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Politics 1991 [1]
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Politics 1991 [1]
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Records of the White House Office of the Chief of Staff to the President (George H. W. Bush Administration)
John Sununu Issues Files
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
foia Number:
1998-0004-F[2]
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Chief of Staff, White House Office of
Series:
Sununu, John, Files
Subseries:
Issues Files
OA/ID Number:
29167
Folder ID Number:
29167-006
Folder Title:
Politics 1991 [1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
15
25
3
5
From the Desk of
CLAYTON YEUTTER
Chairman
Republican National Committee
Oct. 14, 1991
To B. Jay Cooper
B. Jay, I find it interesting that Kerrey plans to
run as an economic conservative. I suspect that the win-
ning Democratic candidate will adopt that same strategy.
We're going to face an opposition candidate running as
a social liberal and economic conservative.
David Tell and his crew might want to begin gathering
material which demonstrates Kerrey's true colors on economic
issues. And they may wish to do the same for Cuomo.
1
bc:
J. Austin
M. Matalin
N. Cummings
R. Kaufman
J. Sununu
C. Black
B. Teeter
.
out of the system" (10/8).
LABELS: Kerrey: "I do not consider myself a liberal
I
do consider myself to be an economic conservative. Bush is
something like an economic liberal." He said "that's because
Bush
is spending taxpayers' money without a strategy for
improving their lives" (AP/Manchester UNION LEADER, 10/8).
*6
CALIFORNIA: WITHOUT UNDECLARED, BROWN TOPS FIELD
The CA Poll, conducted 9/19-25 by the Field Institute,
surveyed 998 adults; margin of error +/- 3.2%. Dem subsample:
457 RVs; +/- 4.8% (S.F. CHRONICLE, 10/8).
DEM PRIMARY
ALL
W/O C,J,B
BUSH JOB RATING (All)
Cuomo
27%
9/91
6/91
Brown
16
29%
Exc./Good
56%
65%
Jackson
15
--
Fair
28
21
Bentsen
12
--
Poor/Very
15
13
Kerrey
4
9
poor
Harkin
4
7
No Opinion
1
1
Wilder
3
6
Tsongas
3
8
Clinton
2
6
Undec.
14
35
Bush tops all comers head-to-head: 58-32% over Cuomo, 57-30
over Bentsen, 62-27% over Brown, 66-23% over Jackson, 60-24% over
Kerrey, etc. 53% of Dems say they are disinclined to vote for
Brown -- only Jackson (57%) has a higher percentage.
*7
COLORADO: DECLARED CANDIDATES MAKE WEAK SHOWING
The CO Election Preview Poll, conducted 9/12-23 by Ciruli
Associates, surveyed 635 registered voters; margin of error +/-
3.9%. Dem subsample: 199 RVs; +/- 7% (Ciruli release, 10/7).
GENERAL ELECTION MATCHUPS
Bush
59%
Bush
59%
Bush
52%
Bush
63%
Cuomo
29
Romer
29
Clinton
30
Jackson
23
DEM PRIMARY
Cuomo
40%
Harkin
6%
Gephardt
14
Wilder
6
Romer
14
Clinton
4
Jackson
7
*8
NEBRASKA: KERREY FARES BEST AMONG HOME STATERS VERSUS BUSH
A Political/Media Research poll, conducted 10/3-6, surveyed
809 registered voters; margin of error +/- 3.5%.4 Dem subsample:
305 RVs; +/- 5.2% (Scottsbluff STAR-HERALD, KETV-Omaha, 10/8).
KERREY'S DECISION TO RUN
ALL
FAV / UNFAV
Approve
70%
Bush
50%
71% / 17%
Disapprove
21
Kerrey
40
61 / 21
Not sure
9
Undec.
