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Memos to JHS [John Sununu] May 1990 - August 1990 [1]
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s): FOIA Number: 2025-0647-S 2025-0647-S FOIA MARKER This is not a textual record. This is used as an administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential Library Staff. Record Group/Collection: George H.W. Bush Presidential Records Collection/Office of Origin: Chief of Staff, White House Office of Series: Rogers, Ed, Files Subseries: Correspondence Files OA/ID Number: 03661 Folder ID Number: 03661-012a Folder Title: Memos to JHS [John Sununu] May 1990 - August 1990 [1] Stack: Row: Section: Shelf: Position: G 15 22 7 for file - Ed Rogers' memoranda to the Chief of Staff for the past few months THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON August 23, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS X SUBJECT: BUSH DOCTRINE Per our discussion, attached please find Jim Pinkerton's work thus far on the "Bush Doctrine". The Speech Draft text lays the predicate for others to herald the existence of a "Bush Doctrine". In the Suggested Congressional Reforms Speech draft, Pinkerton takes a stab at reordering our domestic priorities based on the new international order. SPEECH DRAFT August 23, 1990 In my lifetime America has twice led the peace-loving world to victory over tyranny: we defeated fascism in World War II, and more recently, we led the democracies to the triumph of freedom in ending the Cold War. Now we have entered a new era, a new global reality. Just as Harry Truman was the first President of the Cold War era, and Ronald Reagan was the last President of the Cold War era, I am the first President of the post-Cold War era. At this moment we face another tyrant, not nearly so formidable as the previous totalitarians of course -- not yet, at least. But this new tyrant is a reminder nevertheless that the United States has always and must always take the lead in standing up to tyranny. In previous times we faced different forms of totalitarianism. Now the challenge will be from different forms of aggression, including the threat of proliferation of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. The current crisis is another reminder that the post- Cold War era has arrived. President Truman said, in announcing the Truman Doctrine, that "One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion." That is still the foreign policy of the United States. The passing of the Cold War does not alter our commitment to freedom from coercion. And in light of the new global reality, it is my intention to define a new doctrine of American leadership for the new international environment -- to chart a course that seeks to protect America's national interest and advance the rule of law around the world. It is America's duty to help maintain world order, not as the world's policeman, but as a leader in the community of nations. If this sounds idealistic, then I can only quote Woodrow Wilson about being an idealist: "[T]hat is the only way I know I am an American." We will not hesitate to assert our power in defense of our national interest and world order through the rule of international law. That means that the kinds of threats to peace such as we have witnessed in the brutal invasion of Kuwait will never be allowed to stand -- now, or in the future. I remember back in 1941, just after America had entered the war, my President, Franklin Roosevelt spoke of why we fought and "Four Freedoms" -- freedom from fear, freedom from want, freedom of speech, and freedom of worship. Of 2 the eight Presidents since Franklin Roosevelt, all have upheld our national interest and the rule of international law. America triumphed over totalitarianism in its various forms. Today, we are facing different forms of aggression: piracy, terrorism, hired armies of drug cartels, and proliferation of the most horrifying weapons known to man. I know I can count on all Americans to do their duty. Let us work together then, to protect and increase the rule of law throughout the world. ### 3 SUGGESTED CONGRESSIONAL REFORMS SPEECH August 22, 1990 As we strive to meet the new challenges of the post- Cold War world, we must undertake a comprehensive program of reform at home. And that reform has got to start with the place where our laws begin: the U.S. Congress. Three reforms are urgently needed O First, we must re-orient defense spending. O Second, we must deal with the deficit crisis. O Third, we must reallocate the priorities of domestic spending. Three areas need immediate attention: First, given the new global realities, we must re-orient defense spending. In this past, and even in this time of budget crisis, the Congress has too often forced the Department of Defense to buy materiel that it does not want or need: fighter planes, helicopters, ground vehicles and the like. But because these things are built in a Congressman's district, the taxpayers are forced to pay. We owe the brave men and women who defend us nothing but the best, and we owe it to the American taxpayers to see to it that their tax dollars are buying the most defense for the least cost. I propose re-orienting those defense dollars to meet the new realities and I call on Congress to work in partnership with me. The new threats to America's security and to international order will be qualitatively different and thus will require new weapons, new strategies, and new tactics. The Department of Defense will do its part so long as I am President. And I call on Congress to do the same. All too often, Congress has tried to micro-manage America's foreign policy even though the Constitution gives that power to the Presidency. Congress should know, especially given events overseas, that I am sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United States and I will not see the principle of separation of powers trampled on when it comes to the defense and foreign policy of the United States. Past Presidents like Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, and John Kennedy could count on Congress to work in close alliance with them. Politics stopped at the waters edge. Let us return to the practice of a bipartisan foreign policy. 4 Second, we must deal with the deficit crisis. As I said on August 14th, while we are meeting this crisis abroad in the Persian Gulf, there is another crisis looming at home: the failure of the budget process to produce a solution to this nation's deficit. The Congressional budget process has broken down. And the opposition's Congressional leadership has failed to offer any budget plan of their own. While Congress drags its feet on positive solutions, they seem to have no trouble passing all kinds of legislation which worsens our fiscal problems. Of the 10 appropriations bill passed by the U.S. House of Representatives, eight exceed my request for discretionary spending by $14 billion. Together, these spending bills are $25 billion higher than the budget for last year. On top of this the Senate is asking the taxpayers to put up $150 million to finance congressional election campaigns -- a measure which I intend to veto. Third, we must reallocate the priorities of domestic spending. While the brave men and women of our armed forces are overseas defending against the aggression of an illegitimate dictator, the U.S. Congress, which should be the highest expression of American democracy, is hurting its own claim to represent the people. Continuing problems that face America are being ignored by Congress. They would rather pass subsidies and grants to special interests than to deal with these urgencies. We cannot continue making the American consumer pay many times the world price of consumer products in order to benefit special interests, while refusing to address the crying needs of America's cities, America's schools, America's neighborhoods, and America's families. We cannot spend billions on budget-busting pork barrel projects while we have shocking rates of infant mortality, for example. Among the countries of the world, America ranks not first for least number of infant deaths, but 19th. That is just unacceptable. To do something about it, I propose that we take the money that is needlessly wasted on these special interest, pork barrel programs, and put it where it will do some good: like marshalling our energies to reduce infant mortalities, like straightening out America's schools, cleaning up the environment, and taking back the streets of our cities from criminals and drug dealers. From my first year in office, this Administration has been swift to offer new ideas and we acted without delay in 5 presenting Congress with legislation to address these challenges. But so far, none of these bills has passed. I sent them an anti-crime bill. I sent them a child care bill. I sent them a clean air bill. I sent them an education bill. None -- not one -- has yet been passed. Meanwhile, an important component of our overall strategy for competitiveness languishes. Billions of dollars in job creating capital investment and millions of potential jobs are blocked by the senselessly high and counterproductive capital gains tax policy that the Congress seems determined to keep. I was elected President on a program that included cutting the capital gains tax. If the jobs of working Americans are lost by the Congress's delay in passing a capital gains tax cut, it will not be for my lack of trying. We simply cannot afford to delay cutting the capital gains tax rate any longer. Congress must also recognize that its budget process is broken. We must fix the budget process and that means, as a start, a Line Item Veto, a Balanced Budget Amendment. It means untangling the mare's nest that is prevents the business of the American people from getting done. We must act as a model to the rest of the world in this time of spreading freedom and democracy -- We are not as strong in standing up to tyrannies like Saddam Hussein's that threaten that freedom and democracy when our own institutions aren't living up to the standard the world expects of America. These three reforms: O re-orienting defense spending, O dealing with the deficit crisis, O and reallocating the priorities of domestic spending, are the way to meet that standard. ### THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON August 21, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS of or SUBJECT: 1992 CONVENTION STATUS REPORT For several months, the RNC site selection crew has been reviewing locations. At present, their list of possibilities includes Houston, Texas, and New Orleans, Louisiana. Both cities are viable options and are aggressive in their campaigns. As you know, Bill Harris and Sig Rogich have looked at San Diego and concluded that this is a realistic option as well. The next step is to contact the appropriate city/state officials and GOP leaders and to evaluate the feedback. I've talked confidentially with Steve Merksamer and Craig Fuller and asked them to begin to activate and assess California support for San Diego. Assuming all this occurs, by mid-September we could announce three, perhaps four, (New Orleans, Houston, San Diego and possibly Cleveland or Tampa/St. Petersburg) competitive bids and let the system begin to run its course. All things being equal, I understand we're inclined to go with San Diego. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: August 20, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk FYI POLL UPDATE *16 HOTLINE/KRC: HIGH EXPECTATIONS IN THE MIDEAST 1005 registered voters were interviewed 8/12-14 by KRC Research; margin of error +/- 3% (BOSTON GLOBE, SAN FRANCISCO EXAMINER, WBZ-TV, 8/16). ALL MEN WOMEN FAV UNFAV FAV UNFAV FAV UNFAV George Bush 76% 19% 77% 19% 75% 18% Dan Quayle 43 35 45 36 41 34 Israel 48 26 55 24 42 29 Iraq 3 86 4 88 2 85 Saudi Arabia 43 31 55 25 31 38 Jordan 24 31 27 36 21 25 Syria 13 41 16 52 11 31 BUSH JOB RATING, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, ECONOMY RATING OVERALL FOREIGN AFFAIRS ECONOMY ALL DEM IND GOP ALL DEM IND GOP ALL DEM IND GOP Excellent 19% 10% 15% 31% 18% 6% 19% 32% 5% 1% 2% 12% Above average 43 17 38 56 41 40 41 43 23 13 24 36 Average (vol) 13 13 19 7 14 19 14 10 16 13 12 23 Below average 17 27 17 4 16 23 15 9 31 38 36 19 Poor 7 11 9 1 6 10 6 1 20 32 22 4 QUAYLE JOB RATING ALL DEM IND GOP MEN WOM Excellent 6% 5% 5% 8% 7% 5% Above average 22 12 20 34 24 19 Average (vol) 21 15 23 26 21 21 Below average 22 29 21 17 20 24 Poor 15 27 15 4 15 16 QUESTION: "Do you think American troops will be in Saudi Arabia for less than one month, more than one month but less than one year, or more than one year?" ALL DEM IND GOP MEN WOM Less than 1 month 15% 19% 10% 13% 10% 19% 1 month to 1 year 53 47 59 55 58 49 More than 1 year 25 28 26 23 26 24 QUESTION: "Do you think that Iraq will hold foreigners hostage in either Kuwait or Iraq, or do you not?" ALL DEM IND GOP MEN WOM Will hold hostages 75% 73% 80% 76% 75% 76% Will not 11 15 9 10 14 9 QUESTION: Do you think Bush will be successful or unsuccessful in getting the Iraqis out of Kuwait? ALL DEM IND GOP MEN WOM Successful 57% 53% 54% 62% 62% 53% Not successful 23 27 26 19 23 24 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DATE: August 20, 1990 TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS FYI, the attached was sent out roughly 6 weeks ago. GEORGE MITCHELL WASHINGTON, D.C. Dear Friend, What would you do with $100 million? This is not just an idle question. Republicans will spend at least that much in the upcoming Senate campaigns. And at this very moment, Republican political operatives are developing their 1990 campaign strategy which will combine this enormous war chest with the ruthless tactics of Lee Atwater and Roger Ailes to unseat leading Democratic Senators and take back control of the United States Senate. And believe me -- they can do it, if we do nothing. In the hands of men like Atwater and Ailes this staggering sum of money makes all Democratic Senators vulnerable. Even outstanding leaders like Claiborne Pell, Joe Biden and John Kerry will be hard-pressed to make their message heard above the deafening roar of Republican millions. My friends, I am truly concerned. If we fail to shape our message and convey it to the American people in a compelling and effective manner, then the Republican campaign tactics -- used so effectively in the last election will once again cloud and confuse the real issues and allow Republican reactionaries to rise to positions of power and influence in the United States Senate. That's why I'm writing to you today. And asking you to complete the PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and return it to me today with your most generous contribution to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee. Às you know, the DSCC exists solely to help Democratic candidates. And the generous support we receive from members like you -- who share a Democratic vision of an America built on opportunity and fairness and a government responsive to the needs of all its people -- is what has enabled us to build a 55-45 Senate majority. Your answers to the enclosed SURVEY, combined with those of thousands of other concerned DSCC members nationwide, will help our Democratic Senate form the strategies we will need to craft new legislative solutions -- as well as protect those solutions already built by generations of Democratic Senators working on the behalf of the American people. AND your answers will be invaluable to Democratic candidates planning their 1990 Senate campaigns. As a former Chairman of the DSCC, I cannot overstate the importance of your informed and insightful thoughts on the issues the Democratic majority should emphasize in our legislative strategies and political campaigns. Nor can I overstate the importance of your generous and early financial support of our Democratic candidates. Only by raising money -- and lots of - 2 - it -- early in the election cycle can we hope to counter the staggering sums of money the Republican Party will unleash on our Democratic Senators and challengers. While it is not possible to match the Republican millions dollar for dollar, we must make certain that the issues we campaign on have the financial wherewithal to reach the American people. It is on the issues -- not the slick tactics of the Republicans that we will win the coming election. You and I know that the Democratic Party best addresses the true concerns, hopes and dreams of the American people. From Roosevelt to Kennedy, Democratic courage and vision has shaped this nation into the land of opportunity and liberty that to this day inspires the struggle for freedom and human dignity around the world. But most importantly, Democrats have been the party of the people ... working people, who subscribe to the notion that hard work and honesty are the ingredients for success. And that America's promise is within the grasp of all those who have the opportunity to reach for it. President Bush has not built a "kinder and gentler nation." His foundation has proven to be built on rhetoric -- lacking programs of substance or policies of vision. His "thousand points of light" have not warmed the faces of the cold, homeless children living in our streets ... they have not brightened the darkness of those stricken by the scourge of drug abuse or left ignorant by schools ill-equipped and understaffed. My friends, it is time for a new approach. If this administration is unable or unwilling to lead this nation into the 21st Century, then we must assert our historical mandate, as Democrats, and shape this nation's future to meet the challenges of the coming century. President Bush says give the richest 1 percent of Americans a Capital Gains tax cut so they will invest in America ... but consider the 111 million Americans who work in America and have seen their Social Security taxes increase nine times in the last 10 years! President Bush says America stands for human rights and decency around the world ... but why did he send secret missions to China and toast the leaders who mercilessly butchered their own people in Tiananmen Square? President Bush says he supports clean air legislation ... but insists that the Senate's proposal is too expensive. How can we put a price on the health of our children? These and countless other questions are waiting to be answered by our President. But unless Democratic Senators have the resources to force these issues in the campaign debate, do not expect to hear them addressed in the November election. It is absolutely critical that the DSCC have a large enough war chest - 3 - to force these issues out of the shadows and into the light of public scrutiny. And we must have your support for this to be possible. Unfortunately, there are many, many other questions that the Republicans have been avoiding for too long ... ** What are the Republicans offering to the struggling democracies in Eastern Europe except pocket change and wishes of good luck? ** What are the Republicans offering to young couples who watch helplessly as housing costs spiral out of their reach and child care bills eat up their modest savings? ** What are the Republicans telling poor women who are victims of rape and incest and need access to abortion services? I'm afraid not very much. And if we fail to force the debate on these questions, we will face the same issueless, rhetoric-filled and demoralizing campaign as last time. So please, fill out the enclosed PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and join with thousands of committed Democrats in shaping the political debate that will take place this November. AND ... please make as generous a contribution as you possibly can to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee and send them in today. If we are to have a fighting chance this November, your support is absolutely essential. And fight we will ... to further the work of Senator Paul Simon of Illinois, a Senator who has championed the bedrock Democratic values of education, health care and individual liberties. We will fight for Senator Harkin of Iowa ... an outspoken opponent of the administration's policies in Central America and who has taken a strong stand on a women's right to choose. We will fight for Senator Levin of Michigan, a progressive Democrat who has opposed the MX missile and worked hard to assure U.S. compliance with international arms control agreements. We will fight for Senator Johnston of Louisiana, a three-term Senator who may face former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan David Duke. This would be the first time in modern history that a member of the KKK will run for the U.S. Senate as a member of a national party. It's essential that we keep all 16 of our Democratic Seats. I was the Chairman of the DSCC when we took back the Senate in the historic election of 1986. I know how important the early and generous contributions of DSCC members are to shaping issues, recruiting challengers and financing the myriad of projects essential to successful election campaigns. Our Democratic Senate majority will be the only guarantee that the - 4 - issues so critical to the future of the American people and our nation will be debated, fought for and put forth in the coming decade. And remember - it will be ten years ago this November when the Republicans pulled out their checkbooks and reached deep into their pockets to defeat powerful Democratic Senators like Birch Bayh, Gaylord Nelson, Frank Church and George McGovern. DEMOCRATS MUST NOT LET THAT HAPPEN AGAIN! But to maintain and strengthen our majority, our Democratic Senate and the DSCC need your help today. We must know which issues loyal members like you consider most urgent, so we can set the legislative priorities most important to the American people. And it is absolutely critical that we have your financial support as well so we can continue to provide the campaign funds and technical assistance for television, radio and print advertising, fundraising, polling, telephone banks, get-out-the-vote efforts and everything else it will take to defend our incumbents and challenge the vulnerable Republicans. So, there are two things you must do: FIRST ... complete the enclosed PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY and return it to me today. Your opinions on these issues will shape Democratic legislative strategy and develop the issues from which winning campaigns will be built. SECOND ... enclose the most generous contribution you can to show your loyal support of the DSCC. Your generous support will help maintain and strengthen our Democratic majority at a time when America and indeed the entire world is looking to the United States Senate for leadership. Please let me hear from you today. Sincerely, George George 9. J. Mitchell Mitchell Majority Leader 430 SOUTH CAPITOL STREET, SUITE L14, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003 Authorized and paid for by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Contributions to this political committee are not deductible on federal tax returns DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE The official arm of the Democratic Senate PRIORITY ISSUES RESPONSE Dear George Mitchell, I AGREE! The coming election will decide America's future for the coming decade and into the next cen- tury. I will help ensure this future by building an even stronger Democratic majority in the United States Senate. I understand that the Republican millions will be used by Lee Atwater and Roger Ailes to distort and confuse the issues. Democrats must have the financial resources to make our issues heard and force the Republicans to address the real concerns of the American people. I have completed my Democratic Priority Issues Survey (below) to help Democratic Senators plan their strategy...and I am also enclosing my generous contribution for the amount of: $25 $35 $50 $100 Other $ . 5-DIGIT ZIP + 4 G202 Shawn Smeallie 5 Court Terrace Washington, DC 20002 PLEASE MAKE YOUR CHECK PAYABLE TO THE DSCC AND RETURN TO: DSCC, P.O. BOX 96047, WASHINGTON, DC 20077-7245. AUTHORIZED AND PAID FOR BY THE DEMOCRATIC SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. CONTRIBUTIONS ARE NOT DEDUCTIBLE ON FEDERAL TAX RETURNS. DO NOT DETACH. RETURN ENTIRE SURVEY IN THE ENCLOSED ENVELOPE. DEMOCRATIC PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY The stakes are high in 1990. Incumbent Democratic Senators will be faced with a campaign war chest unprecedented in the history of American politics. There is virtually no chance that we can match the Republicans dollar-for-dollar, but by focusing on the issues that really matter to the American people we will have a fighting chance. Please rank by order of importance (with "1" being most important) the following issues which you believe should be stressed in the upcoming campaign. A Reduce Social Security taxes for working people, not Capital Gains for the rich and special interest. B. Provide increased economic and political support for the democratic movements in Eastern Europe. CONTINUED ON OTHER SIDE DEMOCRATIC PRIORITY ISSUES SURVEY C. Support legislation that ensures that the decision to terminate a pregnancy remains in the hands of the woman, not the government. D. Pass legislation that emphasizes compassion, treatment and prevention in our fight against the scourge of drug abuse. E. Propose a rational build-down of the military-industrial complex. F. Condemn the repression of Chinese people and support policies to force the Chinese Government to allow the formation of democratic institutions. G. Support policies to end America's housing crisis. H. Restrict corporate takeovers financed by worthless junk bonds that drain America's competitive energies. I. Pass tough clean air and clean water legislation with stiff fines and punishments for corporate polluters. J. Reform our education system to ensure our children's future. K. Force the reform of the Salvadoran government and make certain those responsible for the murder of the Jesuit Priests are brought to justice. L. Other: Additional comments: Thank you for your participation. Your response will help Democratic candidates set the terms of the debate in the upcoming elections. And ensure that Republican money and campaign tactics will not distort the issues that matter to all Americans and Democrats. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DATE: August 20, 1990 TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS I would expect heavy lobbying to be coming your way on the attached. Just a heads-up. FYI. LAW OFFICES OF NIELSEN, MERKSAMER, HODGSON, PARRINELLO & MUELLER A PARTNERSHIP INCLUDING A PROFESSIONAL CORPORATION MARIN COUNTY 770 L STREET, SUITE 800 SAN FRANCISCO 591 REDWOOD HIGHWAY, #4000 SACRAMENTO, CALIFORNIA 95814 650 CALIFORNIA STREET, SUITE 2650 MILL VALLEY, CALIFORNIA 94941 SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 94108 TELEPHONE (415) 389-6800 TELEPHONE (916) 446-6752 TELEPHONE (415) 989-6800 August 13, 1990 The Honorable George Bush President of the United States The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Washington, D.C. 20050 Dear Mr. President: It is my pleasure to invite you to be our special guest at a Tribute to Governor George Deukmejian, who is retiring from office this year. The dinner will be held on Wednesday, December 19 at the Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles, California, and is being sponsored by a Tribute Committee comprised of the Governor's closest friends and supporters. We would consider your personal comments on Governor Deukmejian's public service career the highlight of our dinner program that evening. For your information, the California Chamber of Commerce, whose Centennial dinner you addressed in March, is playing a major role in the development of this event with strong support from the agricultural, electronics, financial, petroleum, transportation and law enforcement sectors. A complete listing of the dinner committee is attached for your review. This event is not meant to be a fundraiser, but rather a fond farewell to a good friend, our Governor. If I may provide additional information concerning the dinner, please ask your staff to contact me at their earliest convenience. I look forward to hearing from you. With best personal regards. Cordially, Stino Steven A. Merksamer SAM:en Enclosure CC: Ed Rogers Tribute to Governor - December 19, 1990 Dinner Committee Steve Merksamer, Chairman Howard Marguleas, Chairman Nielsen, Merksamer, Hodgson, Sun World International, Inc. Parrinello & Mueller Jim Miscoll, Vice Chairman George Babikian, President Bank of America ARCO Products Company Bob Monagan, President Roger Baccigaluppi, President CA Economic Development Corp. Blue Diamond Growers David Moore Bill Bagley Western Growers Association Nossaman, Guthner, Knox & Elliott Don Novey, President CA Correctional Peace Officers Ben Biaggini, Past Chairman Association Southern Pacific Will Price, President Don Bren, President Chevron U.S.A., Inc. The Irvine Company Karl Samuelian Roy Brophy Parker, Milliken, Clark, Brophy Development O'Hara & Samuelin Clair W. Burgener Richard Stegemeier, Chairman, President & CEO Bill Campbell, President Unocal Corporation California Manufacturers Association Tom Stickel, Chairman & CEO TCS Enterprises, Inc. Will Carr, Partner Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher James Ukropina, Chairman Pacific Enterprises Dick Clarke, Chairman Pacific Gas & Electric Company Bob Vice, President CA Farm Bureau Lodwrick Cook, Chairman ARCO Stan Wainer, Chairman Wyle Laboratories David Gardner, President University of California Dean Watkins, Chairman Watkins-Johnson Company Ken Khachigian Attorney at Law Kirk West, President California Chamber of Commerce Howard Leach, President Cypress Farms, Inc. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON August 19, 1990 NOTE TO GOVERNOR SUNUNU MIKE DELAND ROGER PORTER ANDY CARD FROM: ED ROGERS 30R SUBJ: Weather Computer Modeling Interestingly, we now have the models and technology to forecast the weather 5 1/2 days in advance. Aggressive work for 1 1/2 years will allow us to extend our forecasting by one half of one day. This is an interesting fact when considering predictions of global warming in the next century. WIND PATTERNS on June 1, 1990 (left), are compared with earlier, for a .78 correlation (center), and nine days earlier, forecasts the National Weather Service had made four days for a .36 correlation (right). The inability to know present condi- much time with less expense by updat- Lorenz's Butterfly tions precisely led Lorenz to set the ing models as they run. Most weather Weather forecasters grapple theoretical bound of any forecasting models are now run only once or twice with the limits of accuracy system at about two weeks, a judgment a day. Data collected in between runs that most meteorologists still endorse. cannot be entered without recalculat- T he computers of 35 years ago At greater ranges any forecast must ing everything from scratch. "People could run numerical models of fall below a .6 correlation with reali- tried to use accumulated data in real the weather no more than three ty, the lowest that is considered to be time, but this was not very success- days ahead before their predictions of value. Longer-range forecasts must ful," Navon says. "We use a system that became pure fiction. Today better therefore resort to seasonal statistics, incorporates data during certain win- data, more detailed atmospheric mod- which tend to be worthless when accu- dows of time." els and immensely faster computers rate-as in predicting Death Valley's The Florida State team has drawn on have pushed the range of reliable fore- rainfall in July-and inaccurate when the theory of optimal control, devel- casts to nearly six days, on average. they would be most valuable-as in oped by Soviet and French mathemati- Better predictions are saving lives forecasting hurricanes. cians in the 1950's and 1960's, to build and money. But each extension in Lorenz left numerical modelers plen- a secondary computer model that up- range comes at a higher price. That is, ty of room for improvement, however. dates the regular weather model. The because the weather is a nonlinear, or They can attack the problem by ob- computer runs the "adjoint" model for- chaotic, system, a tiny inaccuracy in taining more data. They can raise their ward in time from the original initial- the initial data can easily snowball into resolution by dividing their represen- ization point until it encounters obser- a huge error in prediction. tation of the atmosphere into smaller vational data that contradict the regu- Forecasters are therefore seeking and more numerous pieces. And they lar model's forecast. The adjoint model ways to make better use of the raw can produce computer models that then redraws the curve describing the data that are already at their disposal. account for other physical processes, evolution of the weather. One promising approach applies math- such as the variation in sunlight from Billions of points are arranged in ematics to update models more fre- day to night, the wind resistance of- complex curves that snake through quently. "We expect this work to take fered by mountains and the exchange three dimensions of space and one of one-and-a-half years," says Michael Na- of heat between oceans and air mass- time. The program has done well with von, a French-born mathematician who es. Better models, in turn, require fast- simulated data and has now begun the heads the weather modeling program er computers. final test with real information. at Florida State University in Tallahas- The National Meteorological Center These refinements will surely trickle see. "We believe that we will be able to followed this strategy in March, when down to local forecasters and from raise the U.S. forecasting range by half it replaced a Control Data Cyber 205 them to the man in the street. Still, a day to six." with a faster Cray Y-MP supercomput- numerical models are made to project What is confounding weather mod- er. That did not improve the center's the precipitation patterns for an entire elers is a theoretical butterfly. In the spring forecasts. But it will enable the hemisphere rather than to provide the 1960's Edward N. Lorenz, a meteorolo- center to run a higher-resolution mod- details that so concern picnickers and gist at the Massachusetts Institute of el. Once the system is debugged, the ballgame goers. Technology, reasoned that the mere workers believe the model will make Nevertheless, the forecasts on the flapping of a butterfly's wings could up the half-day forecasting advantage news are improving. Andrew J. Wagner spawn hurricanes because a chaotic that has long been maintained by the of the U.S. National Weather Service system is very sensitive to initial condi- European Center for Medium Range says that local meteorologists can now tions. Since numerical models cannot Weather Forecasts in England. predict 36 hours ahead with nearly 95 account for such a small deviation, Navon and his colleagues at Florida percent reliability versus an 80 percent there is a limit to how far ahead they State University's Supercomputer Com- batting average just 20 years ago-be- can predict the weather. putations Institute hope to gain as lieve it or not. -Philip E. Ross 42 SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN September 1990 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON AUgust 10, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS spar SUBJECT: S&L ACTIVITIES Our S&L group, headed by John Robson, has been meeting and I wanted to make you aware of several things that we're developing: 1. The Senate Ethics Committee will start hearings on Reigle, DeConcini and Cranstor on September 15th. ; expected to begin on September THE WHITE HOUSE en press hearing and we don't know WASHINGTON August 8 , all 1988 FSLIC deals will become TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU to draw a lot of press attention as orruption, etc. FROM: ED we will have to appont our members FYI legislatively mandated. Treasury ptions. 