else," he says.
quotations:
On Senate Majority Leader Ed
Right now, though, Bartlett is reflecting
Dupont: "He is probably without ques-
on four years as Senate president, and a
a selection
tion the sharpest guy to come into the
charge leveled by Democratic Sen. Wayne
Senate in many years I think he
King of Rumney, and others, that he had
would make a good governor. He knows
no set agenda during his tenure.
how to work."
That's a naive notion, he says, given the legislation
On whether former House Majority Leader Vin-
funneled through the body. But his crowning achievement
cent Palumbo has a political future: "I think he
as president was to give the Senate its own voice.
does. I hope so. (But) Vinnie Palumbo has got baggage. If
Bartlett recalls his frustrations with Senate President
I were to give him advice I would tell him to settle down
Vesta Roy and her domination by Gov. John Sununu. He
and enjoy his family and get himself on a sound financial
remembers sessions when Sununu would send Stephen
footing."
Merrill to hang out in the anteroom, ferrying instructions
to Roy from the corner office.
On Sen. Robert Preston, candidate in Demo-
"To me, that was demeaning to the Senate When I
cratic gubernatorial primary: "Good guy - really
ran for Senate president I said the Senate was going to be
good guy. Probably a little too kind though. He understands
the Senate. And I think during the four years I've been
the state he's no Hugh Gallen. Bob Preston has run suc-
there, the Senate is making its own decisions."
cessful businesses, and he knows the system."
And the concurrent ascension of his longtime friend
Doug Scamman of Stratham — whose father served with
On Sen. Susan McLane, R-Concord: "Susan Mc-
Lane is in the Senate."
Bartlett's as a Rockingham County commissioner - as
speaker of the House, led to a cooperation between the
On lobbyist Chris Gallagher: "Intelligent quick to
two bodies that Bartlett says has been unprecedented.
grasp the issues and quick to find solutions has an un-
"There wasn't the upstaging, there was a sense of dig-
canny ability to put things together, and when things fall
nity and respect between the two bodies," says Bartlett.
apart, you will see him come back with a new wrinkle."
"As much as people love to think I used the power indis-
criminately, the only time you would hear someone com-
plain about that was when they didn't get what they
other classified people but they feel, 'Hey, we're classi-
wanted."
fied — don't bother us.' If you help people and you try to
Or if they got in the way or meddled with the process,
get them to work with you with what you think is the sys-
such as Susan Palmer-Terry, former head of the state Cer-
tem, and they tell you what to do, you don't have any al-
ternative," Bartlett says.
tificate of Need office, or Dr. John Wallace, formerly of the
Division of Mental Health, and Mike Power, who used to
"And I run the Senate the same way."
direct the state Office of Vacation and Travel.
Sometimes even Republicans became targets of
Palmer-Terry ran afoul of Bartlett when she opposed
Bartlett's "ruthless" power plays, says Sen. William
Johnson of Northwood.
the building of a new hospital in Salem by the for-profit
Hospital Corporation of America. Wallace ticked him off by
The 1986 election for Senate president was a prime
allegedly lobbying for projects in the Legislature. Power
example. Bartlett, facing a tough opponent in Sununu fa-
vorite George Freese, curried the favor of Senate Demo-
upset several senators for undisclosed "performance on
the job" reasons.
crats to capture the position.
Bartlett couldn't fire them, since they were classified
"When he was first elected as Senate president, he was
employees, so he abolished their jobs in the 1989 budget.
quick with sanctions — punishments, if you will - against
"You know that should have sent a message to those
those who voted against him," says Johnson, one of the
Freese supporters.
JUNE 1990
THE SPECTATOR
PAGE9
Sens. White and Rhona Charbonneau were banished
contained no sitting members appointed by the House or
to a tiny office that could barely accommodate one person,
Senate. Bartlett fixed that with legislation giving the Leg-
he says. "The idea of punishing Republicans that had the
islature appointment power.
temerity to oppose him, and then boosting Democrats to
Then there was Gregg's announcement of a solution
head committees on the basis of their support - it's un-
worked out between him and Maine Gov. John McKernan
precedented and petty," Johnson says.
over the Maine "spousal tax" hitting New Hampshire ship-
Democrats were appointed by Bartlett to lead four
yard workers. "He never had a deal worked out," says
committees in a Senate where Republicans outnumbered
Bartlett. "Christ."
Democrats 16 to 8.
Next followed the Governor's opposition to a low-
power testing license for Seabrook and what appeared to
Where was the real Bill Bartlett?
be advocacy on his part for the Northeast Utilities buyout
He also can be "fiercely loyal to his senators, particu-
of Public Service Co. of N.H.
larly his male senators," says a former press aide.
"That's when we saw he was off on a different avenue.
Like the time he helped Sen. "Happy Jack" Chandler of
John Sununu would do what he thought was right for the
Warner after he earned instant vilification with his crude
state of New Hampshire. He would make a decision say-
public telling of a racist joke about Jesse Jackson's mother
ing, That's what we are going to do, and that is right.'
posing for National Geographic.
And then he would say, 'How am I going to sell it to the
The "joke" hit the wire services and gave Chandler
public?'
much more than his alloted 15 minutes of fame.
"In my opinion, Judd Gregg makes the political de-
The bad press continued as Chandler answered press
cision first and decides if it's good for the state second."
inquiries and dug the hole deeper, remembers Bartlett.
Bartlett insists that Gregg's former campaign chairman,
"I finally told Jack, 'You're not going to talk about this
Tom Rath, virtually steamrolled PSNH creditors and share-
no more,' and he said, 'Well, they keep talking to me.' I
holders into supporting NU with assurances of Gregg's
said, 'Well you're not going to take any more phone calls.'
continued commitment to the buyout. Bartlett believes
And we shut off all phone calls to him for a week, and it
Rath "called the shots" and created a perception that
was the best thing I have ever done for Jack Chandler.
Gregg was being influenced unduly.
Somebody has to make the decision on this kind of stuff."
Despite heated words and a last-minute attempt to res-
Bartlett doesn't buy the notion he panders to the old-
cue PSNH, Bartlett and the leadership were forced to sup-
boy network. He points to his committee assignments of
port the NU buyout.
Democrats and women, saying, "I'm no male chauvinist."
Four women head committees in the Senate: Sen. Elaine
'Hoisted by his own petard'
Krasker, Sen. Rhona Charbonneau, Sen. Eleanor Podles
It is May 3, the last day of the 1990 legislative session.
and Sen. Sheila Roberge.
The House has just sustained Gregg's veto of a $15.4 mil-
And on women's issues, Bartlett put himself in a pro-
lion capital spending bill. Gregg objected to a $9.4 million
choice mode after a history of voting against abortion-on-
state office building proposal inserted in the bill with the
demand bills. He also structured the debate on abortion,
blessing of Bartlett and Scamman. The governor had per-
telling the senators they all would have a chance to make
sonally worked the door outside Representatives Hall to
a stand on the issue, but there would be no horror stories
muster support for the veto.
or angry exchanges.
The overwhelming House vote backing Gregg threw
"I've listened to the issue for eight goddamned years,
the leadership on its ear. As the House approved a motion
and I wish I'd never had to bother with it at all," he says.
to suspend the rules and act on an amended spending bill
During the spring debate, Bartlett said the people back
backed by Gregg, Bartlett adjourned the Senate.
home were now for abortion rights, and he had to support
Gregg came out looking good for the television cam-
that view. There was no mention of his own view, his own
eras. He said it was a shame the Senate had taken a walk
personal belief, and some thought he had chosen to cop
and left "in a fit of pique."
out. Where was the real Bill Bartlett?
"He was playing hardball and got hoisted by his own
"Look- if by my information and by my own personal
petard," says Johnson of Bartlett. Exultant Gregg aides put
knowledge I could have said abortion is right or wrong, I
it a little differently, saying the Senate president got his
would get up there and say that I couldn't do that. Now
"ass whipped" in the veto vote.
if that's a cop-out, then I copped out."
Bartlett took it philosophically before he left for a din-
Almost from the beginning, Bartlett and Senate Major-
ner honoring Scamman. He said he was more worked up
ity Leader Ed Dupont of Rochester had a bad feeling about
about preparations for a trip to Florida with his wife Lee.
Gregg. The governor wasn't going to play along according
"I'm not angry. I even called the governor with con-
gratulations. It's all part of the process," he said.
S
to the process.
Gregg came out with his own version of the Pease Re-
Gary Ghioto is a Concord-based reporter for United Press
development Commission in early 1989, a proposal that
International.
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New Hampshire Premier
June, 1990
1
STATE AFFAIRS
GOVERNOR
GREGG
DISPLAYS
FIRE
A
S New Hampshire starts the 1990s, the
(The session opened with Publisher Semaan asking
state chief executive's leadership emerges as
Gov. Gregg to summarize his experience in govern-
ment and civic affairs.)-
a primary issue. New Hampshire Premier has dedi-
GREGG: Well, basically, I've been involved in govern-
cated its first cover story to Governor Judd Gregg,
ment, either in quasi-government position or an elect-
due to the compelling issues, facing the state and
ed position for about over twenty years now. Twenty
nation as a whole. On May 9, N.H. Premier Pub-
years approximately. When I came back to New Hamp-
shire and started in law practice, I got involved in a lot
lisher Simon Semaan conducted a taped interview
of community activities such as the head of my local
with Governor Gregg in the hope of soliciting
mental health activity, the National Community Coun-
detailed information about current policies and
cil, head of the United Way, headed up the local Fresh
Air Camp, president of the Crotched Mountain Mental
controversies, as well as his plans for the future.
Rehabilitation Center. All of these were quasi-public
activities. From those I got involved in actual elective
Halfway into the session, Governor. Gregg
office, was elected to government in 1974, I think it was
demanded to know the identity of individuals
74, constitution convention and then I was elected to
the Governor's Council in 1978 and then elected to
responsible for the information provided to Mr.
Congress in 1980, where I served for 8 years. I served
Semaan and used as the basis for his questions of
on a number of committees, including the Ways and
the governor. When Publisher Semaan declined to
Means Committee, which is probably the most influen-
disclose his sources, Governor Gregg angrily protest-
tial committee in Congress.
ed and abruptly ended the interview. Here are
N.H. PREMIER: ( Gov. Gregg was asked if he had a
chance to introduce any legislation while he was in
excerpts from the interview:
Congress)
New Hampshire Premier
June, 1990
7
NH Premier Publisher Simon Semaan interviewing Governor Gregg.
GREGG: I've introduced a number
because I was on the Ways and
GREGG: Well, we've had a good
of pieces of legislation over that
Means Committee, worked very
year, two years we've had some
time frame, yes.
hard, for example, on the 86 tax
tough times and we've had some
N.H. PREMIER: Could You name
reform act which - as a member
challenging times. Clearly New
any?
of the committee - I played a role
Hampshire has gone through a
in and enjoyed.
transition over the last year and a
GREGG: Well, probably the ones
that received the most attention
N.H. PREMIER: In addition to
half, since I've been governor. It's
your experience in Congress, it was
a regional wide event, an economic
were the ones in the area of the
brought to my attention that you
slowdown, basically which is
environment; especially the acid
practiced law in the past. What
regional wide, which has created
rain legislation. which I introduced
which is now coming to fruition it
kind of practice was it?
problems which we haven't
traditionally had to in New
appears in a language very close to
GREGG: That's right, I was an
Hampshire. Specifically a budget
what I originally proposed back in
attorney for eight years, and
deficit and in addition we've had
the early 1980s is the language
practiced all sorts of law. It was a
some unique problems such as the
being talked about now as a final
general practice, although I had a
Pease Air Force closure and the
draft; and so I'm fairly proud of
graduate degree in taxation, so I
fact that the public service
that. I also had some specific
used to do - had an LLM in
company went into bankruptcy,
legislation in New Hampshire, for
taxation; plus the law degree, so I
and we've addressed all these
example, of the White Mountain
used to do a fair amount of tax
straight up, and I think we've had a
National Forest: designation of
work, but basically the firm I
tremendously successful record on
77,000 acres of wilderness was a
worked for did everything and
this. We've had to make tough
piece
of
legislation
I
whatever problems walks in the
decisions, though, to address these
introduced and we had a number
door we tried to help people in.
issues, and in making tough
of pieces of legislation in the area
N.H. Premier: (Gregg was asked
decisions you tend to antagonize
of mass science education because
at one time I was on the Mass
about charges that his lack of
people because you don't come
Science Committee; and we also
leadership had caused some degree
down in the middle on any issues,
of defection within the Republican
which I tend not to
I tend to
did a fair number of tax law issues
Party)
Continued on Page 12
8
New Hampshire Premier
June, 1990
GREGG Continued from Page 8
record
making difficult choices
done in New Hampshire, we've
down in the middle on any issues,
in, what is basically is a challenging
done a lot better job than our
which I tend not to
I tend to
time, is second to none. And we've
sistering state's have who are
come down on an aggressive
made great progress. We've moved
confronting the same problems.
position, on side or the other. You
these issues such as the Pease
For example with the deficit, New
are obviously going to antagonize
closure, such as the public service
Hampshire is the only state in the
people who take a different view on
cost of energy in New
region facing a major deficit that's
these issues. And so, yes, we have
Hampshire, such as the banks, such
actually stepped up to the bar,
had some confrontations here, but
as our own deficit problems here at
made the tough decisions and
if you are going to move
the State, such as the workmen's
moved that deficit towards
government and you're going to
comp. crisis. We've moved all these
resolution. It's not me puffing the
accomplish things you've got to
issues down the road toward
issue, it's been acknowledged by
take those types of actions and
resolution, very aggressively. And,
the National Rating Services such
we've done it. I think our track
in fact, if you look at what we've
as Moody's and Standard and
Poor's which continue to maintain
our rating as a state, while other
states have been falling back in the
ratings.
One of 215
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks about the
condition of the state budget)
highly qualified
GREGG: Well it's
We
are
reasons to call
expecting a deficit this year
Physician
somewhere in the vicinity of $20
million, which is a manageable
Referral Service.
number. And certainly a lot more
Highly skilled and qualified physi-
manageable than the $1 billion
cians. Trained at some of the most
respected medical schools in the
Massachusetts is talking about and
country. Able to give their patients a
the hundreds and tens of millions
level of personal concern and attention
not that easy to find anymore. These
some of our other sister states are
are the kinds of physicians you'll be
talking about. And it would not
introduced to when you call Physician
Referral Service at HCA Portsmouth
have been manageable if we hadn't
Regional Hospital.
We'll give you the names of
back in February under my very
qualified physicians carefully chosen
aggressive leadership made the
for your particular needs. We'll also
introduce you to the complete and
tough decisions. We took a $160
modern resources and facilities of
HCA Portsmouth Regional Hospital.
million adjustment in our budget
The physicians of HCA Portsmouth
in February, about 12 percent of
Regional Hospital. We can't think of
any better reasons to call.
our budget. And, having done that
(603) 436-3322
we're now, even though the
economy remains slow, we're able
Call for a free copy
to manage our budget problem.
of our new Guide to Physicians.
Had we not done that we'd be
looking at a $100 million deficit
this year, ending in June, and an
even bigger deficit next year. But
we don't have those numbers
Physician Referral Service
facing us. We now have a number
HCA
Portsmouth
somewhere in the vicinity of $20
Regional Hospital
million, and we have in place, of
333 Borthwick Avenue
Portsmouth, NH 03801
course, a $27 million rainy day
fund to cover that.
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks why he
Dr. Peter J. Attwood
allowed Seabrook to operate and at
"such an enormous cost to the
taxpayers;" and whether it was built
12
New Hampshire Premier
June, 1990
to benefit the people or certain
waste disposal proposal to Yucca
all, and you would be
individuals)
Mountain, and Yucca Mountain will
misrepresenting my position if you
be in place and operating long
put that down.