10
DEM PRIMARY
ALL
W/O C,B,J
FAV / UNFAV
ID
Kerrey
77%
82%
83% / 8%
100%
Cuomo
6
--
38 / 15
74
Bentsen
3
--
35 / 13
83
Harkin
4
7
17
/
8
79
Jackson
2
23
/
35
98
Brown
0
1
15
/ 25
63
Tsongas
0
o
9
/
8
43
Wilder
0
0
8 / 10
43
Clinton
0
0
6
/
6
41
6
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
September 17, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
PRESIDENT F AND DIRECTOR,
DAVID M. CARNEY
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE
OFFICE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS
SUBJECT:
Senator Grassley radio show
This is for your information. Thought you
find it interesting.
THE CHIEF of STAFF
has seen
09-18-91 05:21 AM FROM SENATOR GRASSLEY
P01
alln: Dave Correy
Senator Grassley Iowa Radio Networks Show
(WHO-Radio, Radio Iowa, Brownfield)
9/17/91
O: I was wondering what Senator Harkin's presidential campaign,
how that will effect representation for Iowa in the Senate.
When we have one Senator on the road conducting a Presidential
campaign, will that lesson our impact in the Senate?
CEG: Well, of course, without a doubt, he has already and is going
to miss a great number of votes and the extent to which a
missed vote may effect an outcome, then its going to be
negative. If there aren't any close votes it may not make
much difference because I'm here in Washington and I will be
able to represent Iowans' views. My attendance record is
99.2% over a period of the last 12 years. It's the highest
in the Senate for people that have cast over 2000 votes, so I
will be able to be here for Iowans. Senator Harkin and I
don't vote alike very often, but I will be seeking to make
sure Iowans are represented in the Senate.
I think there is one thing about the Harkin candidacy we
ought to note as praiseworthy, however, and that is he's the
only one of the democratic contenders for the White House to
admit that he is a liberal. I heard his speech Sunday, I
listened to the entire speech on C-Span and he is a self-
described, unabashed liberal -- I think with a capital L --
and he is not ashamed to admit it. The speech he gave in
Madison County on Sunday proves it. Now, this isn't
necessarily the posture that he presented in the last Senate
campaign, but he should be commended for being very straight-
forward now.
O: Would it be good for Iowa for Tom Harkin to win the nomination?
CEG: All I know is it would be bad for the country if he were
elected president. I also don't think he could be elected
president with a sitting President as popular and well-
respected as George Bush.
-30-
w1773 r n polma MA-Democratio Campaign
04-04 2:02p
Party Chairman Sees Says Democrats Will Fight For Presidency
BOSTON (AP) - Democrats will wield both the organization and the
money to take on George Bush in the 1992 presidential race,
according to the chairman of the Democratic National Committee.
"We're going to be defiant. We're going to be tough. We're
going to take this guy on, Ronald Brown said Wednesday during a
stop on an eight-city tour.
Bush has not said he will run for re-election. Virginia Gov.
Douglas Wilder and former Sens. Paul Tsongas and George McGovern
have indicated their interests in running on the Democratic ticket.
"Is it an uphill battle? Absolutely," Brown told The Boston
Globe. "Would it be an uphill battle against any incumbent
president? Absolutely. To those of little faith, I say, 'What did
you expect the polls to show.
Brown praised his former foe, Republican Party Chairman Lee
Atwater, who died last week of a brain tumor. Brown said Atwater
had researched the Democratic candidates in 1987, and knew what
could be used against them.
"No matter who the Republican nominee was, they were ready
early. Their 1987 budget was $2 million; ours was $16,000. We're
going to change that, Brown said.
The Democrats have raised $3 million this year, despite the
recession and few candidates, Brown said.
He said in 1988, the Republicans raised 60 percent of their
money before the nominating convention, whereas the Democrats
raised 14 percent. Brown says under his leadership, the lopsided
fund raising will end.
Brown said he would like to curtail the number of debates in
which Democratic candidates participate.
Brown said more Democratic candidates likely will come forward
in the summer. "No one is going to announce in a postwar
euphoria,' he said.
Concerning the Persian Gulf War, he said Republicans are not
facing domestic problems now that most of the troops are home.