1th you later. *6 MICHIGAN: BLANCHARD MEDIA STILL TAKING HITS In the wake of the WJBK-TV poll (Blanchard 44%, Engler 39%, see HOTLINE 8/6.#6), Gov. Jim Blanchard (D) also sits on the hot seat for his 10-second TV ads. EXAMPLE: DETROIT NEWS editorial, titled "Image over substance," notes a Blanchard's ad proclaims he is "putting welfare recipients to work." Says the paper, "Nice try, guv, but if the examples in the ad are any evidence, it just ain't so. Getting tough with the state's welfare programs is a great message, but it's one we haven't seen the governor take up as vigorously as portrayed in his campaign advertising. The message we get is that the governor prefers image over substance" (8/7). EXAMPLE: NEWS' George Weeks notes, "Recent polls indicate Blanchard had a slower launch, and challenger [GOP Senate Maj. Leader] John Engler a far faster one, than anticipated. Is it bleak for Blanchard? No. Worrisome? Definitely." Engler director Dan Pero "is 'ecstatic' about the last poll and argues it indicates Blanchard's latest TV ads attacking Engler have backfired ... As the general election starts, I suspect Blanchard would be doing better if he had spent more on touting himself, rather than tearing down Engler" (8/7). EXAMPLE: Weeks headlines his 8/5 piece on Blanchard's "strident" start, "Nasty streak detracts from Blanchard ads" and says, "Yes, [Engler] has been at least as shrill. It's just that the low road is a strange place to start a bid to retain high office." *15 RHODE ISLAND: PELL WON'T ALLOW FULL DEBATE TAPE'S RELEASE Sen. Claiborne Pell's (D) "memory lapse" during last week's Channel 10 news forum/debate "took on new life when Pell's campaign forces refused to allow the tape [of the debate] to be released for rebroadcast" (John McPhillips/John Mulligan, PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-BULLETIN). C-SPAN had requested a copy in order to rebroadcast the entire debate. Because a rebroadcast had not been discussed with either Pell or Rep. Claudine Schneider (R), the station refused to release it without the permission of both camps. Schneider's people said yes but Pell's campaign staff said no. CNN asked for, and received, a copy of the tape for "news excerpting" to use "30 or 60 seconds ... as part of [CNN's] coverage of state elections." When asked "if the refusal to release the tape was an admission that it may damage Pell's image," Pell manager Mary Beth Cahill said: "No. No. Our agreement was a news program to be shown in [RI]. That's what we agreed to and that's what we're living with. ... We agreed that this was going to be shown in Rhode Island and it was, on Wednesday and Sunday. If we had agreed to do C-SPAN, we'd be doing C-SPAN" (8/7). Schneider spokesperson Bob Rendine: "Sen. Pell's handlers have apparently decided that it's too much of a risk for voters to see this program again. This lamentable decision is proof in the pudding that the Pell campaign has been seriously damaged by his performance" (Schneider release, 8/7). AUG- 9-90 THU 10:20 PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-D.C. P.03 Contents copyright 1982 to 1988 by The Providence Journal Lo. THE EVENING BULLETIN Tuesday August 7. 1990 PAGE: A-03 SECTION: NEWS EDITION: CITY FINAL LENGTH: 596 MEMO: Updated version of Journel story which appeared on page BO1 Pell won to release TV tape By JODY MCPHILLIPS and JOHN E. MULLIGAN Journal-Bulletin Washington Bureau WASHINGTON The political crossfire over the Channel 10 news show during which Sen. Claiborne Pell pleaded a memory lapse took on new life yesterday when Pell's campaign forces refused to allow the tape to be released for rebroadcast. * * C-SPAN. the civic affairs cable network that broadcasts congressional events to an estimated 55 million homes, asked Channel 10 for a copy of the hour-long tape. which it wanted to rebroadcast in its entirety this weekend. * * * "Since the question of subsequent rebroadcast hadn't been discussed with (Pell and his opponent, Rep. Claudine C. Schneider) beforehand. we approached both and asked for their permission;" said Larry Price. Channel 10 news director, Miss Schneider S people said yes, Price said, but Pell's campaign staff said no. The incident got wide news play in Rhode Island immediately after it aired on Aug. 1, the day it was taped. Channel 10 aired it again on Sunday. Cable NOWS Network also asked for the tape for "news excerpting," Price said, and will receive a copy. Kip Grosenick. CNN S associate producer for political news, said the network most likely will LISE "30 or 60 seconds" of the show "as part of our continuing coverage of state elections." "We agreed that this was going to be shown in Rhode Island and it was, on Wednesday and Sunday,' said Mary Beth Cahill. Pell's campaign manager. "If We had agreed to do C-SPAN, we d be doing C-SPAN. because we live by our word." Asked wether the refusal to release the tape was an admission that it may damage Pell's image. Cahill said, "No. No. Our agreement was a news program to be shown in Rhode Island, That 15 what we agreed to and that S what we re living with." "There 5 no reason why we wouldn t want to let voters see it," said Robert J. Rendine Jr.. Miss Schneider $ top Rhode Island aide. "What are they embarrassed about?" Today. Price said C-SPAN came back with a request for a tape copy it could excerpt, and he said the station would provide it for that purpose. Steve Scully of C-SPAN said it was safe to assume the network woiuld air the memory-lapse segment. The segment will be part of a 90-minute political news program. Election 90, on Sunday at 12:30 p.m. and again at 9:30 p.m. On channel 10. Pell was asked to name a recent bill he wrote that directly benefited Rhode Island. After thinking for if moment, he said his memory wasn t as good as it should be and he couldn t call one to mind, He said later that he had thought the question referred to a personal bill such as help with scmeone an immigration status as opposed to more Extended Page 3.1 Meanwhile, Miss Schneider has mailed an "urgent" fund-raising request to supporters of her Senate campaign. asserting that "wa are falling behind in our efforts to meet our budget" for the end of the race. But in fact. the Schneider fund-raising effort is going well, according to her office. Rendine cells the mailing "just $ typical fund-raising strategy." "We're where we want to be" in terms of fund-raising, Rendine said. He said the Schneider campaign has raised more than $1.3 million and expects to attain its target of between $2 million and $2.5 million in total spending. The Pell camp expects to spend between $2.5 million and $3 million. KEYWORDS: campaign picture election 1990 congress PELL 0001 AUG- 9-90 THU 10:19 PROVIDENCE JOURNAL-D.C. P.02 Contents copyright 1982 to 1988 by The Providence Journal Co. THE PROVIDENCE JOURNAL Thursday August 2. 1990 PAGE: C-10 SECTION: NEWS EDITION: ALL LENGTH: 431 A forgetful Pell trips in 1st debate with Schneider By JOHN MULLIGAN Journal-Bulletin Washington Bureau WASHINGTON Sen. Claiborne Pell and Rep. Claudine Schneider sparred gently on the same television forum for the first time in their campaign yesterday. with the Democrat taking what he seemed to consider a self-inflicted bruise. Appearing on A special hour-long edition of 10 News Conference, Pell balked when asked to name the last legislation he had written that directly benefits Rhode Island. For viewers of WJAR-TV early evening news. that WBS the focal point of the interview program taped yesterday morning at a studio in Washington. Pell and Schneider. the Republican running for his seat, differed on some issues such #$ whether to cut Social Security taxes (Pell would, Schneider would not). and on the death penalty ishe now supports it in some cases: he opposes it on "principle"). Late in the hour, Pell was asked to recall (if) specific bill the personally had pressed through that helped his constituents. " I couldn t: give YOU - specific answer. NY memory's not good # # it should be. but it any of the people of the people out watching us, 1 would be delighted 1f you sent me a postcard to do it." The 30-year Senate veteran proceeded to describe the continuing benefits of programs he launched, such as Pell grants. the 1972 program of federal college scholarships for students from poor families, and the Sea Grant program that has generated millions of dollars for the University of Rhode Island. "But you can t remember the last bill you sponsored?" Pell was asked. "That directiv hits Rhode Island? No." Miss Schneider was then asked what was the last bill that "you've sponsored and were the prime mover on that directly benefits Rhode Island in some way?" The 10-year Republican congresswoman was ready with a quick answer: a bill regulating and eventually banning carbage dumping at sea. "My bill later became the committee bill." Miss Schneider said. Miss Schneider acknowledged only subtly, if at all, that she was not the "prime mover" of the ocean dumping bill that became law. The version whe first sponsored changed - in ways who opposed new before it emerged from her ocean-related committee. But Miss Schneider did point out that "in the House of Representatives, working with 434 other people. there are no bills that have my name on them, because that =5 just the way the system works." Later. Pell called to explain he had been trying to think of the kind of bill that in senator would write to help, say, a constituent's relative to immigrate. He said he should have mentioned his vocational education bill, which provides several million dollars to the state per year. KEYWORDS: election 1990 campaign congress picture $LKYEXIQB 0153 END OF DOCUMENT. LOS ANGELES TIMES, TUESDAY, AUGUST 7, 1990, B6 CAMPAIGN WATCH A Good Issue, but the Wrong Man Because Dianne Feinstein anger over the savings and leagues had run only once. and Pete Wilson both are in- loan debacle. As a result, her Moreover, his funds were re- stinctual political moderates, campaign is attempting to im- ported as direct contributions, few genuine differences over ply that Wilson is particularly while S&L gifts to his col- issues have emerged in their culpable in the matter because leagues often were disguised. gubernatorial campaign. he received unusually large For example, Alan Cranston, However, as she demon- contributions from S&L inter- who ran only once during the strated in the Democratic pri- ests. period, is listed by Common mary, Feinstein has a shrewd Neither point is supported Cause has having received on- sense of the electorate's anxie- by facts. A recent Common ly $143,700. No mention is ties and an ability to make her Cause report said that Wilson made of the $1 million he got opponent their focus. In that had received more money, for a voter registration drive. race, she managed to link $243,000, from thrift-related Finally, there is no evidence women's apprehension about contributors than any other that Wilson, whose S&L con- reproductive rights to John senator. It did not point out tributions account for less Van de Kamp's personal reser- that during the period ana- than 1% of his total campaign vations about abortion. Now, lyzed,, Wilson ran for office funding, ever intervened on she has sensed the voters' twice, while many of his col- behalf of the thrifts. THE SUNDAY BOSTON GLOBE, AUGUST 5, 1990, A19 A Silber opportunity, thanks to Kaufman & Co. MacLean (D-Fairhaven) and his friend Bristol nomination. The conservative vote and the talk- DAVID B. WILSON District Attorney Ronald Pina, to Senate Majority show, anti-incumbent uprising would have had no Leader Walter Boverini of Lynn, Sen. Jack Bren- place to go but Pierce, who seems still ahead of Let us stipulate that Ron Kaufman and Ste- nan (D-Malden) and former House Speaker William Weld in the contest for the GOP nomina- phen DeAngelis did conspire with the Springfield Thomas McGee of Lynn (by no means a complete tion. police union to disrupt the Democratic State Con- roster) to market the admirable qualities of the Instead, the big lawyers, contractors, insur- vention, as the Democratic State Committee in- sage of Bay State Road. ance types, bankers and stockbrokers are clam- sists. If these talented persuaders were not able to bering all over each other trying to find out how Now maybe Kaufman and DeAngelis did it net 11 votes Silber's way, then let us discuss "why they can buy a chance to shake John Silber's hand and maybe they didn't; but even if they did, they the sea is boiling hot and whether pigs have for $1,000 while poor Pierce, otherwise known as may have done nothing any more criminally wings," as Lewis Carroll's Walrus said to the Car- the Stealth candidate, performs a comparable fa- wrong than your utility-grade fraternity prank. penter. vor in remote villages for $250 per squeeze. And consider this: If John R. Silber becomes I wish I could take credit for the preceding Perhaps the most misleading aspect of this governor of Massachusetts - and he may at this speculative insight. Authorship actually belongs to sorry spectacle is the public perception of Silber writing be the leading prospect - he may owe his Glenn W. Fiscus, the irreconcilable Republican as a conservative. He is anything but. opportunity to Kaufman & Co. Diogenes who wants to relieve incumbent Joe If that sounds far-fetched to you, remember Sure, he fought the faculty union at BU and Kennedy of the burden of representing Harvard, that Silber obtained his 15 percent of delegate won. Sure, he makes Presbyterian noises on social MIT and the State House in Congress. votes by a whisker-thin margin of 22. That is just issues and supports a tough foreign policy. 11 switches off Jack Flood, Frank Bellotti and Can you imagine a more delicious paradox Evelyn Murphy. than the possibility that the Republican national But John Silber, domestically, is a Democratic committeeman for Massachusetts - White House big spender, Wilsonian, his proposals for the ex- Gov. Dukakis' keynote speech had been sched- aide Kaufman - was responsible, unintentionally pansion of education and the "jump-starting" of uled for 9:15 a.m. Saturday. Quite a few delegates, disgusted at the flap, left the convention, lowering of course, for rescuing John Silber from being the economy via public construction projects reminiscent of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal or the Silber vote target. By the time committee kicked off the primary ballot? Nelson Rockefeller's great ghastly monument at counsel James Roosevelt got an injunction and For Silber has been eating Steve Pierce's Albany to profligate government policy. John shooed the pickets away from the auditorium, it lunch. Pierce, in case, like most voters, you have Silber is against the CLT tax rollback and for 10- was early afternoon. Silber went to Springfield not noticed, is the able, articulate, young, bright, with most of what President Bush used to call the hour day care and the big Central Artery dig; and. attractive, respected Republican leader in the his program is pure gravy for the public sector "Big Mo" - momentum. Time was working for the state House of Representatives who was over- and construction unions. Boston University president. whelmingly endorsed for the nomination by the The four to six hours Silber gained as a result Republican State Convention. Meanwhile, Weld and Pierce cling pathetically of the picketing gave unexpected scope to such to each other's throats. As Casey Stengel used to capable allies as Senate President William M. If Silber had not qualified for the ballot, Frank say, "Can't anybody here play this game?" Bulger and his aides Jim Julian, Marty O'Brien, Bellotti and Evelyn Murphy - not exactly a fair Roger Gill and Paul Mahoney, to Sen. William Q. fight - would be squabbling for the Democratic David B. Wilson is a Globe columnist. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON August 10, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS s/yr SUBJECT: POLITICAL /OUTREACH 1. Just to bring you up-to-date, our political outreach efforts are underway. We've targetted five groups along with priority states where we plan to intensify our activities. (See attached list.) For instance, throughout the campaign cycle, whenever the President or Vice President is in California, there will always be a Hispanic and Asianic component to the trip. It might be a separate event, or in some cases, simply greeters. In any case, we will always do something when traveling in priority states. 2. From our perspective, the most important group is the East European ethnics. David Carney and I met with Secretary Derwinski, and he has agreed to head a project to jump start our operation. This "Derwinski Project" includes the President and Vice President having "community leader" meetings with East European ethnics in priority states. These will be issue briefings during which the President or Vice President will drop-by. Their purpose will be for us to build relationships and a leadership core within the community. Ed will host the meetings, determine lists of attendees, and commit the time and effort to be sure these events are effective and well managed. Also, we will be working with Hagin and Demarest to set up an ethnic press briefing to take place the third week in September. This will most likely occur in the State Dining Room with ethnic media only. This group will have a heavy emphasis on East Europeans from our priority states. CC: David Carney Andy Card 1990 Hispanic Black 1. CA - Wilson 1. AL - - Hunt/Cabaniss 2. TX - - Williams 2. SC - - Campbell 3. FL - Martinez 3. IL - - Edgar/Martin 4. IL - - Edgar/Martin 4. OH - Voinovich 5. AZ - Gov's race 5. MI - Engler/Schuette 6. NM - Gov's race 6. GA - Isakson 7. KY - - McConnell Asian 8. CA - Wilson 1. CA Wilson 9. CT - Rowland 2. IL - Edgar/Martin 3. HI - Saiki Jewish 4. WA - WIlliams (CD) 1. FL - Martinez 5. TX - Williams 2. IL - - Edgar/Martin 6. MN - Gov's race 3. CA - Wilson 4. RI - - Schneider East European 5. MI - Engler/Schuette 1. MI - Engler/Schuette 6. OH - - Voinovich 2. IL - Edgar/Martin 3. OH - Voinovich 4. PA - 5. WI - Thompson THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: July 30, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk FYI 7/23/90 ED, FYI. SECRETARY ELIZABETH DOLE REMARKS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY CALIFORNIA STATE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION Join JULY 20, 1990 SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA What a pleasure it is to escape from the hot air of Washington, D.C., to the fresh air of San Diego! Let me just say how fitting it is that we Republicans meet so near in time and location to four great Republicans who have led our nation. I'm sure you share my feelings of pride and appreciation as Presidents Nixon, Ford, Reagan, and Bush, gathered Thursday for the dedication of the Nixon Library. I bring greetings from John Sununu, who asked me to express his profound regrets that he was unable to be with you today. Being forced to remain in Washington to negotiate the budget with the Democrats, instead of coming to beautiful San Diego to join up with Republicans, lends new meaning to the term "business over pleasure." Greetings also from my husband, who is keeping John company back in Washington. And let me say that Bob joins me in expressing deep respect and admiration for Pete Wilson, our friend and colleague. What a joy it is to be with you, Pete, and what a superb slate of Republican candidates you have running with you for statewide office. Now, ladies and gentlemen, take a VOW right now to pull out all the stops to ensure that those next to Pete on the ballot-- Marian Bergeson, Dan Lundgren, Tom Hayes, Joan Milke Flores, Mat Fong, and Wes Bannister, are standing next to Pete when he's sworn-in in Sacramento. What a day that will be, and what a Governor Pete will make. During his years of public service, Pete Wilson has earned a sterling reputation for integrity, intelligence, and courage. I well remember the day of a landmark Senate vote to produce $135 billion in savings. It was a tough vote, and a bold plan. Passage hung on the vote of Senator Pete Wilson, who left for the hospital for an emergency appendectomy, just thirty-six hours earlier. It was the morning of May 9, 1985--I'll never forget it-- when Bob called Pete's doctors, and asked if he could physically withstand a trip to the Capitol. Pete's doctors said "no," as they didn't want him jostled over the six miles from the hospital 1 to Capitol Hill. Pete overrode their objections. While he may have lost an appendix, he never lost his backbone; and clad in pajamas and a robe, and hooked up to an IV tube, it was nearly two in the morning when Pete Wilson was wheeled into the chamber, amidst a bipartisan standing ovation. Perhaps it was that type of courage that led a certain former Mayor of San Francisco to call Pete "wonderful." And, indeed, whether he's fighting crime with his highly successful "Proposition 115, or proposing a cabinet-level department to oversee children's services, or advancing a landmark education proposal to integrate social welfare services with public schools, Pete Wilson is a wonderfully innovative and effective public servant. You and I know that Pete's four years in the state legislature, eleven years as Mayor of San Diego, and eight years in the U.S. Senate give him superb experience to lead a state, which on its own, would be the sixth largest economy in the world. But rather than focusing on issues and experience, some are spending much time speculating about the role of women in the California gubernatorial election. And I'm here to tell you that women in the 1990's comprise a diverse group with varied interests. We're not a voting block. No candidate can put us in a single box and call us "hers." We're individuals. And we won't fall lock-step in line. If you have any doubts, just check with President Mondale and Vice President Ferraro. Then, as now, the stature of women everywhere would be diminished if a candidate for major office were supported simply because she's a woman. Those who think women will vote for gender, underestimate the intelligence and insight of women voters everywhere. The idea that the election could be won on the basis of gender insults our electoral process. We are thinking women. No platitudes will buy us. No party will inherit us. No candidate will own us. We're too smart, too savvy. Like all voters, we don't want promises. We want results. Both men and women want a governor who goes to bat for California's farmers in today's complex global market. Both men and women want a governor who works to get increased funding for research on Alzheimer's and AIDS. Both men and women want a governor who fought, and fought hard, to earn wilderness designations for California rivers, who battled against off- shore oil drilling--and who won that battle. Both men and women want a governor who is leading the fight against drug dealers and traffickers. 2 That is Pete's record. And that's why come November, both men and women will elect Pete Wilson the next governor of the great state of California. And I know that both men and women will be proud to serve as part of the Wilson administration. I am pleased to work for a President who has appointed more women to his senior staff than any President in history. And I am very proud that 62% of my Department of Labor senior staff are women or minorities. The women I appointed to senior positions were chosen because they were the best person--man or woman-for the job. They were appointed because of qualifications, not because of quotas. And that, my friends, is what America is all about. And what the Republican Party is all about. Ensuring that all of our citizens have an equal opportunity to reach their full potential to go as far and rise as high as their skills and talents will take them. And, under the leadership of Ronald Reagan, George Bush, and Pete Wilson, more Americans than ever before have been able to reach for the stars, and build a better life for themselves and their families. Do I need to remind this audience of what befell America the last time the Democrats controlled the White House? Inflation was in double digits. Unemployment, in double digits. Home ownership, an "impossible dream," as interest rates approached 20%. And the government's view of the economy could have been summed up in a few short phrases. If it moves, tax it. If it keeps moving, regulate it. If it stops moving, subsidize it. And, by all means, if it involves money, spend it. And just as the economy was out of control, so too was crime. Politicians were more concerned about the rights of criminals than the rights of victims. That was the legacy of the Democrats. And what is the legacy of the Republicans a decade later? We're now in our 92nd month of economic expansion--a peacetime record. Inflation and interest rates have been cut in half--and then some. Unemployment is near a 15-year low. 22 million jobs have been created--two and a half million in 3 the last year alone. Government regulations, red tape, and intrusion have been reduced. And individuals, not bureaucracies, have been empowered. In short, the magic of the marketplace has worked its wonders. And although we're a kinder and gentler nation, we've gotten rougher and tougher with criminals. And thanks to Pete Wilson's leadership, we'll continue the fight against those who poison our children and communities with drugs. That's our legacy here at home. And it's success is only matched by what has become our legacy abroad. Again, I don't have to remind you about the foreign policy mess we faced when we took charge. Communism was on the march. Our adversaries and our allies, alike, doubted both our word and our will. Again, all this has changed. Because we Republicans believe that strength is not the means of war, but the key to peace. That using American power in defense of freedom isn't provocative, but protective of everything we cherish. That America is right, far, far, more often than she is wrong. And that in places like Panama, we were right, indeed, to use our armed forces as lifeguards, to prevent a nation from drowning in a sea of tyranny. And, today, the tide of tyranny has run out, and a new tide of freedom runs high. As President Bush said in his inaugural address, "The day of the dictator is over." Indeed, the iron curtain has been destroyed, and not by armies or missiles, but by ideals. American ideals. Ideals of democracy, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, and free and open markets. Today, under Republican leadership, it is not just morning in America, it's a new dawn for democracy across the world. When we look at the state of America and the world in 1990, compared to what it was a decade ago, can anyone deny that Republican leadership that George Bush's leadership that Pete Wilson's leadership has made a very positive difference? Can anyone deny that Republicans that George Bush that Pete Wilson have re-written history? Unprecedented opportunity for Americans. Unbelievable opportunities for freedom-seeking people throughout the world. These are the true legacies of the 1980's. And they're our 4 legacies. Republican legacies. Ladies and gentlemen, now we stand on the edge of a new century. Will we continue to work together to meet the challenges ahead, or fight amongst ourselves for a piece of the pie? Will we expand on our opportunities or let them slip through our fingers? Will America be truly strong, or just barely strong enough? Will we continue on the march, in pursuit of freedom, justice and economic opportunity? Or will we retreat to the failed policies of the past? Will we continue to re- write history? This is what is truly at stake on Election Day 1990. This year, we are presented with an opportunity to write history once again. 1990 marks the first time in nearly half a century that, nationally, Republicans have headed into a mid- term election with an advantage in party identification. According to a recent poll, 48% of Americans describe themselves as Republicans, while 43% call themselves Democrats. And we need every Republican we can get, because in each mid-term election this century, except one, the party in control of the White House has lost seats in Congress. In order to defeat the Democrats and keep America moving forward, we've got to defy history. It's that simple, and it's that vital. I firmly believe that nothing is more important than helping George Bush succeed, and the only way that can happen, is with our help. From the grass roots level of the state legislatures, to the Governor's mansions--especially here in the largest state in the union--and to the House and Senate in Washington, D.C., we must elect more Republicans. Men and women who will stand with the President, and build on our legacy of growth, jobs, and freedom. This task will not be easy. In Congress, for instance, we know that the odds of defeating an incumbent are 49-1. And for some Democrats, those odds just aren't good enough. We know that next year, during the reapportionment process, they'll try to make their odds even better That's another reason why electing Pete Wilson is so important. And I don't need to tell you, that's why electing Republican state legislators is crucial, too. Non-partisan observers point to the 1981 California reapportionment--a process controlled lock, stock, and barrel by the Democrats--as an action which completely stripped the voters of their power to choose between competing parties and philosophies. Under this plan, politicians chose voters rather than voters choosing politicians. 