GREGG: Well basically, I don't
before Seabrook's waste would
know what facts you are looking at
N.H. PREMIER (The governor
have to be disposed of, as a major
but.
the charge for Seabrook is
was assured his position and
waste generator. The issue of
as a result of public service
remarks would not be represented,
nuclear wastes is an issue that is a
bankruptcy settlement, a very
He was then asked to discuss the
national issue, we have a hundred
reasonable price. In fact, what we
closure of Pease Air Force Base in
nuclear power plants functioning
essentially did in settling the public
Newington)
in the United States today. All of
service company bankruptcy was
them are producing nuclear waste
GREGG: On Pease what we have
reach an agreement that whether
so it is a national concern and as a
done is set up an independent
or not Seabrook comes on line,
result Congress passed a law which
commission, which is a very strong
whether or not Seabrook is ever
sited nuclear waste, high-leveled
commission of, I think, hard-
even charged into a rate base or
waste, at Yucca Mountain. And the
charging, high-caliber individuals
whether it is put into the rate base,
facility is in the process of being
who are putting together, I think, a
the price of energy in New
built.
very aggressive approach to try and
Hampshire will essentially be the
redevelop that facility. It's
rate of inflation over the next ten
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks if he felt the
obviously going to be a problem for
years with or without Seabrook.
sight of the reactor would detract
us in the short run. There is going
And we will have energy supplied
from the state's image and scare
to be an economic impact. It is
to New Hampshire, with or without
tourists away)
negative-over the short term; but
Seabrook, that was one of the
GREGG: Well, we haven't seen that
in the long run Pease has
pluses of the settlement which we
yet, and we'll have to wait and see I
tremendous potential. It could
reached.
suppose on that, but that doesn't
really be the engine of prosperity
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks why he
seem to have impacted tourism in
for the whole state, and that is
supported "the most expensive, the
France and it doesn't seem to have
because there is no other facility
most damaging, the most
impacted tourism in places like
like it in the northeast. There is an
destructive" form of energy when
Scotland and England.
in-place major air facility, airport
there are so many rivers to
with an already-in-place road
N.H. PREMIER: (An assertion that
generate power)
system. We have a port facility
nuclear power plants in Europe
right beside it. We have, in
GREGG: Well, I would disagree
were never described as entirely
addition, the fact that it is in the
with you as to the plenty of rivers to
safe and an assertion that some
path of the Northeast Meganopolis.
generate power. We have a lot of
plants in Europe are being
So the commission has hired
rivers in New Hampshire but the
dismantled)
Bechtel, the largest engineering
capacity to produce the type of
GREGG: Well, I would disagree
firm in the world to come in and
mega-wattage that Seabrook is
with you there. France is not
study and try to come up with some
producing on those rivers is
dismantling its nuclear industry.
ideas. They've done their initial
certainly not
I've never heard
France is very aggressively pursuing
reports, come up with a lot of
anyone represent that there would
its nuclear industry.
interesting proposals. I would
be any significant percentage of
N.H. PREMIER: (An assertion that
expect that what we see now is an
that mega-wattage produced along
our rivers.
recent reviews in France of its
attempt to negotiate the best deal
we can with the federal
nuclear industry showed the
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks what he
industry to be unsafe)
government so we don't end up
thought should be done about the
having to pay a lot for those parts
nuclear waste which is to be stored
GREGG: Not the government. The
of the Pease facility with which we
temporarily at Seabrook Station;
government position on nuclear
wish to have the commission
and the lack of having adequate
power is that it strongly supports
manage, specifically, the air drome
evacuation plans)
nuclear power in France.
facility and, of course, the wildlife
GREGG: Well, as you may or may
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks if his
facility which we are going to
not be aware, as it appears you are
support for nuclear power is
preserve. And then, we'll start
not aware very much on this issue,
unshakable)
trying to attract industry into the
the waste is going to be shipped
Pease facility through the
GREGG: That's not what I said at
commission. The commission has
pursuant to the federal regulatory
New Hampshire Premier
June, 1990
13
a number of ideas, a fair number of
a little bit more, actually, as a result
about it; I wouldn't libel anyone."
industries which appear to be
of eliminating 213 jobs
213
interested, and the opportunity is
positions, actually, some of the
GREGG: Well, do you want to give
there, and it is just a question of
individuals were retained; but they
the names of the people who are?
being aggressive and taking
were switched to the federal payroll
N.H. PREMIER: (the governor is
advantage of it.
as versus to the state payroll so that''
not given names of sources)
N.H. PREMIER: ( Asks to describe
the cost is not an impact on the
GREGG: Well, this interview is not
the net financial impact of his
state tax position. So we think we
going to go any further if you are
recent elimination of some 220
made those savings. They are
going to slander individuals like
jobs or positions; and asked about
legitimate. It is all part of the
that.
charges by critics that the promised
approximately $160 million in
$6 million in savings were actually
savings and adjustments and
N.H. PREMIER: "It is not my intent
never more than $1.5 million)
revenue increases which we've had
to slander anyone, I am just trying
to do to bring this budget in line,
to find out what is going on as it is
GREGG: Well, the proposal was, as
and those were tough decisions but
being alleged by a number of
represented by the legislature, to
we made them.
people in Concord and
save $6 million in labor cost -
Portsmouth."
which we did, we eliminated 213
N.H. PREMIER: (Asks about the
validity of charges involving his
GREGG: And who is alleging it?
positions, saving $6 million plus
a little bit over $6 million. The
veto of the Capital Budget. The
N.H. PREMIER: "Some people
dollars were saved. That's fact.
measure contained in it an
around here. They did not wish to
And it was part of the tough
appropriation to build a new state
be named at the moment."
decisions we've had to make to
office building and some critics of
the governor had specifically
GREGG: (interrupting) Who are
manage this government. And
charged that he had vetoed the
the people?
we've done it. And it's another
example of stepping up, making
Capital Appropriation bill "due to
N.H. PREMIER: "I'll have to check
the tough decisions-eliminating
manipulation or pressure exerted"
with them."
213 positions at the state level, plus
on him by "the so-called landlords
GREGG: (interrupting) Well I'm
in addition we have eliminated a
of Concord, who are already
not going to respond to the
lot of other positions through
leasing offices to his
question unless I know who is
attrition-and we're basically
administration," Specific reference
making the allegation.
trying to reduce the rate of growth
was made to former Republican
National Committeewoman
N.H. PREMIER: "Okay, no harm
of government, to keep it within
the rate of growth of our revenues,
Victoria Zachos)
done."
which is the key element in my
GREGG: Now, now, who is making
GREGG: There is harm done.
opinion for managing government
these representations?
You've just, in front of these
efficiently.
people, slandered Vicky Zachos.
N.H. PREMIER: "Some people
N.H. PREMIER: (Informed that
N.H. PREMIER: "No, you make it
some of the affected state
GREGG: Do you want to define
as if it is my statement."
employees charged there was
some people?
GREGG: Yes, I am and it was your
"phony bookkeeping" within his
N.H. PREMIER: (The governor is
statement. And I am going to ask
administration - bookkeeping
told that the sources were invited
you right now, who are the people
that involved the number of
to air any grievances but those
that you're representing that you
affected positions)
sources were asked to validate
are making a statement on behalf
GREGG: Well, all our books are
charges)
of.
audited by independent, big-A
GREGG: Well, I think that they just
N.H. PREMIER: (does not name
auditing firms and so I'd like to see
opened themselves to a fairly
sources)
them prove it. Because, clearly, the
significant libel and slander suits, I
GREGG: So you're going to come
legislature looks over my shoulder,
would think, from Vicky Zachos.
to me and use the term, "some
I look over the legislature's
So I think you had better give me
people"? And slander someone
shoulder, and the independent
their names, because you have just
who is an upstanding citizen?
auditing firms look over both of
libelled a person, you have just
our shoulders. The savings were
slandered someone.
N.H. PREMIER: (repeatedly
there. They were about $6 million
declines to name sources
N.H. PREMIER: "I am inquiring
14
New Hampshire Premier
article
June, 1990
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: June 11, 1990
TO:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Attached is Nick Calio's latest thoughts
(unchanged) on Congresswoman Roukema's
request to meet with you.
Just wanted to keep you current.
FYI.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date 6/7/90
TO: Ed Rogers
FROM: NICHOLAS E. CALIO
Deputy Assistant to the President
for Legislative Affairs
Per the attached. my thinking remains
the same no meeting with POTUS or
Sununu. At most, Porter, although I'd
be inclined to tell her again that our
position cannot change.
Let's see if see resurfaces. We've
told her "no" after she wrote.
See
la
Calio
THE WHITE HOUSE
of
WASHINGTON
5/29
TO:
JOHN H. SUNUNU
FROM: FRED McCLURE Im
ITATIVES
20515
Assistant to the President
for Legislative Affairs
RE:
Meeting Request with POTUS from
May 23, 1990.
Rep. Roukema FYI
XX
Comment
Action
I have had a couple of conversations with
Roukema re: her request for a meeting with
the President per her letter to you.
I am seeking
I will get back to her indicating that we
cannot have the meeting. Any suggestions
ident Bush on
as to how we handle, i.e., meeting with
you; Porter? My concern is that the lack
of a meeting may take on the media proportions
mily and Indical
that arose on the abortion issue last year.
Please advise.
hi imperative
24 our rationale
would bring
in and women,
passage.
in inclosed
Sincerely,
Marge
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: May 25, 1990
NTATIVES
20515
TO:
FRED MCCLURE
FROM:
GOVERNOR JOHN H. SUNUNU
May 23,1990.
No meeting.
Handle as appropriate.
I am seeking
sident Bush on
?amily and Indical
in hi imperative
hear our nationale
I I would bring
men and women,
t passage.
Su inclosed
Sincerely,
Marge
N
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515
MARGE ROUKEMA
FIFTH DISTRICT
NEW JERSEY
THE CHIEF of STAFF
May 23, 1990.
has spen
"Gur,"
"
as you know, I am seeking
a meeting with President Bush on
the onlyect of the Family and Indical
Leane Act.
I believe it to hi imperative
that the President hear our rationale
for his support. I would bring
the Republicans, men and women,
who also on ppart passage.
many thanks! su enclosed
Broder Column
Sincerely,
Marge
The Washington Post
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER
One after another, the GOP women
argued that the measure is a minimal
recognition of the realities of today's
workplace and a practical step to
strengthen families by alleviating
some of the pressures workers feel
when torn by conflicting economic
and personal demands.
David S. Broder
Rep. Barbara Vucanovich (R-Nev.),
one of the two opponents, called the
bill "a wolf in sheep's clothing," a
If Ever
measure that "would erode the very
basis of democracy by forcing
employers to provide certain benefits
to their employees."
There Was a
But Rep. Marge Roukema (R-N.J.),
a principal architect of the bill, ex-
plained the steps she and others took
to satisfy what they thought might be
Motherhood
legitimate business fears: the bill cov-
ers only firms with 50 or more em-
ployees-5 percent of all companies.
It allows even those firms to deny
Issue
reemployment rights to the top 10
percent of their employees, the ones
whose jobs arguably could not go
unfilled for even three months with-
President Bush is a good listener,
but on some issues he makes you
out wrecking the company.
It requires reasonable notice and
wonder who has his ear. The Family
medical certification of serious illness.
and Medical Leave Act, which passed
"I don't mean a child with sniffles or
the House last week, is a case in point.
the flu," said Roukema, "but a child or
The measure requires big compa-
employee who has cancer and needs
nies to offer employees rehiring rights
time for chemotherapy treatments
and continued health insurance if they
an elderly parent who is terminally ill
take up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave to
and needs home hospice care."
care for a child, a parent or a seriously
Sununu questioned whether it is
ill family member. It was passed by a
237 to 187 vote, with most Democrats
the proper role of the government to
mandate such policy. Roukema, who
in favor and most Republicans opposed.
nursed her own son when he was
However, a large majority of women
Republicans in the House supported it
dying of leukemia, said that President
as a pro-family measure.
Bush, "a compassionate, sensitive
family man," needs to face facts.
In the 1988 campaign Bush said,
"We need to assure that women don't
"Each day, hard-working, tax-pay-
have to worry about getting their jobs
ing Americans lose their jobs because
back after having a child or caring for
a family medical emergency requires
a child during serious illness." But
that they take time off to give tempo-
White House chief of staff John Sunu-
rary care to a seriously ill member of
nu has publicly promised business lob-
the family. In a day and age when the
byists that the president will veto the
majority of American families need
bill if it reaches his desk.
two paychecks to get by, it is incon-
ceivable that we do not have a mini-
Sununu says it is bad legislation
because it is another federal mandate,
mum guarantee of job security when a
medical emergency strikes. The de-
burdening business with costs that
bate over the Family and Medical
will make it less competitive. But the
Leave Act is not about mandates or
facts belie that claim.
benefit packages. It is about values
As Rep. Constance Morella (R-
and a standard of decency."
Md.) pointed out in debate, almost
That view was endorsed by 10 of
two-thirds of the mothers in this
the 13 Republican women in the
country now work. More than 75
House-to say nothing of such
nations already have such family-
leave policies, most with pay. The
staunchly conservative males as Rep.
only advanced nations without such
Henry Hyde (R-III.). Hyde said, "I am
leave policies are the United States
not appalled that this is a federal
mandate. We mandate job security for
and South Africa. Canada provides 15
jury
service
for ROTC duty. It
weeks of leave at 60 percent pay;
seems to me for motherhood, for
West Germany, 14 to 19 weeks at full
pay; Japan, 12 weeks at 60 percent
caring for a sick member of your
pay. How 12 weeks of leave without
family, that our economy and our
pay could disadvantage American
society should be compassionate
firms is a mystery.
enough to include them.'
Rep. Olympia Snowe (R-Maine)
Among the Republican women who
voted for the bill last week are the
said that her state, which the presi-
dent knows well from his vagations in
challengers for three Senate seats
that are vital to Bush's chances of
Kennebunkport, has a "substantially
similar" law in effect already, except
having a Republican Senate next
that it reaches down to smaller busi-
year-Reps. Patricia Saiki of Hawaii,
nesses than the proposed federal stat-
Lynn Martin of Illinois and Claudine
Schneider of Rhode Island. If the
ute. She called its impact on business
measure passes the Senate and then
and workers "very positive," adding:
"I have not received one complaint
is vetoed, as Sununu promised the
business lobbyists it would be, they
concerning that state policy, even
though I actively solicited comments
will be forced either to reverse them-
in that regard."
selves or to put themselves directly at
odds with the president.
To whom will George Bush listen?
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
DATE: June 11, 1990
TO:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
As you can see from the attached, the
S&L situation is really starting to heat up.
CC: John Robson
FOCUS
*14 POLITICAL GOLD IN S&Ls?
It's the new political hot button -- going after the S&L
crooks. Once Royko pointed out that the people probably would be
willing to pay a few billion more to put someone behind bars (see
HOTLINE 5/29), politicians in both parties have been getting into
the act. ITEM: VA Gov. Doug Wilder (in NH) proposed a national
commission to investigate the scandal (see HOTLINE 6/7).
(Wilder's "political guru" Paul Goldman "believes that an easily
understood issue, preferably with a populist strain, is the way
to voters' hearts" Donald Baker, WASHINGTON POST 6/11). ITEM:
Senator John Kerry (D-MA) proposed a major Justice Deparment
effort to go after international money laundering of S&L funds,
done much the way illegal drug money is laundered (NY TIMES 6/1,
BOSTON HERALD 6/2). ITEM: Last week 118 House members, 2/3 GOP,
jumped on the bill of Rep. Peter Smith (R-VT) to create an
independent counsel to "investigate the involvement of government
officials" in the S&L scandal (Jerry Knight, WASHINGTON POST
6/9). ITEM: 35 House Dems, led by Rep. Stephen Neal (D-NC),
moved to force the Department of Justice to devote more
time/effort to go after S&L fraud. (6/9). ITEM: Sen. Tim Wirth
(D-CO), Paul Simon (D-IL), Alan Dixon (D-IL), and Bob Graham (D-
FL) have proposed legislation to create a new division at Justice
to investigate and prosecute S&L crime. ITEM: Wirth also
introduced a bill "calling on the Bush administration to request
and spend the full $75 million Congress has authroized for
investigation and prosecution of S&L crime in both fiscal years
1991 and 1992" (John Brinkley, ROCKY MOUNTAIN NEWS 6/8). ITEM:
A group of Houston attorneys have asked Sen. Phil Gramm (R-TX),
who will nominate a candidate for US Attorney by 6/15, to pick
someone "who will make bank and thrift fraud prosecutions the
office's No. 1 priority." (HOUSTON CHRONICLE 6/7). ITEM: Over
the weekend Rep. Carlos Lucero made the S&L's a featured part of
his stirring convention address that earned him enough delegate
votes to challenge frontrunner Josie Heath in the CO Dem Senate
primary to succeed retiring GOP Sen. Wm. Armstrong (see CO
Senate).
EDITORIAL AND COLUMN OPINION remains biting. Editorial in
the (Attorney General's home state) PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER:
"Right now, more than 1,000 cases each involving at least
$100,000 in waylaid funds are going uninvestigated. That's
intolerable it is unconscionable for the government to ensure
failure by employing too few people to pursue the slimeballs.'
(6/6). Dave Barry in the MIAMI HERALD: "I don't want to hear
any more nitpicking from you taxpayers. I don't want to hear any
absurd proposals, such as that we round up all the people
involved in the S&L mess, and for every million tax dollars they
cost us, we sentence them to 100 hours of public service inside a
closed packing crate with a 375-pound federal regulator named
Bruno, whose hobbies are yodeling, intestinal malfunction and
full-body massage. That would be grossly inappropriate. Fifty
hours is plenty" (6/10).
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 11, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XX
FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Governor Sununu,
I wanted to share this nice
letter with you.
susan
in
&
AMBASSADOR OF THE
UNION OF soviet SOCIALIST REPUBLICS
1125 SIXTEENTH STREET, N. W.
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20036
June 6, 1990
Dear Mrs. Rose:
I appreciate deeply your personal role in making the just
completed Official State visit to the United States by President
and Mrs. Gorbachev such a success.
Yours was the most delicate and most important part of
the visit, although few of us men will readily admit it. Your
elegant tact, a very high degree of professionalism and
flexibility ensured the positive outcome of the trip to Wellesley
and of the other elements of Mrs. Gorbachev's program.
Thank you very much for everything and I hope to work with
you again soon.