"There was a popular war, and Democrats are glad it's over, "
Brown said. "We rejoice that there were so few American
casualties. But now, not only do the Republicans not have a
domestic agenda, they gloat about it.
List of Key Democrats
Mario Cuomo
Albert Gore
Richard Gephardt
Lloyd Bentsen
Douglas Wilder
Bob Kerrey
Joe Biden
Paul Tsongas
Bill Bradley
Bill Clinton
Jesse Jackson
George McGovern
George Mitchell
Sam Nunn
Chuck Robb
Jay Rockefeller
Paul Simon
DEMOCRAT INVENTORY LIST
Sen. Lloyd Bentsen
0
428 articles on the optical disk from 8/90 (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to and clip daily 5 Texas newspapers
0
7,960 quotes from the 1987-1988 Quotes system
Retrievable by date, source, quotes by/about/attributed to, noun, or subject.
Corresponding hard copies in notebooks and stored in-house.
0
Legi-Slate and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Congressional Record 100th Congress - present
Full text CQ's Weekly Report 98th Congress - present
Congressional and Senate votes 96th Congress - present
Sponsored and cosponsored legislation 96th Congress - present
Attendance Records 96th Congress - present
Ratings and vote files 96th Congress - present
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: speeches, talk show appearances, press conferences,
and Senate Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring Bentsen
o
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Gov. Mario Cuomo
0
922 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to and clip daily 4 New York newspapers
0
Legi-Slate&and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: 36 speeches, talk show appearances, press
conferences from 11/85 - present featuring Cuomo.
0
Microfilm
New York Times microfilm and indexes 1964 - present
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
0
11 boxes of hard copy material on Cuomo. Contents include:
Lexis-Nexis Report 1984
Cuomo General Clip File 1978-86
Sixteen albums of article printouts from 1983-86, indexed by topic
20 binders of UPI & AP printouts 1982-86
Summaries proposed Cuomo legislation 1985-86
Magazine Album 1982-86
"The Governor's Promises VS The Governor's Actions 1983-86"
Prepared by the New York State Senate Research Service
"Report of the Fiscal Committees of the Executive Budget 1986-87"
New York State legislature response to Cuomo's budget that year with index
Rep. Richard Gephardt
0
517 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to clip daily 2 Missouri newspapers
0
6,709 quotes from the 1987-1988 Quotes system
Retrievable by date, source, quotes by/about/attributed to, noun, or subject.
Corresponding hard copies in notebooks and stored in-house.
0
Legi-Slate and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Congressional Record 100th Congress - present
Full text CQ's Weekly Report 98th Congress - present
Congressional and Senate votes 96th Congress - present
Sponsored and cosponsored legislation 96th Congress - present
Attendance Records 96th Congress - present
Ratings and vote files 96th Congress - present
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: speeches, talk show appearances, debates, press
conferences, and House Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring
Gephardt.
0
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Sen. Albert Gore
0
261 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to and clip 2 Tennessee newspapers
0
7,034 quotes from the 1987-1988 Quotes system
Retrievable by date, source, quotes by/about/attributed to, noun, or subject.
Corresponding hard copies in notebooks and stored in-house.
0
Legi-Slate and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Congressional Record 100th Congress - present
Full text CQ's Weekly Report 98th Congress - present
Congressional and Senate votes 96th Congress - present
Ratings and Vote files 96th Congress - present
Attendance records 96th Congress - present
Sponsored and cosponsored legislation 96th Congress - present
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: 179 speeches, talk show appearances, debates, press
conferences, and Senate Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring
Gore.
0
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Rev. Jesse Jackson
0
712 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to clip daily 2 D.C. papers, 3 Illinois papers, 1 South
Carolina paper
o
12,651 quotes from the 1987-1988 Quotes system
Retrievable by date, source, quotes-by/about/attributed to, noun, or subject.
Corresponding hard copies in notebooks and stored in-house.
0
Legi-Slate
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: speeches, talk show appearances, debates, press
conferences, and Senate Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring
Jackson.