5 We must stop the perversion of this process. We don't seek an advantage over Democrats. We seek fairness. And in a fair fight we can more than hold our own. My friends, it is up to us to ensure that 1990 is not the end of an era, but a time to refresh and strengthen the new beginning we undertook a decade ago. And, as we set about our mission, let us remember the words of a great Californian, a great American, and a great President. In his farewell address to the nation in January 1989, Ronald Reagan said, "Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government. And we did it with three little words--we, the people." Ladies and gentlemen, by working together, we, the people, can ensure that the Republican revolution will endure, and that America's best days are truly yet to come. 6 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: July 26, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON July 26, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS FROM: DAVE SALLY CARNEY SALMON of SUBJECT: Mason-Dixon Poll - Florida Governor's Race Attached are results of a Mason-Dixon poll released today on the Florida Governor's race. The poll, taken July 20-23, indicates a small gain for Democrat Bill Nelson against Lawton Chiles. Since a mid-June survey, Chiles has lost three percentage points while Nelson has picked up 2 points. Republican Governor Bob Martinez continues to lag behind both Democrats. He trails Chiles by 14 percentage points and Nelson by 9 points. Let me know if you have questions or need further information. MASON-DIXON SURVEY n=836 registered voters Margin of error = +-4% July 20-23, 1990 Mid-June Mid-April Chiles 52% 55% 58% Nelson 40% 38% 24% Undecided 8% 7% 18% Chiles 53% 53% 48% Martinez 39% 38% 42% Undecided 8% 9% 10% Nelson 49% 45% 40% Martinez 40% 41% 42% Undecided 11% 14% 18% Tampa Bav Metro Nelson closing Mason-Dixon Florida poll Results based on telephone Interviews conducted July 20 23, 1990, with 836 Florida voters chosen at random throughout the state. Margin gap with Chiles, for orror is no more than plus or minus 4 percentage points. The primary slection will be held on Sept. 4 with the general election on Nov. s new poll shows THE DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY THIS POIL Chiles 52% Nelson 40% By BRUCE DUDLEY Undecided £ Tribune Staff Writer MID-JUNE Ohiles TAMPA - Florida political icon Lawton Chiles no 55% Nalson 38% longer has & lock on the Democratic subernatorial Undecided 7% nomination, based on a poll released Wadnesday showing that U.S. Rep. Bill Nelson continues to gain MID-APRIL Chilas 58% ground on the former U.S. senator. Nelson Chiles still has the support of a majority of Demo- Undecided 18% crats eligible to vote in the Sept. 4 primary, but since mid-April Chiles' lead over the THE REPUBLICAN PRIMARY Melbourne congressman has dropped from 34 points to a 12- THIS POLL Martinez 51% point advantage. Howard 22% Republican Gov. Bob Marti- Other candidates Undecidad 25% nez has been lagging behind the CAMPAIGN two Democrats since mid-June, APEL go Martinez 47% Howard '90 and he continues to be in possible 14% trouble in his own party, accord- Other candidates 14% Undecided 25% FINANCES ing to The Tampa Tribune/WTSP Channel 10 poll conducted by OCT. Nelson blasts Martinez 53% Mason-Dixon Opinion Research Howard 2% Chiles/4B Inc. Undecided 26% Nearly 50 percent of the Republican voters are looking for another candidate to back or are undecid- THE GENERAL Martinez vs. Martinez VS. ed about supporting Martinez, according to the poll. ELECTION Chiles Naleon Undecided Undecided With little money or statewide name recognition, state Sen. Mariene Woodson Howard of Bradenton 11% received 22 percent of the Republican vote when THIS FOLL 40% matched against Martinez and three other candidates seeking the GOP gubernatorial nomination. And 25 percent of the state's Republican voters % 14% say they still are undecided about who to support 41% even though the party has an incumbent governor MID-JUNE seeking re-election. Howard's campaign manager, Fay Williams, said 10% the poll results confirm the work that the Bradenton 18% 42% senator has been doing to build support statewide for MID-APRIL her candidacy. See NELSON'S, Page 10B Tribune graphic by JIM BREDECK Tampa 10-B Nelson's stock rises with voters, newlv released poll indicates polls now have showed a continual Secretary of State Jim From Page 1B decline In Chiles' support. appears in no danger of being un- When the Democratic primary seated. The Republican Incumbent's When Martinez was matched sample in the latest poll was whit- strongest Democratic opponent is against the two Democrats, Chiles tied down to 289 voters who said former newspaperman Jim Minter, received 52 percent of the vote they "always or almost always but even Minter only gets 23 per- compared to 39 percent for the gov- vote," Joffee said Chiles lead over cent of the vote compared to 48 per- ernor, and Nelson received 48 per- Nelson was chopped to 11 points. cent for Smith. cent in contrast to 40 percent for Other poll When matched against ousted the GOP incumbent. results show: federal judge Alcee Hastings, Smith About three months ago, Neison Former gets 56 percent of the vote com- even trailed Martinez by two points. Republican Gov. pared to Hastings' 19 percent. Neison said in Tallahassee Clauds Kirk is Fifty-three percent of Fiori- Wednesday that he feels "very making 8 strong da's voters are undecided about good" about the results, while aides showing against who to back for agriculture commis- for Chiles and Martinez downplayed Education Com- signer with Democrat Doyle Conner the poll findings. missioner Betty retiring from the post. State Senate J.M. "Mac" Stipanovich. the gov- Castor less than President Bob Crawford, a Winter ernor's campaign manager, said he a week after de- Haven Democrat, has a slight edge was pleased with the results be- ciding to chal- over his chief Republican opponent, cause Martinez still is within strik- lenge the Demo- Castor Charles Bronson, who was the Re- ing distance of Nelson or Chiles cratic publicans' unsuccessful nominee for "even though he has been sitting on incumbent. In agriculture commissioner in 1986. the sidelines" and watching the two the poll, Kirk The race for education commis- Democrats fight, received 24 per- sioner is likely to supply the most Stipanovich said Howard's sup- cent of the vote political fireworks of the state Cabi- port in the Republican primary rep- compared to 39 net contests since it features yet an- resents a negative vote that shows percent for Cas- other political comeback attempt by up in any poll. "You could have a tor, while there Kirk, who has run for a number of referendum on apple pie, and 20 is B whopping 37 offices since losing the governorship percent of the people would vote percent of the in 1970. no," he said. voters undecid- Kirk said the Mason-Dixon poll Chiles' press secretary, Julie ed about who to shows he is off "to a good begin- Fletcher, said she feels the poll back in the Kirk ning" Kirk faces Republican prima- showed little movement by any can- race. ry opposition from Inverness lawyer didates. She said pollsters indicated Insurance Commissioner Tom Ken Sharpe and former state em- there was a 5 percent margin of or- Gallagher is maintaining a steady ployee Amefike Geuka of Tallahas- ror in the poiling of 450 Democratic 12 percentage point advantage over see. But Kirk said he is concentrat- voters, so Nelson might not have Democratic challenger George Stu- ing on defeating Castor. moved a single point in his race art Jr., an Orlando state senator Castor's campaign manager, against Chiles. The margin of error who dropped out of the governor's Sheri Bryan, said she knows the in- on the overall poll was 4 percent. race. The latest poil shows Gallagh- cumbent commissioner is going to Robert Joffee, Mason-Dixon vice er getting 43 percent of the vote be in a campaign with Kirk running. president for Florida, said the ap- compared to 31 percent for Stuart But Bryan pointed out that the parent five-point gain by Nelson is and 26 percent undecided. Polls in Mason-Dixon poll showed Kirk has within the poll's margin of error. mid-April and mid-June showed a 20 percent unfavorable rating But Joffee said three Mason-Dixon similar results. compared to 7 percent for Castor. Tampes 7/26 201=2 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: July 30, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON July 27, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS ALIXE GLEN FROM: MICHAEL P. JACKSON my SUBJECT: The Attorney General's Comments on the Justice Marshall Interview Attached is a poor photocopy of the Attorney General's response in Boston today to questions about the interview Justice Marshall granted to "Prime Time." Thornburgh granted several other television interviews this afternoon and apparently responded in much the same way to Marshall questions. Attachment SENT wille nuuse EDS OF ATTORNEY GENERAL RICHARD THORNBURGH AT THE ANNUAL MEETING OF 5-1 page# a AMERICAN LEGISLATIVE EXCHANGE COUNCIL, BOSTON, NASSACHUSETTS FRIDAY, JULY 27, 1990 properly accused of criminal behavior. We in the Justice Department are working hard on Capitol Hill to try to reinstate those providions of the President's Package which W# believe are important which WH believe are pro-criminal, and to head 011 those portions of the current version of the bill pleased to try to answer tham. You may have questions on those or other matters; and I'd be Q Mr. Thornburgh, in regard to Justice Marshall's comments maid first of all? think an associate Supreme Court justice should OR saying things he last. night on "Prime Time" -- I don't know if you saw them -- do you ATTY GEN. THORNBURGH: I WRS saddened by the observations of Supreme Court justice has ever in our history criticized an Justice Marshall. I believe it is the first time that any sitting appointment and indeed criticized the President who made that attitude to have on the EVR of the considoration by the Senature appointment. I don't believe that it is a constructive type of the nomination of a mean whom I consider to be possessed of extraordinary qualities of intellmet, integrity, and character. for that Yeason, Y was caddened by this opisode. And 3 What do you think -- D Will the Justice's remarks impact that homination? ATTY OEN. THORNBURGH I doubt vary much whether the Senate is torgive the Judge has been in Washington all this work making the rounds And of Judge Souter, and that's what they are most interested in doing. going to depart from its appointed task for werutinizing the record the sonators an opportunity to begin this process. B And ynt, -- you say, it'm probably the first time in not history . sitting justice has ever criticized a cominee, Might that may something to the sonators? ATTY OWN. THORNOURGH; I can't answer for the senators. his level of frustration I guess? What do you think can said about Thursood Marshal and ATTY GEN. THORNBURGH: Well, I VRS saddened by it. * think Q he meant How by about that? what he said about President Flush? What do you ATTY GEN. THORNDURGH I don't know. à criticism saying that Judge Souter doesn't have What do you think whout --- what do you think about the can look at to Judge him by? record really that 20 ' d 6697 VIS 202 07/27/1990 18:18 **** DOJ CMD CTR THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON SHT 06/11/2 at Date: July 10, 1990 TO: Ed Rogers / David Carney FROM: BRUCE STEBBINS Associate Director Office of Political Affairs Two polls were published in the Burlington Free Press today in a front page story. The methodology of the polls is questionable but the coverage was extensive. Center for Social Science Research at St. Michael's College. (550 respondents/314 likely voters) +/-5.5% +/- Governor's Race: Snelling 47.5% Welch 19.1% Undecided 33,4% At-Large Congressional Race Peter Smith 33.7% Bernie Sanders (I) 32.7 Undecided 32,3 Dolores Sandoval (D) 1.3 O Becker Poll conducted in late June of 510 voters +/-5.5% At-Large Congressional Race More accurate Smith (R) 46% Sanders (I) 36% Sandoval (D) 5% Undecided 15% THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON June 25, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS DR. SUBJECT: SUMMARY OF RECENT POLLING DATA I. Presidential/Congressional Job Approval o The President remains very popular: 71% approve of the way he's handling the job, 21% disapprove. These figures have remained relatively constant since April, 1989. O 42% approve of the way Congress is performing, while 44% disapprove. In April, 1989, the numbers were 50% approval and 38% disapproval. II. The Economy 46% approve of the way the President is handling the economy - 43% disapprove. This is the highest disapproval rating # since the election. O Of those who disapprove of Bush's handling of the Presidency overall, the biggest block is 15% who "believe he could do a better job". These are probably partisan Democrats and can be discounted. The next six highest reasons for disapproval (total of 53%) are based on economic conditions ranging from unemployment to the belief that the economy is simply getting worse. O Only 3% blame the President for the S&L problem, 28% blame the Reagan Administration, 11% - Democrats in Congress, and 52% - the managers of the S&Ls. III. Taxes O 54% believe a tax increase is necessary to reduce the deficit. 41% believe it is not necessary to raise taxes. 45% to 51% of the public oppose a tax increase as "one part of an overall plan to reduce the deficit". If a tax increase were "absolutely necessary": - 66% to 35% support raising the top rate from 28% to 33% for all taxpayers; - 61% to 28% support a less-than-one percent tax on all stock transactions; - 58% to 40% support a one percent sales tax; - 33% to 64% oppose a BTU tax; and - 17% to 81% oppose a 12 cent/gallon increase in the gasoline tax. People prefer a stock transfer tax to a BTU tax, 71% to 18%. 58% believe Congress has the responsibility to make the "first concrete proposal" to reduce the deficit. 37% believe the President has this responsibility. By 69% to 24% the public prefers that Congress and the President reach a deficit reduction plan that increases taxes and cuts spending vs. reaching no agreement at all. IV. Foreign Policy/Gorbachev Summit By 65% to 24%, the public approves of the way the President is handling foreign policy. 25% believe the Gorbachev Summit was a major success while 64% believe it was a minor success and 4% believe it was a failure. 38% believe the President did a better job than Gorbachev' at the Summit, while 22% believe Gorbachev did better. 62% to 30% believe the Gorbachev Summit did result in "substantial accomplishments". By 85% to 11%, people support the President's actions to allow greater trade with the Soviet Union. 42% to 50% of the people disapprove of President Bush "continuing to give China the same trading rights with us as we give our traditional trading partners". THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 25, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 25, 1990 FOR: DAVID CARNEY FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XX FYI Family Research Council T.M. Gary L. Bauer, President LEAVING OUT MOST MOTHERS by Gary L. Bauer President, Family Research Council In what has been hailed as a great triumph for motherhood, both Houses of Congress recently passed a bill requiring employers to offer workers up to 12 weeks of job-protected leave after the birth or adoption of a child. Pro-family packaging aside, the bill is flawed. So flawed, in fact, that it does not deserve the President's signature in its current form. The greatest problem with the current bill is that it ignores the needs and priorities of women who place a higher premium on spending time with their young children than on pursuing career objectives during this life stage. While the bill offers fast-track career women the job protection they so greatly covet, it fails to address the interests of "Mommy track" women who would like to be home with their children for more than just 12 weeks. This is no small oversight. According to a recent Roper poll, fully half of all mothers want a respite of at least 2-3 years after the birth of a child, and 39 percent want to be home at least until their children enter school. Conversely, only 15 percent believe a maternity leave of three months (13 weeks) is ideal. Moreover, the Roper poll suggests that many, if not most, women would be willing to sacrifice some job security in order to be home with children for more than 12 weeks. According to the poll, most women recognize that a natural tension exists between the length of leave an employer can offer and the ability of that employer to guarantee employment after leave expires. Indeed, no less than 90 percent of the Roper respondents acknowledged that it is unrealistic to expect an employer to hold open a job until a woman's youngest child enters school. Family Rescarch Council A division of Focus on the Family 601 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Suite 901 Washington, D.C. 20004 (202) 393-2100 What, then, can be done to help all mothers (and fathers) benefit from a leave plan? I believe federal policymakers should pattern family leave policy after an existing law that requires employers to give preference in re-hiring to individuals who interrupt their employment to serve in the armed forces. As with veteran's preference, "parental preference" could be extended to former employees applying for available positions for which they are qualified. "Parental preference" legislation could be adopted instead of or as a part of federal legislation mandating a job-protected short-term leave. Either way, the likely result (given the prevalence of job- protected leave in the business community) would be a two-track system in which all qualified employees could choose a leave plan that reflects their work and family priorities. Parents could opt for either (1) a short-term job-protected leave; or (2) "parental preference" in re-hiring if they interrupt their employment to carry out family responsibilities. "Parental preference" legislation would acknowledge that the unpaid work of raising children is no less valuable than the paid work of defending the country. It would affirm that a parent previously employed by a company is entitled to some recognition of prior service. It would be of particular benefit to those displaced homemakers who unexpectedly find themselves in need of employment. And since "parental preference" also would be available to employees who take time off to help aging or seriously ill family members, this policy would provide a safety net for any worker whose family responsibilities extend beyond the length of job-guaranteed leave an employer offers. While a two-track family leave system would give parents wider options, neither track is of any value if parents cannot afford to take time off to be with their children. Accordingly, some parental leave advocates have called for making job-protected leave paid. But paid leave threatens to aggravate further the labor cost impact of any leave plan, thereby depressing wages, benefits, and employment. Moreover, paid leave would be of benefit only to fast-trackers; Mommy-trackers would gain nothing. Rather than making leave paid, the need to provide financial assistance to economically-strapped families with young children could be met by creating a new government tax credit offering as much as $1,000 per child. President Bush proposed such a credit in his 1991 budget. Importantly, the Bush tax credit was designed to address the tax code's current bias against parental leave-taking by permitting parents to choose either this new credit or the existing Dependent Care Tax Credit (which goes only to taxpayers with day care expenses). During the House debate on child care legislation in March, Congressman Charlie Stenholm (D-TX) offered a bill that included a modest Bush-style tax credit. Unfortunately, the bill was defeated in favor of a measure that perpetuates the tax code's current bias against parents that take time off to be home with young children. Curiously, most of the House members who voted for the parental leave bill voted against the Stenholm bill. In its current form, parental leave legislation is a Wellesley protester's dream. It offers benefits to an elite group of affluent, fast-track women, while ignoring the interests of those who would like to live by Barbara Bush's priorities for more than 12 weeks. The only thing hollower than this legislation is the Democratic leadership's child care bill which directly discriminates against mothers who take time off from work to be home with their children. Accordingly, President Bush should veto both bills and urge Congress to send back to him legislation offering "parental preference" in re-hiring family-oriented workers and a new tax credit that eliminates the tax code's current bias against mothers who take time off to be home with children. Only then will there be a true triumph for all mothers. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 22, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk FYI AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE 440 FIRST STREET, N.W., SUITE 600 WASHINGTON, D.C. 20001 (202) 639-5200 FAX (202) 639-4697 Mayer Mitchell President June 22, 1990 The President The White House Washington, DC 20500 Dear Mr. President: I join the many Americans, including the leaders of the American Jewish community, who support your decision to suspend our dialogue with the PLO. It is regretful that the PLO has again missed an opportunity to demonstrate seriousness about peace through its actions, not merely statements. The failure by Arafat to take swift and decisive action against terrorists within his own senior ranks is disappointing, a move not down a moderate road to peace, but down a path supporting terrorism, which it was hoped he had abandoned. AIPAC shares your views that the United States must adhere to its principled policy against terrorism. Your action puts Arafat on notice that the United States will not deal with terrorists and that they have no place at the peace table. It makes a clear statement that the United States is determined to move the process forward with credible, trustworthy partners. We urge you to make sure the PLO takes unequivocal and definitive actions, including expelling Abul Abbas, and other steps necessary to convince those interested in peace that he does not support violence before the dialogue resumes. Mr. President, our vision should be one of peace and our minds should remain focused on how to bring that peace to the people of the region. Peacemaking is indeed a process. As witnesses of the peace treaty with Egypt, we have learned first hand the benefits that can be reaped from reconciliation. The President June 22, 1990 Page Two The new Government of Israel's guidelines state their desire for peace with their neighbors. The United States and Israel have benefited over the years from a close relationship. The successful pursuit of peace is possible only through maintaining this strong alliance. As Americans, we are grateful that the United States, under your leadership, is engaged in nurturing peace between the State of Israel, the Arab states and the Palestinians. On a personal note, I look forward to working with you and members of the Executive Branch during my term as President of AIPAC to strengthen the relationship between the United States and Israel. I have long been a personal admirer and supporter of yours. I will always remember the eloquent expression of your feelings following your visit to Auschwitz at the home of my good friends, Sage and Elsie Lyons, in Mobile during the 1988 campaign. I hope the opportunity presents itself in the near future to personally discuss both AIPAC and the U.S. -Israel relationship with you. Sincerely, Mayu Mayer Nitchell Mitchell MM:cs THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 13, 1990 GOVERNOR SUNUNU FOR: FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI This is somewhat interesting.... WASHINGTON, D.C., June 10 -- Jesse Jackson leads the 1992 Democratic presidential sweepstakes, followed by Mario Cuomo and Jimmy Carter, a new Times Mirror survey has found. Jackson is the choice of 22 percent of a national sample of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents polled June 1 - 4. Cuomo was preferred by 17 percent and Carter by 13 percent. House Majority Leader Richard Gephardt was chosen by 10 percent, New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley by 8 percent, and Tennessee Senator Albert Gore by 7 percent of those surveyed. Nearly a quarter of the sample -- 23 percent -- said they didn't know who they preferred at this time. QUESTION: Turning to politics for a moment, which one of the following people would you like to see nominated as the Democratic Party's candidate for President in 1992? Jesse Jackson 22 Mario Cuomo 17 Jimmy Carter 13 Richard Gephardt 10 Bill Bradley 8 Albert Gore 7 Don't know 23 100 Number of Interviews (496) Early polls are generally not good predictors of eventual electoral outcomes, but they do provide an indication about the dynamics of the coming contest. This one indicates that the Democratic race is at least as wide open as it was in 1988 and that each candidate has particular areas of strength. 1 *Assuming that Jimmy Carter will not be a candidate, Jackson probably has relatively more support than this poll shows because a disproportionate number of Carter's supporters choose Jackson as their second choice. With Jimmy Carter's second choices reallocated, Jackson leads Cuomo 30% to 20%. Jackson's black base is supplemented with strong support from young Democrats. *Better-educated and older Democrats, who turn out at the polls more heavily than the average Democrat, are relatively greater supporters of Mario Cuomo. *Former basketball star Bill Bradley has something of a gender gap, with male Democrats twice as likely to pick him as females. *Senator Gore has yet to position himself as the South's "favorite son", - trailing both Jackson and Carter in his home region but leading Gephardt of Missouri, Cuomo and Bradley. Jimmy Jesse Bill Mario Albert Richard Carter Jackson Bradley Cuomo Gore Gephardt DK National* 13 22 8 17 7 10 23 Sex Male 14 23 11 17 8 10 17 Female 13 22 5 18 6 9 27 Education College graduate 10 14 11 38 5 7 15 Some college 8 22 10 18 8 11 22 High school graduate 17 21 7 11 8 13 24 Less than h.s. graduate 15 32 4 10 5 5 29 Region East 10 14 13 24 4 6 28 Midwest 14 22 9 18 5 15 17 South 15 27 3 8 14 10 24 West 13 27 6 24 2 7 22 2 The survey results are based on 496 telephone interviews with a nationwide sample of Democrats and Independents who lean to the Democratic party conducted under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates during the period of June 1- 4, 1990. The margin of error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus 5 percentage points. 3 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 13, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI THE SPECTATOR New Hampshire's statewide news journal of political intelligence $2.95 JUNE 1990 Vol.1/No.1 Bill Bartlett: The power & IIII the process It is the final day for conference committees to settle differences and report out bills that have split the House and joik Senate-last chance in Will the 1990 session for the down Republican leadership the RE-E to put its spin on spending and agency TEG policy bills. Nobody can find Gov. Judd Gregg. qu "The jerk's gone," explodes Bill Bartlett, slapping his arms down on his gray trousers in disbelief. Without Gregg to OK the last-minute THE deals, the schedule is derailed. Then, realizing a reporter has witnessed the outburst, Bartlett B 90 shrugs as if to say PAGE 7 The lessons of Loon Re-teaching teachers Art for politics' sake SPECTATOR JUNE 1990 Bill Bartlett: The power and the process IT IS THE FINAL DAY Senate president for conference com- mittees to settle dif- ferences and report speaks out on out bills that have split the House and the Legislature, Senate - the last chance in the 1990 his future and session for the Repub- lican leadership to put its spin on spending Judd Gregg and agency policy bills. Nobody can find BY GARY GHIOTO Gov. Judd Gregg. "The jerk's gone," PHOTO BY TIMOTHY SAVARD explodes Bill Bartlett, slapping his arms down on his gray trousers in disbelief. Without Gregg to OK the last-minute deals, the schedule is derailed. Then, realizing a reporter Legislature. An outsider. A "jerk," apparently, who doesn't has witnessed the outburst, Bartlett shrugs as if to say, know the process, at least the process according to "Look - 15 months of Judd Gregg can do this to a guy." Bartlett. No question, Senate President William Bartlett would "Two years ago I had my political life pretty well set. prefer to spend this April morning teeing it up on a golf I knew I wasn't going to be governor, and I knew what I course somewhere, anywhere down in Florida, instead of was going to do. I had a man I was supporting who was smoothing out the wrinkles of a session unquestionably an 41 years old and running for governor — someone I could embarrassment to the New Hampshire Republican Party. support and work with through my political career," says A partial laundry list of the session's "accomplish- the Senate president. "I didn't get the product I thought I ments" includes: the dismantling of a public utility whose was going to get." executives had dutifully served and financially supported At 59, a successful businessman and politician, the party for years; laying off state employees; miscalcu- Bartlett is a man big on the process. lating state revenues; and creating a new telecommunica- For it was the process - that framework of power tions tax, along with increases in the rooms and meals tax based on knowing when to seize opportunity, wield influ- and a raft of other taxes and fees. Christ, as Bartlett is ence or sit back and compromise - that took him out of wont to say, Republicans even rallied behind the notion of an early life of nowhere jobs to an insurance and real es- tate business that made him comfortable, some say a state income tax. And to top it off, the leader of the show is a 43-year- wealthy. old rich kid, who "never worked a day in his life," fresh out In two decades the process took him from his metal of Congress, who plays golf with all the grace of a 24-han- chair at the Kingston selectmen's office and small-town dicapper, and worse, doesn't know his way around the decisions to a visit to the Oval Office where he's consid- PAGES THE SPECTATOR JUNE 1990 ered a friend of President Bush. And now Bartlett is letting the Senate go after five On how he got into the governor's race: "This all terms, and four years as its president. started like a joke. A slow news day. (Channel 9's) Jack He has said he would like to be governor, that if the Heath came in and said, 'I understand you'd like to be gov- polls indicate Gregg is weak, he will run. Whether Bartlett ernor.' We were just shooting the shit. I said, 'That's right. is merely tweaking Gregg's nose, or serious, will be re- The only office I would like to own other than Senate presi- vealed in early June, after, of course, a fund-raiser for dent (is) governor. Don't want to go to Washington, don't Senate Republicans. want to be a senator, don't want to be a congressman "You know, it's not a life-or-death deal. He said, 'Would you like to be governor?' I'm going to live, win or lose. I am fully Bartlett's I said yes. He said, 'Would you run aware that the day you are out of office against Gregg?' I said if the conditions your phone doesn't ring anymore. Maybe were right I would run against anybody." that would be peaceful to my wife and everyone else," he says. quotations: On Senate Majority Leader Ed Right now, though, Bartlett is reflecting Dupont: "He is probably without ques- on four years as Senate president, and a a selection tion the sharpest guy to come into the charge leveled by Democratic Sen. Wayne Senate in many years I think he King of Rumney, and others, that he had would make a good governor. He knows no set agenda during his tenure. how to work." That's a naive notion, he says, given the legislation On whether former House Majority Leader Vin- funneled through the body. But his crowning achievement cent Palumbo has a political future: "I think he as president was to give the Senate its own voice. does. I hope so. (But) Vinnie Palumbo has got baggage. If Bartlett recalls his frustrations with Senate President I were to give him advice I would tell him to settle down Vesta Roy and her domination by Gov. John Sununu. He and enjoy his family and get himself on a sound financial remembers sessions when Sununu would send Stephen footing." Merrill to hang out in the anteroom, ferrying instructions to Roy from the corner office. On Sen. Robert Preston, candidate in Demo- "To me, that was demeaning to the Senate When I cratic gubernatorial primary: "Good guy - really ran for Senate president I said the Senate was going to be good guy. Probably a little too kind though. He understands the Senate. And I think during the four years I've been the state he's no Hugh Gallen. Bob Preston has run suc- there, the Senate is making its own decisions." cessful businesses, and he knows the system." And the concurrent ascension of his longtime friend Doug Scamman of Stratham — whose father served with On Sen. Susan McLane, R-Concord: "Susan Mc- Lane is in the Senate." Bartlett's as a Rockingham County commissioner - as speaker of the House, led to a cooperation between the On lobbyist Chris Gallagher: "Intelligent quick to two bodies that Bartlett says has been unprecedented. grasp the issues and quick to find solutions has an un- "There wasn't the upstaging, there was a sense of dig- canny ability to put things together, and when things fall nity and respect between the two bodies," says Bartlett. apart, you will see him come back with a new wrinkle." "As much as people love to think I used the power indis- criminately, the only time you would hear someone com- plain about that was when they didn't get what they other classified people but they feel, 'Hey, we're classi- wanted." fied — don't bother us.' If you help people and you try to Or if they got in the way or meddled with the