Sincerely,
Alexander A. BESSMERTNYKH
The Honorable
Susan Porter Rose
Chief of Staff to the First Lady
The White House
Washington
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
June 11, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
-
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI
CC: Nick Calio
JUN 11 '90 13:49 EAGLE FORUM ALTON
PAGE. 02
PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY
PRESIDENT
$0 FAIRMOUNT
ALTON, ILLINOIS 62002
(818) 462-5416
EAGLE FORUM
LEADING THE PRO-FAMILY MOVEMENT SINCE 1972
June 11, 1990
316 PENNSYLVANIA AVE., S.E., SUITE 203. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003. (202) 544-0353
Governor John Sununu
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Governor:
Thanks for your last good note.
We're coming "down the wire" on the daycare bill, and I know you
are on top of most of the arguments. Your attention to the details and
deceits of this issue during the House debate was very much appreciated
by all of us who support the Bush promises. The purpose of this letter
is to remind you of some points that did not receive much attention, but
are very important to those of us who have worked on this issue for the
last three years.
1. In regard to the House bill, Hawkins-Downey, it is absolutely
unacceptable to include any authorization or funding for daycare in
public schools (which is in both Titles II and IV). That is a key goal
of those who want to Swedenize America by making federal daycare a
middle-class entitlement that will grow each year until we reach Edward
Zigler's estimated $100 billion a year. We cannot allow these people to
get a foot in the door toward this goal.
2. In regard to the Senate bill, I urge you to deal with the tax
credits in their total impact and not let the Republican liberals get
away with misrepresenting the Bush position (which they do all the
time). The total funding of the three tax credits in the Senate bill
(health, EITC, and refundable DCTC) is massively discriminatory against
the mother who stays at home -- so the tax-credit and daycare components
both discriminate against the fulltime homemaker. Please do not let the
Senators argue these credits separately and claim that the President
agreed to this or that. His alleged "agreement" to any of those credits
was always contingent on a total package that does NOT discriminate
against fulltime homemakers.
Finally, I thought you might like to know that Orrin Hatch appeared
at a Utah Forum last week in which he three times promised: "Trust me --
the President will NOT veto the daycare bill." I am confident that
Orrin was not speaking for the President because his statement goes con-
trary to all we've been led to believe.
With best regards and thanks,
Faithfully,
Hyllia Scheaply
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date:
June 6, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
X
FYI
Foley-imposed calm after storm
too mild for some Democrats
THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
ten was at odds with Mr. Wright.
take on a popular president and be
Speaker Thomas Foley has re-
"There is more of an attempt to be
his party's political, as well as legis-
stored calm to a House of Represent-
fair to all sides."
lative, leader.
atives that a year ago was torn by the
House Minority Leader Robert
"I don't think there's a sense
downfall of his predecessor, Jim
Michel, Illinois Republican, said
across America that we're doing
Wright. Some Democrats complain
there is a new atmosphere of bi-
anything about anything," Mr. Penny
the price of peace is too high.
partisan trust. "We're more inclined
said. "We are too focused on our-
"It is still holding," Mr. Foley said
to try and solve any differences be-
selves. Getting along with each
of the serenity that he made his top
tween the two of us, with nobody
other
is
fine
But what we are
priority after being sworn in as
around." he said.
communicating to the American
speaker a year ago Wednesday. "I
But Mr. Penny and several other
public is that we're afraid to make
think there's a better communica-
House members or close observers
any decisions."
tion and a better feeling between the
of the institution see a lack of any
parties and the leadership on each
"We want the leaders to lead," said
issue that could help define the
side."
Democratic Party.
Rep. Dave McCurdy, Oklahoma
Few would disagree. Sparks sel-
Democrat and another conservative.
Under Mr. Foley's leadership, the
dom fly during floor debates in the
House has in recent weeks passed
"We want to know what the priorities
way they did under Mr. Wright, who
major legislation on child care,
are, what the agenda is, and to move
was seen as imposing his agenda on
clean air and civil rights for the
out aggressively on that agenda."
the House and squelching dissent
handicapped. But on the year's
Mr. Wright himself, now living in
among both Democrats and Repub-
highest-profile issue, Mr. Bush's
Fort Worth, Texas, and doing some
licans.
capital gains tax cut, Mr. Foley was
speaking and writing, obviously
Mr. Wright resigned May 31, 1989,
defeated last September when he
sees some shortcomings in his suc-
after being formally accused of 69
lost the support of one in four House
cessors, but declined in an interview
instances of violating House rules.
Democrats.
to go into any detail.
"I don't have the sense that I have
No one wants to return to the de-
to fight this leadership," said Rep.
"Things are not moving with per-
bilitating last months under Mr.
Tim Penny, Minnesota Democrat
ceptible clarity and direction." he
Wright. But griping is growing
and a maverick conservative who of-
said. But he said Mr. Foley's concil-
louder that Mr. Foley is too slow to
iatory style is "in some ways much
better" than his own impatience and
predicted, "Tom will be speaker for
a long time."
In many ways, the lack of a schism
between Democrats and Republi-
cans is the product of a political
scene that goes far beyond Mr. Foley.
The Democratic controlled Con-
gress faces a popular president in
George Bush, and one who himself
is naturally averse to confrontation.
"I can't stop him from adopting
Democratic ideas, endorsing Demo-
cratic philosophies, conceding
Democratic priorities," Mr. Foley
said in an interview. "I can't say,
'Stop. Get across the road. Stop talk-
ing about child care and clean air
and the environment and be a Re-
publican in the same old nasty way' '
as the last president, Ronald Rea-
gan.
Mr. Foley said he is well aware of
the unrest in his party among those
who desire conflict. But he said
times have changed.
"It would be a bad mistake for us
as a party to sharpen the lines by
being something we aren't," he said.
"I think the issues are going to de-
fine themselves. There will be dif-
ferences but maybe not as hard
and clear as they were with Ronald
Reagan, who had an ideological cut
in a different direction."
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 4, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 4, 1990
FOR: ANDY CARD
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
X FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 4, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS
FROM:
DAVE SALLY CARNEY SALMON Jally
SUBJECT:
Governor Martinez' Running Mate
Governor Bob Martinez of Florida formally announced his candidacy
for re-election and named Sheriff Allison DeFoor of Monroe
County (South Florida, Florida Keys) as his running mate at a
press conference in Tallahassee this morning.
DeFoor is hailed by GOP leadership as an excellent choice. He is
known for a strong record on the environment as well as crime and
drugs. DeFoor is a seventh generation Floridian and a former
judge and Assistant State Attorney.
The Governor and Sheriff DeFoor began a three-day statewide
announcement tour today.
DeFoor's biography and a Martinez campaign news release on the
announcement are attached.
Addendum: Bobby Brantley, the current LG,
had already decided not to run for re-election.
He planned to run for the Agricultural
Commissioner slot, but, unexpectedly pulled
out several months ago for "personal
reasons". Rumor has it that his wife
asked that he not run for another public
office
JUN 4 '90 10:20 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY
PAGE. 006/006
BQB MARTINEZ FOR GOV
TEL: 904-385-0683
Jun 4,90 8:46 No.002 P.02
1990
Bob Martinez For Governor
TELEPHONE (904) 385-1990
POST OFFICE BOX 2723
TALLAHASSEE, H. 32316
THEROPIER (904) 385-0683
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
CONTACT: MAC STIPANOVICH
JUNE 4, 1990
904/385-1990
GOVERNOR MARTINEZ KICKS OFF REELECTION CAMPAIGN
AND NAMES RUNNING MATE
Governor Bob Martines today formally announced his candidacy
for reelection and named Monroe County Sheriff Allison DeFoor as
his Lieutenant Governor running mate.
"We have just completed a very successful legislative
session that built on my administration's solid record in
fighting crime and illegal drugs, preserving our natural
environment, ensuring government efficiency, and putting the
brakes on runaway growth," Martinez said. "Now it's time to get
down to the grass roots and give a report card to the people of
Florida on my first term and talk about my goals for a second
term."
Governor Martines said his selection of Sheriff DeFoor was
based on DeFoor's outstanding record as a drug task force
prosecutor, judge, Sheriff, and leading environmentalist.
"Allison DeFoor is a proven performer whose achievements far
exceed his years," Martinez said. "He is a young man uniquely
qualified to represent the Florida of tomorrow in the highest
levels of state government."
3303 THOMASVILLE ROAD SUITE 301 TALLAHASSEE FL 32312
al. 1 who
504 385 0683 PAGE.002
JUN 4 '90 8:45
** TOTAL PAGE. 006 **
JUN 4 '90 10:19 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY
PAGE. 005/006
BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV
TEL: 904-385-0683
Jun 4,90 8:46 No.002 P.03
1
Sheriff DeFoor, age 36, is a seventh generation Floridian
who is the first Republican Sheriff of Monroe County in this
century. Previously, he served as a judge and an Assistant State
Attorney. Sheriff DeFoor 18 also President of the Florida Land
Trust Association and founder of the John Pennekamp Coral Reef
Institute, two active environmental organizations. He 1s also
President of the Florida Keys Land and Sea Trust, America's
second largest local land trust.
"This is a tremendous opportunity for me to make Florida
better for my children," DeFoor said. "I have been on the front
line of the war against crime and drugs and the struggle to save
natural Florida, and Bob Martinez has made a profound difference
in these areas. I am honored to be selected to work with him in
solving the real problems that face the average citizens of this
state."
Following their Tallahassee press conference, Governor
Martinez end Sheriff DeFoor left on a flying tour of the state
that included press conferences in Jacksonville, Orlando, Tampa,
Miami, and West Palm Beach. Tuesday they begin a campaign bus
tour of small communities in the Tampa Bay area.
###
JUN 4 '90 8:45
904 885 B683 PAGE.003
JUN 4 '90 10:19 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY
PAGE. 004/006
BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV
TEL: 904-385-0683
Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.04
RESUME SUMMARY
J. ALLISON DeFOOR, II
Sheriff of Monroe County
Monroe County Sheriff's Office
P. o. Box 1269
530 Whitehead Street
Key West FL 33041-1269
General - Age 36 years, Seventh generation Floridian, born in
Coral Gables, Raised in Tampa. Married to Terry White of
Rochester, NY. Two daughters (Melissa Anne, 8; and Mary
Katherine, $) / one son (James Allison, III, 2 mos.).
Education - Berkeley Preparatory School, Tampa, FL (Dipl. 1971)
i University of Florida; St. Petersburg Jr. College (A.A.
1973) / University of South Florida (B.A., Geography 1976);
(M.A., Criminal Justice 1979). Activities: Chief Justice of
Student Court & President Pro-Tempore of Student Senate (USF).
Law School - Stetson University, College of Law, St.
Petersburg, FL (J.D. 1979). Honors: Outstanding Brief,
Outstanding Advocate and Outstanding Overall Participant in
Freshman Moot Court; Who's Who Among Students in American
Colleges and Universities; Chief Justice of Honor Court.
Post-Graduate - Program for Senior Executives in State and
Local Government, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard
University (1989) Editor, University of Miami Law Review
(1985) ; Leadership Florida Class V; National Judicial College;
Florida Judicial College; National College for Criminal
Defense.
Legal Employment - Sheriff of Monroe County (1989- );
Cunningham, Albritton, Lenzi, Warner, Bragg & Miller, P.A.
1987-1988; Nonroe County Judge, 16th Judicial Circuit (The
Florida Keys), 1983-1987 (elected at age 28), Acting Circuit
Judge, 16th Circuit 1985-1987 (carrying full criminal court
load) ; Director of Narcotics Task Force for State Attorney,
16th Circuit, Key West (1981-1983), Asst. State Attorney (1980-
1983); Asst. Public Defender, 16th Circuit, Key West
(1979-1980).
Teaching Experience - Law: University of Miami Law School,
Trial Advocacy Program (1985-date); Nova Law Center, Trial
Advocacy (1983). Graduate: Florida International University,
Public Administration Program, Administrative Law (1985).
Undergraduate: University of Miami, Sociology Dept.
(1984-1985) / Florida Keys Community College, Sociology (1983-
1984) i University of South Florida Ft. Myers, Criminal Law
(1981-1982) 1 St. Leo College, NAS Key West, Business Law
JUN 4 '90 8:46
S04 385 0683 PAGE.004
JUN 4 '90 10:18 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY
PAGE. 003/006
BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV
TEL: 904-385-0683
Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.05
(1980-1981). Judicial: National Judicial College (1985, 1986);
Flqrida Judicial College (1985).
Law Enforcement Activities - Blue Lightning Task Force Steering
Committee (1989-
); Region XIV Trust Fund, FDLE; Advisory
Committee: Southeast Institute of Criminal Justice (Metro-Dade
Community College) (1989-
"; Florida Key Institute of
Criminal Justice (Florida Keys Community College) (1989-
)
Professional Activities - Proposed Rule of Judicial
Administration 2,071, adopted by Florida Supreme Court to
provide for telephonic court appearances; Editorial Board of
Florida Bar Journal (1985-1987) / Judicial Administration Rules
Committee (1985- " Board of Directors, Florida Conference of
County Court Judges (1985-1987) 1 ABA; American Judicature
Society; Lawyers in Mensal Administrative County Judge, 16th
Circuit (1986).
Community Activities - Trustee, University of The South
(Sewanee, TN) ; President: Mariner's Hospital (1987-1988),
Florida Keys Land and Sea Trust (1985- ); President, Florida
Land Trust Association; (1990- ) Upper Keys Jaycees (Founding
President), Upper Keys Rotary Club. Director: Private Industry
Council (1985-1988), Founder, John Pennekamp Coral Reer
Institute; Institute for Applied Sciences, Inc., Secretary
(non-profit conch hatchery project); Board of Regents,
Leadership Florida (1987- " Director, United way of Monroe
County (1986- )
Publications - Author: DeFoor & Schultz, Florida Civil
Procedure Forms with Practice Commentary (West, St. Paul,
1989). Co-author of two additional books. Author of 24
articles in legal, business and historical journals including
Florida Trend, FSU Journal of Land Use and Environmental Law,
Florida Bar Journal (6), Tampa Bay History, Judges Journal,
Florida Supreme Court Historical Society Review, American
Journal of Trial Advocacy, and the law reviews at Florida, FSU,
Stetson, Nova, Miami (3) and Houston. Ten Judicial opinions
published in Florida Supplement 2d. Editor: Special Topic:
telecommunications in the Courtroom, Vol. 38 Miami Law Review
(1985); A User's Guide to the Florida Keys (Florida Keys Land
Trust, Miami 1989) / Guia. Sobre Recurses Naturales en los Cayos
de la Florida (Florida Keys Land Trust, Miami 1989).
Political Activities - Monroe County Chairman, Bush '8B;
Chairman of Monroe County Republican Executive Committee
(1987-1988), Campaign worker, Youth for Nixon (1968); McClain
for Senate (1970) ; Bafalis for Governor (1970) ; Cramer for
Senate (1972), Committee to Re-elect the President (1972);
Manager, Rood for Florida House (1974). Since law school,
active in group which has reformed corrupt criminal justice
system in the Florida Keys.
904 395 0683 PAGE.005
JUN 4 '90 8:47
JUN 4 '90 10:17 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY
PAGE. 002/006
BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683
Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.06
Church - Active in Episcopal Church: Executive Board of
Diocese (1981-1984); Budget Committee (1983-1988), Chairman
(1988) ; Planned Giving Committee (1983- 1988) i Long-Range
Planning Committee (1981-1983) ; Lay Reader, Chalice Bearer and
former Vestry member of local parish.
Awards - Ten Outstanding Young men in America (1985) ; Five
Outstanding Young Men in Florida (1984); Award of Merit -
Florida Crime Prevention Commission (1982). who's Who in the:
South-Southwest (21st Ed. 1988-1989); World (9th Ed.
1989-1990) ; American Law (5th Ed. 1987-1988; 6th Ed. 1990-1991) i
Emerging Leaders (2nd Ed. 1989). National Community Leadership
Award, National Association of Community Leadership
Organizations, 1989.
Hobbies - SCUBA, Sailing.
JUN 4 '90 8:47
904 385 0683 PAGE.006
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 4, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM: ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 1, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR SENIOR STAFF
FROM:
DAVID Q. BATES FaR
SUBJECT:
Cabinet Report June 3-9
* * * THE WEEK AHEAD * * *
AGRICULTURE
June 4. Secretary Yeutter and Vladilen Nikitin, First Deputy
Chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers and Soviet Chairman
of the Commission on Food and Procurement, will address the Food
Industries International Trade Council Conference. Topic:
U.S. participation in the development of new infrastructure --
marketing, distribution and production techniques -- for the
Soviet food industry. On June 6, Secretary Mosbacher and Nikitin
will sign a U.S.-Soviet food processing agreement at the
conference. This agreement will include a commitment by both
countries to develop food market information and establish a one-
year intensive food processing program.
June 5. Yeutter will meet with Dutch Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs Piet Bukman. Topic: the GATT negotiations.
Secretary Mosbacher will also meet with Bukman to discuss U.S.-
EC relations and the Uruguay Round negotiations.
June 5. Yeutter will speak to the National Food Processors
Association. Topics: nutrition labeling, food safety and the
1990 farm bill.