0
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Sen. Robert Kerrey
0
270 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to clip daily 2 Nebraska newspapers
0
Legi-Slate and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Congressional Record 100th Congress - present
Full text CQ's Weekly Report 98th Congress - present
Congressional and Senate votes 96th Congress - present
Sponsored and cosponsored legislation 96th Congress - present
Attendance Records 96th Congress - present
Ratings and vote files 96th Congress - present
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: speeches, talk show appearances, press conferences,
and Senate Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring Kerrey.
0
6 notebooks of clips regarding then Gov. Kerrey's involvement in Nebraska
thrift failures
0
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Former Sen. Paul Tsongas
0
40 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to clip daily 2 Massachusetts newspapers
0
Legi-Slate:and CQ's Washington Alert
Full text Congressional Record 100th Congress - present
Full text CQ's Weekly Report 98th Congress - present
Congressional and Senate votes 96th Congress - present
Sponsored and cosponsored legislation 96th Congress - present
Attendance Records 96th Congress - present
Ratings and vote files 96th Congress - present
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings 11/85 - present
0
Microfilm
Boston Globe microfilm 1967 - 1988, indexes 1983 - 1988
Boston Herald 1973 - 1988
Boston Phoenix 1973 - 1986
Brookline Chronicle-Citizen 1960 - 1987
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
Gov. Douglas Wilder
0
436 articles on the optical disk, from 8/90 - present (fully word searchable)
We subscribe to clip daily 1 Virginia newspaper
0
Over 5,000 quotes from the 1989 Virginia Quotes system
Retrievable by date, source, quotes by/about/attributed to, word/phrase, or
subject. Hard Copy Notebooks at the VA state party
0
Legi-Slate
Full text Washington Post 1/85 - present
Federal News Briefings: speeches, talk show appearances, press conferences,
and Senate Committee hearings from 11/85 - present featuring Wilder.
o
Microfilm
RNC clips on 16mm microfilm 1964 - 1987
RNC Strategic Videotape Archive -- April, 1991
Gov. Mario Cuomo
1. Larry King Live appearance - 3/21/91.
2. 1990 NY gubernatorial campaign - 3 ads.
3. Speech to Harvard Law School graduates 9/10/90.
4. Speech to NY State Democratic Convention - June, 1990.
5. McLaughlin Group appearance 8/7/89.
6. 1986 NY gubernatorial campaign commercials, 11 ads.
7. 1982 campaign commercials for NY Governor (Cuomo was Lt. Gov.), 9 ads.
Sen. Albert Gore
1. 1990 senate campaign, one 30-minute video.
2. 1990 senate campaign, 1 ad.
3. 1988 Presidential primary - 27 ads.
4. 1987 Firing Line Debate.
5. 1984 debate with Ned McWherter.
6. 1984 senate race, 15 ads.
Other Key Democrats:
Sen. Joe Biden
1. 1990 senate race, 2 ads.
2. Select 1987/88 Democratic Presidential primary ads.
3. 1987 plagiarism response and announcement -- quitting Presidential race.
4. July 1987 Firing Line Debate.
5. 1984 senate race, one ad, one campaign bio.
Sen. Lloyd Bentsen
1. 1990 housing ad.
2. 1988 Quayle-Bentsen debate.
3. 1988 Vice-Presidential campaign, 3 ads.
4. 1988 senate campaign, 6 ads.
5. 1982 senate campaign, 30 ads.
Sen. Bill Bradley
1. 1990 senate race, 2 debates VS. Christine Whitman 10/14 & 10/23/90.
2. 1990 senate race, 6 ads.
3. "Caucus New Jersey" TV show, 2/4/90.
Gov. Bill Clinton
1. 1990 gubernatorial race, 5 ads.
2. 1990 debates VS. Sheffield Nelson 9/24 & 10/15/90.
3. C-SPAN Q&A, 2/4/91.
Dianne Feinstein
1. 1990 CA Democratic primaries, 2 debates VS. John Van de Kamp.