process, get them to work with you with what you think is the sys- such as Susan Palmer-Terry, former head of the state Cer- tem, and they tell you what to do, you don't have any al- ternative," Bartlett says. tificate of Need office, or Dr. John Wallace, formerly of the Division of Mental Health, and Mike Power, who used to "And I run the Senate the same way." direct the state Office of Vacation and Travel. Sometimes even Republicans became targets of Palmer-Terry ran afoul of Bartlett when she opposed Bartlett's "ruthless" power plays, says Sen. William Johnson of Northwood. the building of a new hospital in Salem by the for-profit Hospital Corporation of America. Wallace ticked him off by The 1986 election for Senate president was a prime allegedly lobbying for projects in the Legislature. Power example. Bartlett, facing a tough opponent in Sununu fa- vorite George Freese, curried the favor of Senate Demo- upset several senators for undisclosed "performance on the job" reasons. crats to capture the position. Bartlett couldn't fire them, since they were classified "When he was first elected as Senate president, he was employees, so he abolished their jobs in the 1989 budget. quick with sanctions — punishments, if you will - against "You know that should have sent a message to those those who voted against him," says Johnson, one of the Freese supporters. JUNE 1990 THE SPECTATOR PAGE9 Sens. White and Rhona Charbonneau were banished contained no sitting members appointed by the House or to a tiny office that could barely accommodate one person, Senate. Bartlett fixed that with legislation giving the Leg- he says. "The idea of punishing Republicans that had the islature appointment power. temerity to oppose him, and then boosting Democrats to Then there was Gregg's announcement of a solution head committees on the basis of their support - it's un- worked out between him and Maine Gov. John McKernan precedented and petty," Johnson says. over the Maine "spousal tax" hitting New Hampshire ship- Democrats were appointed by Bartlett to lead four yard workers. "He never had a deal worked out," says committees in a Senate where Republicans outnumbered Bartlett. "Christ." Democrats 16 to 8. Next followed the Governor's opposition to a low- power testing license for Seabrook and what appeared to Where was the real Bill Bartlett? be advocacy on his part for the Northeast Utilities buyout He also can be "fiercely loyal to his senators, particu- of Public Service Co. of N.H. larly his male senators," says a former press aide. "That's when we saw he was off on a different avenue. Like the time he helped Sen. "Happy Jack" Chandler of John Sununu would do what he thought was right for the Warner after he earned instant vilification with his crude state of New Hampshire. He would make a decision say- public telling of a racist joke about Jesse Jackson's mother ing, That's what we are going to do, and that is right.' posing for National Geographic. And then he would say, 'How am I going to sell it to the The "joke" hit the wire services and gave Chandler public?' much more than his alloted 15 minutes of fame. "In my opinion, Judd Gregg makes the political de- The bad press continued as Chandler answered press cision first and decides if it's good for the state second." inquiries and dug the hole deeper, remembers Bartlett. Bartlett insists that Gregg's former campaign chairman, "I finally told Jack, 'You're not going to talk about this Tom Rath, virtually steamrolled PSNH creditors and share- no more,' and he said, 'Well, they keep talking to me.' I holders into supporting NU with assurances of Gregg's said, 'Well you're not going to take any more phone calls.' continued commitment to the buyout. Bartlett believes And we shut off all phone calls to him for a week, and it Rath "called the shots" and created a perception that was the best thing I have ever done for Jack Chandler. Gregg was being influenced unduly. Somebody has to make the decision on this kind of stuff." Despite heated words and a last-minute attempt to res- Bartlett doesn't buy the notion he panders to the old- cue PSNH, Bartlett and the leadership were forced to sup- boy network. He points to his committee assignments of port the NU buyout. Democrats and women, saying, "I'm no male chauvinist." Four women head committees in the Senate: Sen. Elaine 'Hoisted by his own petard' Krasker, Sen. Rhona Charbonneau, Sen. Eleanor Podles It is May 3, the last day of the 1990 legislative session. and Sen. Sheila Roberge. The House has just sustained Gregg's veto of a $15.4 mil- And on women's issues, Bartlett put himself in a pro- lion capital spending bill. Gregg objected to a $9.4 million choice mode after a history of voting against abortion-on- state office building proposal inserted in the bill with the demand bills. He also structured the debate on abortion, blessing of Bartlett and Scamman. The governor had per- telling the senators they all would have a chance to make sonally worked the door outside Representatives Hall to a stand on the issue, but there would be no horror stories muster support for the veto. or angry exchanges. The overwhelming House vote backing Gregg threw "I've listened to the issue for eight goddamned years, the leadership on its ear. As the House approved a motion and I wish I'd never had to bother with it at all," he says. to suspend the rules and act on an amended spending bill During the spring debate, Bartlett said the people back backed by Gregg, Bartlett adjourned the Senate. home were now for abortion rights, and he had to support Gregg came out looking good for the television cam- that view. There was no mention of his own view, his own eras. He said it was a shame the Senate had taken a walk personal belief, and some thought he had chosen to cop and left "in a fit of pique." out. Where was the real Bill Bartlett? "He was playing hardball and got hoisted by his own "Look- if by my information and by my own personal petard," says Johnson of Bartlett. Exultant Gregg aides put knowledge I could have said abortion is right or wrong, I it a little differently, saying the Senate president got his would get up there and say that I couldn't do that. Now "ass whipped" in the veto vote. if that's a cop-out, then I copped out." Bartlett took it philosophically before he left for a din- Almost from the beginning, Bartlett and Senate Major- ner honoring Scamman. He said he was more worked up ity Leader Ed Dupont of Rochester had a bad feeling about about preparations for a trip to Florida with his wife Lee. Gregg. The governor wasn't going to play along according "I'm not angry. I even called the governor with con- gratulations. It's all part of the process," he said. S to the process. Gregg came out with his own version of the Pease Re- Gary Ghioto is a Concord-based reporter for United Press development Commission in early 1989, a proposal that International. NEW HAMPSHIRE PREMIER JUNE 1990 THREE DOLLARS Name: GOVERNOR GREGG Die Center Sandwich, NH 03227 Box 206 Mr. Roger C. Heath 06 0 7447077981 0 NEW HAMPSHIRE Mobil American PREMIER Travel Guide Automobile Association ABOVE ALL ELSE SIMON SEMAAN Publisher Editor-in-Chief SCARLETT McCRAE Art Director LORI DECATO Production Director The BALSAMS Grand Resort Hotel is JANET LEACH a magnificent 15,000 Administration and acre world, high in the Circulation Director White Mountains. JOANNE MARINO With 27 holes of golf. Staff Writer Private lake and heated AMY ALITALO Olympic pool. Clay and all-weather tennis Intern courts. Fishing and RICHARD G. ROZEK hiking. Three rooms of Marketing Director/General Manager entertainment nightly. A day camp for the DIANA POST LESSARD kids. Chef Learned's JOANNE SULLIVAN renowned cuisine with Account Executives choice of menu dining. All this plus individual CONTRIBUTORS service. And above all Rod Paul Chip Noon else, one rate covers Virginia Schonwald Gary Mongeon everything. 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Toll Free 1-800-255-0600 (in NH 1-800-255-0800) New Hampshire Premier June, 1990 1 STATE AFFAIRS GOVERNOR GREGG DISPLAYS FIRE A S New Hampshire starts the 1990s, the (The session opened with Publisher Semaan asking state chief executive's leadership emerges as Gov. Gregg to summarize his experience in govern- ment and civic affairs.)- a primary issue. New Hampshire Premier has dedi- GREGG: Well, basically, I've been involved in govern- cated its first cover story to Governor Judd Gregg, ment, either in quasi-government position or an elect- due to the compelling issues, facing the state and ed position for about over twenty years now. Twenty nation as a whole. On May 9, N.H. Premier Pub- years approximately. When I came back to New Hamp- shire and started in law practice, I got involved in a lot lisher Simon Semaan conducted a taped interview of community activities such as the head of my local with Governor Gregg in the hope of soliciting mental health activity, the National Community Coun- detailed information about current policies and cil, head of the United Way, headed up the local Fresh Air Camp, president of the Crotched Mountain Mental controversies, as well as his plans for the future. Rehabilitation Center. All of these were quasi-public activities. From those I got involved in actual elective Halfway into the session, Governor. Gregg office, was elected to government in 1974, I think it was demanded to know the identity of individuals 74, constitution convention and then I was elected to the Governor's Council in 1978 and then elected to responsible for the information provided to Mr. Congress in 1980, where I served for 8 years. I served Semaan and used as the basis for his questions of on a number of committees, including the Ways and the governor. When Publisher Semaan declined to Means Committee, which is probably the most influen- disclose his sources, Governor Gregg angrily protest- tial committee in Congress. ed and abruptly ended the interview. Here are N.H. PREMIER: ( Gov. Gregg was asked if he had a chance to introduce any legislation while he was in excerpts from the interview: Congress) New Hampshire Premier June, 1990 7 NH Premier Publisher Simon Semaan interviewing Governor Gregg. GREGG: I've introduced a number because I was on the Ways and GREGG: Well, we've had a good of pieces of legislation over that Means Committee, worked very year, two years we've had some time frame, yes. hard, for example, on the 86 tax tough times and we've had some N.H. PREMIER: Could You name reform act which - as a member challenging times. Clearly New any? of the committee - I played a role Hampshire has gone through a in and enjoyed. transition over the last year and a GREGG: Well, probably the ones that received the most attention N.H. PREMIER: In addition to half, since I've been governor. It's your experience in Congress, it was a regional wide event, an economic were the ones in the area of the brought to my attention that you slowdown, basically which is environment; especially the acid practiced law in the past. What regional wide, which has created rain legislation. which I introduced which is now coming to fruition it kind of practice was it? problems which we haven't traditionally had to in New appears in a language very close to GREGG: That's right, I was an Hampshire. Specifically a budget what I originally proposed back in attorney for eight years, and deficit and in addition we've had the early 1980s is the language practiced all sorts of law. It was a some unique problems such as the being talked about now as a final general practice, although I had a Pease Air Force closure and the draft; and so I'm fairly proud of graduate degree in taxation, so I fact that the public service that. I also had some specific used to do - had an LLM in company went into bankruptcy, legislation in New Hampshire, for taxation; plus the law degree, so I and we've addressed all these example, of the White Mountain used to do a fair amount of tax straight up, and I think we've had a National Forest: designation of work, but basically the firm I tremendously successful record on 77,000 acres of wilderness was a worked for did everything and this. We've had to make tough piece of legislation I whatever problems walks in the decisions, though, to address these introduced and we had a number door we tried to help people in. issues, and in making tough of pieces of legislation in the area N.H. Premier: (Gregg was asked decisions you tend to antagonize of mass science education because at one time I was on the Mass about charges that his lack of people because you don't come Science Committee; and we also leadership had caused some degree down in the middle on any issues, of defection within the Republican which I tend not to I tend to did a fair number of tax law issues Party) Continued on Page 12 8 New Hampshire Premier June, 1990 GREGG Continued from Page 8 record making difficult choices done in New Hampshire, we've down in the middle on any issues, in, what is basically is a challenging done a lot better job than our which I tend not to I tend to time, is second to none. And we've sistering state's have who are come down on an aggressive made great progress. We've moved confronting the same problems. position, on side or the other. You these issues such as the Pease For example with the deficit, New are obviously going to antagonize closure, such as the public service Hampshire is the only state in the people who take a different view on cost of energy in New region facing a major deficit that's these issues. And so, yes, we have Hampshire, such as the banks, such actually stepped up to the bar, had some confrontations here, but as our own deficit problems here at made the tough decisions and if you are going to move the State, such as the workmen's moved that deficit towards government and you're going to comp. crisis. We've moved all these resolution. It's not me puffing the accomplish things you've got to issues down the road toward issue, it's been acknowledged by take those types of actions and resolution, very aggressively. And, the National Rating Services such we've done it. I think our track in fact, if you look at what we've as Moody's and Standard and Poor's which continue to maintain our rating as a state, while other states have been falling back in the ratings. One of 215 N.H. PREMIER: (Asks about the condition of the state budget) highly qualified GREGG: Well it's We are reasons to call expecting a deficit this year Physician somewhere in the vicinity of $20 million, which is a manageable Referral Service. number. And certainly a lot more Highly skilled and qualified physi- manageable than the $1 billion cians. Trained at some of the most respected medical schools in the Massachusetts is talking about and country. Able to give their patients a the hundreds and tens of millions level of personal concern and attention not that easy to find anymore. These some of our other sister states are are the kinds of physicians you'll be talking about. And it would not introduced to when you call Physician Referral Service at HCA Portsmouth have been manageable if we hadn't Regional Hospital. We'll give you the names of back in February under my very qualified physicians carefully chosen aggressive leadership made the for your particular needs. We'll also introduce you to the complete and tough decisions. We took a $160 modern resources and facilities of HCA Portsmouth Regional Hospital. million adjustment in our budget The physicians of HCA Portsmouth in February, about 12 percent of Regional Hospital. We can't think of any better reasons to call. our budget. And, having done that (603) 436-3322 we're now, even though the economy remains slow, we're able Call for a free copy to manage our budget problem. of our new Guide to Physicians. Had we not done that we'd be looking at a $100 million deficit this year, ending in June, and an even bigger deficit next year. But we don't have those numbers Physician Referral Service facing us. We now have a number HCA Portsmouth somewhere in the vicinity of $20 Regional Hospital million, and we have in place, of 333 Borthwick Avenue Portsmouth, NH 03801 course, a $27 million rainy day fund to cover that. N.H. PREMIER: (Asks why he Dr. Peter J. Attwood allowed Seabrook to operate and at "such an enormous cost to the taxpayers;" and whether it was built 12 New Hampshire Premier June, 1990 to benefit the people or certain waste disposal proposal to Yucca all, and you would be individuals) Mountain, and Yucca Mountain will misrepresenting my position if you be in place and operating long put that down. GREGG: Well basically, I don't before Seabrook's waste would know what facts you are looking at N.H. PREMIER (The governor have to be disposed of, as a major but. the charge for Seabrook is was assured his position and waste generator. The issue of as a result of public service remarks would not be represented, nuclear wastes is an issue that is a bankruptcy settlement, a very He was then asked to discuss the national issue, we have a hundred reasonable price. In fact, what we closure of Pease Air Force Base in nuclear power plants functioning essentially did in settling the public Newington) in the United States today. All of service company bankruptcy was them are producing nuclear waste GREGG: On Pease what we have reach an agreement that whether so it is a national concern and as a done is set up an independent or not Seabrook comes on line, result Congress passed a law which commission, which is a very strong whether or not Seabrook is ever sited nuclear waste, high-leveled commission of, I think, hard- even charged into a rate base or waste, at Yucca Mountain. And the charging, high-caliber individuals whether it is put into the rate base, facility is in the process of being who are putting together, I think, a the price of energy in New built. very aggressive approach to try and Hampshire will essentially be the redevelop that facility. It's rate of inflation over the next ten N.H. PREMIER: (Asks if he felt the obviously going to be a problem for years with or without Seabrook. sight of the reactor would detract us in the short run. There is going And we will have energy supplied from the state's image and scare to be an economic impact. It is to New Hampshire, with or without tourists away) negative-over the short term; but Seabrook, that was one of the GREGG: Well, we haven't seen that in the long run Pease has pluses of the settlement which we yet, and we'll have to wait and see I tremendous potential. It could reached. suppose on that, but that doesn't really be the engine of prosperity N.H. PREMIER: (Asks why he seem to have impacted tourism in for the whole state, and that is supported "the most expensive, the France and it doesn't seem to have because there is no other facility most damaging, the most impacted tourism in places like like it in the northeast. There is an destructive" form of energy when Scotland and England. in-place major air facility, airport there are so many rivers to with an already-in-place road N.H. PREMIER: (An assertion that generate power) system. We have a port facility nuclear power plants in Europe right beside it. We have, in GREGG: Well, I would disagree were never described as entirely addition, the fact that it is in the with you as to the plenty of rivers to safe and an assertion that some path of the Northeast Meganopolis. generate power. We have a lot of plants in Europe are being So the commission has hired rivers in New Hampshire but the dismantled) Bechtel, the largest engineering capacity to produce the type of GREGG: Well, I would disagree firm in the world to come in and mega-wattage that Seabrook is with you there. France is not study and try to come up with some producing on those rivers is dismantling its nuclear industry. ideas. They've done their initial certainly not I've never heard France is very aggressively pursuing reports, come up with a lot of anyone represent that there would its nuclear industry. interesting proposals. I would be any significant percentage of N.H. PREMIER: (An assertion that expect that what we see now is an that mega-wattage produced along our rivers. recent reviews in France of its attempt to negotiate the best deal we can with the federal nuclear industry showed the N.H. PREMIER: (Asks what he industry to be unsafe) government so we don't end up thought should be done about the having to pay a lot for those parts nuclear waste which is to be stored GREGG: Not the government. The of the Pease facility with which we temporarily at Seabrook Station; government position on nuclear wish to have the commission and the lack of having adequate power is that it strongly supports manage, specifically, the air drome evacuation plans) nuclear power in France. facility and, of course, the wildlife GREGG: Well, as you may or may N.H. PREMIER: (Asks if his facility which we are going to not be aware, as it appears you are support for nuclear power is preserve. And then, we'll start not aware very much on this issue, unshakable) trying to attract industry into the the waste is going to be shipped Pease facility through the GREGG: That's not what I said at commission. The commission has pursuant to the federal regulatory New Hampshire Premier June, 1990 13 a number of ideas, a fair number of a little bit more, actually, as a result about it; I wouldn't libel anyone." industries which appear to be of eliminating 213 jobs 213 interested, and the opportunity is positions, actually, some of the GREGG: Well, do you want to give there, and it is just a question of individuals were retained; but they the names of the people who are? being aggressive and taking were switched to the federal payroll N.H. PREMIER: (the governor is advantage of it. as versus to the state payroll so that'' not given names of sources) N.H. PREMIER: ( Asks to describe the cost is not an impact on the GREGG: Well, this interview is not the net financial impact of his state tax position. So we think we going to go any further if you are recent elimination of some 220 made those savings. They are going to slander individuals like jobs or positions; and asked about legitimate. It is all part of the that. charges by critics that the promised approximately $160 million in $6 million in savings were actually savings and adjustments and N.H. PREMIER: "It is not my intent never more than $1.5 million) revenue increases which we've had to slander anyone, I am just trying to do to bring this budget in line, to find out what is going on as it is GREGG: Well, the proposal was, as and those were tough decisions but being alleged by a number of represented by the legislature, to we made them. people in Concord and save $6 million in labor cost - Portsmouth." which we did, we eliminated 213 N.H. PREMIER: (Asks about the validity of charges involving his GREGG: And who is alleging it? positions, saving $6 million plus a little bit over $6 million. The veto of the Capital Budget. The N.H. PREMIER: "Some people dollars were saved. That's fact. measure contained in it an around here. They did not wish to And it was part of the tough appropriation to build a new state be named at the moment." decisions we've had to make to office building and some critics of the governor had specifically GREGG: (interrupting) Who are manage this government. And charged that he had vetoed the the people? we've done it. And it's another example of stepping up, making Capital Appropriation bill "due to N.H. PREMIER: "I'll have to check the tough decisions-eliminating manipulation or pressure exerted" with them." 213 positions at the state level, plus on him by "the so-called landlords GREGG: (interrupting) Well I'm in addition we have eliminated a of Concord, who are already not going to respond to the lot of other positions through leasing offices to his question unless I know who is attrition-and we're basically administration," Specific reference making the allegation. trying to reduce the rate of growth was made to former Republican National Committeewoman N.H. PREMIER: "Okay, no harm of government, to keep it within the rate of growth of our revenues, Victoria Zachos) done." which is the key element in my GREGG: Now, now, who is making GREGG: There is harm done. opinion for managing government these representations? You've just, in front of these efficiently. people, slandered Vicky Zachos. N.H. PREMIER: "Some people N.H. PREMIER: (Informed that N.H. PREMIER: "No, you make it some of the affected state GREGG: Do you want to define as if it is my statement." employees charged there was some people? GREGG: Yes, I am and it was your "phony bookkeeping" within his N.H. PREMIER: (The governor is statement. And I am going to ask administration - bookkeeping told that the sources were invited you right now, who are the people that involved the number of to air any grievances but those that you're representing that you affected positions) sources were asked to validate are making a statement on behalf GREGG: Well, all our books are charges) of. audited by independent, big-A GREGG: Well, I think that they just N.H. PREMIER: (does not name auditing firms and so I'd like to see opened themselves to a fairly sources) them prove it. Because, clearly, the significant libel and slander suits, I GREGG: So you're going to come legislature looks over my shoulder, would think, from Vicky Zachos. to me and use the term, "some I look over the legislature's So I think you had better give me people"? And slander someone shoulder, and the independent their names, because you have just who is an upstanding citizen? auditing firms look over both of libelled a person, you have just our shoulders. The savings were slandered someone. N.H. PREMIER: (repeatedly there. They were about $6 million declines to name sources N.H. PREMIER: "I am inquiring 14 New Hampshire Premier article June, 1990 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DATE: June 11, 1990 TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Attached is Nick Calio's latest thoughts (unchanged) on Congresswoman Roukema's request to meet with you. Just wanted to keep you current. FYI. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date 6/7/90 TO: Ed Rogers FROM: NICHOLAS E. CALIO Deputy Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs Per the attached. my thinking remains the same no meeting with POTUS or Sununu. At most, Porter, although I'd be inclined to tell her again that our position cannot change. Let's see if see resurfaces. We've told her "no" after she wrote. See la Calio THE WHITE HOUSE of WASHINGTON 5/29 TO: JOHN H. SUNUNU FROM: FRED McCLURE Im ITATIVES 20515 Assistant to the President for Legislative Affairs RE: Meeting Request with POTUS from May 23, 1990. Rep. Roukema FYI XX Comment Action I have had a couple of conversations with Roukema re: her request for a meeting with the President per her letter to you. I am seeking I will get back to her indicating that we cannot have the meeting. Any suggestions ident Bush on as to how we handle, i.e., meeting with you; Porter? My concern is that the lack of a meeting may take on the media proportions mily and Indical that arose on the abortion issue last year. Please advise. hi imperative 24 our rationale would bring in and women, passage. in inclosed Sincerely, Marge THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DATE: May 25, 1990 NTATIVES 20515 TO: FRED MCCLURE FROM: GOVERNOR JOHN H. SUNUNU May 23,1990. No meeting. Handle as appropriate. I am seeking sident Bush on ?amily and Indical in hi imperative hear our nationale I I would bring men and women, t passage. Su inclosed Sincerely, Marge N HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON, D.C. 20515 MARGE ROUKEMA FIFTH DISTRICT NEW JERSEY THE CHIEF of STAFF May 23, 1990. has spen "Gur," " as you know, I am seeking a meeting with President Bush on the onlyect of the Family and Indical Leane Act. I believe it to hi imperative that the President hear our rationale for his support. I would bring the Republicans, men and women, who also on ppart passage. many thanks! su enclosed Broder Column Sincerely, Marge The Washington Post AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER One after another, the GOP women argued that the measure is a minimal recognition of the realities of today's workplace and a practical step to strengthen families by alleviating some of the pressures workers feel when torn by conflicting economic and personal demands. David S. Broder Rep. Barbara Vucanovich (R-Nev.), one of the two opponents, called the bill "a wolf in sheep's clothing," a If Ever measure that "would erode the very basis of democracy by forcing employers to provide certain benefits to their employees." There Was a But Rep. Marge Roukema (R-N.J.), a principal architect of the bill, ex- plained the steps she and others took to satisfy what they thought might be Motherhood legitimate business fears: the bill cov- ers only firms with 50 or more em- ployees-5 percent of all companies. It allows even those firms to deny Issue reemployment rights to the top 10 percent of their employees, the ones whose jobs arguably could not go unfilled for even three months with- President Bush is a good listener, but on some issues he makes you out wrecking the company. It requires reasonable notice and wonder who has his ear. The Family medical certification of serious illness. and Medical Leave Act, which passed "I don't mean a child with sniffles or the House last week, is a case in point. the flu," said Roukema, "but a child or The measure requires big compa- employee who has cancer and needs nies to offer employees rehiring rights time for chemotherapy treatments and continued health insurance if they an elderly parent who is terminally ill take up to 12 weeks of unpaid leave to and needs home hospice care." care for a child, a parent or a seriously Sununu questioned whether it is ill family member. It was passed by a 237 to 187 vote, with most Democrats the proper role of the government to mandate such policy. Roukema, who in favor and most Republicans opposed. nursed her own son when he was However, a large majority of women Republicans in the House supported it dying of leukemia, said that President as a pro-family measure. Bush, "a compassionate, sensitive family man," needs to face facts. In the 1988 campaign Bush said, "We need to assure that women don't "Each day, hard-working, tax-pay- have to worry about getting their jobs ing Americans lose their jobs because back after having a child or caring for a family medical emergency requires a child during serious illness." But that they take time off to give tempo- White House chief of staff John Sunu- rary care to a seriously ill member of nu has publicly promised business lob- the family. In a day and age when the byists that the president will veto the majority of American families need bill if it reaches his desk. two paychecks to get by, it is incon- ceivable that we do not have a mini- Sununu says it is bad legislation because it is another federal mandate, mum guarantee of job security when a medical emergency strikes. The de- burdening business with costs that bate over the Family and Medical will make it less competitive. But the Leave Act is not about mandates or facts belie that claim. benefit packages. It is about values As Rep. Constance Morella (R- and a standard of decency." Md.) pointed out in debate, almost That view was endorsed by 10 of two-thirds of the mothers in this the 13 Republican women in the country now work. More than 75 House-to say nothing of such nations already have such family- leave policies, most with pay. The staunchly conservative males as Rep. only advanced nations without such Henry Hyde (R-III.). Hyde said, "I am leave policies are the United States not appalled that this is a federal mandate. We mandate job security for and South Africa. Canada provides 15 jury service for ROTC duty. It weeks of leave at 60 percent pay; seems to me for motherhood, for West Germany, 14 to 19 weeks at full pay; Japan, 12 weeks at 60 percent caring for a sick member of your pay. How 12 weeks of leave without family, that our economy and our pay could disadvantage American society should be compassionate firms is a mystery. enough to include them.' Rep. Olympia Snowe (R-Maine) Among the Republican women who voted for the bill last week are the said that her state, which the presi- dent knows well from his vagations in challengers for three Senate seats that are vital to Bush's chances of Kennebunkport, has a "substantially similar" law in effect already, except having a Republican Senate next that it reaches down to smaller busi- year-Reps. Patricia Saiki of Hawaii, nesses than the proposed federal stat- Lynn Martin of Illinois and Claudine Schneider of Rhode Island. If the ute. She called its impact on business measure passes the Senate and then and workers "very positive," adding: "I have not received one complaint is vetoed, as Sununu promised the business lobbyists it would be, they concerning that state policy, even though I actively solicited comments will be forced either to reverse them- in that regard." selves or to put themselves directly at odds with the president. To whom will George Bush listen? THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DATE: June 11, 1990 TO: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS As you can see from the attached, the S&L situation is really starting to heat up. CC: John Robson FOCUS *14 POLITICAL GOLD IN S&Ls? It's the new political hot button -- going after the S&L crooks. Once Royko pointed out that the people probably would be willing to pay a few billion more to put someone behind bars (see HOTLINE 5/29), politicians in both parties have been getting into the act. ITEM: VA Gov. Doug Wilder (in NH) proposed a national commission to investigate the scandal (see HOTLINE 6/7). (Wilder's "political guru" Paul Goldman "believes that an easily understood issue, preferably with a populist strain, is the way to voters' hearts" Donald Baker, WASHINGTON POST 6/11). ITEM: Senator John Kerry (D-MA) proposed a major Justice Deparment effort to go after international money laundering of S&L funds, done much the way illegal drug money is laundered (NY TIMES 6/1, BOSTON HERALD 6/2). ITEM: Last week 118 House members, 2/3 GOP, jumped on the bill of Rep. Peter Smith (R-VT) to create an independent counsel to "investigate the involvement of government officials" in the S&L scandal (Jerry Knight, WASHINGTON POST 6/9). ITEM: 35 House Dems, led by Rep. Stephen Neal (D-NC), moved to force the Department of Justice to devote more time/effort to go after S&L fraud. (6/9). ITEM: Sen. Tim Wirth (D-CO), Paul Simon (D-IL), Alan Dixon (D-IL), and Bob Graham (D- FL) have proposed legislation to create a new division at Justice to investigate and prosecute S&L crime. ITEM: Wirth also introduced a bill "calling on the Bush administration to request and spend the full $75 million Congress has authroized for investigation and prosecution of S&L crime in both fiscal years 1991 and 1992" (John Brinkley, ROCKY MOUNTAIN NEWS 6/8). ITEM: A group of Houston attorneys have asked Sen. Phil Gramm (R-TX), who will nominate a candidate for US Attorney by 6/15, to pick someone "who will make bank and thrift fraud prosecutions the office's No. 1 priority." (HOUSTON CHRONICLE 6/7). ITEM: Over the weekend Rep. Carlos Lucero made the S&L's a featured part of his stirring convention address that earned him enough delegate votes to challenge frontrunner Josie Heath in the CO Dem Senate primary to succeed retiring GOP Sen. Wm. Armstrong (see CO Senate). EDITORIAL AND COLUMN OPINION remains biting. Editorial in the (Attorney General's home state) PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER: "Right now, more than 1,000 cases each involving at least $100,000 in waylaid funds are going uninvestigated. That's intolerable it is unconscionable for the government to ensure failure by employing too few people to pursue the slimeballs.' (6/6). Dave Barry in the MIAMI HERALD: "I don't want to hear any more nitpicking from you taxpayers. I don't want to hear any absurd proposals, such as that we round up all the people involved in the S&L mess, and for every million tax dollars they cost us, we sentence them to 100 hours of public service inside a closed packing crate with a 375-pound federal regulator named Bruno, whose hobbies are yodeling, intestinal malfunction and full-body massage. That would be grossly inappropriate. Fifty hours is plenty" (6/10). THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 11, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XX FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Governor Sununu, I wanted to share this nice letter with you. susan in & AMBASSADOR OF THE UNION OF soviet SOCIALIST REPUBLICS 1125 SIXTEENTH STREET, N. W. WASHINGTON, D. C. 20036 June 6, 1990 Dear Mrs. Rose: I appreciate deeply your personal role in making the just completed Official State visit to the United States by President and Mrs. Gorbachev such a success. Yours was the most delicate and most important part of the visit, although few of us men will readily admit it. Your elegant tact, a very high degree of professionalism and flexibility ensured the positive outcome of the trip to Wellesley and of the other elements of Mrs. Gorbachev's program. Thank you very much for everything and I hope to work with you again soon. Sincerely, Alexander A. BESSMERTNYKH The Honorable Susan Porter Rose Chief of Staff to the First Lady The White House Washington THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 11, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS - Action Your Comment Let's Talk FYI CC: Nick Calio JUN 11 '90 13:49 EAGLE FORUM ALTON PAGE. 02 PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY PRESIDENT $0 FAIRMOUNT ALTON, ILLINOIS 62002 (818) 462-5416 EAGLE FORUM LEADING THE PRO-FAMILY MOVEMENT SINCE 1972 June 11, 1990 316 PENNSYLVANIA AVE., S.E., SUITE 203. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003. (202) 544-0353 Governor John Sununu The White House Washington, D.C. 20500 Dear Governor: Thanks for your last good note. We're coming "down the wire" on the daycare bill, and I know you are on top of most of the arguments. Your attention to the details and deceits of this issue during the House debate was very much appreciated by all of us who support the Bush promises. The purpose of this letter is to remind you of some points that did not receive much attention, but are very important to those of us who have worked on this issue for the last three years. 1. In regard to the House bill, Hawkins-Downey, it is absolutely unacceptable to include any authorization or funding for daycare in public schools (which is in both Titles II and IV). That is a key goal of those who want to Swedenize America by making federal daycare a middle-class entitlement that will grow each year until we reach Edward Zigler's estimated $100 billion a year. We cannot allow these people to get a foot in the door toward this goal. 2. In regard to the Senate bill, I urge you to deal with the tax credits in their total impact and not let the Republican liberals get away with misrepresenting the Bush position (which they do all the time). The total funding of the three tax credits in the Senate bill (health, EITC, and refundable DCTC) is massively discriminatory against the mother who stays at home -- so the tax-credit and daycare components both discriminate against the fulltime homemaker. Please do not let the Senators argue these credits separately and claim that the President agreed to this or that. His alleged "agreement" to any of those credits was always contingent on a total package that does NOT discriminate against fulltime homemakers. Finally, I thought you might like to know that Orrin Hatch appeared at a Utah Forum last week in which he three times promised: "Trust me -- the President will NOT veto the daycare bill." I am confident that Orrin was not speaking for the President because his statement goes con- trary to all we've been led to believe. With best regards and thanks, Faithfully, Hyllia Scheaply THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 6, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk X FYI Foley-imposed calm after storm too mild for some Democrats THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ten was at odds with Mr. Wright. take on a popular president and be Speaker Thomas Foley has re- "There is more of an attempt to be his party's political, as well as legis- stored calm to a House of Represent- fair to all sides." lative, leader. atives that a year ago was torn by the House Minority Leader Robert "I don't think there's a sense downfall of his predecessor, Jim Michel, Illinois Republican, said across America that we're doing Wright. Some Democrats complain there is a new atmosphere of bi- anything about anything," Mr. Penny the price of peace is too high. partisan trust. "We're more inclined said. "We are too focused on our- "It is still holding," Mr. Foley said to try and solve any differences be- selves. Getting along with each of the serenity that he made his top tween the two of us, with nobody other is fine But what we are priority after being sworn in as around." he said. communicating to the American speaker a year ago Wednesday. "I But Mr. Penny and several other public is that we're afraid to make think there's a better communica- House members or close observers any decisions." tion and a better feeling between the of the institution see a lack of any parties and the leadership on each "We want the leaders to lead," said issue that could help define the side." Democratic Party. Rep. Dave McCurdy, Oklahoma Few would disagree. Sparks sel- Democrat and another conservative. Under Mr. Foley's leadership, the dom fly during floor debates in the House has in recent weeks passed "We want to know what the priorities way they did under Mr. Wright, who major legislation on child care, are, what the agenda is, and to move was seen as imposing his agenda on clean air and civil rights for the out aggressively on that agenda." the House and squelching dissent handicapped. But on the year's Mr. Wright himself, now living in among both Democrats and Repub- highest-profile issue, Mr. Bush's Fort Worth, Texas, and doing some licans. capital gains tax cut, Mr. Foley was speaking and writing, obviously Mr. Wright resigned May 31, 1989, defeated last September when he sees some shortcomings in his suc- after being formally accused of 69 lost the support of one in four House cessors, but declined in an interview instances of violating House rules. Democrats. to go into any detail. "I don't have the sense that I have No one wants to return to the de- to fight this leadership," said Rep. "Things are not moving with per- bilitating last months under Mr. Tim Penny, Minnesota Democrat ceptible clarity and direction." he Wright. But griping is growing and a maverick conservative who of- said. But he said Mr. Foley's concil- louder that Mr. Foley is too slow to iatory style is "in some ways much better" than his own impatience and predicted, "Tom will be speaker for a long time." In many ways, the lack of a schism between Democrats and Republi- cans is the product of a political scene that goes far beyond Mr. Foley. The Democratic controlled Con- gress faces a popular president in George Bush, and one who himself is naturally averse to confrontation. "I can't stop him from adopting Democratic ideas, endorsing Demo- cratic philosophies, conceding Democratic priorities," Mr. Foley said in an interview. "I can't say, 'Stop. Get across the road. Stop talk- ing about child care and clean air and the environment and be a Re- publican in the same old nasty way' ' as the last president, Ronald Rea- gan. Mr. Foley said he is well aware of the unrest in his party among those who desire conflict. But he said times have changed. "It would be a bad mistake for us as a party to sharpen the lines by being something we aren't," he said. "I think the issues are going to de- fine themselves. There will be dif- ferences but maybe not as hard and clear as they were with Ronald Reagan, who had an ideological cut in a different direction." THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 4, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 4, 1990 FOR: ANDY CARD FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk X FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON June 4, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR ED ROGERS FROM: DAVE SALLY CARNEY SALMON Jally SUBJECT: Governor Martinez' Running Mate Governor Bob Martinez of Florida formally announced his candidacy for re-election and named Sheriff Allison DeFoor of Monroe County (South Florida, Florida Keys) as his running mate at a press conference in Tallahassee this morning. DeFoor is hailed by GOP leadership as an excellent choice. He is known for a strong record on the environment as well as crime and drugs. DeFoor is a seventh generation Floridian and a former judge and Assistant State Attorney. The Governor and Sheriff DeFoor began a three-day statewide announcement tour today. DeFoor's biography and a Martinez campaign news release on the announcement are attached. Addendum: Bobby Brantley, the current LG, had already decided not to run for re-election. He planned to run for the Agricultural Commissioner slot, but, unexpectedly pulled out several months ago for "personal reasons". Rumor has it that his wife asked that he not run for another public office JUN 4 '90 10:20 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY PAGE. 006/006 BQB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683 Jun 4,90 8:46 No.002 P.02 1990 Bob Martinez For Governor TELEPHONE (904) 385-1990 POST OFFICE BOX 2723 TALLAHASSEE, H. 32316 THEROPIER (904) 385-0683 FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT: MAC STIPANOVICH JUNE 4, 1990 904/385-1990 GOVERNOR MARTINEZ KICKS OFF REELECTION CAMPAIGN AND NAMES RUNNING MATE Governor Bob Martines today formally announced his candidacy for reelection and named Monroe County Sheriff Allison DeFoor as his Lieutenant Governor running mate. "We have just completed a very successful legislative session that built on my administration's solid record in fighting crime and illegal drugs, preserving our natural environment, ensuring government efficiency, and putting the brakes on runaway growth," Martinez said. "Now it's time to get down to the grass roots and give a report card to the people of Florida on my first term and talk about my goals for a second term." Governor Martines said his selection of Sheriff DeFoor was based on DeFoor's outstanding record as a drug task force prosecutor, judge, Sheriff, and leading environmentalist. "Allison DeFoor is a proven performer whose achievements far exceed his years," Martinez said. "He is a young man uniquely qualified to represent the Florida of tomorrow in the highest levels of state government." 3303 THOMASVILLE ROAD SUITE 301 TALLAHASSEE FL 32312 al. 1 who 504 385 0683 PAGE.002 JUN 4 '90 8:45 ** TOTAL PAGE. 006 ** JUN 4 '90 10:19 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY PAGE. 005/006 BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683 Jun 4,90 8:46 No.002 P.03 1 Sheriff DeFoor, age 36, is a seventh generation Floridian who is the first Republican Sheriff of Monroe County in this century. Previously, he served as a judge and an Assistant State Attorney. Sheriff DeFoor 18 also President of the Florida Land Trust Association and founder of the John Pennekamp Coral Reef Institute, two active environmental organizations. He 1s also President of the Florida Keys Land and Sea Trust, America's second largest local land trust. "This is a tremendous opportunity for me to make Florida better for my children," DeFoor said. "I have been on the front line of the war against crime and drugs and the struggle to save natural Florida, and Bob Martinez has made a profound difference in these areas. I am honored to be selected to work with him in solving the real problems that face the average citizens of this state." Following their Tallahassee press conference, Governor Martinez end Sheriff DeFoor left on a flying tour of the state that included press conferences in Jacksonville, Orlando, Tampa, Miami, and West Palm Beach. Tuesday they begin a campaign bus tour of small communities in the Tampa Bay area. ### JUN 4 '90 8:45 904 885 B683 PAGE.003 JUN 4 '90 10:19 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY PAGE. 004/006 BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683 Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.04 RESUME SUMMARY J. ALLISON DeFOOR, II Sheriff of Monroe County Monroe County Sheriff's Office P. o. Box 1269 530 Whitehead Street Key West FL 33041-1269 General - Age 36 years, Seventh generation Floridian, born in Coral Gables, Raised in Tampa. Married to Terry White of Rochester, NY. Two daughters (Melissa Anne, 8; and Mary Katherine, $) / one son (James Allison, III, 2 mos.). Education - Berkeley Preparatory School, Tampa, FL (Dipl. 1971) i University of Florida; St. Petersburg Jr. College (A.A. 1973) / University of South Florida (B.A., Geography 1976); (M.A., Criminal Justice 1979). Activities: Chief Justice of Student Court & President Pro-Tempore of Student Senate (USF). Law School - Stetson University, College of Law, St. Petersburg, FL (J.D. 1979). Honors: Outstanding Brief, Outstanding Advocate and Outstanding Overall Participant in Freshman Moot Court; Who's Who Among Students in American Colleges and Universities; Chief Justice of Honor Court. Post-Graduate - Program for Senior Executives in State and Local Government, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University (1989) Editor, University of Miami Law Review (1985) ; Leadership Florida Class V; National Judicial College; Florida Judicial College; National College for Criminal Defense. Legal Employment - Sheriff of Monroe County (1989- ); Cunningham, Albritton, Lenzi, Warner, Bragg & Miller, P.A. 1987-1988; Nonroe County Judge, 16th Judicial Circuit (The Florida Keys), 1983-1987 (elected at age 28), Acting Circuit Judge, 16th Circuit 1985-1987 (carrying full criminal court load) ; Director of Narcotics Task Force for State Attorney, 16th Circuit, Key West (1981-1983), Asst. State Attorney (1980- 1983); Asst. Public Defender, 16th Circuit, Key West (1979-1980). Teaching Experience - Law: University of Miami Law School, Trial Advocacy Program (1985-date); Nova Law Center, Trial Advocacy (1983). Graduate: Florida International University, Public Administration Program, Administrative Law (1985). Undergraduate: University of Miami, Sociology Dept. (1984-1985) / Florida Keys Community College, Sociology (1983- 1984) i University of South Florida Ft. Myers, Criminal Law (1981-1982) 1 St. Leo College, NAS Key West, Business Law JUN 4 '90 8:46 S04 385 0683 PAGE.004 JUN 4 '90 10:18 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY PAGE. 003/006 BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683 Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.05 (1980-1981). Judicial: National Judicial College (1985, 1986); Flqrida Judicial College (1985). Law Enforcement Activities - Blue Lightning Task Force Steering Committee (1989- ); Region XIV Trust Fund, FDLE; Advisory Committee: Southeast Institute of Criminal Justice (Metro-Dade Community College) (1989- "; Florida Key Institute of Criminal Justice (Florida Keys Community College) (1989- ) Professional Activities - Proposed Rule of Judicial Administration 2,071, adopted by Florida Supreme Court to provide for telephonic court appearances; Editorial Board of Florida Bar Journal (1985-1987) / Judicial Administration Rules Committee (1985- " Board of Directors, Florida Conference of County Court Judges (1985-1987) 1 ABA; American Judicature Society; Lawyers in Mensal Administrative County Judge, 16th Circuit (1986). Community Activities - Trustee, University of The South (Sewanee, TN) ; President: Mariner's Hospital (1987-1988), Florida Keys Land and Sea Trust (1985- ); President, Florida Land Trust Association; (1990- ) Upper Keys Jaycees (Founding President), Upper Keys Rotary Club. Director: Private Industry Council (1985-1988), Founder, John Pennekamp Coral Reer Institute; Institute for Applied Sciences, Inc., Secretary (non-profit conch hatchery project); Board of Regents, Leadership Florida (1987- " Director, United way of Monroe County (1986- ) Publications - Author: DeFoor & Schultz, Florida Civil Procedure Forms with Practice Commentary (West, St. Paul, 1989). Co-author of two additional books. Author of 24 articles in legal, business and historical journals including Florida Trend, FSU Journal of Land Use and Environmental Law, Florida Bar Journal (6), Tampa Bay History, Judges Journal, Florida Supreme Court Historical Society Review, American Journal of Trial Advocacy, and the law reviews at Florida, FSU, Stetson, Nova, Miami (3) and Houston. Ten Judicial opinions published in Florida Supplement 2d. Editor: Special Topic: telecommunications in the Courtroom, Vol. 38 Miami Law Review (1985); A User's Guide to the Florida Keys (Florida Keys Land Trust, Miami 1989) / Guia. Sobre Recurses Naturales en los Cayos de la Florida (Florida Keys Land Trust, Miami 1989). Political Activities - Monroe County Chairman, Bush '8B; Chairman of Monroe County Republican Executive Committee (1987-1988), Campaign worker, Youth for Nixon (1968); McClain for Senate (1970) ; Bafalis for Governor (1970) ; Cramer for Senate (1972), Committee to Re-elect the President (1972); Manager, Rood for Florida House (1974). Since law school, active in group which has reformed corrupt criminal justice system in the Florida Keys. 904 395 0683 PAGE.005 JUN 4 '90 8:47 JUN 4 '90 10:17 FROM FL REPUBLICAN PARTY PAGE. 002/006 BOB MARTINEZ FOR GOV TEL: 904-385-0683 Jun 4.90 8:46 No.002 P.06 Church - Active in Episcopal Church: Executive Board of Diocese (1981-1984); Budget Committee (1983-1988), Chairman (1988) ; Planned Giving Committee (1983- 1988) i Long-Range Planning Committee (1981-1983) ; Lay Reader, Chalice Bearer and former Vestry member of local parish. Awards - Ten Outstanding Young men in America (1985) ; Five Outstanding Young Men in Florida (1984); Award of Merit - Florida Crime Prevention Commission (1982). who's Who in the: South-Southwest (21st Ed. 1988-1989); World (9th Ed. 1989-1990) ; American Law (5th Ed. 1987-1988; 6th Ed. 1990-1991) i Emerging Leaders (2nd Ed. 1989). National Community Leadership Award, National Association of Community Leadership Organizations, 1989. Hobbies - SCUBA, Sailing. JUN 4 '90 8:47 904 385 0683 PAGE.006 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 4, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON June 1, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR SENIOR STAFF FROM: DAVID Q. BATES FaR SUBJECT: Cabinet Report June 3-9 * * * THE WEEK AHEAD * * * AGRICULTURE June 4. Secretary Yeutter and Vladilen Nikitin, First Deputy Chairman of the Soviet Council of Ministers and Soviet Chairman of the Commission on Food and Procurement, will address the Food Industries International Trade Council Conference. Topic: U.S. participation in the development of new infrastructure -- marketing, distribution and production techniques -- for the Soviet food industry. On June 6, Secretary Mosbacher and Nikitin will sign a U.S.-Soviet food processing agreement at the conference. This agreement will include a commitment by both countries to develop food market information and establish a one- year intensive food processing program. June 5. Yeutter will meet with Dutch Secretary of State for Economic Affairs Piet Bukman. Topic: the GATT negotiations. Secretary Mosbacher will also meet with Bukman to discuss U.S.- EC relations and the Uruguay Round negotiations. June 5. Yeutter will speak to the National Food Processors Association. Topics: nutrition labeling, food safety and the 1990 farm bill. June 6. Yeutter will travel to New York City to speak to a conference sponsored by the Journal of Commerce and the National Foreign Trade Association. Topic: the Uruguay Round negotiations. June 7. Yeutter will announce a long-term strategic plan for managing forest and rangeland resources in 1990 and over the coming decade. This year's plan is significant because of its recommended change in emphasis from commodity-based to recreation and wildlife uses of federal resources managed by the National Forest Service. The plan is required under the Resources Planning Act. 2 June 7. Yeutter will meet with New Zealand Minister of External Relations and Trade and Deputy Minister of Finance Mike Moore. Topic: the Uruguay Round negotiations. June 8. Yeutter will travel to Orlando, Florida to address the annual meeting of the Rice Millers Association. Topic: agriculture in the 1990s. In Louisiana, the Red River is receding, giving some relief to parishes from Northwest Louisiana through the Alexandria area. The Ouachita and Black Rivers are not expected to crest until June 5 or 6. This means that soybean planting in these parishes will either be prevented or significantly delayed. Seven counties in Arkansas have been approved for the Department's Emergency Feed Program; Little River County is the hardest hit, with an estimated loss of 3,000 head of livestock. Planting of all crops in Arkansas has been significantly delayed. The weather forecast is for another two inches of rainfall across Arkansas in the next few days. COMMERCE June 3-6. Under Secretary for Travel and Tourism Ambassador Rockwell Schnabel will co-host the 1990 Discover America International Pow Wow. This event, the largest international travel conference in the U.S., is expected to attract over 2,000 U.S. travel-related companies and 1,500 foreign travel operators. June 5. Secretary Mosbacher will meet with the leadership of the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Business Conference and the Business Roundtable. Topics: U.S. competitiveness and current trade issues. June 6. Mosbacher will meet with Nathan Avery, U.S. Minister- Counselor to the EC. Topic: current trade issues. June 6-7. Bureau of Export Administration officials will participate in the Coordinating Committee on Multilateral Export Controls (COCOM) meetings in Paris, France. The U.S. delegation will seek approval for the comprehensive U.S. proposal for modernizing COCOM, which was formally tabled in Paris on May 28. EDUCATION June 3-5. Secretary Cavazos will travel to Los Angeles, California to hold the fifth and final meeting of the Hispanic Task Force and to meet with parents to discuss their views on education for Hispanic youth. On June 4, Cavazos will visit Huntington Park High School and attend a fundraiser for Senator Pete Wilson. On June 5, he will address education coordinators 4 June 6. Sullivan will travel to Boston, Massachusetts to address a symposium at Harvard University. Topic: issues relating to affirmative action. Sullivan will also address a symposium sponsored by the National Birth Defects Center on drug abuse and birth defects. Topic: the problems of drug-impacted babies. June 6. Sullivan will appear on ABC's "Good Morning America." Topics: drug abuse and birth defects. Sullivan will also meet with the editorial board of the Christian Science Monitor. June 7. Sullivan will participate in a press briefing co- sponsored by the Association of American Medical Colleges and the Foundation for Biomedical Research. Topic: the importance of animal research. June 8. Sullivan will travel to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania to deliver a commencement address at Thomas Jefferson University. Topic: general health issues. June 9. Sullivan will travel to Chicago, Illinois to deliver a commencement address at Rush University Medical College. Topic: general health issues. Sullivan will also visit the Museum of Science and Industry to announce an HHS grant to the museum for its display on sickle cell disease. HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT June 4-5. Secretary Kemp will travel to New York City for an editorial board meeting of Forbes. Later he will visit the HUD regional office and attend the State of Israel Bonds Dinner. On June 5, he will attend a fundraiser for Jim Needham, a Republican candidate for Congress. June 6. The House Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs Committee will begin its mark-up of the housing reauthorization bill. The bill includes most of the Administration's HOPE initiative but also includes funding for new construction that is opposed by the Administration. June 6. Kemp will testify before the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Subcommittee on Housing and Urban Affairs. Topic: the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). Kemp will discuss a recently-completed Price Waterhouse actuarial study of the FHA that shows a dramatic drop during the last decade in the capital reserves for the FHA single-family fund -- from a 5 percent reserve at the beginning of the decade to virtually no reserve today. June 6. Kemp will deliver a lecture to the Heritage Foundation and attend fundraisers for the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Congressman Carlos Moorhead, and George Voinovich and 5 Michael DeWine, the Republican candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor of Ohio. June 7. Kemp will address the Anti-Defamation League. Topics: eliminating discrimination and expanding economic opportunities for all Americans. Later Kemp will address a plenary session of the Administrative Conference of the United States. Topic: HUD's plan for reducing drug trafficking in public housing. June 8. Kemp will travel to Chicago, Illinois to tour public housing projects and to attend fundraisers for Illinois Republican Congressional candidate Walter Duydyck and Congressman Henry Hyde. June 9-10. Kemp will travel to Los Angeles, California to receive an honorary doctorate degree from Occidental College, his alma mater. INTERIOR June 4. Secretary Lujan and Secretary Yeutter will participate in a ceremony to sign a memorandum of understanding among the Interior and Agriculture Departments and the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities, under which the Departments will provide job opportunities for students at the Association's member institutions. June 5. Lujan will address the National Preservation Conference, which is attended by federal, state and local officials involved with the preservation of historic landmarks and archeological sites. Topic: the importance of research, education, partnerships and information sharing in meeting the restoration challenges of the 1990s. June 5. Lujan will address the American League of Anglers and Boaters. Topic: issues relating to the Wallop-Breaux Trust Fund, which earmarks federal assistance for boating and fishing programs. June 7-8. Lujan will travel to Natchez, Mississippi to attend the dedication of the Melrose Plantation as a National Historic Site. Lujan will also attend a fundraiser for Senator Trent Lott. JUSTICE June 4. Officials from the Department of Justice and the Office of National Drug Control Policy will brief federal officials regarding draft Justice Department plans to implement the National Drug Intelligence Center called for in the President's 6 National Drug Control Strategy. Staff for the Congressional appropriations committees will also be briefed regarding the fundamentals of the center in conjunction with upcoming hearings. June 5. The Senate is scheduled to resume consideration of the omnibus crime bill sponsored by Senator Joseph Biden. With almost 300 amendments having been filed, the Senate leadership has filed a motion to invoke cloture. LABOR June 6. Secretary Dole will testify before the House Education and Labor Committee. Topics: the pending amendments to the Job Training Partnership Act and the effectiveness of the programs under the Act. June 6. Dole will attend a meeting with the President and key labor union leaders from the U.S. and other G-7 countries in preparation for the Houston Economic Summit. Secretary Brady will also attend the meeting. June 7. Dole will meet with James La Sala, President of the Amalgamated Transit Union International, and Edward Strait, President of the Amalgamated Council of Greyhound Local Unions. Topic: resolution of the Greyhound strike. June 8. Dole will meet with Tom Johnson, Chief Executive Officer and Publisher of the Los Angeles Times. Topic: update on labor issues. June 8-16. Dole will travel to Geneva, Switzerland to attend the annual conference of the International Labor Organization and to Berlin and Stuttgart, West Germany to review German "school-to- work" transition programs. STATE June 3. Secretary Baker will attend the President's press conference at the White House and the departure ceremony for President Gorbachev on the Washington Monument grounds. June 4. Baker will attend the President's lunch for United Nations Secretary General Javier Perez de Cueller. Later Baker will meet with Greek Prime Minister Constantine Mitsotakis. Secretary Mosbacher and Secretary Derwinski will also meet with Mitsotakis. June 4-9. Baker will travel to Copenhagen, Denmark for the Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe Ministerial and 7 to Turnberry, Scotland for the North Atlantic Conference Ministerial. TRANSPORTATION June 3-4. Secretary Skinner will continue his travel in Bermuda. Skinner will meet with Bermudian Minister of Transportation Ralph Marshal and tour maritime port facilities and the U.S. naval annex. June 5. Skinner will address a Federal Aviation Administration flight standards seminar. Topic: the importance of good management. June 6. Skinner will attend a luncheon sponsored by "Off the Record," a Republican political group. Topic: general transportation issues. June 8. Skinner will travel to Chicago, Illinois to address the Commercial Club. Topic: the national transportation policy. TREASURY June 3-4. Secretary Brady will travel to San Francisco, California to address the International Monetary Conference. UNITED STATES TRADE REPRESENTATIVE June 3-9. Ambassador Hills will continue her travel in South America as the President's representative to the annual meeting of the Organization of American States in Asuncion, Paraguay. While in South America, Hills will also travel to Brasilia and San Paulo, Brazil and Buenos Aires, Argentina for bilateral consultations. Topics: the Uruguay Round and bilateral trade issues. VETERANS AFFAIRS June 3-5. Secretary Derwinski will continue his travel in Alaska. In Anchorage, Derwinski will address a veterans employment conference at Elmendorf Air Force Base on June 4 and the Commonwealth North club on June 5. He will meet with members of the Alaska Health Coalition in Kodiak on June 4. Derwinski will also meet with local veterans groups in Anchorage, Kodiak and Talkenta. June 7-9. Derwinski will travel to Post Falls, Idaho, Cody, Wyoming and Pierre, South Dakota to address Veterans of Foreign 8 Wars state conventions. Derwinski will also visit a Department medical center in Spokane, Washington. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT June 3-12. Administrator Roskens will travel to Geneva, Switzerland, Rome, Italy and Cairo, Egypt. In Geneva Roskens will lead the U.S. delegation to a meeting of the governing council of the United Nations Development Program. In Rome he will attend a conference of donors of aid to the Nicaraguan government. June 5. Deputy Administrator Edelman will testify before the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations. Topic: managing U.S. foreign aid. COUNCIL ON ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY June 4. Chairman Deland will address a conference sponsored by The Atlantic Council. Topic: emerging international economic trends as seen from an environmental perspective. The President's annual Environmental Quality Report is being prepared for distribution to the Congress and the public. Deland will hold briefings for the press, trade associations and environmental groups during the week of June 3 and will present the report at the Cabinet meeting on June 4. ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY June 8. Administrator Reilly will be interviewed by John Anderson and Peter Milius, editorial writers for the Washington Post. Topic: general environmental issues. EPA will propose a regulation to provide additional mechanisms for the use of local governments in satisfying the financial assurance requirements imposed under EPA's recently revised underground storage tank program, in which the owner or operator of underground storage tanks containing petroleum must demonstrate the financial means to cover expenses resulting from any leak of the tanks. EPA will also propose extending from October 1990 to October 1991 the deadline by which local governments and owners of less than 13 underground storage tanks must meet financial assurance requirements. 9 NASA June 3. Admiral Truly will travel to Columbus, Mississippi to deliver a commencement address at the Mississippi School for Math and Science. June 8. Truly will travel to New York City to address the Down Town Association. Topic: the future of our civil space program. OFFICE OF NATIONAL DRUG CONTROL POLICY It is expected that House Republicans will soon introduce the Administration's drug legislation, possibly during the week of June 3. June 6-7. Director Bennett will travel to New York City to attend a Chief Executive magazine luncheon and to Albany, New York to address the New York Legislature. June 8. Bennett will travel to Williamstown, Massachusetts to speak at Williams College during his 25-year class reunion. OFFICE OF PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT June 6. Director Newman will address the national convention of the Armed Forces Communications and Electronics Association. Topics: human resources and the impact on information resources management. OFFICE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY POLICY June 4. Director Bromley will travel to New York City to deliver a commencement address at Polytechnic University. June 6. Bromley will chair a meeting of the Federal Coordinating Council for Science, Engineering and Technology. Admiral Truly will also attend the meeting. June 7. Bromley will travel to Toronto, Canada to deliver a commencement address at the University of Guelph. PEACE CORPS The Peace Corps has signed an agreement with George Washington University that will provide "returned volunteers" who are receiving scholarships for masters degrees in education as teachers in Washington inner-city schools. 10 SMALL BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION June 4-5. Administrator Engeleiter will travel to Little Rock, Arkansas to address a National Federation of Business leadership conference. Topic: SBA and its programs. Engeleiter will also tour disaster areas in Arkansas hit by floods and areas in Kansas hit by tornadoes and review SBA disaster relief efforts. RELEASES June 7. Release of data on plant and equipment expenditures for the first quarter of 1990 (Commerce). Release to the Congress of an interim report on the generation and management of medical wastes (EPA). Under the Medical Waste Tracking Act of 1988, EPA has been required to control and monitor the management of medical wastes in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island and Puerto Rico, assess the threat to human health and the environment posed by mismanagement of the wastes, and issue a report to the Congress. In this first interim report, EPA will conclude that approximately 500,000 tons of medical wastes are produced annually by approximately 375,000 generators, with hospitals -- although only two percent of the whole -- accounting for the vast majority of the wastes. The report will also conclude that there is a wide divergence in management practices for such wastes, reflecting differing views on the health risks they pose. Additional reports will be released later this summer and in September 1991. CABINET MEETINGS AND CABINET COUNCILS The Cabinet will meet on June 4. The EPC will meet on June 7 on U.S.-Mexico trade. The DPC Low Income Opportunity Board and Children and Family Working Group will meet on June 6. * * * UPDATE * * * The House Agriculture Committee did not reach its goal of attempting to complete its mark-up of the 1990 farm bill before the Congress recessed for Memorial Day. While action on most of the commodity titles was completed, action on items in the conservation, research and nutrition titles awaits the Congress' return. Action in the Senate has been slower, with little progress made on the major commodity titles. In an effort to forge a consensus, the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry Committee appointed a task force to craft a bill that can win bipartisan support within the committee and on the Senate floor. 11 The Citizens Democracy Corps, announced by the President on May 12, began its first phase of operations last week as a clearinghouse to coordinate offers of private sector assistance for Central and Eastern Europe. AID is providing $500,000 to cover the expenses of the Corps during its first five months. CABINET SCHEDULE For the Week of June 3 - June 9 Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 BAKER 10:00 Cabinet Meeting COPENHAGEN, COPENHAGEN, TURNBERRY, TURNBERRY, WASHING- 10:00 Attend DENMARK DENMARK SCOTLAND SCOTLAND TON, DC the 12:00 Lunch with the President's President and UN Attend Committee for Attend North Atlantic Attend North Atlantic Secretary General Security and Conference Ministerial Conference Ministerial press conference Javier Perez de Cuellar Cooperation in Europe meeting meeting Ministerial meeting 11:35 Attend 4:00 Meeting with farewell Greek Prime Minister ceremony for Constantine Mitsotakis Soviet President COPENHAGEN. Gorbachev DENMARK BRADY SAN FRANCISCO, CA 3:00 Attend 8:00 Attend Chicago SAN House/Senate GOP Options Board FRANCIS- 12:30 Attend budget meeting breakfast CO, CA International Monetary Conference meeting 2:00 Attend Houston 8:00 Attend Economic Summit International WASHINGTON, DC preparatory meeting Monetary with the President and Conference labor leaders dinner CAVAZOS LOS ANGELES, CA LOS ANGELES, CA SAN DIEGO, CA Cabinet LOS Picnic at ANGELES, 7:15 Meeting with Los 7:45 Address aerospace 7:30 Address San Camp David CA Angeles police officers industry education Diego State Univ. coordinators scholarship breakfast 4:00 Meeting 10:45 Visit Huntington with Rep. Bill Lowery with parents Park High School 9:00 Address Public groups Forum on Issues in 9:00 Address education 12:00 Lunch with Hispanic Education roundtable meeting Huntington High hosted by Rep. Bill teachers 9:45 Press availability Lowery 6:00 Attend receptions 10:00 Meeting with WASHINGTON, DC for Sen. Pete Wilson principals CHENEY 11:15 Attend ceremony 7:15 Breakfast with 2:00 Meeting with 7:45 Breakfast with Cabinet for Montgomery GI General Scowcroft and Newhouse News' David Director Webster Picnic at Bill at the White Secretary Baker Wood Camp David House 10:00 Attend bipartisan 11:30 Address USA budget meeting 3:00 Meeting with Tourism Summit group 12:00 Attend Hearst 12:00 Lunch with the Knight Ridder's Mark Newspapers lunch President and Greek Thompson 2:30 Meeting with Prime Minister Spanish Ambassador NEW YORK, NY Constantine Mitsotakis Jaime de Ojeda 2:00 Meeting with 6:30 Address Economic Prime Minister 3:15 Interview with Club of New York Mitsotakis Airman magazine 4:15 Meeting with Sen. Alfonse D'Amato Office of Cabinet Affairs, The White House Date of Issue: June 1, 1990 Page 1 of 4 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Date: June 1, 1990 FOR: GOVERNOR SUNUNU FROM: ED ROGERS Action Your Comment Let's Talk XXX FYI *28 LOUSIANA: FOURTH CANDIDATE WOULD BENEFIT DUKE Dem state Rep. Willie Singleton, "a respected black state representative" currently in his 7th term and chair of the LA House Judiciary Committee "said last week he will decide by mid- June whether to jump into the race" (Hugh Aynesworth, WASH. TIMES). Observers see a Singleton bid may "split the liberal vote and help propel" state Rep. David Duke into a November runoff with Sen. Bennett Johnston (D) or maybe perhaps further. Singleton: "I won't get in unless I feel I can win. I'm talking to a lot of people; some are encouraging me, some are not." The Duke forces "have been talking up the Singleton candidacy for weeks -- calling him a 'viable' candidate and chortling privately that Mr. Singleton, if he runs, will take absolutely nothing from the Duke support but could severely drain Johnston backing.' Singleton: "I'm not trying to figure out who I might benefit or hurt. I'm trying to see if there's enough support to allow a black candidate to win this election (5/29). The non-partisan primary is 10/6. Analying Duke's popularity, Johnston compares LA's economy to the Weimar economy: "There's frustration [with a] terrible economy and lack of opportunity. I mean, it's the same thing that made Hitler so popular. You know, there were tough times in Germany that produced the fertile seed bed in which Nazism could grow" (WASH. TIMES, 5/29). THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON May 31, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT FROM: ED ROGERS ShR. SUBJECT: LEE ATWATER UPDATE The news on Lee is pretty good. I visited with him this afternoon: his spirits are good, he's feeling pretty good, and his doctors are saying good things. The only bad news is that the blood clot remains persistent. His doctors have agreed to allow him to go home - probably early next week - as long as he takes an electronically monitored I.V. that administers his blood thinning drug. For the first time in quite awhile, Lee appears optimistic about his own health. He has set a goal for himself: the week after next he wants to begin "to talk politics". This probably won't include going to the office, but he does want to start holding meetings at his house to catch up on the 1990 races. He specifically mentioned wanting to talk to Governor Sununu regarding the big issues in the 1990 races. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON May 31, 1990 MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS SUBJECT: TRUMAN CAMPAIGN - 1948 Attached please find a quick analysis that Jim Pinkerton put together. You will also find a copy of Truman's acceptance speech as well as relevant pages from Plain Speaking and The Lonliest Campaign. Please let me know if you need anything further. MEMORANDUM 5/30/90 RE: 1992 AND THE TRUMAN STRATEGY THE TRUMAN STRATEGY: RUNNING AGAINST CONGRESS Harry Truman's 1948 victory is often emulated without much thought as to the underlying ingredients of his triumph. After all, Truman is the patron saint of presidential underdogs. Goldwater, Ford and Dukakis all styled themselves after Truman to some extent. However, all of them lost. The essence of Truman's 1948 success is two-fold: One, it was extremely negative. He lambasted Republicans with strident rhetoric, comparing them to the "money-changers in the Temple." In a typical appeal, in this case, to farmers, he charged that Republican farm policies would "drive a pitchfork into the backs of farmers." Two, it was directed against an opposition-controlled Congress. He belittled the 80th "do-nothing" Congress for failing to pass his initiatives and sought to exploit class warfare by charging that the Republicans wanted to repeal the New Deal. One difference between Truman and Gerald Ford, for example, was that Truman's personality and speaking style was much better suited for a credible negative campaign. More importantly, Truman was extremely persistent. He had a message and he constantly hammered it home. By contrast, Ford and moderate Republicans in '76 had no strong message or agenda. Truman did not have the typical advantages of an incumbent President. He was widely viewed as inadequate for the job, unwanted as the nominee by many in his party, and after his nomination, widely expected to lose. Truman realized that to win, he needed to energize the latent New Deal coalition -- a realignment in American politics that had not died with FDR. His fiery "give 'em hell" rhetoric was not just his style, but part of a deliberate call to arms to the union members, Social Security pensioners, and farmers who stood to lose the most. Fear was his ally, hence the famous slogan: "Don't let them take it away." Truman came out swinging not against his opponent, but against the Republican Party. In this pre-television straight- ticket era, the images and ideals of political parties were much more important than the personalities of the candidates. Truman deliberately provoked the GOP by challenging them to pass legislation to help key members of his coalition: farmers, labor, blacks, and ethnics. When he got no action, he blasted 2 Congress as "do-nothing." He also castigated them for their alleged obsession with repealing the New Deal -- Taft-Hartley being the most notable example. To prove how out of touch the Republican Congressmen were with the electorate, Truman called them into special session during the '48 campaign and dared them to pass the portions of the GOP platform that would roll back FDR's legacy. CONSENSUS POLITICS VOIDS THE TRUMAN STRATEGY Despite the fact that the current Congress is thwarting many Bush Administration initiatives, there are two reasons a strategy of "running against Congress" will not work in 1992: The Bush Administration is not viewed as engaged in an ideological battle with Congress. Congress is not engaged in a public day-to-day battle to repeal the Reagan/Bush Revolution. George Bush's fights with Congress have occurred in back rooms, not on the front pages. Our modus operandi has been to launch reasonable-sounding initiatives, attempt to work out a compromise, and fall back on the veto if the Democrats go too far. Our fights with Congress have been on consensus issues, i.e. clean air, child care -- issues on which both parties are so concerned with getting credit for "action," they are only fighting over what the public perceives as "minor details." (These "details" can in fact be very important, but nobody is outlining their importance to the public.) Furthermore, for a strategy of Congress-bashing to work, Congress itself must "cooperate." The GOP-controlled 80th Congress -- many of whom had won their seats the year before on the anti-New Deal slogan "Had Enough?" -- foolishly rose to Truman's bait, like a bull charging at a red flag. Bereft of sophisticated opinion polling, they thought the New Deal phil- osophy was spent, where in fact the majority of the electorate supported the idea of a big government to solve their problems. Today's Democratic congressmen, with their high pay and perks, are unwilling risk their cushy seats to campaign for what's in their heart of hearts: higher taxes, more entitlements, less defense, and more regulation. Their high reelection rates are a testament to their ability to avoid national issues and position themselves as moderate "problem- solvers." Instead they tell their constituents, "I support the President when he's right and oppose him when he's wrong." As "paragons" of moderation, they are able to ride out Republican landslides, as they did in '72, '80, '84 and '88. Democrats will use the power of incumbency to cling to their seats rather than attempt to convince the electorate that liberalism is worthy of 3 their votes. They will not provide a fat target in 1992 as the Republicans did in 1948. DEFENDING YOUR RECORD vs. PASSING THE BUCK As a semi-incumbent in 1988, the President used a modified Truman Strategy to some extent. That campaign had a large negative component, with Bush running against liberalism in general, and Dukakis' liberalism in particular. However, the Truman Strategy will not work well for the President in 1992. First, his personality is not well suited for a negative campaign. He lacks the feistiness of a Truman or a Bob Dole. Furthermore, reporters will be waiting to pounce on the first appearance of a highly negative campaign. Second, elected incumbent presidents are expected to defend their records. This demands a positive, optimistic campaign, i.e. "Look at all I've done; give me four more years to finish the job. Every successful incumbent since '48 has used this basic approach: Eisenhower in '56, Nixon in '72, Reagan in '84. The electorate holds presidents, not Congress, responsible for peace and prosperity. Each of these president had by and large delivered, and were reelected in landslides. Only Carter ran a negative re-election campaign, in effect claiming that "America's problems weren't his fault, and besides, Reagan will be worse. " Nonetheless, the voters held him responsible, and he lost. CONCLUSION In 1992, the President will have to run on his record to win a new four-year lease on the White House. While we believe that his accomplishments in foreign, economic, and domestic policy will win him a large mandate, we should take comfort in the knowledge that 8 of the 11 elected incumbent presidents seeking re-election in this century were successful.* An incumbent President only loses if he is "fired" by the voters, and people are reluctant to fire anyone. Furthermore, if the incumbent and his challenger are indistinguishable, the voters will opt to stick with the president. # * The 3 losers: Taft in 1912 (with TR as a 3rd party candidate), Hoover in 1932, and Carter in 1980. 4 LIST OF ATTACHMENTS Harry S Truman. Acceptance Speech, July 15, 1948. "The people know the Democratic Party is the people's party and the Republican Party is the party of special interests and it always has been and always will be." Merle Miller. Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S. Truman, 1973, pp. 256-7. Irwin Ross. The Loneliest Campaign, 1968, pp. 20-27. HARRY S. TRUMAN 5 The record of the Democratic party is written in the accomplishments of the last sixteen years. I don't need to repeat them. They have been very ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate for Vice-President, and by the permanent chairman. Confidence and security have been brought to the American people by the Democratic party. Farm income has increased from less than $2,500,000,000 in 1933 to more than $18,000,000,000 in 1947. Never in the world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other country, as prosperous as the farmers of the United States, and if they don't do their duty by the Democratic party they're the most ungrateful people in the world. HARRY S. TRUMAN The wages and salaries in this country have increased from $29,000,000,000 in 1933 to more than $128,000,000,000 in 1947. That's labor, Acceptance Speech and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that was the Democratic party and Franklin D. Roosevelt. PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA And I'll say to labor just what I've said to the farmers. They are no July 15, 1948 the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic party by this year. e The total national income has increased from less than $40,000,000,000 in 1933 to $203,000,000,000 in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the 2 I am sorry that the microphones are in your way, but they have to be world. These benefits have been spread to all the people because it's the where they are because I've got to be able to see what I'm doing, as I business of the Democratic party to see that the people get a fair share always am able to see what I am doing. of these things. I can't tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you've This last Eightieth Congress proved just the opposite for the Repub- just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it. I accept the licans. The record on foreign policy of the Democratic party is that the 37 nomination, and I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomi- United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and ec ar. nation of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley, of Kentucky. we've converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint He's a great man and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I on that subject. es will win this election and make these Republicans like it, don't you forget The United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in that. We'll do that because they're wrong and we're right, and I'll prove it international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who to you in just a few minutes. organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great This convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of Democratic President Woodrow Wilson in the League of Nations. The the Democratic party. There have been differences of opinion. These dif- League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920, and we must see that an ferences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be, and now the United Nations continues a strong and going body, so we can have 19 it's time for us to get together and beat the common enemy and it's up to everlasting peace in the world. We've removed the trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset as you. 1 in We'll be working together for victory and a great cause. Victory has we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into become a habit of our party. It's been elected four times in succession and operation again. We have started a foreign-aid program which means the I'm convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November. recovery of Europe and China and the Far East. We instituted the pro- The reason is that the people know the Democratic party is the peo- gram for Greece and Turkey, and I'll say to you that all these things were ple's party and the Republican party is the party of special interests and done in a co-operative bi-partisan manner. it always has been and always will be. The foreign-relations committees of the Senate and the House were taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves. 4 6 1948 HARRY S. TRUMAN 7 As I've said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy here three weeks ago, didn't get that housing bill passed. They passed a of the whole nation, and not a policy of one party or the other. Partisan- bill that's called a housing bill, which isn't worth the paper it's written ship should stop at the water's edge, and I shall continue to preach that on. through this whole campaign. In the field of labor, we needed moderate legislation to promote labor- I'd like to say a word or two now about what I think the Republican management relations. But Congress instead passed the so-called Taft- philosophy is, and I'll speak from actions and from history and from Hartley act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will experience. The situation in 1932 was due to the policy of the Republican cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it's not repealed, and the party control of the government of the United States. Democratic platform says it's got to be repealed. The Republican party favors the privileged few and not the common, I tried to strengthen the Labor Deparment. The Republican platform every-day man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the in 1944 said if they were in power they'd build up a strong Labor Depart- control of special privilege, and they concretely proved it in the Eightieth ment. Do you know what they've done to the Labor Department? They've Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people and not for simply torn it up. There's only one bureau left that's functioning and them. They proved it by the things they failed to do. they've cut the appropriation on that so it can hardly function. Now let's look at some of them, just a few. Time and time again I I recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did they recommended the extension of price control before it expired on June 30, do? Nothing, absolutely nothing. I suggested that the schools in this 1946. I asked for that extension in September, 1945. In November, 1945, in country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of a message on the State of the Union in 1946. That price control legislation teachers. One of the greatest national needs is more and better schools. didn't come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was I urged the Congress to provide $300,000,000 to aid the states in supposed to expire, and it was such a rotten bill that I couldn't sign it. meeting the present educational crisis. The Congress did nothing about it. Then thirty days after that they sent me one that was just as bad and Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security I had to sign it, because they quit and went home. law, including extending protection to those not now covered, to increase It was said when O. P. A. died that prices would adjust themselves, the amount of the benefits, reduce the eligibility age of women from for the benefit of the country. They've adjusted themselves all right. sixty-five to sixty years. Congress studied the matter for two years but They've gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves at the couldn't find time to extend increased benefits, but it did find time to take expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people who hold the social security benefits away from 750,000 people. goods. And they passed that over my veto. I called a special session of Congress in November, 1947-Nov. 17, I repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The nation 1947-and I set out a ten-point program for the welfare and benefit of suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time this country; among other things, stand-by price controls. I got nothing. the Congress wants to act upon it. Everybody knows that I recommended The Congress has still done nothing. to the Congress a civil-rights program. I did so because I believe it to be Way back, four and a half years ago while I was in the Senate we my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party passed the housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft disagreed with me violently on this matter, but they stand up and do it bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities, and to help erect low- openly. People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all profess rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate four years ago, but it to be for these measures, but the Eightieth Congress didn't act and they died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the Eightieth Congress had enough men there to do it, and they could have had cloture, and they as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill-the name was slightly changed. didn't have to have a filibuster. There were enough people in that Congress But it was practically the same bill and it passed the Senate, but was to vote for cloture. allowed to die in the House of Representatives. The Banking and Cur- Now everybody likes to have a little surplus. But we must reduce the rency Committee sat on that bill, and it was finally forced out of the national debt in times of prosperity, and when tax relief can be given with- committee when the Rules Committee took charge, and it's still in the out regard to those who need it most, and not go to those who need it Rules Committee. least, as this Republican rich-man's tax bill did when they passed it over But desperate pleas from Philadelphia, in that convention that met my veto, on the third try. 8 1948 HARRY S. TRUMAN 9 The first one of these tax bills they sent me was so rotten that they much they're for; an extension of social security coverage and increased couldn't even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was benefits, which they say they're for; funds for projects needed in our pro- somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks the knife into gram to provide public power and cheap electricity. the back of the poor. By indirection, this Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the Now the Republicans came here a few weeks ago and they wrote up power policy which the United States has pursued for fourteen years. That a platform. I hope you've all read that platform. They adopted a platform, power lobby is just as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the housing bill. I shall ask for adequate and decent law for displaced persons Republican party is for and what they would do if they were in power. in place of the anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this Eightieth Con- They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I've been asking gress passed. them to do, and that they've refused to do when they had the power. The Now my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican plat- Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to form, we ought to get some action out of the short session of the Eightieth get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first Congress. They could do this job in fifteen days if they wanted to do it. time. They'll still have time to go out and run for office. They're going to try and Now listen to this one. This one is equally as bad and as cynical. The dodge their responsibility, they're going to drag all the red herrings they Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low rental housing. can across this campaign. But I'm here to say to you that Senator Barkley I've been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met and I are not going to let them get away with it. the first time, and it's still resting in the Rules Committee today. Now what that worst Eightieth Congress does in its special session The Republican platform pledges equality of educational opportunity. will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere I've been trying to get them to do something about that ever since they words or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record. The came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives. record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth that the The Republican platform urges extending and increasing social secur- battle lines for 1948 are the same as they were back in 1932 when the ity benefits. Think of that-increasing social security benefits, and yet nation lay prostrate and helpless as the result of Republican misrule and when they had the opportunity they took 750,000 people off the social inaction. security roles. In 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed; I wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States we were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today in with such poppycock as that? 1948 we are the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal There's a long list of these promises in that Republican platform and opportunity. The haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the if it weren't so late I'd tell you about all of them. favored classes or of the powerful few. I discussed a number of these failures of the Republican Eightieth The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932 and I para- Congress, and everyone of them is important. Two of them are of major phrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge in concern to every American family; the failure to do anything about high accepting his nomination at Chicago: This is more than a political call to prices, and the failure to do anything about housing. arms. Give me your help. Not to win votes alone, but to win in this new My duty as President requires that I use every means within my crusade and keep America secure and safe for its own people. power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and Now my friends, with the help of God, and the wholehearted push urgency. I am therefore calling this Congress back into session on the 26th which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a of July. continuation of the Eightieth Congress and from misrule from now on. I On the twenty-sixth day of July, which out in Missouri they call must have your help! You must get in and push and win this election. The Turnip Day, I'm going to call that Congress back and I'm going to ask country can't afford another Republican Congress. them to pass laws halting rising prices and to meet the housing crisis which they say they're for in their platform. At the same time I shall ask them to act on other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they say they're for; a national health program, civil-rights legislation, which they say they're for; an increase in the minimum wage-which I doubt very 256 PLAIN SPEAKING THE 1948 VICTORY 257 "No. Most of them are smart enough. It's just-this is only my and I said, "The Republicans have agreed on a platform. Now I'm opinion, of course-it's just that they don't seem to know or care gonna call a special session of the Congress and give them a chance anything about people. Not all of them but a lot of them don't. to put their platform into effect. "The fella they nominated to run against me was a good example "And of course they didn't do a damn thing. If they had been of that. People could tell he wasn't open and above board, and the smart and even passed one measure along the lines they'd promised more he talked, the more he showed that he didn't have any program in their platform, I'd have been up a creek, but I knew damn well at all in mind if he got elected. Except to set things back a few they wouldn't do it, and of course, they didn't." dozen years or more. So he didn't get elected. It was as simple as Mr. President, you said you were calling that special session for that." Turnip Day. What's Turnip Day? "The twenty-sixth of July, wet or dry, always sow turnips. Along Mr. President, you said the other day you hadn't given much or any in September they'll be four, five, maybe six inches in diameter, thought to what you were going to say at the convention, but it says and they're good to eat-raw. I don't like them cooked." in the Memoirs that I believe you had made some informal notes. Turnip greens are pretty good. "Yes, I'd written down some notes when Margaret and the Boss "Well, yes, but the only way to get turnip greens is in the spring. and I were coming from Washington to Philadelphia, and they were You take out the turnips that you've kept in the cellar all winter and in a big black notebook that I carried to the podium with me when set them out in the garden, and then they come up. You grow them, I made my acceptance speech. There were two things I was sure of and the greens that have come up when they're both, oh, about four that I was going to say. I was going to tell them that Alben Barkley or five inches long you mix them with dandelions and mustard, and [Truman's Vice Presidential running mate] and I were going to win they make the finest greens in the world. Spinach isn't in it. C the election, and I'd made up my mind that after I lambasted into "That's what the country people used to have in the spring. Turnip the do-nothing Eightieth Congress that I was going to call them back greens with dandelions and mustard and things of that kind. into a special session, which is what I did do.