June 6. Yeutter will travel to New York City to speak to a
conference sponsored by the Journal of Commerce and the National
Foreign Trade Association. Topic: the Uruguay Round
negotiations.
June 7. Yeutter will announce a long-term strategic plan for
managing forest and rangeland resources in 1990 and over the
coming decade. This year's plan is significant because of its
recommended change in emphasis from commodity-based to recreation
and wildlife uses of federal resources managed by the National
Forest Service. The plan is required under the Resources
Planning Act.
2
June 7. Yeutter will meet with New Zealand Minister of External
Relations and Trade and Deputy Minister of Finance Mike Moore.
Topic: the Uruguay Round negotiations.
June 8. Yeutter will travel to Orlando, Florida to address the
annual meeting of the Rice Millers Association. Topic:
agriculture in the 1990s.
In Louisiana, the Red River is receding, giving some relief to
parishes from Northwest Louisiana through the Alexandria area.
The Ouachita and Black Rivers are not expected to crest until
June 5 or 6. This means that soybean planting in these parishes
will either be prevented or significantly delayed. Seven
counties in Arkansas have been approved for the Department's
Emergency Feed Program; Little River County is the hardest hit,
with an estimated loss of 3,000 head of livestock. Planting of
all crops in Arkansas has been significantly delayed. The
weather forecast is for another two inches of rainfall across
Arkansas in the next few days.
COMMERCE
June 3-6. Under Secretary for Travel and Tourism Ambassador
Rockwell Schnabel will co-host the 1990 Discover America
International Pow Wow. This event, the largest international
travel conference in the U.S., is expected to attract over 2,000
U.S. travel-related companies and 1,500 foreign travel operators.
June 5. Secretary Mosbacher will meet with the leadership of the
National Association of Manufacturers, the American Business
Conference and the Business Roundtable. Topics: U.S.
competitiveness and current trade issues.
June 6. Mosbacher will meet with Nathan Avery, U.S. Minister-
Counselor to the EC. Topic: current trade issues.
June 6-7. Bureau of Export Administration officials will
participate in the Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export
Controls (COCOM) meetings in Paris, France. The U.S. delegation
will seek approval for the comprehensive U.S. proposal for
modernizing COCOM, which was formally tabled in Paris on May 28.
EDUCATION
June 3-5. Secretary Cavazos will travel to Los Angeles,
California to hold the fifth and final meeting of the Hispanic
Task Force and to meet with parents to discuss their views on
education for Hispanic youth. On June 4, Cavazos will visit
Huntington Park High School and attend a fundraiser for Senator
Pete Wilson. On June 5, he will address education coordinators
4
June 6. Sullivan will travel to Boston, Massachusetts to address
a symposium at Harvard University. Topic: issues relating to
affirmative action. Sullivan will also address a symposium
sponsored by the National Birth Defects Center on drug abuse and
birth defects. Topic: the problems of drug-impacted babies.
June 6. Sullivan will appear on ABC's "Good Morning America."
Topics: drug abuse and birth defects. Sullivan will also meet
with the editorial board of the Christian Science Monitor.
June 7. Sullivan will participate in a press briefing co-
sponsored by the Association of American Medical Colleges and the
Foundation for Biomedical Research. Topic: the importance of
animal research.
June 8. Sullivan will travel to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to
deliver a commencement address at Thomas Jefferson University.
Topic: general health issues.
June 9. Sullivan will travel to Chicago, Illinois to deliver a
commencement address at Rush University Medical College. Topic:
general health issues. Sullivan will also visit the Museum of
Science and Industry to announce an HHS grant to the museum for
its display on sickle cell disease.
HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT
June 4-5. Secretary Kemp will travel to New York City for an
editorial board meeting of Forbes. Later he will visit the HUD
regional office and attend the State of Israel Bonds Dinner. On
June 5, he will attend a fundraiser for Jim Needham, a Republican
candidate for Congress.
June 6. The House Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs Committee
will begin its mark-up of the housing reauthorization bill. The
bill includes most of the Administration's HOPE initiative but
also includes funding for new construction that is opposed by the
Administration.
June 6. Kemp will testify before the Senate Banking, Housing and
Urban Affairs Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Affairs. Topic:
the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). Kemp will discuss a
recently-completed Price Waterhouse actuarial study of the FHA
that shows a dramatic drop during the last decade in the capital
reserves for the FHA single-family fund -- from a 5 percent
reserve at the beginning of the decade to virtually no reserve
today.
June 6. Kemp will deliver a lecture to the Heritage Foundation
and attend fundraisers for the National Republican Senatorial
Committee, Congressman Carlos Moorhead, and George Voinovich and
5
Michael DeWine, the Republican candidates for Governor and
Lieutenant Governor of Ohio.
June 7. Kemp will address the Anti-Defamation League. Topics:
eliminating discrimination and expanding economic opportunities
for all Americans. Later Kemp will address a plenary session of
the Administrative Conference of the United States. Topic:
HUD's plan for reducing drug trafficking in public housing.
June 8. Kemp will travel to Chicago, Illinois to tour public
housing projects and to attend fundraisers for Illinois
Republican Congressional candidate Walter Duydyck and Congressman
Henry Hyde.
June 9-10. Kemp will travel to Los Angeles, California to
receive an honorary doctorate degree from Occidental College, his
alma mater.
INTERIOR
June 4. Secretary Lujan and Secretary Yeutter will participate
in a ceremony to sign a memorandum of understanding among the
Interior and Agriculture Departments and the Hispanic Association
of Colleges and Universities, under which the Departments will
provide job opportunities for students at the Association's
member institutions.
June 5. Lujan will address the National Preservation Conference,
which is attended by federal, state and local officials involved
with the preservation of historic landmarks and archeological
sites. Topic: the importance of research, education,
partnerships and information sharing in meeting the restoration
challenges of the 1990s.
June 5. Lujan will address the American League of Anglers and
Boaters. Topic: issues relating to the Wallop-Breaux Trust
Fund, which earmarks federal assistance for boating and fishing
programs.
June 7-8. Lujan will travel to Natchez, Mississippi to attend
the dedication of the Melrose Plantation as a National Historic
Site. Lujan will also attend a fundraiser for Senator Trent
Lott.
JUSTICE
June 4. Officials from the Department of Justice and the Office
of National Drug Control Policy will brief federal officials
regarding draft Justice Department plans to implement the
National Drug Intelligence Center called for in the President's
6
National Drug Control Strategy. Staff for the Congressional
appropriations committees will also be briefed regarding the
fundamentals of the center in conjunction with upcoming hearings.
June 5. The Senate is scheduled to resume consideration of the
omnibus crime bill sponsored by Senator Joseph Biden. With
almost 300 amendments having been filed, the Senate leadership
has filed a motion to invoke cloture.
LABOR
June 6. Secretary Dole will testify before the House Education
and Labor Committee. Topics: the pending amendments to the Job
Training Partnership Act and the effectiveness of the programs
under the Act.
June 6. Dole will attend a meeting with the President and key
labor union leaders from the U.S. and other G-7 countries in
preparation for the Houston Economic Summit. Secretary Brady
will also attend the meeting.
June 7. Dole will meet with James La Sala, President of the
Amalgamated Transit Union International, and Edward Strait,
President of the Amalgamated Council of Greyhound Local Unions.
Topic: resolution of the Greyhound strike.
June 8. Dole will meet with Tom Johnson, Chief Executive Officer
and Publisher of the Los Angeles Times. Topic: update on labor
issues.
June 8-16. Dole will travel to Geneva, Switzerland to attend the
annual conference of the International Labor Organization and to
Berlin and Stuttgart, West Germany to review German "school-to-
work" transition programs.
STATE
June 3. Secretary Baker will attend the President's press
conference at the White House and the departure ceremony for
President Gorbachev on the Washington Monument grounds.
June 4. Baker will attend the President's lunch for United
Nations Secretary General Javier Perez de Cueller. Later Baker
will meet with Greek Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis.
Secretary Mosbacher and Secretary Derwinski will also meet with
Mitsotakis.
June 4-9. Baker will travel to Copenhagen, Denmark for the
Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe Ministerial and
7
to Turnberry, Scotland for the North Atlantic Conference
Ministerial.
TRANSPORTATION
June 3-4. Secretary Skinner will continue his travel in Bermuda.
Skinner will meet with Bermudian Minister of Transportation Ralph
Marshal and tour maritime port facilities and the U.S. naval
annex.
June 5. Skinner will address a Federal Aviation Administration
flight standards seminar. Topic: the importance of good
management.
June 6. Skinner will attend a luncheon sponsored by "Off the
Record," a Republican political group. Topic: general
transportation issues.
June 8. Skinner will travel to Chicago, Illinois to address the
Commercial Club. Topic: the national transportation policy.
TREASURY
June 3-4. Secretary Brady will travel to San Francisco,
California to address the International Monetary Conference.
UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE
June 3-9. Ambassador Hills will continue her travel in South
America as the President's representative to the annual meeting
of the Organization of American States in Asuncion, Paraguay.
While in South America, Hills will also travel to Brasilia and
San Paulo, Brazil and Buenos Aires, Argentina for bilateral
consultations. Topics: the Uruguay Round and bilateral trade
issues.
VETERANS AFFAIRS
June 3-5. Secretary Derwinski will continue his travel in
Alaska. In Anchorage, Derwinski will address a veterans
employment conference at Elmendorf Air Force Base on June 4 and
the Commonwealth North club on June 5. He will meet with members
of the Alaska Health Coalition in Kodiak on June 4. Derwinski
will also meet with local veterans groups in Anchorage, Kodiak
and Talkenta.
June 7-9. Derwinski will travel to Post Falls, Idaho, Cody,
Wyoming and Pierre, South Dakota to address Veterans of Foreign
8
Wars state conventions. Derwinski will also visit a Department
medical center in Spokane, Washington.
AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
June 3-12. Administrator Roskens will travel to Geneva,
Switzerland, Rome, Italy and Cairo, Egypt. In Geneva Roskens
will lead the U.S. delegation to a meeting of the governing
council of the United Nations Development Program. In Rome he
will attend a conference of donors of aid to the Nicaraguan
government.
June 5. Deputy Administrator Edelman will testify before the
Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations. Topic:
managing U.S. foreign aid.
COUNCIL ON ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY
June 4. Chairman Deland will address a conference sponsored by
The Atlantic Council. Topic: emerging international economic
trends as seen from an environmental perspective.
The President's annual Environmental Quality Report is being
prepared for distribution to the Congress and the public. Deland
will hold briefings for the press, trade associations and
environmental groups during the week of June 3 and will present
the report at the Cabinet meeting on June 4.
ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
June 8. Administrator Reilly will be interviewed by John
Anderson and Peter Milius, editorial writers for the Washington
Post. Topic: general environmental issues.
EPA will propose a regulation to provide additional mechanisms
for the use of local governments in satisfying the financial
assurance requirements imposed under EPA's recently revised
underground storage tank program, in which the owner or operator
of underground storage tanks containing petroleum must
demonstrate the financial means to cover expenses resulting from
any leak of the tanks. EPA will also propose extending from
October 1990 to October 1991 the deadline by which local
governments and owners of less than 13 underground storage tanks
must meet financial assurance requirements.
9
NASA
June 3. Admiral Truly will travel to Columbus, Mississippi to
deliver a commencement address at the Mississippi School for Math
and Science.
June 8. Truly will travel to New York City to address the Down
Town Association. Topic: the future of our civil space program.
OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG CONTROL POLICY
It is expected that House Republicans will soon introduce the
Administration's drug legislation, possibly during the week of
June 3.
June 6-7. Director Bennett will travel to New York City to
attend a Chief Executive magazine luncheon and to Albany, New
York to address the New York Legislature.
June 8. Bennett will travel to Williamstown, Massachusetts to
speak at Williams College during his 25-year class reunion.
OFFICE OF PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT
June 6. Director Newman will address the national convention of
the Armed Forces Communications and Electronics Association.
Topics: human resources and the impact on information resources
management.
OFFICE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY POLICY
June 4. Director Bromley will travel to New York City to deliver
a commencement address at Polytechnic University.
June 6. Bromley will chair a meeting of the Federal Coordinating
Council for Science, Engineering and Technology. Admiral Truly
will also attend the meeting.
June 7. Bromley will travel to Toronto, Canada to deliver a
commencement address at the University of Guelph.
PEACE CORPS
The Peace Corps has signed an agreement with George Washington
University that will provide "returned volunteers" who are
receiving scholarships for masters degrees in education as
teachers in Washington inner-city schools.
10
SMALL BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
June 4-5. Administrator Engeleiter will travel to Little Rock,
Arkansas to address a National Federation of Business leadership
conference. Topic: SBA and its programs. Engeleiter will also
tour disaster areas in Arkansas hit by floods and areas in Kansas
hit by tornadoes and review SBA disaster relief efforts.
RELEASES
June 7. Release of data on plant and equipment expenditures for
the first quarter of 1990 (Commerce).
Release to the Congress of an interim report on the generation
and management of medical wastes (EPA). Under the Medical Waste
Tracking Act of 1988, EPA has been required to control and
monitor the management of medical wastes in New York, New Jersey,
Connecticut, Rhode Island and Puerto Rico, assess the threat to
human health and the environment posed by mismanagement of the
wastes, and issue a report to the Congress. In this first
interim report, EPA will conclude that approximately 500,000 tons
of medical wastes are produced annually by approximately 375,000
generators, with hospitals -- although only two percent of the
whole -- accounting for the vast majority of the wastes. The
report will also conclude that there is a wide divergence in
management practices for such wastes, reflecting differing views
on the health risks they pose. Additional reports will be
released later this summer and in September 1991.
CABINET MEETINGS AND CABINET COUNCILS
The Cabinet will meet on June 4. The EPC will meet on June 7 on
U.S.-Mexico trade. The DPC Low Income Opportunity Board and
Children and Family Working Group will meet on June 6.
* * * UPDATE * * *
The House Agriculture Committee did not reach its goal of
attempting to complete its mark-up of the 1990 farm bill before
the Congress recessed for Memorial Day. While action on most of
the commodity titles was completed, action on items in the
conservation, research and nutrition titles awaits the Congress'
return. Action in the Senate has been slower, with little
progress made on the major commodity titles. In an effort to
forge a consensus, the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry
Committee appointed a task force to craft a bill that can win
bipartisan support within the committee and on the Senate floor.
11
The Citizens Democracy Corps, announced by the President on May
12, began its first phase of operations last week as a
clearinghouse to coordinate offers of private sector assistance
for Central and Eastern Europe. AID is providing $500,000 to
cover the expenses of the Corps during its first five months.
CABINET SCHEDULE
For the Week of June 3 - June 9
Sunday
Monday
Tuesday
Wednesday
Thursday
Friday
Saturday
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
BAKER
10:00 Cabinet Meeting
COPENHAGEN,
COPENHAGEN,
TURNBERRY,
TURNBERRY,
WASHING-
10:00 Attend
DENMARK
DENMARK
SCOTLAND
SCOTLAND
TON, DC
the
12:00 Lunch with the
President's
President and UN
Attend Committee for
Attend North Atlantic
Attend North Atlantic
Secretary General
Security and
Conference Ministerial
Conference Ministerial
press
conference
Javier Perez de Cuellar
Cooperation in Europe
meeting
meeting
Ministerial meeting
11:35 Attend
4:00 Meeting with
farewell
Greek Prime Minister
ceremony for
Constantine Mitsotakis
Soviet
President
COPENHAGEN.
Gorbachev
DENMARK
BRADY
SAN FRANCISCO, CA
3:00 Attend
8:00 Attend Chicago
SAN
House/Senate GOP
Options Board
FRANCIS-
12:30 Attend
budget meeting
breakfast
CO, CA
International Monetary
Conference meeting
2:00 Attend Houston
8:00 Attend
Economic Summit
International
WASHINGTON, DC
preparatory meeting
Monetary
with the President and
Conference
labor leaders
dinner
CAVAZOS
LOS ANGELES, CA
LOS ANGELES, CA
SAN DIEGO, CA
Cabinet
LOS
Picnic at
ANGELES,
7:15 Meeting with Los
7:45 Address aerospace
7:30 Address San
Camp David
CA
Angeles police officers
industry education
Diego State Univ.
coordinators
scholarship breakfast
4:00 Meeting
10:45 Visit Huntington
with Rep. Bill Lowery
with parents
Park High School
9:00 Address Public
groups
Forum on Issues in
9:00 Address education
12:00 Lunch with
Hispanic Education
roundtable meeting
Huntington High
hosted by Rep. Bill
teachers
9:45 Press availability
Lowery
6:00 Attend receptions
10:00 Meeting with
WASHINGTON, DC
for Sen. Pete Wilson
principals
CHENEY
11:15 Attend ceremony
7:15 Breakfast with
2:00 Meeting with
7:45 Breakfast with
Cabinet
for Montgomery GI
General Scowcroft and
Newhouse News' David
Director Webster
Picnic at
Bill at the White
Secretary Baker
Wood
Camp David
House
10:00 Attend bipartisan
11:30 Address USA
budget meeting
3:00 Meeting with
Tourism Summit group
12:00 Attend Hearst
12:00 Lunch with the
Knight Ridder's Mark
Newspapers lunch
President and Greek
Thompson
2:30 Meeting with
Prime Minister
Spanish Ambassador
NEW YORK, NY
Constantine Mitsotakis
Jaime de Ojeda
2:00 Meeting with
6:30 Address Economic
Prime Minister
3:15 Interview with
Club of New York
Mitsotakis
Airman magazine
4:15 Meeting with Sen.