2. 1990 gubernatorial debate vs. Pete Wilson 10/7/90.
3. 1990 gubernatorial ads, 9/27/90 - 10/15/90.
Rep. Richard Gephardt
1. 1990 house race, 1 ad.
2. 1988 New Hampshire primary campaign, 18 ads.
3. July 1987 Firing Line Debate.
Jesse Jackson
1. 1988 Presidential primary, 8 ads.
2. July 1987 Firing Line Debate.
Sen. Bob Kerrey
1. 1990 campaign endorsements, 5 ads.
2. 1988 senate campaign, 18 ads.
3. 1982 gubernatorial campaign, 16 ads.
Sen. George Mitchell
1. 1991 State of the Union response.
2. Meet the Press -- 2/10/90.
3. 1988 senate campaign, 4 ads.
Sen. Chuck Robb
1. 1988 debate VS. Maurice Dawkins.
2. 1988 senate campaign, 2 ads.
Sen. Paul Simon
1. 1990 senate race -- 2 debates VS. Lynn Martin 10/14 & 10/30/90.
2. 1990 senate race, 4 ads.
3. 1988 Presidential primary, 10 ads.
4. July 1987 Firing Line Debate.
5. 1984 senate campaign, 26 ads.
Gov. Douglas Wilder
1. Today Show/NBC -- 4/3/91.
2. 1990 budget speech.
3. 1989 gubernatorial race, abortion ads.
4. 1989 debates VS. Marshall Coleman.
Select footage:
--Bob Squier ads featuring John Silber, James Blanchard, James Florio, and
Frank Lautenberg.
--1988 Democratic primary debates: Firing Line, C-Span, NBC-TV.
Sen. Albert Gore, Jr. (D-TN)
Executive Summary
Personal History
0
Gore's father served in both the House and Senate. Gore grew up mainly in
Washington, DC. He attended St. Albans Prep, then went on to graduate from
Harvard.
Like his father, he opposed the Vietnam War. He took part in antiwar rallies,
but eventually volunteered for the Army. In 1988, he explained that if he had
not gone, another young man from his home town would have had to take his
place. Furthermore, if he had evaded the draft, he might have hurt his father's
reelection chances.
o
Gore went to Vietnam, serving as a journalist with an Army unit. In 1987, he
said: "I was not involved in fire fights. I was not in the infantry. I was in
areas where combat took place. I did not see combat myself." (Yet one of his
1988 campaign brochures carried an old picture of Gore carrying an M-16.)
He later admitted that he had smoked marijuana in Vietnam and during the
years immediately after.
o
Returning home, Gore became an investigative reporter for the Nashville
Tennessean. In 1976, he won an open seat in the House.
Political History
In the House, Gore made a name for himself on the Science Committee,
investigating such issues as organ transplants and the effects of radiation.
He also worked on arms control issues.
In 1984, he won the Senate seat vacated by Howard Baker.
In the Senate, he was named to the Armed Services committee and continued to
work on arms control issues.
He sought the 1988 Democratic Presidential nomination. On the basis of a few
specific positions (e.g., support for the Grenada mission), he sought to position
himself as the centrist candidate. His voting record, however, put him squarely
in the liberal camp. He won several states on Super Tuesday, but his campaign
flamed out when he lost the New York primary.
2
Strengths
Highly intelligent, very well educated.
Moderate positions on at least some issues. Support for Desert Storm is now a
significant asset.
Political base in the South. (Note: no Northern Democrat has won an absolute
majority of the popular vote since 1944.)
Young, energetic.
Weaknesses
o
Lacks a fixed identity. He tries to be a populist, but his resume lists St. Albans
and Harvard. He tries to court moderates while embracing hard-core leftists
such as environmentalist Paul Ehrlich.
o
In 1988, at least, his youth seemed a liability, as he appeared somewhat green.
Time, however, is curing this drawback.
3
Albert Gore, Jr.