* "But you have to know which is which with plants like that. "That really stirred things up. It was in the middle of my speech, Plenty of those things are violent poison. You take poke berries, pokeroots. When they're so long, they're good to go into greens, *"On the twenty-sixth of July, which out in Missouri we call Turnip Day,' I am but you wait a little longer, and you might as well order your coffin. going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet the housing crisis-which they are saying they are for in their platform. Because you're done. They're as poisonous as cyanide." "At the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures, How do you find out when to pick them? such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program; "Your grandmother has to tell you." civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the Social Security cover- age and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed Mr. President, during the campaign, how did you decide where to in our program to provide public power and cheap electricty. By indirection, the Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has go, where to speak? For instance, you spoke at a plowing contest I pursued for fourteen years. The power lobby is as bad as the real-estate lobby, which think it was in Dexter, Iowa. I'm from Iowa, and I don't even know is sitting on the housing bill. "I shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this where Dexter is. How did you happen to decide to go there? anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which the Eightieth Congress passed. "Well, there were ninety-six thousand farmers at Dexter, Iowa "Now, my friends, if there is any reality behind the Republican platform we ought to get some action from a short session of the Eightieth Congress. They can do [I-uh-way], and somebody had to go there and talk to 'em, and I went." this job in fifteen days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and run for office. How do you know there were ninety-six thousand? "They are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Bark- "There was a lot of disagreement in the papers and the newsmaga- ley and I are not going to let them get away with it." 20 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 21 almost his entire life in St. Louis, Missouri, where he had gradu- one else, had persuaded Truman to take on John L. Lewis. 17 By ated from the Washington University School of Law at the age of mid-1947, he had become Truman's most influential adviser. 18 twenty-one, and thereafter developed a successful law practice. A Democrat by inheritance, he had once helped manage a congres- sional campaign, but had never been prominently involved in poli- It was one of the ironies-perhaps one of the public tics. In his quiet way, however, he was a committed New Dealer, relations triumphs-of the 1948 Democratic campaign that it gen- the greatest influence on his political thinking having been the lib- erally gave the impression of being an improvised, desperate effort eral views of his uncle, Clark McAdams, who had been in charge of of an embattled President fighting single-handedly against over- the editorial page of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. whelming odds. There was no doubt about the desperation of the The war unexpectedly led to Clifford's political career. Joining Democratic campaign, but it was not improvised. Careful planning the Navy as a lieutenant junior grade in 1944, he had a desk job preceded every step, with the general lines of strategy being articu- and would have slipped back unnoticed into civilian life, a year or lated as early as the autumn of 1947. so later, had not a former law client of his, James K. Vardaman, The basic blueprint was contained in a lengthy memorandum on Jr., been appointed naval aide to President Truman. Soon after- "the politics of 1948," for which Clifford began to gather intelli- ward Truman decided to include old friend Vardaman in the en- gence and sift ideas in the summer of 1947. The President was all tourage which he was taking to the July conference in Potsdam, for the project and suggested a variety of individuals to be con- Germany, where he was to meet with Churchill and Stalin. Varda- sulted. 19 When Clifford began his soundings, Truman was hardly man decided he needed someone to mind his shop in Washington the underdog that he became the following year. As already men- and so he had Clifford appointed assistant naval aide. tioned, his popularity had begun to rise; no one had any reason to Clifford, then thirty-nine, arrived at the White House to discover predict a revolt in the South and Henry Wallace had not yet de- that an assistant naval aide had little to do; to fill in his time he clared his candidacy. On the other hand, none of the people around took to helping the President's Special Counsel, Judge Samuel I. Truman suffered from an excess of optimism. The 1946 debacle Rosenman. Early in 1946, Rosenman left the White House and was too fresh in memory, the Republicans had many able candi- Truman appointed Vardaman a member of the Federal Reserve dates-Dewey, Stassen, Taft, and Warren being the most promi- Board; Clifford succeeded Vardaman as naval aide and for several nent-and Henry Wallace, while not an avowed candidate, was months also handled the duties of the Special Counsel's office. In certainly a threat. June Truman suggested that it was time Clifford got out of uniform During 1947, Wallace had been traveling around the country, and formally named him Special Counsel. collecting large audiences for his denunciations of Truman's for- From the outset, Clifford had hit it off well with Truman; they eign and domestic policies; many disaffected Democrats had rallied came from the same part of the country and spoke the same lan- to his cause and he had behind him the not inconsiderable appa- guage, though in manner the elegant Clifford and the homespun ratus of the Communist party and the support of those unions in President seemed miles apart. As Special Counsel, Clifford was re- the CIO which the Communists controlled. Many of Wallace's fol- sponsible for preparing Truman's state papers, public speeches, lowers were urging him to run for President in 1948 and he freely and a good many private memoranda. It was a job which put him scattered hints that he might lead the first major third-party effort at the fulcrum of power, for the man who writes a President's since Robert La Follette ran in 1924. A Wallace candidacy was words inevitably has much to do with determining policy. Clifford understandably a nightmare to the Truman strategists; many of was also a master of the art of personal ingratiation and, though an them refused to believe that in the end he would take the leap. amateur, he was a shrewd political strategist. He, more than any- In mid-November, Clifford presented Truman with a 43-page 22 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 23 double-spaced memorandum on legal-size paper. It was a remark- ate. The farmer's crops were good, Clifford pointed out; he was able political document-bold and unambiguous in its analysis of protected by parity and would be aided by the Marshall Plan. present trends, surprisingly accurate in treating of the future, cou- Should he be inclined to defect in 1948, nothing more could be rageous and not a little cynical in proposing a vigorous course of done by way of "political or economic favors" to win back his action for the President in the twelve months leading up to the support. The implication was that only rhetoric could be employed election. -an exercise in which Truman was never deficient throughout the The memorandum predicted that Thomas E. Dewey would be campaign. the Republican candidate, though the contest for the nomination The labor vote was a great imponderable. Clifford flatly asserted had barely gotten under way; that Henry Wallace would run on a that Truman "cannot win without the active support of organized third-party ticket; that President Truman could win even with the labor. It is dangerous to assume that labor now has nowhere else to loss of the populous states of the East, so long as he held the sup- go in 1948. Labor can stay home." Labor had been "inspired" to port of the South and of the West and recaptured the labor vote vote for Roosevelt, but had largely abstained in the 1946 congres- which F.D.R. had always commanded. Events eventually confirmed sional elections. "The labor group has always been politically inac- each of these judgments. tive during prosperity," Clifford wrote. "The effort to get out the Clifford was wrong in one prediction: that there would be no labor vote will thus have to be even more strenuous than in 1944." break in the South, no matter what program the President pre- Much would also have to be done to attract independent liberals, sented. "As always, the South can be considered safely Demo- who were not important numerically but exerted a considerable cratic," he wrote. "And in formulating national policy, it can be leavening effect on public opinion. "The liberal and progressive safely ignored." leaders are not overly enthusiastic about the administration," He argued that "If the Democrats carry the solid South and also Clifford commented with tolerable understatement. those Western states carried in 1944, they will have 216 of the He warned that the Republicans would make a strong appeal for required 266 electoral votes. And if the Democratic party is power- the Negro vote, which had been Democratic since 1932, and fore- ful enough to capture the West, it will almost certainly pick up saw that the Negroes might hold the balance of power in states like enough of the doubtful Middlewestern and Eastern states to get 50 New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. "The more votes We could lose New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Negro voter has become a cynical, hard-boiled trader," Clifford New Jersey, Ohio, Massachusetts-all the 'big' states and still suggested, and the Republicans were likely to appeal to his self- win." While Clifford was mistaken in assuming no southern break- interest by offering an anti-poll-tax bill and Fair Employment Prac- away-the Dixiecrat rebellion in the end lost Truman 39 electoral tices legislation in the next Congress. Clearly, the Democrats would votes-he was quite correct in stressing the importance of winning have to outbid the Republicans in order to hold the Negroes. Tru- the West and in arguing that a victory there presupposed sufficient man's civil rights message in February 1948 followed logically strength to win some Midwestern states; in the end Truman took from this premise. Idaho, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Wisconsin-as well as Ohio Clifford's appraisal of the Catholic vote, which had begun to de- and Illinois. fect from the Democrats in 1944, turned out to be prophetic: "The Clifford went on to provide a shrewd analysis of the various spe- controlling element in this group is the distrust and fear of cial interest groups which the Democrats had to attract. Only the communism. The attitude of the President and the adminis- farmer "was presently favorably inclined towards the Truman ad- tration toward communism should exert a definite appeal ministration"-a judgment which continued to be correct through- Turning to the issues in the campaign, Clifford saw "considerable out 1948, but which the Republicans somehow failed to appreci- political advantage to the administration in the battle with the 24 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 25 Kremlin." Relations with Russia would probably continue to dete- would not be enough; Truman had to move to the left in order to riorate and, as in all times of crisis, the average citizen would tend attract Wallace's followers. An ambitious program of economic to rally to his President. As for Republican attacks on the adminis- measures and civil rights reforms was only part of the strategy tration's foreign policy, "President Truman is comparatively invul- which Clifford proposed, for he was worried by Wallace's calling nerable to attack because of his brilliant appointment of General the roll of the many Wall Street figures in the Truman administra- Marshall who has convinced the public that as Secretary of State he tion-such men as Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, James For- is nonpartisan and above politics." On the other hand, the Republi- restal and William Draper. Clifford saw Wallace appealing "to the cans would probably intensify their efforts to make an issue of atavistic fears of all progressives-the fear of 'Wall Street.' Communist infiltration in government. In this area, however, "The Clifford urged the President to make "some top level appointments President adroitly stole their thunder by initiating his-own govern- from the ranks of the progressives-in foreign as well as domestic ment employee loyalty investigation procedure." affairs." It was important to make the effort, he argued, even if In the domestic field, Clifford saw high prices and the housing some of the appointees should not be confirmed by the Senate. shortage as the most pressing issues to the average citizen. He The memorandum deplored the decay of the Democratic party urged that the President call upon the next session of Congress to organization, urged that a new chairman be soon appointed to re- enact a maximum anti-inflation program, including mandatory build the party, and that a small working committee be established price controls, an ambitious housing program, and tax revisions to coordinate the political program of the administration, provide favoring lower-income groups. The President would offer his pro- monthly estimates of the political situation, and begin the drafting gram in full awareness that the Republicans would reject it and of memoranda for the 1948 platform and major campaign thus be politically vulnerable. Clifford's strategy could hardly have speeches. Clifford also stressed the need for close liaison with the been more forthright or candidly phrased (this was, after all, a labor movement and with independent liberals. In these sections private memorandum): the Administration should select Clifford's memorandum became a fascinating manual on the prac- the issues upon which there will be conflict with the majority in tical arts of politics at the Presidential level. He urged President Congress. It can assume it will get no major part of its own pro- Truman personally to cultivate labor leaders, who of late had rarely gram approved. Its tactics must, therefore, be entirely different been seen in the White House. "It is easy for the incumbent of the than if there were any real point to bargaining and compromise. Its White House to forget the 'magic' of his office," Clifford explained. recommendations-in the State of the Union message and else- But he cautioned that in such private colloquies the President ask where-must be tailored for the voter, not the Congressman; they advice on "matters in general," for "it is dangerous to ask a labor must display a label which reads 'no compromises.' leader for advice on a specific matter and then ignore that advice." This strategy was designed not only to embarrass the Republi- Clifford spent a good deal of space on the problem of refurbish- cans but to steal Henry Wallace's thunder, for if Wallace drew ing what he called the President's "portrait" ("image," as a public enough votes, especially in the West, he would defeat Truman. relations term, had not yet come into general use). He pointed out Clifford pointed out that in 1924 the third-party candidate, Robert that most people get their impressions of a President from his activ- La Follette, polled more votes than the Democratic candidate in ities as Chief of State, but that Truman had been notably reticent in eleven western states. To undercut Wallace's appeal, Clifford urged this area, with the consequence that he was largely thought of as a that at the psychologically correct moment the Communist inspira- politician. Clifford made a number of proposals whereby the Presi- tion behind Wallace's campaign should be denounced by "promi- dent might correct this distorted view. One of them was to exploit nent liberals and progressives-and no one else." But denunciation the social resources of the White House, by inviting one or two 26 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 27 "nonpolitical personages" for lunch each week; the newspapers office in the knowledge that the Senate would knock them down. would inevitably give these encounters great publicity. Henry Ford He found these gestures too obviously synthetic and out of charac- II, who was receiving an excellent press as the young head of the Ford Motor Company, was an obvious candidate; Clifford saw ter. On the other hand, the concept of a bold, uncompromising considerable popular appeal in "this picture of the American political offensive appealed to him.21 He subsequently agreed that it President and the Young Business Man together." would start with the State of the Union message on January 7. Equally impressive would be a lunch with Albert Einstein, with the President explaining at his next press conference "that they talked, in general, about the peacetime uses of atomic energy and its potentialities for our civilization. He can then casually mention that he has been spending some of his leisure time getting caught up with atomic energy"-which would doubtless have acted as a corrective to the common impression that Truman spent much of his leisure time at the poker table. Another way to display his more reflective side to the public would be for the President to suggest to the newsmen "that it would do them no harm at all to read such and such a book (as long as he picks the right one) which he has just read." His staff would have presumably provided the President with an appropriate list. Clifford also suggested that Truman repeat the nonpolitical "in- spection tours" which Roosevelt employed in the I940 campaign. The problem was that a President could not campaign openly until after the party conventions, yet there was urgent need for him to carry his case to the voters long before the late summer of 1948. F.D.R.'s inspection tours had been marvelously effective. "No mat- ter how much the opposition and the press pointed out the political overtones of those trips," Clifford wrote, "the people paid little at- tention because what they saw was the Head of State performing his duties." The people were to show a similarly tolerant attitude toward President Truman on his "nonpolitical" coast-to-coast train tour the following June. Truman read the document carefully and discussed it at length with Clifford. He was in general agreement with the analysis and proposed strategy, although he had little sympathy for the public relations gimmickry to sell the President to the American people. He was not about to turn the White House over to labor leaders with whom he felt little personal rapport or to invite Albert Einstein or Henry Ford to lunch or to nominate prominent liberals to high hold pink bel THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN 6-5-90 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON Excellente May 31, 1990 That's on MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF FROM: ED ROGERS discer SUBJECT: TRUMAN CAMPAIGN - 1948 6-1 Attached please find a quick analysis that Jim Pinkerton put together. You will also find a copy of Truman's acceptance speech as well as relevant pages from Plain Speaking and The Lonliest Campaign. Please let me know if you need anything further. MEMORANDUM 5/30/90 RE: 1992 AND THE TRUMAN STRATEGY THE TRUMAN STRATEGY: RUNNING AGAINST CONGRESS Harry Truman's 1948 victory is often emulated without much thought as to the underlying ingredients of his triumph. After all, Truman is the patron saint of presidential underdogs. Goldwater, Ford and Dukakis all styled themselves after Truman to some extent. However, all of them lost. The essence of Truman's 1948 success is two-fold: One, it was extremely negative. He lambasted Republicans with strident rhetoric, comparing them to the "money-changers in the Temple." In a typical appeal, in this case, to farmers, he charged that Republican farm policies would "drive a pitchfork into the backs of farmers." Two, it was directed against an opposition-controlled Congress. He belittled the 80th "do-nothing" Congress for failing to pass his initiatives and sought to exploit class warfare by charging that the Republicans wanted to repeal the New Deal. One difference between Truman and Gerald Ford, for example, was that Truman's personality and speaking style was much better suited for a credible negative campaign. More importantly, Truman was extremely persistent. He had a message and he constantly hammered it home. By contrast, Ford and moderate Republicans in '76 had no strong message or agenda. Truman did not have the typical advantages of an incumbent President. He was widely viewed as inadequate for the job, unwanted as the nominee by many in his party, and after his nomination, widely expected to lose. Truman realized that to win, he needed to energize the latent New Deal coalition -- a realignment in American politics that had not died with FDR. His fiery "give 'em hell" rhetoric was not just his style, but part of a deliberate call to arms to the union members, Social Security pensioners, and farmers who stood to lose the most. Fear was his ally, hence the famous slogan: "Don't let them take it away." Truman came out swinging not against his opponent, but against the Republican Party. In this pre-television straight- ticket era, the images and ideals of political parties were much more important than the personalities of the candidates. Truman deliberately provoked the GOP by challenging them to pass legislation to help key members of his coalition: farmers, labor, blacks, and ethnics. When he got no action, he blasted 2 Congress as "do-nothing." He also castigated them for their alleged obsession with repealing the New Deal -- Taft-Hartley being the most notable example. To prove how out of touch the Republican Congressmen were with the electorate, Truman called them into special session during the '48 campaign and dared them to pass the portions of the GOP platform that would roll back FDR's legacy. CONSENSUS POLITICS VOIDS THE TRUMAN STRATEGY Despite the fact that the current Congress is thwarting many Bush Administration initiatives, there are two reasons a strategy of "running against Congress" will not work in 1992: The Bush Administration is not viewed as engaged in an ideological battle with Congress. Congress is not engaged in a public day-to-day battle to repeal the Reagan/Bush Revolution. George Bush's fights with Congress have occurred in back rooms, not on the front pages. Our modus operandi has been to launch reasonable-sounding initiatives, attempt to work out a compromise, and fall back on the veto if the Democrats go too far. Our fights with Congress have been on consensus issues, i.e. clean air, child care -- issues on which both parties are so concerned with getting credit for "action," they are only fighting over what the public perceives as "minor details." (These "details" can in fact be very important, but nobody is outlining their importance to the public.) Furthermore, for a strategy of Congress-bashing to work, Congress itself must "cooperate." The GOP-controlled 80th Congress -- many of whom had won their seats the year before on the anti-New Deal slogan "Had Enough?" -- foolishly rose to Truman's bait, like a bull charging at a red flag. Bereft of sophisticated opinion polling, they thought the New Deal phil- osophy was spent, where in fact the majority of the electorate supported the idea of a big government to solve their problems. Today's Democratic congressmen, with their high pay and perks, are unwilling risk their cushy seats to campaign for what's in their heart of hearts: higher taxes, more entitlements, less defense, and more regulation. Their high reelection rates are a testament to their ability to avoid national issues and position themselves as moderate "problem- solvers." Instead they tell their constituents, "I support the President when he's right and oppose him when he's wrong. As "paragons" of moderation, they are able to ride out Republican landslides, as they did in '72, '80, '84 and '88. Democrats will use the power of incumbency to cling to their seats rather than attempt to convince the electorate that liberalism is worthy of 3 their votes. They will not provide a fat target in 1992 as the Republicans did in 1948. DEFENDING YOUR RECORD vs. PASSING THE BUCK As a semi-incumbent in 1988, the President used a modified Truman Strategy to some extent. That campaign had a large negative component, with Bush running against liberalism in general, and Dukakis' liberalism in particular. However, the Truman Strategy will not work well for the President in 1992. First, his personality is not well suited for a negative campaign. He lacks the feistiness of a Truman or a Bob Dole. Furthermore, reporters will be waiting to pounce on the first appearance of a highly negative campaign. Second, elected incumbent presidents are expected to defend their records. This demands a positive, optimistic campaign, i.e. "Look at all I've done; give me four more years to finish the job. Every successful incumbent since '48 has used this basic approach: Eisenhower in '56, Nixon in '72, Reagan in '84. The electorate holds presidents, not Congress, responsible for peace and prosperity. Each of these president had by and large delivered, and were reelected in landslides. Only Carter ran a negative re-election campaign, in effect claiming that "America's problems weren't his fault, and besides, Reagan will be worse." Nonetheless, the voters held him responsible, and he lost. CONCLUSION In 1992, the President will have to run on his record to win a new four-year lease on the White House. While we believe that his accomplishments in foreign, economic, and domestic policy will win him a large mandate, we should take comfort in the knowledge that 8 of the 11 elected incumbent presidents seeking re-election in this century were successful. An incumbent President only loses if he is "fired" by the voters, and people are reluctant to fire anyone. Furthermore, if the incumbent and his challenger are indistinguishable, the voters will opt to stick with the president. # * The 3 losers: Taft in 1912 (with TR as a 3rd party candidate), Hoover in 1932, and Carter in 1980. 4 LIST OF ATTACHMENTS Harry S Truman. Acceptance Speech, July 15, 1948. "The people know the Democratic Party is the people's party and the Republican Party is the party of special interests and it always has been and always will be." Merle Miller. Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harry S. Truman, 1973, pp. 256-7. Irwin Ross. The Loneliest Campaign, 1968, pp. 20-27. HARRY S. TRUMAN 5 The record of the Democratic party is written in the accomplishments of the last sixteen years. I don't need to repeat them. They have been very ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate for Vice-President, and by the permanent chairman. Confidence and security have been brought to the American people by the Democratic party. Farm income has increased from less than $2,500,000,000 in 1933 to more than $18,000,000,000 in 1947. Never in the world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other country, as prosperous as the farmers of the United States, and if they don't do their duty by the Democratic party they're the most ungrateful people in the world. HARRY S. TRUMAN The wages and salaries in this country have increased from $29,000,000,000 in 1933 to more than $128,000,000,000 in 1947. That's labor, Acceptance Speech and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that was the Democratic party and Franklin D. Roosevelt. PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA And I'll say to labor just what I've said to the farmers. They are CII July 15, 1948 the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic party by this year. e The total national income has increased from less than $40,000,000,000 a in 1933 to $203,000,000,000 in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the I am sorry that the microphones are in your way, but they have to be world. These benefits have been spread to all the people because it's the where they are because I've got to be able to see what I'm doing, as I business of the Democratic party to see that the people get a fair share re always am able to see what I am doing. of these things. O I can't tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you've This last Eightieth Congress proved just the opposite for the Repub- el just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it. I accept the licans. The record on foreign policy of the Democratic party is that the United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and ec nomination, and I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomi- ar. nation of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley, of Kentucky. we've converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint He's a great man and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I on that subject. es will win this election and make these Republicans like it, don't you forget The United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in that. We'll do that because they're wrong and we're right, and I'll prove it international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who tic to you in just a few minutes. organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great 1 This convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of Democratic President Woodrow Wilson in the League of Nations. The the Democratic party. There have been differences of opinion. These dif- League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920, and we must see that 19 ferences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be, and now the United Nations continues a strong and going body, so we can have it's time for us to get together and beat the common enemy and it's up to everlasting peace in the world. p you. We've removed the trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset as in We'll be working together for victory and a great cause. Victory has we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into become a habit of our party. It's been elected four times in succession and operation again. We have started a foreign-aid program which means the I'm convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November. recovery of Europe and China and the Far East. We instituted the pro- The reason is that the people know the Democratic party is the peo- gram for Greece and Turkey, and I'll say to you that all these things were ple's party and the Republican party is the party of special interests and done in a co-operative bi-partisan manner. it always has been and always will be. The foreign-relations committees of the Senate and the House were taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves. 6 1948 HARRY S. TRUMAN 7 As I've said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy here three weeks ago, didn't get that housing bill passed. They passed a of the whole nation, and not a policy of one party or the other. Partisan- bill that's called a housing bill, which isn't worth the paper it's written ship should stop at the water's edge, and I shall continue to preach that on. through this whole campaign. In the field of labor, we needed moderate legislation to promote labor- I'd like to say a word or two now about what I think the Republican management relations. But Congress instead passed the so-called Taft- philosophy is, and I'll speak from actions and from history and from Hartley act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will experience. The situation in 1932 was due to the policy of the Republican cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it's not repealed, and the party control of the government of the United States. Democratic platform says it's got to be repealed. The Republican party favors the privileged few and not the common, I tried to strengthen the Labor Deparment. The Republican platform every-day man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the in 1944 said if they were in power they'd build up a strong Labor Depart- control of special privilege, and they concretely proved it in the Eightieth ment. Do you know what they've done to the Labor Department? They've Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people and not for simply torn it up. There's only one bureau left that's functioning and them. They proved it by the things they failed to do. they've cut the appropriation on that so it can hardly function. Now let's look at some of them, just a few. Time and time again I I recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did they recommended the extension of price control before it expired on June 30, do? Nothing, absolutely nothing. I suggested that the schools in this 1946. I asked for that extension in September, 1945. In November, 1945, in country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of a message on the State of the Union in 1946. That price control legislation teachers. One of the greatest national needs is more and better schools. didn't come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was I urged the Congress to provide $300,000,000 to aid the states in supposed to expire, and it was such a rotten bill that I couldn't sign it. meeting the present educational crisis. The Congress did nothing about it. Then thirty days after that they sent me one that was just as bad and Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security I had to sign it, because they quit and went home. law, including extending protection to those not now covered, to increase It was said when O. P. A. died that prices would adjust themselves, the amount of the benefits, reduce the eligibility age of women from for the benefit of the country. They've adjusted themselves all right. sixty-five to sixty years. Congress studied the matter for two years but They've gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves at the couldn't find time to extend increased benefits, but it did find time to take expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people who hold the social security benefits away from 750,000 people. goods. And they passed that over my veto. I called a special session of Congress in November, 1947-Nov. 17, I repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The nation 1947-and I set out a ten-point program for the welfare and benefit of suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time this country; among other things, stand-by price controls. I got nothing. the Congress wants to act upon it. Everybody knows that I recommended The Congress has still done nothing. to the Congress a civil-rights program. I did so because I believe it to be Way back, four and a half years ago while I was in the Senate we my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party passed the housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft disagreed with me violently on this matter, but they stand up and do it bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities, and to help erect low- openly. People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all profess rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate four years ago, but it to be for these measures, but the Eightieth Congress didn't act and they died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the Eightieth Congress had enough men there to do it, and they could have had cloture, and they as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill-the name was slightly changed. didn't have to have a filibuster. There were enough people in that Congress But it was practically the same bill and it passed the Senate, but was to vote for cloture. allowed to die in the House of Representatives. The Banking and Cur- Now everybody likes to have a little surplus. But we must reduce the rency Committee sat on that bill, and it was finally forced out of the national debt in times of prosperity, and when tax relief can be given with- committee when the Rules Committee took charge, and it's still in the out regard to those who need it most, and not go to those who need it Rules Committee. least, as this Republican rich-man's tax bill did when they passed it over But desperate pleas from Philadelphia, in that convention that met my veto, on the third try. 8 1948 HARRY S. TRUMAN 9 The first one of these tax bills they sent me was so rotten that they couldn't even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was much they're for; an extension of social security coverage and increased somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks the knife into benefits, which they say they're for; funds for projects needed in our pro- the back of the poor. gram to provide public power and cheap electricity. Now the Republicans came here a few weeks ago and they wrote up By indirection, this Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the a platform. I hope you've all read that platform. They adopted a platform, power policy which the United States has pursued for fourteen years. That and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the power lobby is just as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the Republican party is for and what they would do if they were in power. housing bill. I shall ask for adequate and decent law for displaced persons They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I've been asking in place of the anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this Eightieth Con- gress passed. them to do, and that they've refused to do when they had the power. The Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to Now my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican plat- form, we ought to get some action out of the short session of the Eightieth time. get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first Congress. They could do this job in fifteen days if they wanted to do it. Now listen to this one. This one is equally as bad and as cynical. The They'll still have time to go out and run for office. They're going to try and Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low rental housing. dodge their responsibility, they're going to drag all the red herrings they I've been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met can across this campaign. But I'm here to say to you that Senator Barkley the first time, and it's still resting in the Rules Committee today. and I are not going to let them get away with it. The Republican platform pledges equality of educational opportunity. Now what that worst Eightieth Congress does in its special session I've been trying to get them to do something about that ever since they will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere words or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record. The came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives. record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth that the The Republican platform urges extending and increasing social secur- battle lines for 1948 are the same as they were back in 1932 when the ity benefits. Think of that-increasing social security benefits, and yet when they had the opportunity they took 750,000 people off the social nation lay prostrate and helpless as the result of Republican misrule and inaction. security roles. I wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States In 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed; with such poppycock as that? we were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today in There's a long list of these promises in that Republican platform and 1948 we are the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal if it weren't so late I'd tell you about all of them. opportunity. The haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the I discussed a number of these failures of the Republican Eightieth favored classes or of the powerful few. Congress, and everyone of them is important. Two of them are of major The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932 and I para- concern to every American family; the failure to do anything about high phrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge in prices, and the failure to do anything about housing. accepting his nomination at Chicago: This is more than a political call to My duty as President requires that I use every means within my arms. Give me your help. Not to win votes alone, but to win in this new power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and crusade and keep America secure and safe for its own people. urgency. I am therefore calling this Congress back into session on the 26th Now my friends, with the help of God, and the wholehearted push of July. which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a On the twenty-sixth day of July, which out in Missouri they call continuation of the Eightieth Congress and from misrule from now on. I Turnip Day, I'm going to call that Congress back and I'm going to ask must have your help! You must get in and push and win this election. The them to pass laws halting rising prices and to meet the housing crisis which country can't afford another Republican Congress. they say they're for in their platform. At the same time I shall ask them to act on other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they say they're for; a national health program, civil-rights legislation, which they say they're for; an increase in the minimum wage-which I doubt very 256 PLAIN SPEAKING THE 1948 VICTORY 257 "No. Most of them are smart enough. It's just-this is only my and I said, 'The Republicans have agreed on a platform. Now I'm opinion, of course-it's just that they don't seem to know or care gonna call a special session of the Congress and give them a chance anything about people. Not all of them but a lot of them don't. to put their platform into effect. "The fella they nominated to run against me was a good example "And of course they didn't do a damn thing. If they had been of that. People could tell he wasn't open and above board, and the smart and even passed one measure along the lines they'd promised more he talked, the more he showed that he didn't have any program in their platform, I'd have been up a creek, but I knew damn well at all in mind if he got elected. Except to set things back a few they wouldn't do it, and of course, they didn't." dozen years or more. So he didn't get elected. It was as simple as Mr. President, you said you were calling that special session for that." Turnip Day. What's Turnip Day? "The twenty-sixth of July, wet or dry, always sow turnips. Along Mr. President, you said the other day you hadn't given much or any in September they'll be four, five, maybe six inches in diameter, thought to what you were going to say at the convention, but it says and they're good to eat-raw. I don't like them cooked." in the Memoirs that I believe you had made some informal notes. Turnip greens are pretty good. "Yes, I'd written down some notes when Margaret and the Boss "Well, yes, but the only way to get turnip greens is in the spring. and I were coming from Washington to Philadelphia, and they were You take out the turnips that you've kept in the cellar all winter and in a big black notebook that I carried to the podium with me when set them out in the garden, and then they come up. You grow them, I made my acceptance speech. There were two things I was sure of and the greens that have come up when they're both, oh, about four that I was going to say. I was going to tell them that Alben Barkley or five inches long you mix them with dandelions and mustard, and [Truman's Vice Presidential running mate] and I were going to win they make the finest greens in the world. Spinach isn't in it. C the election, and I'd made up my mind that after I lambasted into "That's what the country people used to have in the spring. Turnip the do-nothing Eightieth Congress that I was going to call them back greens with dandelions and mustard and things of that kind. into a special session, which is what I did do.* "But you have to know which is which with plants like that. "That really stirred things up. It was in the middle of my speech, Plenty of those things are violent poison. You take poke berries, pokeroots. When they're so long, they're good to go into greens, *"On the twenty-sixth of July, which out in Missouri we call Turnip Day,' I am but you wait a little longer, and you might as well order your coffin. going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet the housing crisis-which they are saying they are for in their platform. Because you're done. They're as poisonous as cyanide." "At the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures, How do you find out when to pick them? such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program; "Your grandmother has to tell you." civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the Social Security cover- age and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed Mr. President, during the campaign, how did you decide where to in our program to provide public power and cheap electricty. By indirection, the Eightieth Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has go, where to speak? For instance, you spoke at a plowing contest I pursued for fourteen years. The power lobby is as bad as the real-estate lobby, which think it was in Dexter, lowa. I'm from Iowa, and I don't even know is sitting on the housing bill. "I shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this where Dexter is. How did you happen to decide to go there? anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which the Eightieth Congress passed. "Well, there were ninety-six thousand farmers at Dexter, Iowa "Now, my friends, if there is any reality behind the Republican platform we ought to get some action from a short session of the Eightieth Congress. They can do [I-uh-way], and somebody had to go there and talk to 'em, and I this job in fifteen days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and went." run for office. How do you know there were ninety-six thousand? "They are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Bark- "There was a lot of disagreement in the papers and the newsmaga- ley and I are not going to let them get away with it." 20 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 21 almost his entire life in St. Louis, Missouri, where he had gradu- one else, had persuaded Truman to take on John L. Lewis. By ated from the Washington University School of Law at the age of mid-1947, he had become Truman's most influential adviser.¹⁸ twenty-one, and thereafter developed a successful law practice. A Democrat by inheritance, he had once helped manage a congres- sional campaign, but had never been prominently involved in poli- It was one of the ironies-perhaps one of the public tics. In his quiet way, however, he was a committed New Dealer, relations triumphs-of the 1948 Democratic campaign that it gen- the greatest influence on his political thinking having been the lib- erally gave the impression of being an improvised, desperate effort eral views of his uncle, Clark McAdams, who had been in charge of of an embattled President fighting single-handedly against over- the editorial page of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. whelming odds. There was no doubt about the desperation of the The war unexpectedly led to Clifford's political career. Joining Democratic campaign, but it was not improvised. Careful planning the Navy as a lieutenant junior grade in 1944, he had a desk job preceded every step, with the general lines of strategy being articu- and would have slipped back unnoticed into civilian life, a year or lated as early as the autumn of 1947. so later, had not a former law client of his, James K. Vardaman, The basic blueprint was contained in a lengthy memorandum on Jr., been appointed naval aide to President Truman. Soon after- "the politics of 1948," for which Clifford began to gather intelli- ward Truman decided to include old friend Vardaman in the en- gence and sift ideas in the summer of 1947. The President was all tourage which he was taking to the July conference in Potsdam, for the project and suggested a variety of individuals to be con- Germany, where he was to meet with Churchill and Stalin. Varda- sulted. 19 When Clifford began his soundings, Truman was hardly man decided he needed someone to mind his shop in Washington the underdog that he became the following year. As already men- and so he had Clifford appointed assistant naval aide. tioned, his popularity had begun to rise; no one had any reason to Clifford, then thirty-nine, arrived at the White House to discover predict a revolt in the South and Henry Wallace had not yet de- that an assistant naval aide had little to do; to fill in his time he clared his candidacy. On the other hand, none of the people around took to helping the President's Special Counsel, Judge Samuel I. Truman suffered from an excess of optimism. The 1946 debacle Rosenman. Early in 1946, Rosenman left the White House and was too fresh in memory, the Republicans had many able candi- Truman appointed Vardaman a member of the Federal Reserve dates-Dewey, Stassen, Taft, and Warren being the most promi- Board; Clifford succeeded Vardaman as naval aide and for several nent-and Henry Wallace, while not an avowed candidate, was months also handled the duties of the Special Counsel's office. In certainly a threat. June Truman suggested that it was time Clifford got out of uniform During 1947, Wallace had been traveling around the country, and formally named him Special Counsel. collecting large audiences for his denunciations of Truman's for- From the outset, Clifford had hit it off well with Truman; they eign and domestic policies; many disaffected Democrats had rallied came from the same part of the country and spoke the same lan- to his cause and he had behind him the not inconsiderable appa- guage, though in manner the elegant Clifford and the homespun ratus of the Communist party and the support of those unions in President seemed miles apart. As Special Counsel, Clifford was re- the CIO which the Communists controlled. Many of Wallace's fol- sponsible for preparing Truman's state papers, public speeches, lowers were urging him to run for President in 1948 and he freely and a good many private memoranda. It was a job which put him scattered hints that he might lead the first major third-party effort at the fulcrum of power, for the man who writes a President's since Robert La Follette ran in 1924. A Wallace candidacy was words inevitably has much to do with determining policy. Clifford understandably a nightmare to the Truman strategists; many of was also a master of the art of personal ingratiation and, though an them refused to believe that in the end he would take the leap. amateur, he was a shrewd political strategist. He, more than any- In mid-November, Clifford presented Truman with a 43-page 22 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 23 double-spaced memorandum on legal-size paper.2⁰ It was a remark- ate. The farmer's crops were good, Clifford pointed out; he was able political document-bold and unambiguous in its analysis of protected by parity and would be aided by the Marshall Plan. present trends, surprisingly accurate in treating of the future, cou- Should he be inclined to defect in 1948, nothing more could be rageous and not a little cynical in proposing a vigorous course of done by way of "political or economic favors" to win back his action for the President in the twelve months leading up to the support. The implication was that only rhetoric could be employed election. -an exercise in which Truman was never deficient throughout the The memorandum predicted that Thomas E. Dewey would be campaign. the Republican candidate, though the contest for the nomination The labor vote was a great imponderable. Clifford flatly asserted had barely gotten under way; that Henry Wallace would run on a that Truman "cannot win without the active support of organized third-party ticket; that President Truman could win even with the labor. It is dangerous to assume that labor now has nowhere else to loss of the populous states of the East, so long as he held the sup- go in 1948. Labor can stay home." Labor had been "inspired" to port of the South and of the West and recaptured the labor vote vote for Roosevelt, but had largely abstained in the 1946 congres- which F.D.R. had always commanded. Events eventually confirmed sional elections. "The labor group has always been politically inac- each of these judgments. tive during prosperity," Clifford wrote. "The effort to get out the Clifford was wrong in one prediction: that there would be no labor vote will thus have to be even more strenuous than in 1944." break in the South, no matter what program the President pre- Much would also have to be done to attract independent liberals, sented. "As always, the South can be considered safely Demo- who were not important numerically but exerted a considerable cratic," he wrote. "And in formulating national policy, it can be leavening effect on public opinion. "The liberal and progressive safely ignored." leaders are not overly enthusiastic about the administration," He argued that "If the Democrats carry the solid South and also Clifford commented with tolerable understatement. those Western states carried in 1944, they will have 216 of the He warned that the Republicans would make a strong appeal for required 266 electoral votes. And if the Democratic party is power- the Negro vote, which had been Democratic since 1932, and fore- ful enough to capture the West, it will almost certainly pick up saw that the Negroes might hold the balance of power in states like enough of the doubtful Middlewestern and Eastern states to get 50 New York, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. "The more votes We could lose New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Negro voter has become a cynical, hard-boiled trader," Clifford New Jersey, Ohio, Massachusetts-all the 'big' states and still suggested, and the Republicans were likely to appeal to his self- win." While Clifford was mistaken in assuming no southern break- interest by offering an anti-poll-tax bill and Fair Employment Prac- away-the Dixiecrat rebellion in the end lost Truman 39 electoral tices legislation in the next Congress. Clearly, the Democrats would votes-he was quite correct in stressing the importance of winning have to outbid the Republicans in order to hold the Negroes. Tru- the West and in arguing that a victory there presupposed sufficient man's civil rights message in February 1948 followed logically strength to win some Midwestern states; in the end Truman took from this premise. Idaho, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri, Wisconsin-as well as Ohio Clifford's appraisal of the Catholic vote, which had begun to de- and Illinois. fect from the Democrats in 1944, turned out to be prophetic: "The Clifford went on to provide a shrewd analysis of the various spe- controlling element in this group is the distrust and fear of cial interest groups which the Democrats had to attract. Only the communism. The attitude of the President and the adminis- farmer "was presently favorably inclined towards the Truman ad- tration toward communism should exert a definite appeal ministration"-a judgment which continued to be correct through- Turning to the issues in the campaign, Clifford saw "considerable out 1948, but which the Republicans somehow failed to appreci- political advantage to the administration in the battle with the 24 The Loneliest Campaign Backdrop for 1948 25 Kremlin." Relations with Russia would probably continue to dete- would not be enough; Truman had to move to the left in order to riorate and, as in all times of crisis, the average citizen would tend attract Wallace's followers. An ambitious program of economic to rally to his President. As for Republican attacks on the adminis- measures and civil rights reforms was only part of the strategy tration's foreign policy, "President Truman is comparatively invul- which Clifford proposed, for he was worried by Wallace's calling nerable to attack because of his brilliant appointment of General the roll of the many Wall Street figures in the Truman administra- Marshall who has convinced the public that as Secretary of State he tion-such men as Averell Harriman, Robert Lovett, James For- is nonpartisan and above politics." On the other hand, the Republi- restal and William Draper. Clifford saw Wallace appealing "to the cans would probably intensify their efforts to make an issue of atavistic fears of all progressives-the fear of 'Wall Street." Communist infiltration in government. In this area, however, "The Clifford urged the President to make "some top level appointments President adroitly stole their thunder by initiating his-own govern- from the ranks of the progressives-in foreign as well as domestic ment employee loyalty investigation procedure." affairs." It was important to make the effort, he argued, even if In the domestic field, Clifford saw high prices and the housing some of the appointees should not be confirmed by the Senate. shortage as the most pressing issues to the average citizen. He The memorandum deplored the decay of the Democratic party urged that the President call upon the next session of Congress to organization, urged that a new chairman be soon appointed to re- enact a maximum anti-inflation program, including mandatory build the party, and that a small working committee be established price controls, an ambitious housing program, and tax revisions to coordinate the political program of the administration, provide favoring lower-income groups. The President would offer his pro- monthly estimates of the political situation, and begin the drafting gram in full awareness that the Republicans would reject it and of memoranda for the 1948 platform and major campaign thus be politically vulnerable. Clifford's strategy could hardly have speeches. Clifford also stressed the need for close liaison with the been more forthright or candidly phrased (this was, after all, a labor movement and with independent liberals. In these sections private memorandum): the Administration should select Clifford's memorandum became a fascinating manual on the prac- the issues upon which there will be conflict with the majority in tical arts of politics at the Presidential level. He urged President Congress. It can assume it will get no major part of its own pro- Truman personally to cultivate labor leaders, who of late had rarely gram approved. Its tactics must, therefore, be entirely different been seen in the White House. "It is easy for the incumbent of the than if there were any real point to bargaining and compromise. Its White House to forget the 'magic' of his office," Clifford explained. recommendations-in the State of the Union message and else- But he cautioned that in such private colloquies the President ask where-must be tailored for the voter, not the Congressman; they advice on "matters in general," for "it is dangerous to ask a labor must display a label which reads 'no compromises." leader for advice on a specific matter and then ignore that advice." This strategy was designed not only to embarrass the Republi- Clifford spent a good deal of space on the problem of refurbish- cans but to steal Henry Wallace's thunder, for if Wallace drew ing what he called the President's "portrait" ("image," as a public enough votes, especially in the West, he would defeat Truman. relations term, had not yet come into general use). He pointed out Clifford pointed out that in 1924 the third-party candidate, Robert that most people get their impressions of a President from his activ- La Follette, polled more votes than the Democratic candidate in ities as Chief of State, but that Truman had been notably reticent in eleven western states. To undercut Wallace's appeal, Clifford urged this area, with the consequence that he was largely thought of as a that at the psychologically correct moment the Communist inspira- politician. Clifford made a number of proposals whereby the Presi- tion behind Wallace's campaign should be denounced by "promi- dent might correct this distorted view. One of them was to exploit nent liberals and progressives-and no one else." But denunciation the social resources of the White House, by inviting one or two 26 The Loneliest Campaign "nonpolitical personages" for lunch each week; the newspapers Backdrop for 1948 27 would inevitably give these encounters great publicity. Henry Ford office in the knowledge that the Senate would knock them down. II, who was receiving an excellent press as the young head of the He found these gestures too obviously synthetic and out of charac- Ford Motor Company, was an obvious candidate; Clifford saw ter. On the other hand, the concept of a bold, uncompromising considerable popular appeal in "this picture of the American political offensive appealed to him.21 He subsequently agreed that it President and the Young Business Man together." would start with the State of the Union message on January 7. Equally impressive would be a lunch with Albert Einstein, with the President explaining at his next press conference "that they talked, in general, about the peacetime uses of atomic energy and its potentialities for our civilization. He can then casually mention that he has been spending some of his leisure time getting caught up with atomic energy"-which would doubtless have acted as a corrective to the common impression that Truman spent much of his leisure time at the poker table. Another way to display his more reflective side to the public would be for the President to suggest to the newsmen "that it would do them no harm at all to read such and such a book (as long as he picks the right one) which he has just read." His staff would have presumably provided the President with an appropriate list. Clifford also suggested that Truman repeat the nonpolitical "in- spection tours" which Roosevelt employed in the 1940 campaign. The problem was that a President could not campaign openly until after the party conventions, yet there was urgent need for him to carry his case to the voters long before the late summer of 1948. F.D.R.'s inspection tours had been marvelously effective. "No mat- ter how much the opposition and the press pointed out the political overtones of those trips," Clifford wrote, "the people paid little at- tention because what they saw was the Head of State performing his duties." The people were to show a similarly tolerant attitude toward President Truman on his "nonpolitical" coast-to-coast train tour the following June. Truman read the document carefully and discussed it at length with Clifford. He was in general agreement with the analysis and proposed strategy, although he had little sympathy for the public relations gimmickry to sell the President to the American people. He was not about to turn the White House over to labor leaders with whom he felt little personal rapport or to invite Albert Einstein or Henry Ford to lunch or to nominate prominent liberals to high