Alfonse D'Amato
Office of Cabinet Affairs, The White House
Date of Issue: June 1, 1990
Page 1 of 4
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Date: June 1, 1990
FOR:
GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
ED ROGERS
Action
Your Comment
Let's Talk
XXX FYI
*28 LOUSIANA: FOURTH CANDIDATE WOULD BENEFIT DUKE
Dem state Rep. Willie Singleton, "a respected black state
representative" currently in his 7th term and chair of the LA
House Judiciary Committee "said last week he will decide by mid-
June whether to jump into the race" (Hugh Aynesworth, WASH.
TIMES). Observers see a Singleton bid may "split the liberal
vote and help propel" state Rep. David Duke into a November
runoff with Sen. Bennett Johnston (D) or maybe perhaps further.
Singleton: "I won't get in unless I feel I can win. I'm talking
to a lot of people; some are encouraging me, some are not." The
Duke forces "have been talking up the Singleton candidacy for
weeks -- calling him a 'viable' candidate and chortling privately
that Mr. Singleton, if he runs, will take absolutely nothing from
the Duke support but could severely drain Johnston backing.'
Singleton: "I'm not trying to figure out who I might benefit or
hurt. I'm trying to see if there's enough support to allow a
black candidate to win this election (5/29). The non-partisan
primary is 10/6. Analying Duke's popularity, Johnston compares
LA's economy to the Weimar economy: "There's frustration [with
a] terrible economy and lack of opportunity. I mean, it's the
same thing that made Hitler so popular.
You know, there were
tough times in Germany that produced the fertile seed bed in
which Nazism could grow" (WASH. TIMES, 5/29).
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 31, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
ED ROGERS ShR.
SUBJECT:
LEE ATWATER UPDATE
The news on Lee is pretty good.
I visited with him this afternoon: his spirits are good, he's
feeling pretty good, and his doctors are saying good things. The
only bad news is that the blood clot remains persistent. His
doctors have agreed to allow him to go home - probably early next
week - as long as he takes an electronically monitored I.V. that
administers his blood thinning drug.
For the first time in quite awhile, Lee appears optimistic about
his own health. He has set a goal for himself: the week after
next he wants to begin "to talk politics". This probably won't
include going to the office, but he does want to start holding
meetings at his house to catch up on the 1990 races. He
specifically mentioned wanting to talk to Governor Sununu
regarding the big issues in the 1990 races.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 31, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS
SUBJECT:
TRUMAN CAMPAIGN - 1948
Attached please find a quick analysis that
Jim Pinkerton put together. You will also
find a copy of Truman's acceptance speech
as well as relevant pages from Plain
Speaking and The Lonliest Campaign.
Please let me know if you need anything
further.
MEMORANDUM
5/30/90
RE: 1992 AND THE TRUMAN STRATEGY
THE TRUMAN STRATEGY: RUNNING AGAINST CONGRESS
Harry Truman's 1948 victory is often emulated without much
thought as to the underlying ingredients of his triumph. After
all, Truman is the patron saint of presidential underdogs.
Goldwater, Ford and Dukakis all styled themselves after Truman to
some extent. However, all of them lost. The essence of Truman's
1948 success is two-fold:
One, it was extremely negative. He lambasted
Republicans with strident rhetoric, comparing them to
the "money-changers in the Temple." In a typical
appeal, in this case, to farmers, he charged that
Republican farm policies would "drive a pitchfork into
the backs of farmers."
Two, it was directed against an opposition-controlled
Congress. He belittled the 80th "do-nothing" Congress
for failing to pass his initiatives and sought to
exploit class warfare by charging that the Republicans
wanted to repeal the New Deal.
One difference between Truman and Gerald Ford, for example,
was that Truman's personality and speaking style was much better
suited for a credible negative campaign. More importantly,
Truman was extremely persistent. He had a message and he
constantly hammered it home. By contrast, Ford and moderate
Republicans in '76 had no strong message or agenda.
Truman did not have the typical advantages of an incumbent
President. He was widely viewed as inadequate for the job,
unwanted as the nominee by many in his party, and after his
nomination, widely expected to lose. Truman realized that to
win, he needed to energize the latent New Deal coalition -- a
realignment in American politics that had not died with FDR. His
fiery "give 'em hell" rhetoric was not just his style, but part
of a deliberate call to arms to the union members, Social
Security pensioners, and farmers who stood to lose the most.
Fear was his ally, hence the famous slogan: "Don't let them take
it away."
Truman came out swinging not against his opponent, but
against the Republican Party. In this pre-television straight-
ticket era, the images and ideals of political parties were much
more important than the personalities of the candidates.
Truman deliberately provoked the GOP by challenging them to
pass legislation to help key members of his coalition: farmers,
labor, blacks, and ethnics. When he got no action, he blasted
2
Congress as "do-nothing." He also castigated them for their
alleged obsession with repealing the New Deal -- Taft-Hartley
being the most notable example. To prove how out of touch the
Republican Congressmen were with the electorate, Truman called
them into special session during the '48 campaign and dared them
to pass the portions of the GOP platform that would roll back
FDR's legacy.
CONSENSUS POLITICS VOIDS THE TRUMAN STRATEGY
Despite the fact that the current Congress is thwarting many
Bush Administration initiatives, there are two reasons a strategy
of "running against Congress" will not work in 1992:
The Bush Administration is not viewed as engaged in an
ideological battle with Congress.
Congress is not engaged in a public day-to-day battle
to repeal the Reagan/Bush Revolution.
George Bush's fights with Congress have occurred in back
rooms, not on the front pages. Our modus operandi has been to
launch reasonable-sounding initiatives, attempt to work out a
compromise, and fall back on the veto if the Democrats go too
far. Our fights with Congress have been on consensus issues,
i.e. clean air, child care -- issues on which both parties are so
concerned with getting credit for "action," they are only
fighting over what the public perceives as "minor details."
(These "details" can in fact be very important, but nobody is
outlining their importance to the public.)
Furthermore, for a strategy of Congress-bashing to work,
Congress itself must "cooperate." The GOP-controlled 80th
Congress -- many of whom had won their seats the year before on
the anti-New Deal slogan "Had Enough?" -- foolishly rose to
Truman's bait, like a bull charging at a red flag. Bereft of
sophisticated opinion polling, they thought the New Deal phil-
osophy was spent, where in fact the majority of the electorate
supported the idea of a big government to solve their problems.
Today's Democratic congressmen, with their high pay and
perks, are unwilling risk their cushy seats to campaign for
what's in their heart of hearts: higher taxes, more
entitlements, less defense, and more regulation. Their high
reelection rates are a testament to their ability to avoid
national issues and position themselves as moderate "problem-
solvers." Instead they tell their constituents, "I support the
President when he's right and oppose him when he's wrong." As
"paragons" of moderation, they are able to ride out Republican
landslides, as they did in '72, '80, '84 and '88. Democrats will
use the power of incumbency to cling to their seats rather than
attempt to convince the electorate that liberalism is worthy of
3
their votes. They will not provide a fat target in 1992 as the
Republicans did in 1948.
DEFENDING YOUR RECORD vs. PASSING THE BUCK
As a semi-incumbent in 1988, the President used a modified
Truman Strategy to some extent. That campaign had a large
negative component, with Bush running against liberalism in
general, and Dukakis' liberalism in particular. However, the
Truman Strategy will not work well for the President in 1992.
First, his personality is not well suited for a negative
campaign. He lacks the feistiness of a Truman or a Bob Dole.
Furthermore, reporters will be waiting to pounce on the first
appearance of a highly negative campaign.
Second, elected incumbent presidents are expected to defend
their records. This demands a positive, optimistic campaign,
i.e. "Look at all I've done; give me four more years to finish
the job. Every successful incumbent since '48 has used this
basic approach: Eisenhower in '56, Nixon in '72, Reagan in '84.
The electorate holds presidents, not Congress, responsible for
peace and prosperity. Each of these president had by and large
delivered, and were reelected in landslides. Only Carter ran a
negative re-election campaign, in effect claiming that "America's
problems weren't his fault, and besides, Reagan will be worse. "
Nonetheless, the voters held him responsible, and he lost.
CONCLUSION
In 1992, the President will have to run on his record to win
a new four-year lease on the White House. While we believe that
his accomplishments in foreign, economic, and domestic policy
will win him a large mandate, we should take comfort in the
knowledge that 8 of the 11 elected incumbent presidents seeking
re-election in this century were successful.* An incumbent
President only loses if he is "fired" by the voters, and people
are reluctant to fire anyone. Furthermore, if the incumbent and
his challenger are indistinguishable, the voters will opt to
stick with the president.
#
* The 3 losers: Taft in 1912 (with TR as a 3rd party
candidate), Hoover in 1932, and Carter in 1980.
4
LIST OF ATTACHMENTS
Harry S Truman. Acceptance Speech, July 15, 1948.
"The people know the Democratic Party is the people's party
and the Republican Party is the party of special interests
and it always has been and always will be."
Merle Miller. Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S.
Truman, 1973, pp. 256-7.
Irwin Ross. The Loneliest Campaign, 1968, pp. 20-27.
HARRY S. TRUMAN
5
The record of the Democratic party is written in the accomplishments
of the last sixteen years. I don't need to repeat them. They have been very
ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate
for Vice-President, and by the permanent chairman.
Confidence and security have been brought to the American people
by the Democratic party. Farm income has increased from less than
$2,500,000,000 in 1933 to more than $18,000,000,000 in 1947. Never in the
world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other
country, as prosperous as the farmers of the United States, and if they
don't do their duty by the Democratic party they're the most ungrateful
people in the world.
HARRY S. TRUMAN
The wages and salaries in this country have increased from
$29,000,000,000 in 1933 to more than $128,000,000,000 in 1947. That's labor,
Acceptance Speech
and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that was the Democratic
party and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
And I'll say to labor just what I've said to the farmers. They are
no
July 15, 1948
the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic party
by this year.
e
The total national income has increased from less than $40,000,000,000
in 1933 to $203,000,000,000 in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the
2
I am sorry that the microphones are in your way, but they have to be
world. These benefits have been spread to all the people because it's the
where they are because I've got to be able to see what I'm doing, as I
business of the Democratic party to see that the people get a fair share
always am able to see what I am doing.
of these things.
I can't tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you've
This last Eightieth Congress proved just the opposite for the Repub-
just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it. I accept the
licans. The record on foreign policy of the Democratic party is that the
37
nomination, and I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomi-
United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and
ec
ar.
nation of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley, of Kentucky.
we've converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint
He's a great man and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I
on that subject.
es
will win this election and make these Republicans like it, don't you forget
The United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in
that. We'll do that because they're wrong and we're right, and I'll prove it
international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who
to you in just a few minutes.
organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great
This convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of
Democratic President Woodrow Wilson in the League of Nations. The
the Democratic party. There have been differences of opinion. These dif-
League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920, and we must see that
an
ferences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be, and now
the United Nations continues a strong and going body, so we can have
19
it's time for us to get together and beat the common enemy and it's up to
everlasting peace in the world.
We've removed the trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset
as
you.
1 in
We'll be working together for victory and a great cause. Victory has
we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into
become a habit of our party. It's been elected four times in succession and
operation again. We have started a foreign-aid program which means the
I'm convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November.
recovery of Europe and China and the Far East. We instituted the pro-
The reason is that the people know the Democratic party is the peo-
gram for Greece and Turkey, and I'll say to you that all these things were
ple's party and the Republican party is the party of special interests and
done in a co-operative bi-partisan manner.
it always has been and always will be.
The foreign-relations committees of the Senate and the House were
taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves.
4
6
1948
HARRY S. TRUMAN
7
As I've said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy
here three weeks ago, didn't get that housing bill passed. They passed a
of the whole nation, and not a policy of one party or the other. Partisan-
bill that's called a housing bill, which isn't worth the paper it's written
ship should stop at the water's edge, and I shall continue to preach that
on.
through this whole campaign.
In the field of labor, we needed moderate legislation to promote labor-
I'd like to say a word or two now about what I think the Republican
management relations. But Congress instead passed the so-called Taft-
philosophy is, and I'll speak from actions and from history and from
Hartley act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will
experience. The situation in 1932 was due to the policy of the Republican
cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it's not repealed, and the
party control of the government of the United States.
Democratic platform says it's got to be repealed.
The Republican party favors the privileged few and not the common,
I tried to strengthen the Labor Deparment. The Republican platform
every-day man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the
in 1944 said if they were in power they'd build up a strong Labor Depart-
control of special privilege, and they concretely proved it in the Eightieth
ment. Do you know what they've done to the Labor Department? They've
Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people and not for
simply torn it up. There's only one bureau left that's functioning and
them. They proved it by the things they failed to do.
they've cut the appropriation on that so it can hardly function.
Now let's look at some of them, just a few. Time and time again I
I recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did they
recommended the extension of price control before it expired on June 30,
do? Nothing, absolutely nothing. I suggested that the schools in this
1946. I asked for that extension in September, 1945. In November, 1945, in
country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of
a message on the State of the Union in 1946. That price control legislation
teachers. One of the greatest national needs is more and better schools.
didn't come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was
I urged the Congress to provide $300,000,000 to aid the states in
supposed to expire, and it was such a rotten bill that I couldn't sign it.
meeting the present educational crisis. The Congress did nothing about it.
Then thirty days after that they sent me one that was just as bad and
Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security
I had to sign it, because they quit and went home.
law, including extending protection to those not now covered, to increase
It was said when O. P. A. died that prices would adjust themselves,
the amount of the benefits, reduce the eligibility age of women from
for the benefit of the country. They've adjusted themselves all right.
sixty-five to sixty years. Congress studied the matter for two years but
They've gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves at the
couldn't find time to extend increased benefits, but it did find time to take
expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people who hold the
social security benefits away from 750,000 people.
goods.
And they passed that over my veto.
I called a special session of Congress in November, 1947-Nov. 17,
I repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The nation
1947-and I set out a ten-point program for the welfare and benefit of
suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time
this country; among other things, stand-by price controls. I got nothing.
the Congress wants to act upon it. Everybody knows that I recommended
The Congress has still done nothing.
to the Congress a civil-rights program. I did so because I believe it to be
Way back, four and a half years ago while I was in the Senate we
my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party
passed the housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft
disagreed with me violently on this matter, but they stand up and do it
bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities, and to help erect low-
openly. People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all profess
rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate four years ago, but it
to be for these measures, but the Eightieth Congress didn't act and they
died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the Eightieth Congress
had enough men there to do it, and they could have had cloture, and they
as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill-the name was slightly changed.
didn't have to have a filibuster. There were enough people in that Congress
But it was practically the same bill and it passed the Senate, but was
to vote for cloture.
allowed to die in the House of Representatives. The Banking and Cur-
Now everybody likes to have a little surplus. But we must reduce the
rency Committee sat on that bill, and it was finally forced out of the
national debt in times of prosperity, and when tax relief can be given with-
committee when the Rules Committee took charge, and it's still in the
out regard to those who need it most, and not go to those who need it
Rules Committee.
least, as this Republican rich-man's tax bill did when they passed it over
But desperate pleas from Philadelphia, in that convention that met
my veto, on the third try.
8
1948
HARRY S. TRUMAN
9
The first one of these tax bills they sent me was so rotten that they
much they're for; an extension of social security coverage and increased
couldn't even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was
benefits, which they say they're for; funds for projects needed in our pro-
somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks the knife into
gram to provide public power and cheap electricity.
the back of the poor.
By indirection, this Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the
Now the Republicans came here a few weeks ago and they wrote up
power policy which the United States has pursued for fourteen years. That
a platform. I hope you've all read that platform. They adopted a platform,
power lobby is just as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the
and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the
housing bill. I shall ask for adequate and decent law for displaced persons
Republican party is for and what they would do if they were in power.
in place of the anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this Eightieth Con-
They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I've been asking
gress passed.
them to do, and that they've refused to do when they had the power. The
Now my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican plat-
Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to
form, we ought to get some action out of the short session of the Eightieth
get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first
Congress. They could do this job in fifteen days if they wanted to do it.
time.
They'll still have time to go out and run for office. They're going to try and
Now listen to this one. This one is equally as bad and as cynical. The
dodge their responsibility, they're going to drag all the red herrings they
Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low rental housing.
can across this campaign. But I'm here to say to you that Senator Barkley
I've been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met
and I are not going to let them get away with it.
the first time, and it's still resting in the Rules Committee today.
Now what that worst Eightieth Congress does in its special session
The Republican platform pledges equality of educational opportunity.
will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere
I've been trying to get them to do something about that ever since they
words or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record. The
came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives.
record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth that the
The Republican platform urges extending and increasing social secur-
battle lines for 1948 are the same as they were back in 1932 when the
ity benefits. Think of that-increasing social security benefits, and yet
nation lay prostrate and helpless as the result of Republican misrule and
when they had the opportunity they took 750,000 people off the social
inaction.
security roles.