Personal History
Albert Arnold Gore Jr. was born March 31, 1948, in Washington, where his
father had represented the Fourth District of Tennessee in the House of
Representatives as a Democrat since 1940. Gore's father served in the House for nearly
15 years (1938-1952) before going onto the Senate for 18 years. In the younger Gore's
boyhood, the family lived in an apartment in the Fairfax Hotel.
His education was mainly private, culminating in nine years at St. Albans,
where he played football and basketball and was an honors student. The night of his
graduation from St. Albans, he met Mary Elizabeth "Tipper" Aitcheson. He went on
to Harvard and a year later she followed to Boston University. They were married in
1970 at National Cathedral with a Beatles' song as a recessional. They now have three
daughters -- Karenna; Kristen; Sarah -- and a son, Albert III.
Like his father, he strongly opposed the war; in 1969, he participated in a three day
Harvard student strike to protest the war. (Miami Herald, 2/14/88). But he enlisted in
the Army in August 1969. In 1988 interview (Candidates '88, p. 182), he explained
that if he had not gone, another young man from his town would have had to take his
place. And his father was seeking reelection: "[To] the extent that my personal
decision had any impact on it, even marginal, ironically the best way I could oppose
the war was by going to it and being a part of it, which I did."
Sixteen months later, after his father had narrowly lost to William E. Brock, the
younger Gore was sent to Vietnam, where he served as a journalist with an Army unit.
During the 1988 campaign, a campaign brochure showed him carrying an M-16 rifle in
Vietnam. In response to comments that the photo falsely cast him in a combat role, he
said: "I carried that rifle all over Vietnam and walked like that in every part of the
country," Mr. Gore said. As a reporter in the Army's 20th Engineer Brigade, he
explained, he also carried a pencil. The brochure listed his Vietnam service as "one
of the reasons people give why Al Gore should be our next President." Asked to
describe his military experience, he said: "I was not involved in fire fights. I was not
in the infantry. I was in areas where combat took place. I did not see combat myself. I
was fired upon"( New York Times 10/26/87, p. B10).
The war, combined with the elder Gore's campaign defeat and the Watergate scandals,
turned his son temporarily against a political career. The junior Mr. Gore got a job as a
newspaper reporter, for The Tennessean in Nashville, where he uncovered local
corruption. He took divinity courses in 1971-72 at Vanderbilt, where, he says now, he
thought he could find answers to some basic questions. Did he succeed? "No, but I
found better questions." While continuing at the Tennessean, he ended his divinity
studied and enrolled in Vanderbilt Law School, which he attended for two years.
4
During this time of his life, Gore used marijuana, though his accounts of his
experimentation have not always been clear. On November 6, 1987 Gore told
reporters in Mobile, Alabama that he had never smoked marijuana as an adult. (The
Washington Post, 11/9/87). But the next day he said he had done so at various times
during college, during service in Vietnam and as a newspaper reporter in Tennessee.
His job as a reporter with the The Tennessean started in 1971, when he was twenty-
three years old. (The Washington Monthly, November, 1986) Gore has said that he
thinks the issue (of marijuana) has no bearing on his fitness for the presidency and that
the question is still inappropriate". (Washington Post, 11/9/87)
Political Career Before 1988
Joe Evins, who had succeeded the elder Gore in the House, retired in 1976. The
younger Gore then ran for the seat, winning a nine-way Democratic primary race with
32 percent of the vote, three points more than his nearest rival. In three successive
House elections, he was unopposed twice and won 79 percent the other time.
Gore made a name for himself as member of the Science Committee, where he
conducted hearings on issues such as organ transplants, baby formula safety standards,
and the long term effects of radiation. His most significant achievement, observers
agree, was development of an arms proposal to move from multiwarhead to single-
warhead missiles to reduce the possibility of a surprise nuclear attack. But this led to
his participation in a 1983 deal with the Reagan Administration that gave the MX
missile a new lease on life and turned a number of Democratic liberals against
Representative Gore.
When, in early 1983, Sen. Howard Baker stunned everyone by announcing that he
would not run for re-election in 1984, Gore was the Democrat favorite to succeed him.
He had no opponents in the Democratic primary -- quite a feat in an open-seat race --
and won the general election with 61%.
Gore carried his avid interest in science and technology into the Senate, and led the
campaign to televise floor proceedings. He was appointed to the Senate Armed
Services Committee where he helped working out a legislative compromise on the MX
missile with the Reagan administration and gained recognition as an expert on strategic
arms. Gore's wife, Tipper, established a profile of her own when she campaigned
against lyrics and album covers -- most from rock music -- which she deemed obscene.
His current committee assignments are: Armed Services; Committee on Commerce,
Science, and Transportation; Rules and Administration; and the Joint Committee on
Printing.
See appendix for summary of Senator Gore's vote ratings.
5
1988 Campaign
Gore launched his presidential candidacy on June 29, 1987, after fellow Southerners
Sam Nunn and Dale Bumpers announced they were not running. Gore had the backing
from Nate Landow and about 17 other members of Impac '88, a group of 48 wealthy,
Democratic fund-raisers who pledged to raise at least $250,000 each for the candidate
of their choice. At 40, Gore was the youngest of the Democratic hopefuls.
Major Issues in 1988
By staking out moderate positions on a range of foreign policy and military
matters, while at the same time blasting his rivals' liberal stands, Gore emerged as the
only "hawk" in the 1988 Democratic field. Still, Gore's stands were not all that far to
the right of the other Democrats. He opposed military aid to the Nicaraguan freedom
fighters. He supported the War Powers Act and continued observance of the ABM and
SALT II nuclear arms treatises and is against an early deployment of a strategic defense
system (SDI).
He differed from the rest of the Democratic field mainly in areas where his rivals'
more liberal positions seemed to have less support. He rejected a total ban on ballistic
missile flight tests. Gore was, however, the only Democratic candidate to support the
$3.5 million in humanitarian aid to the Nicaraguan freedom fighters which was
approved in September 1987 by the House. Gore backed the use of the U.S. Navy in
escorting reflagged Kuwaiti tankers through the Persian Gulf and believed the 1983
Grenada invasion represented a proper use of American force.
On farm issues, Gore told the Des Moines Register (5/22/87) that he would "take an
approach that falls between the elimination of government subsidies and the use of
mandatory production controls." Gore said the tobacco price support system does not
need any public subsidy (Raleigh News & Observer, 1/19/88). Yet he also argued that
he has "fought hard" for tobacco farmers (USA Today, 1/19/88).
Gore opposed:
Gore favored:
Raising the Social Security retirement age to 67. The Equal Rights Amendment
Reducing dairy price supports.
Procurement of 21 MX missiles.
Freezing physician's fees under Medicare.
The nuclear freeze.
Military aid to the contras.
School prayer.
The Immigration Reform Act.
Gore cited as his major goal the achievement of an arms control agreement with the
Soviet Union. Asked to provide specifics, Gore indicated support for a plan
to restrict both the Soviet Union and the United States to a relatively small
number of mobile, single-warhead missiles.
6
Political Assessment
While Gore was the only candidate who served in Vietnam, his Democratic opponents
questioned the sincerity of his new hawkishness, noting that his voting record on
defense issues reveals positions similar to their own.
Gore had endorsements and momentum among white elected officials in the South,
getting support from politicians who joined him in the gamble that he could
withstand his decision to virtually withdraw from Iowa and New Hampshire, and
the consequent poor showings in those states. On Super Tuesday, Gore carried five
border states: Tennessee, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Arkansas, and North Carolina; as well
as Nevada. Jesse Jackson cut into Gore's hopes in the South by capturing Virginia,
Georgia, Louisiana and Mississippi, although Gore did finish second in those states.