In 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed;
I wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States
we were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today in
with such poppycock as that?
1948 we are the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal
There's a long list of these promises in that Republican platform and
opportunity. The haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the
if it weren't so late I'd tell you about all of them.
favored classes or of the powerful few.
I discussed a number of these failures of the Republican Eightieth
The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932 and I para-
Congress, and everyone of them is important. Two of them are of major
phrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge in
concern to every American family; the failure to do anything about high
accepting his nomination at Chicago: This is more than a political call to
prices, and the failure to do anything about housing.
arms. Give me your help. Not to win votes alone, but to win in this new
My duty as President requires that I use every means within my
crusade and keep America secure and safe for its own people.
power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and
Now my friends, with the help of God, and the wholehearted push
urgency. I am therefore calling this Congress back into session on the 26th
which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a
of July.
continuation of the Eightieth Congress and from misrule from now on. I
On the twenty-sixth day of July, which out in Missouri they call
must have your help! You must get in and push and win this election. The
Turnip Day, I'm going to call that Congress back and I'm going to ask
country can't afford another Republican Congress.
them to pass laws halting rising prices and to meet the housing crisis which
they say they're for in their platform. At the same time I shall ask them to
act on other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they
say they're for; a national health program, civil-rights legislation, which
they say they're for; an increase in the minimum wage-which I doubt very
256
PLAIN SPEAKING
THE 1948 VICTORY
257
"No. Most of them are smart enough. It's just-this is only my
and I said, "The Republicans have agreed on a platform. Now I'm
opinion, of course-it's just that they don't seem to know or care
gonna call a special session of the Congress and give them a chance
anything about people. Not all of them but a lot of them don't.
to put their platform into effect.
"The fella they nominated to run against me was a good example
"And of course they didn't do a damn thing. If they had been
of that. People could tell he wasn't open and above board, and the
smart and even passed one measure along the lines they'd promised
more he talked, the more he showed that he didn't have any program
in their platform, I'd have been up a creek, but I knew damn well
at all in mind if he got elected. Except to set things back a few
they wouldn't do it, and of course, they didn't."
dozen years or more. So he didn't get elected. It was as simple as
Mr. President, you said you were calling that special session for
that."
Turnip Day. What's Turnip Day?
"The twenty-sixth of July, wet or dry, always sow turnips. Along
Mr. President, you said the other day you hadn't given much or any
in September they'll be four, five, maybe six inches in diameter,
thought to what you were going to say at the convention, but it says
and they're good to eat-raw. I don't like them cooked."
in the Memoirs that I believe you had made some informal notes.
Turnip greens are pretty good.
"Yes, I'd written down some notes when Margaret and the Boss
"Well, yes, but the only way to get turnip greens is in the spring.
and I were coming from Washington to Philadelphia, and they were
You take out the turnips that you've kept in the cellar all winter and
in a big black notebook that I carried to the podium with me when
set them out in the garden, and then they come up. You grow them,
I made my acceptance speech. There were two things I was sure of
and the greens that have come up when they're both, oh, about four
that I was going to say. I was going to tell them that Alben Barkley
or five inches long you mix them with dandelions and mustard, and
[Truman's Vice Presidential running mate] and I were going to win
they make the finest greens in the world. Spinach isn't in it. C
the election, and I'd made up my mind that after I lambasted into
"That's what the country people used to have in the spring. Turnip
the do-nothing Eightieth Congress that I was going to call them back
greens with dandelions and mustard and things of that kind.
into a special session, which is what I did do.*
"But you have to know which is which with plants like that.
"That really stirred things up. It was in the middle of my speech,
Plenty of those things are violent poison. You take poke berries,
pokeroots. When they're so long, they're good to go into greens,
*"On the twenty-sixth of July, which out in Missouri we call Turnip Day,' I am
but you wait a little longer, and you might as well order your coffin.
going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet
the housing crisis-which they are saying they are for in their platform.
Because you're done. They're as poisonous as cyanide."
"At the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures,
How do you find out when to pick them?
such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program;
"Your grandmother has to tell you."
civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum
wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the Social Security cover-
age and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed
Mr. President, during the campaign, how did you decide where to
in our program to provide public power and cheap electricty. By indirection, the
Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has
go, where to speak? For instance, you spoke at a plowing contest I
pursued for fourteen years. The power lobby is as bad as the real-estate lobby, which
think it was in Dexter, Iowa. I'm from Iowa, and I don't even know
is sitting on the housing bill.
"I shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this
where Dexter is. How did you happen to decide to go there?
anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which the Eightieth Congress passed.
"Well, there were ninety-six thousand farmers at Dexter, Iowa
"Now, my friends, if there is any reality behind the Republican platform we
ought to get some action from a short session of the Eightieth Congress. They can do
[I-uh-way], and somebody had to go there and talk to 'em, and I
went."
this job in fifteen days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and
run for office.
How do you know there were ninety-six thousand?
"They are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the
red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Bark-
"There was a lot of disagreement in the papers and the newsmaga-
ley and I are not going to let them get away with it."
20
The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948
21
almost his entire life in St. Louis, Missouri, where he had gradu-
one else, had persuaded Truman to take on John L. Lewis. 17 By
ated from the Washington University School of Law at the age of
mid-1947, he had become Truman's most influential adviser. 18
twenty-one, and thereafter developed a successful law practice. A
Democrat by inheritance, he had once helped manage a congres-
sional campaign, but had never been prominently involved in poli-
It was one of the ironies-perhaps one of the public
tics. In his quiet way, however, he was a committed New Dealer,
relations triumphs-of the 1948 Democratic campaign that it gen-
the greatest influence on his political thinking having been the lib-
erally gave the impression of being an improvised, desperate effort
eral views of his uncle, Clark McAdams, who had been in charge of
of an embattled President fighting single-handedly against over-
the editorial page of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
whelming odds. There was no doubt about the desperation of the
The war unexpectedly led to Clifford's political career. Joining
Democratic campaign, but it was not improvised. Careful planning
the Navy as a lieutenant junior grade in 1944, he had a desk job
preceded every step, with the general lines of strategy being articu-
and would have slipped back unnoticed into civilian life, a year or
lated as early as the autumn of 1947.
so later, had not a former law client of his, James K. Vardaman,
The basic blueprint was contained in a lengthy memorandum on
Jr., been appointed naval aide to President Truman. Soon after-
"the politics of 1948," for which Clifford began to gather intelli-
ward Truman decided to include old friend Vardaman in the en-
gence and sift ideas in the summer of 1947. The President was all
tourage which he was taking to the July conference in Potsdam,
for the project and suggested a variety of individuals to be con-
Germany, where he was to meet with Churchill and Stalin. Varda-
sulted. 19 When Clifford began his soundings, Truman was hardly
man decided he needed someone to mind his shop in Washington
the underdog that he became the following year. As already men-
and so he had Clifford appointed assistant naval aide.
tioned, his popularity had begun to rise; no one had any reason to
Clifford, then thirty-nine, arrived at the White House to discover
predict a revolt in the South and Henry Wallace had not yet de-
that an assistant naval aide had little to do; to fill in his time he
clared his candidacy. On the other hand, none of the people around
took to helping the President's Special Counsel, Judge Samuel I.
Truman suffered from an excess of optimism. The 1946 debacle
Rosenman. Early in 1946, Rosenman left the White House and
was too fresh in memory, the Republicans had many able candi-
Truman appointed Vardaman a member of the Federal Reserve
dates-Dewey, Stassen, Taft, and Warren being the most promi-
Board; Clifford succeeded Vardaman as naval aide and for several
nent-and Henry Wallace, while not an avowed candidate, was
months also handled the duties of the Special Counsel's office. In
certainly a threat.
June Truman suggested that it was time Clifford got out of uniform
During 1947, Wallace had been traveling around the country,
and formally named him Special Counsel.
collecting large audiences for his denunciations of Truman's for-
From the outset, Clifford had hit it off well with Truman; they
eign and domestic policies; many disaffected Democrats had rallied
came from the same part of the country and spoke the same lan-
to his cause and he had behind him the not inconsiderable appa-
guage, though in manner the elegant Clifford and the homespun
ratus of the Communist party and the support of those unions in
President seemed miles apart. As Special Counsel, Clifford was re-
the CIO which the Communists controlled. Many of Wallace's fol-
sponsible for preparing Truman's state papers, public speeches,
lowers were urging him to run for President in 1948 and he freely
and a good many private memoranda. It was a job which put him
scattered hints that he might lead the first major third-party effort
at the fulcrum of power, for the man who writes a President's
since Robert La Follette ran in 1924. A Wallace candidacy was
words inevitably has much to do with determining policy. Clifford
understandably a nightmare to the Truman strategists; many of
was also a master of the art of personal ingratiation and, though an
them refused to believe that in the end he would take the leap.
amateur, he was a shrewd political strategist. He, more than any-
In mid-November, Clifford presented Truman with a 43-page
22 The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948 23
double-spaced memorandum on legal-size paper. It was a remark-
ate. The farmer's crops were good, Clifford pointed out; he was
able political document-bold and unambiguous in its analysis of
protected by parity and would be aided by the Marshall Plan.
present trends, surprisingly accurate in treating of the future, cou-
Should he be inclined to defect in 1948, nothing more could be
rageous and not a little cynical in proposing a vigorous course of
done by way of "political or economic favors" to win back his
action for the President in the twelve months leading up to the
support. The implication was that only rhetoric could be employed
election.
-an exercise in which Truman was never deficient throughout the
The memorandum predicted that Thomas E. Dewey would be
campaign.
the Republican candidate, though the contest for the nomination
The labor vote was a great imponderable. Clifford flatly asserted
had barely gotten under way; that Henry Wallace would run on a
that Truman "cannot win without the active support of organized
third-party ticket; that President Truman could win even with the
labor. It is dangerous to assume that labor now has nowhere else to
loss of the populous states of the East, so long as he held the sup-
go in 1948. Labor can stay home." Labor had been "inspired" to
port of the South and of the West and recaptured the labor vote
vote for Roosevelt, but had largely abstained in the 1946 congres-
which F.D.R. had always commanded. Events eventually confirmed
sional elections. "The labor group has always been politically inac-
each of these judgments.
tive during prosperity," Clifford wrote. "The effort to get out the
Clifford was wrong in one prediction: that there would be no
labor vote will thus have to be even more strenuous than in 1944."
break in the South, no matter what program the President pre-
Much would also have to be done to attract independent liberals,
sented. "As always, the South can be considered safely Demo-
who were not important numerically but exerted a considerable
cratic," he wrote. "And in formulating national policy, it can be
leavening effect on public opinion. "The liberal and progressive
safely ignored."
leaders are not overly enthusiastic about the administration,"
He argued that "If the Democrats carry the solid South and also
Clifford commented with tolerable understatement.
those Western states carried in 1944, they will have 216 of the
He warned that the Republicans would make a strong appeal for
required 266 electoral votes. And if the Democratic party is power-
the Negro vote, which had been Democratic since 1932, and fore-
ful enough to capture the West, it will almost certainly pick up
saw that the Negroes might hold the balance of power in states like
enough of the doubtful Middlewestern and Eastern states to get 50
New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. "The
more votes
We could lose New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois,
Negro voter has become a cynical, hard-boiled trader," Clifford
New Jersey, Ohio, Massachusetts-all the 'big' states and still
suggested, and the Republicans were likely to appeal to his self-
win." While Clifford was mistaken in assuming no southern break-
interest by offering an anti-poll-tax bill and Fair Employment Prac-
away-the Dixiecrat rebellion in the end lost Truman 39 electoral
tices legislation in the next Congress. Clearly, the Democrats would
votes-he was quite correct in stressing the importance of winning
have to outbid the Republicans in order to hold the Negroes. Tru-
the West and in arguing that a victory there presupposed sufficient
man's civil rights message in February 1948 followed logically
strength to win some Midwestern states; in the end Truman took
from this premise.
Idaho, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Wisconsin-as well as Ohio
Clifford's appraisal of the Catholic vote, which had begun to de-
and Illinois.
fect from the Democrats in 1944, turned out to be prophetic: "The
Clifford went on to provide a shrewd analysis of the various spe-
controlling element in this group
is the distrust and fear of
cial interest groups which the Democrats had to attract. Only the
communism.
The attitude of the President and the adminis-
farmer "was presently favorably inclined towards the Truman ad-
tration toward communism should exert a definite appeal
ministration"-a judgment which continued to be correct through-
Turning to the issues in the campaign, Clifford saw "considerable
out 1948, but which the Republicans somehow failed to appreci-
political advantage to the administration in the battle with the
24
The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948
25
Kremlin." Relations with Russia would probably continue to dete-
would not be enough; Truman had to move to the left in order to
riorate and, as in all times of crisis, the average citizen would tend
attract Wallace's followers. An ambitious program of economic
to rally to his President. As for Republican attacks on the adminis-
measures and civil rights reforms was only part of the strategy
tration's foreign policy, "President Truman is comparatively invul-
which Clifford proposed, for he was worried by Wallace's calling
nerable to attack because of his brilliant appointment of General
the roll of the many Wall Street figures in the Truman administra-
Marshall who has convinced the public that as Secretary of State he
tion-such men as Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, James For-
is nonpartisan and above politics." On the other hand, the Republi-
restal and William Draper. Clifford saw Wallace appealing "to the
cans would probably intensify their efforts to make an issue of
atavistic fears of all progressives-the fear of 'Wall Street.'
Communist infiltration in government. In this area, however, "The
Clifford urged the President to make "some top level appointments
President adroitly stole their thunder by initiating his-own govern-
from the ranks of the progressives-in foreign as well as domestic
ment employee loyalty investigation procedure."
affairs." It was important to make the effort, he argued, even if
In the domestic field, Clifford saw high prices and the housing
some of the appointees should not be confirmed by the Senate.
shortage as the most pressing issues to the average citizen. He
The memorandum deplored the decay of the Democratic party
urged that the President call upon the next session of Congress to
organization, urged that a new chairman be soon appointed to re-
enact a maximum anti-inflation program, including mandatory
build the party, and that a small working committee be established
price controls, an ambitious housing program, and tax revisions
to coordinate the political program of the administration, provide
favoring lower-income groups. The President would offer his pro-
monthly estimates of the political situation, and begin the drafting
gram in full awareness that the Republicans would reject it and
of memoranda for the 1948 platform and major campaign
thus be politically vulnerable. Clifford's strategy could hardly have
speeches. Clifford also stressed the need for close liaison with the
been more forthright or candidly phrased (this was, after all, a
labor movement and with independent liberals. In these sections
private memorandum):
the Administration should select
Clifford's memorandum became a fascinating manual on the prac-
the issues upon which there will be conflict with the majority in
tical arts of politics at the Presidential level. He urged President
Congress. It can assume it will get no major part of its own pro-
Truman personally to cultivate labor leaders, who of late had rarely
gram approved. Its tactics must, therefore, be entirely different
been seen in the White House. "It is easy for the incumbent of the
than if there were any real point to bargaining and compromise. Its
White House to forget the 'magic' of his office," Clifford explained.
recommendations-in the State of the Union message and else-
But he cautioned that in such private colloquies the President ask
where-must be tailored for the voter, not the Congressman; they
advice on "matters in general," for "it is dangerous to ask a labor
must display a label which reads 'no compromises.'
leader for advice on a specific matter and then ignore that advice."
This strategy was designed not only to embarrass the Republi-
Clifford spent a good deal of space on the problem of refurbish-
cans but to steal Henry Wallace's thunder, for if Wallace drew
ing what he called the President's "portrait" ("image," as a public
enough votes, especially in the West, he would defeat Truman.
relations term, had not yet come into general use). He pointed out
Clifford pointed out that in 1924 the third-party candidate, Robert
that most people get their impressions of a President from his activ-
La Follette, polled more votes than the Democratic candidate in
ities as Chief of State, but that Truman had been notably reticent in
eleven western states. To undercut Wallace's appeal, Clifford urged
this area, with the consequence that he was largely thought of as a
that at the psychologically correct moment the Communist inspira-
politician. Clifford made a number of proposals whereby the Presi-
tion behind Wallace's campaign should be denounced by "promi-
dent might correct this distorted view. One of them was to exploit
nent liberals and progressives-and no one else." But denunciation
the social resources of the White House, by inviting one or two
26 The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948
27
"nonpolitical personages" for lunch each week; the newspapers
office in the knowledge that the Senate would knock them down.
would inevitably give these encounters great publicity. Henry Ford
He found these gestures too obviously synthetic and out of charac-
II, who was receiving an excellent press as the young head of the
Ford Motor Company, was an obvious candidate; Clifford saw
ter. On the other hand, the concept of a bold, uncompromising
considerable popular appeal in "this picture of the American
political offensive appealed to him.21 He subsequently agreed that it
President and the Young Business Man together."
would start with the State of the Union message on January 7.
Equally impressive would be a lunch with Albert Einstein, with
the President explaining at his next press conference "that they
talked, in general, about the peacetime uses of atomic energy and
its potentialities for our civilization. He can then casually mention
that he has been spending some of his leisure time getting caught
up with atomic energy"-which would doubtless have acted as a
corrective to the common impression that Truman spent much of
his leisure time at the poker table. Another way to display his more
reflective side to the public would be for the President to suggest to
the newsmen "that it would do them no harm at all to read such
and such a book (as long as he picks the right one) which he has
just read." His staff would have presumably provided the President
with an appropriate list.
Clifford also suggested that Truman repeat the nonpolitical "in-
spection tours" which Roosevelt employed in the I940 campaign.
The problem was that a President could not campaign openly until
after the party conventions, yet there was urgent need for him to
carry his case to the voters long before the late summer of 1948.
F.D.R.'s inspection tours had been marvelously effective. "No mat-
ter how much the opposition and the press pointed out the political
overtones of those trips," Clifford wrote, "the people paid little at-
tention because what they saw was the Head of State performing
his duties." The people were to show a similarly tolerant attitude
toward President Truman on his "nonpolitical" coast-to-coast train
tour the following June.
Truman read the document carefully and discussed it at length
with Clifford. He was in general agreement with the analysis and
proposed strategy, although he had little sympathy for the public
relations gimmickry to sell the President to the American people.
He was not about to turn the White House over to labor leaders with
whom he felt little personal rapport or to invite Albert Einstein or
Henry Ford to lunch or to nominate prominent liberals to high
hold
pink bel
THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN
6-5-90
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
Excellente
May 31, 1990
That's on
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:
ED ROGERS discer
SUBJECT:
TRUMAN CAMPAIGN - 1948
6-1
Attached please find a quick analysis that
Jim Pinkerton put together. You will also
find a copy of Truman's acceptance speech
as well as relevant pages from Plain
Speaking and The Lonliest Campaign.
Please let me know if you need anything
further.
MEMORANDUM
5/30/90
RE: 1992 AND THE TRUMAN STRATEGY
THE TRUMAN STRATEGY: RUNNING AGAINST CONGRESS
Harry Truman's 1948 victory is often emulated without much
thought as to the underlying ingredients of his triumph. After
all, Truman is the patron saint of presidential underdogs.
Goldwater, Ford and Dukakis all styled themselves after Truman to
some extent. However, all of them lost. The essence of Truman's
1948 success is two-fold:
One, it was extremely negative. He lambasted
Republicans with strident rhetoric, comparing them to
the "money-changers in the Temple." In a typical
appeal, in this case, to farmers, he charged that
Republican farm policies would "drive a pitchfork into
the backs of farmers."
Two, it was directed against an opposition-controlled
Congress. He belittled the 80th "do-nothing" Congress
for failing to pass his initiatives and sought to
exploit class warfare by charging that the Republicans
wanted to repeal the New Deal.
One difference between Truman and Gerald Ford, for example,
was that Truman's personality and speaking style was much better
suited for a credible negative campaign. More importantly,
Truman was extremely persistent. He had a message and he
constantly hammered it home. By contrast, Ford and moderate
Republicans in '76 had no strong message or agenda.
Truman did not have the typical advantages of an incumbent
President. He was widely viewed as inadequate for the job,
unwanted as the nominee by many in his party, and after his
nomination, widely expected to lose. Truman realized that to
win, he needed to energize the latent New Deal coalition -- a
realignment in American politics that had not died with FDR. His
fiery "give 'em hell" rhetoric was not just his style, but part
of a deliberate call to arms to the union members, Social
Security pensioners, and farmers who stood to lose the most.
Fear was his ally, hence the famous slogan: "Don't let them take
it away."
Truman came out swinging not against his opponent, but
against the Republican Party. In this pre-television straight-
ticket era, the images and ideals of political parties were much
more important than the personalities of the candidates.
Truman deliberately provoked the GOP by challenging them to
pass legislation to help key members of his coalition: farmers,
labor, blacks, and ethnics. When he got no action, he blasted
2
Congress as "do-nothing." He also castigated them for their
alleged obsession with repealing the New Deal -- Taft-Hartley
being the most notable example. To prove how out of touch the
Republican Congressmen were with the electorate, Truman called
them into special session during the '48 campaign and dared them
to pass the portions of the GOP platform that would roll back
FDR's legacy.
CONSENSUS POLITICS VOIDS THE TRUMAN STRATEGY
Despite the fact that the current Congress is thwarting many
Bush Administration initiatives, there are two reasons a strategy
of "running against Congress" will not work in 1992:
The Bush Administration is not viewed as engaged in an
ideological battle with Congress.
Congress is not engaged in a public day-to-day battle
to repeal the Reagan/Bush Revolution.
George Bush's fights with Congress have occurred in back
rooms, not on the front pages. Our modus operandi has been to
launch reasonable-sounding initiatives, attempt to work out a
compromise, and fall back on the veto if the Democrats go too
far. Our fights with Congress have been on consensus issues,
i.e. clean air, child care -- issues on which both parties are so
concerned with getting credit for "action," they are only
fighting over what the public perceives as "minor details."
(These "details" can in fact be very important, but nobody is
outlining their importance to the public.)
Furthermore, for a strategy of Congress-bashing to work,
Congress itself must "cooperate." The GOP-controlled 80th
Congress -- many of whom had won their seats the year before on
the anti-New Deal slogan "Had Enough?" -- foolishly rose to
Truman's bait, like a bull charging at a red flag. Bereft of
sophisticated opinion polling, they thought the New Deal phil-
osophy was spent, where in fact the majority of the electorate
supported the idea of a big government to solve their problems.
Today's Democratic congressmen, with their high pay and
perks, are unwilling risk their cushy seats to campaign for
what's in their heart of hearts: higher taxes, more
entitlements, less defense, and more regulation. Their high
reelection rates are a testament to their ability to avoid
national issues and position themselves as moderate "problem-
solvers." Instead they tell their constituents, "I support the
President when he's right and oppose him when he's wrong. As
"paragons" of moderation, they are able to ride out Republican
landslides, as they did in '72, '80, '84 and '88. Democrats will
use the power of incumbency to cling to their seats rather than
attempt to convince the electorate that liberalism is worthy of
3
their votes. They will not provide a fat target in 1992 as the
Republicans did in 1948.
DEFENDING YOUR RECORD vs. PASSING THE BUCK
As a semi-incumbent in 1988, the President used a modified
Truman Strategy to some extent. That campaign had a large
negative component, with Bush running against liberalism in
general, and Dukakis' liberalism in particular. However, the
Truman Strategy will not work well for the President in 1992.
First, his personality is not well suited for a negative
campaign. He lacks the feistiness of a Truman or a Bob Dole.
Furthermore, reporters will be waiting to pounce on the first
appearance of a highly negative campaign.
Second, elected incumbent presidents are expected to defend
their records. This demands a positive, optimistic campaign,
i.e. "Look at all I've done; give me four more years to finish
the job. Every successful incumbent since '48 has used this
basic approach: Eisenhower in '56, Nixon in '72, Reagan in '84.
The electorate holds presidents, not Congress, responsible for
peace and prosperity. Each of these president had by and large
delivered, and were reelected in landslides. Only Carter ran a
negative re-election campaign, in effect claiming that "America's
problems weren't his fault, and besides, Reagan will be worse."
Nonetheless, the voters held him responsible, and he lost.
CONCLUSION
In 1992, the President will have to run on his record to win
a new four-year lease on the White House. While we believe that
his accomplishments in foreign, economic, and domestic policy
will win him a large mandate, we should take comfort in the
knowledge that 8 of the 11 elected incumbent presidents seeking
re-election in this century were successful. An incumbent
President only loses if he is "fired" by the voters, and people
are reluctant to fire anyone. Furthermore, if the incumbent and
his challenger are indistinguishable, the voters will opt to
stick with the president.
#
* The 3 losers: Taft in 1912 (with TR as a 3rd party
candidate), Hoover in 1932, and Carter in 1980.
4
LIST OF ATTACHMENTS
Harry S Truman. Acceptance Speech, July 15, 1948.
"The people know the Democratic Party is the people's party
and the Republican Party is the party of special interests
and it always has been and always will be."
Merle Miller. Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S.
Truman, 1973, pp. 256-7.
Irwin Ross. The Loneliest Campaign, 1968, pp. 20-27.
HARRY S. TRUMAN
5
The record of the Democratic party is written in the accomplishments
of the last sixteen years. I don't need to repeat them. They have been very
ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate
for Vice-President, and by the permanent chairman.
Confidence and security have been brought to the American people
by the Democratic party. Farm income has increased from less than
$2,500,000,000 in 1933 to more than $18,000,000,000 in 1947. Never in the
world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other
country, as prosperous as the farmers of the United States, and if they
don't do their duty by the Democratic party they're the most ungrateful
people in the world.
HARRY S. TRUMAN
The wages and salaries in this country have increased from
$29,000,000,000 in 1933 to more than $128,000,000,000 in 1947. That's labor,
Acceptance Speech
and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that was the Democratic
party and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA
And I'll say to labor just what I've said to the farmers. They are
CII
July 15, 1948
the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic party
by this year.
e
The total national income has increased from less than $40,000,000,000
a
in 1933 to $203,000,000,000 in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the
I am sorry that the microphones are in your way, but they have to be
world. These benefits have been spread to all the people because it's the
where they are because I've got to be able to see what I'm doing, as I
business of the Democratic party to see that the people get a fair share
re
always am able to see what I am doing.
of these things.
O
I can't tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you've
This last Eightieth Congress proved just the opposite for the Repub-
el
just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it. I accept the
licans. The record on foreign policy of the Democratic party is that the
United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and
ec
nomination, and I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomi-
ar.
nation of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley, of Kentucky.
we've converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint
He's a great man and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I
on that subject.
es
will win this election and make these Republicans like it, don't you forget
The United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in
that. We'll do that because they're wrong and we're right, and I'll prove it
international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who
tic
to you in just a few minutes.
organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great
1
This convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of
Democratic President Woodrow Wilson in the League of Nations. The
the Democratic party. There have been differences of opinion. These dif-
League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920, and we must see that
19
ferences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be, and now
the United Nations continues a strong and going body, so we can have
it's time for us to get together and beat the common enemy and it's up to
everlasting peace in the world.
p
you.
We've removed the trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset
as
in
We'll be working together for victory and a great cause. Victory has
we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into
become a habit of our party. It's been elected four times in succession and
operation again. We have started a foreign-aid program which means the
I'm convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November.
recovery of Europe and China and the Far East. We instituted the pro-
The reason is that the people know the Democratic party is the peo-
gram for Greece and Turkey, and I'll say to you that all these things were
ple's party and the Republican party is the party of special interests and
done in a co-operative bi-partisan manner.
it always has been and always will be.
The foreign-relations committees of the Senate and the House were
taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves.
6
1948
HARRY S. TRUMAN
7
As I've said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy
here three weeks ago, didn't get that housing bill passed. They passed a
of the whole nation, and not a policy of one party or the other. Partisan-
bill that's called a housing bill, which isn't worth the paper it's written
ship should stop at the water's edge, and I shall continue to preach that
on.
through this whole campaign.
In the field of labor, we needed moderate legislation to promote labor-
I'd like to say a word or two now about what I think the Republican
management relations. But Congress instead passed the so-called Taft-
philosophy is, and I'll speak from actions and from history and from
Hartley act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will
experience. The situation in 1932 was due to the policy of the Republican
cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it's not repealed, and the
party control of the government of the United States.
Democratic platform says it's got to be repealed.
The Republican party favors the privileged few and not the common,
I tried to strengthen the Labor Deparment. The Republican platform
every-day man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the
in 1944 said if they were in power they'd build up a strong Labor Depart-
control of special privilege, and they concretely proved it in the Eightieth
ment. Do you know what they've done to the Labor Department? They've
Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people and not for
simply torn it up. There's only one bureau left that's functioning and
them. They proved it by the things they failed to do.
they've cut the appropriation on that so it can hardly function.
Now let's look at some of them, just a few. Time and time again I
I recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did they
recommended the extension of price control before it expired on June 30,
do? Nothing, absolutely nothing. I suggested that the schools in this
1946. I asked for that extension in September, 1945. In November, 1945, in
country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of
a message on the State of the Union in 1946. That price control legislation
teachers. One of the greatest national needs is more and better schools.
didn't come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was
I urged the Congress to provide $300,000,000 to aid the states in
supposed to expire, and it was such a rotten bill that I couldn't sign it.
meeting the present educational crisis. The Congress did nothing about it.
Then thirty days after that they sent me one that was just as bad and
Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security
I had to sign it, because they quit and went home.
law, including extending protection to those not now covered, to increase
It was said when O. P. A. died that prices would adjust themselves,
the amount of the benefits, reduce the eligibility age of women from
for the benefit of the country. They've adjusted themselves all right.
sixty-five to sixty years. Congress studied the matter for two years but
They've gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves at the
couldn't find time to extend increased benefits, but it did find time to take
expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people who hold the
social security benefits away from 750,000 people.
goods.
And they passed that over my veto.
I called a special session of Congress in November, 1947-Nov. 17,
I repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The nation
1947-and I set out a ten-point program for the welfare and benefit of
suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time
this country; among other things, stand-by price controls. I got nothing.
the Congress wants to act upon it. Everybody knows that I recommended
The Congress has still done nothing.
to the Congress a civil-rights program. I did so because I believe it to be
Way back, four and a half years ago while I was in the Senate we
my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party
passed the housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft
disagreed with me violently on this matter, but they stand up and do it
bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities, and to help erect low-
openly. People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all profess
rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate four years ago, but it
to be for these measures, but the Eightieth Congress didn't act and they
died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the Eightieth Congress
had enough men there to do it, and they could have had cloture, and they
as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill-the name was slightly changed.
didn't have to have a filibuster. There were enough people in that Congress
But it was practically the same bill and it passed the Senate, but was
to vote for cloture.
allowed to die in the House of Representatives. The Banking and Cur-
Now everybody likes to have a little surplus. But we must reduce the
rency Committee sat on that bill, and it was finally forced out of the
national debt in times of prosperity, and when tax relief can be given with-
committee when the Rules Committee took charge, and it's still in the
out regard to those who need it most, and not go to those who need it
Rules Committee.
least, as this Republican rich-man's tax bill did when they passed it over
But desperate pleas from Philadelphia, in that convention that met
my veto, on the third try.
8
1948
HARRY S. TRUMAN
9
The first one of these tax bills they sent me was so rotten that they
couldn't even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was
much they're for; an extension of social security coverage and increased
somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks the knife into
benefits, which they say they're for; funds for projects needed in our pro-
the back of the poor.
gram to provide public power and cheap electricity.
Now the Republicans came here a few weeks ago and they wrote up
By indirection, this Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the
a platform. I hope you've all read that platform. They adopted a platform,
power policy which the United States has pursued for fourteen years. That
and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the
power lobby is just as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the
Republican party is for and what they would do if they were in power.
housing bill. I shall ask for adequate and decent law for displaced persons
They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I've been asking
in place of the anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this Eightieth Con-
gress passed.
them to do, and that they've refused to do when they had the power. The
Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to
Now my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican plat-
form, we ought to get some action out of the short session of the Eightieth
time. get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first
Congress. They could do this job in fifteen days if they wanted to do it.
Now listen to this one. This one is equally as bad and as cynical. The
They'll still have time to go out and run for office. They're going to try and
Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low rental housing.
dodge their responsibility, they're going to drag all the red herrings they
I've been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met
can across this campaign. But I'm here to say to you that Senator Barkley
the first time, and it's still resting in the Rules Committee today.
and I are not going to let them get away with it.
The Republican platform pledges equality of educational opportunity.
Now what that worst Eightieth Congress does in its special session
I've been trying to get them to do something about that ever since they
will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere
words or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record. The
came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives.
record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth that the
The Republican platform urges extending and increasing social secur-
battle lines for 1948 are the same as they were back in 1932 when the
ity benefits. Think of that-increasing social security benefits, and yet
when they had the opportunity they took 750,000 people off the social
nation lay prostrate and helpless as the result of Republican misrule and
inaction.
security roles.
I wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States
In 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed;
with such poppycock as that?
we were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today in
There's a long list of these promises in that Republican platform and
1948 we are the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal
if it weren't so late I'd tell you about all of them.
opportunity. The haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the
I discussed a number of these failures of the Republican Eightieth
favored classes or of the powerful few.
Congress, and everyone of them is important. Two of them are of major
The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932 and I para-
concern to every American family; the failure to do anything about high
phrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge in
prices, and the failure to do anything about housing.
accepting his nomination at Chicago: This is more than a political call to
My duty as President requires that I use every means within my
arms. Give me your help. Not to win votes alone, but to win in this new
power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and
crusade and keep America secure and safe for its own people.
urgency. I am therefore calling this Congress back into session on the 26th
Now my friends, with the help of God, and the wholehearted push
of July.
which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a
On the twenty-sixth day of July, which out in Missouri they call
continuation of the Eightieth Congress and from misrule from now on. I
Turnip Day, I'm going to call that Congress back and I'm going to ask
must have your help! You must get in and push and win this election. The
them to pass laws halting rising prices and to meet the housing crisis which
country can't afford another Republican Congress.
they say they're for in their platform. At the same time I shall ask them to
act on other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they
say they're for; a national health program, civil-rights legislation, which
they say they're for; an increase in the minimum wage-which I doubt very
256
PLAIN SPEAKING
THE 1948 VICTORY
257
"No. Most of them are smart enough. It's just-this is only my
and I said, 'The Republicans have agreed on a platform. Now I'm
opinion, of course-it's just that they don't seem to know or care
gonna call a special session of the Congress and give them a chance
anything about people. Not all of them but a lot of them don't.
to put their platform into effect.
"The fella they nominated to run against me was a good example
"And of course they didn't do a damn thing. If they had been
of that. People could tell he wasn't open and above board, and the
smart and even passed one measure along the lines they'd promised
more he talked, the more he showed that he didn't have any program
in their platform, I'd have been up a creek, but I knew damn well
at all in mind if he got elected. Except to set things back a few
they wouldn't do it, and of course, they didn't."
dozen years or more. So he didn't get elected. It was as simple as
Mr. President, you said you were calling that special session for
that."
Turnip Day. What's Turnip Day?
"The twenty-sixth of July, wet or dry, always sow turnips. Along
Mr. President, you said the other day you hadn't given much or any
in September they'll be four, five, maybe six inches in diameter,
thought to what you were going to say at the convention, but it says
and they're good to eat-raw. I don't like them cooked."
in the Memoirs that I believe you had made some informal notes.
Turnip greens are pretty good.
"Yes, I'd written down some notes when Margaret and the Boss
"Well, yes, but the only way to get turnip greens is in the spring.
and I were coming from Washington to Philadelphia, and they were
You take out the turnips that you've kept in the cellar all winter and
in a big black notebook that I carried to the podium with me when
set them out in the garden, and then they come up. You grow them,
I made my acceptance speech. There were two things I was sure of
and the greens that have come up when they're both, oh, about four
that I was going to say. I was going to tell them that Alben Barkley
or five inches long you mix them with dandelions and mustard, and
[Truman's Vice Presidential running mate] and I were going to win
they make the finest greens in the world. Spinach isn't in it. C
the election, and I'd made up my mind that after I lambasted into
"That's what the country people used to have in the spring. Turnip
the do-nothing Eightieth Congress that I was going to call them back
greens with dandelions and mustard and things of that kind.
into a special session, which is what I did do.*
"But you have to know which is which with plants like that.
"That really stirred things up. It was in the middle of my speech,
Plenty of those things are violent poison. You take poke berries,
pokeroots. When they're so long, they're good to go into greens,
*"On the twenty-sixth of July, which out in Missouri we call Turnip Day,' I am
but you wait a little longer, and you might as well order your coffin.
going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet
the housing crisis-which they are saying they are for in their platform.
Because you're done. They're as poisonous as cyanide."
"At the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures,
How do you find out when to pick them?
such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program;
"Your grandmother has to tell you."
civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum
wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the Social Security cover-
age and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed
Mr. President, during the campaign, how did you decide where to
in our program to provide public power and cheap electricty. By indirection, the
Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has
go, where to speak? For instance, you spoke at a plowing contest I
pursued for fourteen years. The power lobby is as bad as the real-estate lobby, which
think it was in Dexter, lowa. I'm from Iowa, and I don't even know
is sitting on the housing bill.
"I shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this
where Dexter is. How did you happen to decide to go there?
anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which the Eightieth Congress passed.
"Well, there were ninety-six thousand farmers at Dexter, Iowa
"Now, my friends, if there is any reality behind the Republican platform we
ought to get some action from a short session of the Eightieth Congress. They can do
[I-uh-way], and somebody had to go there and talk to 'em, and I
this job in fifteen days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and
went."
run for office.
How do you know there were ninety-six thousand?
"They are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the
red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Bark-
"There was a lot of disagreement in the papers and the newsmaga-
ley and I are not going to let them get away with it."
20 The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948 21
almost his entire life in St. Louis, Missouri, where he had gradu-
one else, had persuaded Truman to take on John L. Lewis. By
ated from the Washington University School of Law at the age of
mid-1947, he had become Truman's most influential adviser.¹⁸
twenty-one, and thereafter developed a successful law practice. A
Democrat by inheritance, he had once helped manage a congres-
sional campaign, but had never been prominently involved in poli-
It was one of the ironies-perhaps one of the public
tics. In his quiet way, however, he was a committed New Dealer,
relations triumphs-of the 1948 Democratic campaign that it gen-
the greatest influence on his political thinking having been the lib-
erally gave the impression of being an improvised, desperate effort
eral views of his uncle, Clark McAdams, who had been in charge of
of an embattled President fighting single-handedly against over-
the editorial page of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.
whelming odds. There was no doubt about the desperation of the
The war unexpectedly led to Clifford's political career. Joining
Democratic campaign, but it was not improvised. Careful planning
the Navy as a lieutenant junior grade in 1944, he had a desk job
preceded every step, with the general lines of strategy being articu-
and would have slipped back unnoticed into civilian life, a year or
lated as early as the autumn of 1947.
so later, had not a former law client of his, James K. Vardaman,
The basic blueprint was contained in a lengthy memorandum on
Jr., been appointed naval aide to President Truman. Soon after-
"the politics of 1948," for which Clifford began to gather intelli-
ward Truman decided to include old friend Vardaman in the en-
gence and sift ideas in the summer of 1947. The President was all
tourage which he was taking to the July conference in Potsdam,
for the project and suggested a variety of individuals to be con-
Germany, where he was to meet with Churchill and Stalin. Varda-
sulted. 19 When Clifford began his soundings, Truman was hardly
man decided he needed someone to mind his shop in Washington
the underdog that he became the following year. As already men-
and so he had Clifford appointed assistant naval aide.
tioned, his popularity had begun to rise; no one had any reason to
Clifford, then thirty-nine, arrived at the White House to discover
predict a revolt in the South and Henry Wallace had not yet de-
that an assistant naval aide had little to do; to fill in his time he
clared his candidacy. On the other hand, none of the people around
took to helping the President's Special Counsel, Judge Samuel I.
Truman suffered from an excess of optimism. The 1946 debacle
Rosenman. Early in 1946, Rosenman left the White House and
was too fresh in memory, the Republicans had many able candi-
Truman appointed Vardaman a member of the Federal Reserve
dates-Dewey, Stassen, Taft, and Warren being the most promi-
Board; Clifford succeeded Vardaman as naval aide and for several
nent-and Henry Wallace, while not an avowed candidate, was
months also handled the duties of the Special Counsel's office. In
certainly a threat.
June Truman suggested that it was time Clifford got out of uniform
During 1947, Wallace had been traveling around the country,
and formally named him Special Counsel.
collecting large audiences for his denunciations of Truman's for-
From the outset, Clifford had hit it off well with Truman; they
eign and domestic policies; many disaffected Democrats had rallied
came from the same part of the country and spoke the same lan-
to his cause and he had behind him the not inconsiderable appa-
guage, though in manner the elegant Clifford and the homespun
ratus of the Communist party and the support of those unions in
President seemed miles apart. As Special Counsel, Clifford was re-
the CIO which the Communists controlled. Many of Wallace's fol-
sponsible for preparing Truman's state papers, public speeches,
lowers were urging him to run for President in 1948 and he freely
and a good many private memoranda. It was a job which put him
scattered hints that he might lead the first major third-party effort
at the fulcrum of power, for the man who writes a President's
since Robert La Follette ran in 1924. A Wallace candidacy was
words inevitably has much to do with determining policy. Clifford
understandably a nightmare to the Truman strategists; many of
was also a master of the art of personal ingratiation and, though an
them refused to believe that in the end he would take the leap.
amateur, he was a shrewd political strategist. He, more than any-
In mid-November, Clifford presented Truman with a 43-page
22 The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948
23
double-spaced memorandum on legal-size paper.2⁰ It was a remark-
ate. The farmer's crops were good, Clifford pointed out; he was
able political document-bold and unambiguous in its analysis of
protected by parity and would be aided by the Marshall Plan.
present trends, surprisingly accurate in treating of the future, cou-
Should he be inclined to defect in 1948, nothing more could be
rageous and not a little cynical in proposing a vigorous course of
done by way of "political or economic favors" to win back his
action for the President in the twelve months leading up to the
support. The implication was that only rhetoric could be employed
election.
-an exercise in which Truman was never deficient throughout the
The memorandum predicted that Thomas E. Dewey would be
campaign.
the Republican candidate, though the contest for the nomination
The labor vote was a great imponderable. Clifford flatly asserted
had barely gotten under way; that Henry Wallace would run on a
that Truman "cannot win without the active support of organized
third-party ticket; that President Truman could win even with the
labor. It is dangerous to assume that labor now has nowhere else to
loss of the populous states of the East, so long as he held the sup-
go in 1948. Labor can stay home." Labor had been "inspired" to
port of the South and of the West and recaptured the labor vote
vote for Roosevelt, but had largely abstained in the 1946 congres-
which F.D.R. had always commanded. Events eventually confirmed
sional elections. "The labor group has always been politically inac-
each of these judgments.
tive during prosperity," Clifford wrote. "The effort to get out the
Clifford was wrong in one prediction: that there would be no
labor vote will thus have to be even more strenuous than in 1944."
break in the South, no matter what program the President pre-
Much would also have to be done to attract independent liberals,
sented. "As always, the South can be considered safely Demo-
who were not important numerically but exerted a considerable
cratic," he wrote. "And in formulating national policy, it can be
leavening effect on public opinion. "The liberal and progressive
safely ignored."
leaders are not overly enthusiastic about the administration,"
He argued that "If the Democrats carry the solid South and also
Clifford commented with tolerable understatement.
those Western states carried in 1944, they will have 216 of the
He warned that the Republicans would make a strong appeal for
required 266 electoral votes. And if the Democratic party is power-
the Negro vote, which had been Democratic since 1932, and fore-
ful enough to capture the West, it will almost certainly pick up
saw that the Negroes might hold the balance of power in states like
enough of the doubtful Middlewestern and Eastern states to get 50
New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. "The
more votes
We could lose New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois,
Negro voter has become a cynical, hard-boiled trader," Clifford
New Jersey, Ohio, Massachusetts-all the 'big' states and still
suggested, and the Republicans were likely to appeal to his self-
win." While Clifford was mistaken in assuming no southern break-
interest by offering an anti-poll-tax bill and Fair Employment Prac-
away-the Dixiecrat rebellion in the end lost Truman 39 electoral
tices legislation in the next Congress. Clearly, the Democrats would
votes-he was quite correct in stressing the importance of winning
have to outbid the Republicans in order to hold the Negroes. Tru-
the West and in arguing that a victory there presupposed sufficient
man's civil rights message in February 1948 followed logically
strength to win some Midwestern states; in the end Truman took
from this premise.
Idaho, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Wisconsin-as well as Ohio
Clifford's appraisal of the Catholic vote, which had begun to de-
and Illinois.
fect from the Democrats in 1944, turned out to be prophetic: "The
Clifford went on to provide a shrewd analysis of the various spe-
controlling element in this group
is the distrust and fear of
cial interest groups which the Democrats had to attract. Only the
communism.
The attitude of the President and the adminis-
farmer "was presently favorably inclined towards the Truman ad-
tration toward communism should exert a definite appeal
ministration"-a judgment which continued to be correct through-
Turning to the issues in the campaign, Clifford saw "considerable
out 1948, but which the Republicans somehow failed to appreci-
political advantage to the administration in the battle with the
24 The Loneliest Campaign
Backdrop for 1948 25
Kremlin." Relations with Russia would probably continue to dete-
would not be enough; Truman had to move to the left in order to
riorate and, as in all times of crisis, the average citizen would tend
attract Wallace's followers. An ambitious program of economic
to rally to his President. As for Republican attacks on the adminis-
measures and civil rights reforms was only part of the strategy
tration's foreign policy, "President Truman is comparatively invul-
which Clifford proposed, for he was worried by Wallace's calling
nerable to attack because of his brilliant appointment of General
the roll of the many Wall Street figures in the Truman administra-
Marshall who has convinced the public that as Secretary of State he
tion-such men as Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, James For-
is nonpartisan and above politics." On the other hand, the Republi-
restal and William Draper. Clifford saw Wallace appealing "to the
cans would probably intensify their efforts to make an issue of
atavistic fears of all progressives-the fear of 'Wall Street."
Communist infiltration in government. In this area, however, "The
Clifford urged the President to make "some top level appointments
President adroitly stole their thunder by initiating his-own govern-
from the ranks of the progressives-in foreign as well as domestic
ment employee loyalty investigation procedure."
affairs." It was important to make the effort, he argued, even if
In the domestic field, Clifford saw high prices and the housing
some of the appointees should not be confirmed by the Senate.
shortage as the most pressing issues to the average citizen. He
The memorandum deplored the decay of the Democratic party
urged that the President call upon the next session of Congress to
organization, urged that a new chairman be soon appointed to re-
enact a maximum anti-inflation program, including mandatory
build the party, and that a small working committee be established
price controls, an ambitious housing program, and tax revisions
to coordinate the political program of the administration, provide
favoring lower-income groups. The President would offer his pro-
monthly estimates of the political situation, and begin the drafting
gram in full awareness that the Republicans would reject it and
of memoranda for the 1948 platform and major campaign
thus be politically vulnerable. Clifford's strategy could hardly have
speeches. Clifford also stressed the need for close liaison with the
been more forthright or candidly phrased (this was, after all, a
labor movement and with independent liberals. In these sections
private memorandum):
the Administration should select
Clifford's memorandum became a fascinating manual on the prac-
the issues upon which there will be conflict with the majority in
tical arts of politics at the Presidential level. He urged President
Congress. It can assume it will get no major part of its own pro-
Truman personally to cultivate labor leaders, who of late had rarely
gram approved. Its tactics must, therefore, be entirely different
been seen in the White House. "It is easy for the incumbent of the
than if there were any real point to bargaining and compromise. Its
White House to forget the 'magic' of his office," Clifford explained.
recommendations-in the State of the Union message and else-
But he cautioned that in such private colloquies the President ask
where-must be tailored for the voter, not the Congressman; they
advice on "matters in general," for "it is dangerous to ask a labor
must display a label which reads 'no compromises."
leader for advice on a specific matter and then ignore that advice."
This strategy was designed not only to embarrass the Republi-
Clifford spent a good deal of space on the problem of refurbish-
cans but to steal Henry Wallace's thunder, for if Wallace drew
ing what he called the President's "portrait" ("image," as a public
enough votes, especially in the West, he would defeat Truman.
relations term, had not yet come into general use). He pointed out
Clifford pointed out that in 1924 the third-party candidate, Robert
that most people get their impressions of a President from his activ-
La Follette, polled more votes than the Democratic candidate in
ities as Chief of State, but that Truman had been notably reticent in
eleven western states. To undercut Wallace's appeal, Clifford urged
this area, with the consequence that he was largely thought of as a
that at the psychologically correct moment the Communist inspira-
politician. Clifford made a number of proposals whereby the Presi-
tion behind Wallace's campaign should be denounced by "promi-
dent might correct this distorted view. One of them was to exploit
nent liberals and progressives-and no one else." But denunciation
the social resources of the White House, by inviting one or two
26
The Loneliest Campaign
"nonpolitical personages" for lunch each week; the newspapers
Backdrop for 1948
27
would inevitably give these encounters great publicity. Henry Ford
office in the knowledge that the Senate would knock them down.
II, who was receiving an excellent press as the young head of the
He found these gestures too obviously synthetic and out of charac-
Ford Motor Company, was an obvious candidate; Clifford saw
ter. On the other hand, the concept of a bold, uncompromising
considerable popular appeal in "this picture of the American
political offensive appealed to him.21 He subsequently agreed that it
President and the Young Business Man together."
would start with the State of the Union message on January 7.
Equally impressive would be a lunch with Albert Einstein, with
the President explaining at his next press conference "that they
talked, in general, about the peacetime uses of atomic energy and
its potentialities for our civilization. He can then casually mention
that he has been spending some of his leisure time getting caught
up with atomic energy"-which would doubtless have acted as a
corrective to the common impression that Truman spent much of
his leisure time at the poker table. Another way to display his more
reflective side to the public would be for the President to suggest to
the newsmen "that it would do them no harm at all to read such
and such a book (as long as he picks the right one) which he has
just read." His staff would have presumably provided the President
with an appropriate list.
Clifford also suggested that Truman repeat the nonpolitical "in-
spection tours" which Roosevelt employed in the 1940 campaign.
The problem was that a President could not campaign openly until
after the party conventions, yet there was urgent need for him to
carry his case to the voters long before the late summer of 1948.
F.D.R.'s inspection tours had been marvelously effective. "No mat-
ter how much the opposition and the press pointed out the political
overtones of those trips," Clifford wrote, "the people paid little at-
tention because what they saw was the Head of State performing
his duties." The people were to show a similarly tolerant attitude
toward President Truman on his "nonpolitical" coast-to-coast train
tour the following June.
Truman read the document carefully and discussed it at length
with Clifford. He was in general agreement with the analysis and
proposed strategy, although he had little sympathy for the public
relations gimmickry to sell the President to the American people.
He was not about to turn the White House over to labor leaders with
whom he felt little personal rapport or to invite Albert Einstein or
Henry Ford to lunch or to nominate prominent liberals to high