Gore targeted New York as the place to demonstrate appeal outside his own
region. But he could not raise the necessary money. Although he never gained the
endorsement of Governor Cuomo, he did pick up New York City Mayor Ed Koch's
endorsement. Koch's support was seen as a move against Jesse Jackson as he repeatedly
blasted Jackson. This hurt the Gore campaign. Gore finished third in the New York
primary with a dismal 10% of the vote. Dukakis received 51% and Jackson 37%. The
poor showing eliminated his eligibility for further federal funding. On April 21, Gore
announced he was suspending his campaign, saying "it hurts to have come so far and
have fallen short."
Senator Gore: 1988-1992
When Gore suspended his 1988 campaign, he told supporters that "there will
be other days for me and for the causes that matter to us." But in announcing
his candidacy for re-election in 1990, Gore shrugged off questions about 1992.
A long-time champion of environmental issues, Gore attended the 1989 international
conference on the environment in London, and wrote the World Environment Policy
Act which called for a ban on chlorofluorocarbons, blamed for depleting the ozone
layer of the Earth's atmosphere. He is writing a book, which he declines to discuss,
and has continued to write opinion pieces and guest columns.
"Fire in the belly? I guess because I ran before, I will always be suspect of
having that fire," he says. "And I will not deny that." (New York Times, 3/25/91 , p.
A14). Gore is inoculated on the one issue that torments his party. He was one of just
10 Democratic Senators to vote in favor of the resolution authorizing war in the Persian
Gulf. Said Gore during debate: "I do not believe we could adopt the course of action
implicit in the Nunn-Mitchell resolution without withdrawing up to half the troops now
deployed. I think the overriding effect of that withdrawal would be to make it
extremely unlikely that sanctions would then result in Saddam Hussein's withdrawal
7
from Kuwait or his overthrow in the near future.. I feel that I owe my vote to an
expression of support for the resolution authorizing the use of force "
(Congressional Record, 1/11/91). Yet he has been careful to maintain the favor of
Democrats who opposed the war. In March, he declared, "Shame on those Republican
operatives for playing politics with American lives, for the disservice they do to the
brave American soldiers who made the ultimate sacrifice for their country."
On the side of running," he says, "I think this country is feeling the Reagan-Bush years
and needs to approach domestic problems like the economy, competitiveness, the
environment, crime, with a sense of determination and with leadership and with 'the
vision thing.' " On the other side of the scales, he says, citing the burden on his
family. Two years ago, while Mr. Gore was attending a Baltimore Orioles baseball
game with his son, the boy broke away and was hit by a car. His injuries were serious,
his recovery long.
Personal Observations
In a March 1988 article, journalist Gail Sheehy summed up Gore's character in a
perceptive article, which is worth quoting at length:
"When I asked him to tell me his life story, Gore's first words were 'I've
always lived two places, two lives.' There were two homes (Washington, DC,
and Carthage, Tennessee), two schools (the elite St. Albans prep school and the
rural southern public school), two families (the farm manager and his wife, with
whom young Gore often lived, and the peripatetic father and mother they
referred to as 'Miz Gore and them'). There were two sets of friends, two
sweethearts. Every Sunday he went to a different church: Mother was Church
of Christ and Father a Baptist" (Vanity Fair, March 1988).
This duality also cropped up in the 1988 campaign. On the one hand, he told Marvin
Kalb at Harvard that he went to Vietnam as the most effective way of opposing the
war. On the other hand, his supporters gave Wyoming voters a brochure showing him
wielding an M-16. He and Mrs. Gore had Beatles music played at their wedding, but
she gained public attention by condemning rock music lyrics. He positioned himself as
the moderate-centrist candidate while having the most liberal voting record of any
Southern Democrat.
More recently, he has sought to portray himself as a thoughtful moderate who cares
about business growth, while endorsing a hard-line environmentalist tract. He
defended Desert Storm, and now he is defending those who opposed it.
8
Appendix: Gore Facts
Born: March 31, 1948.
Hometown: Carthage, Tenn.
Education: B.A., Harvard.
Career Highlights: 1969-71, Army, with rank of Specialist 5; 1971-76,
homebuilding business and reporter, The Tennessean; 1977-85, United States
Representative; 1985-present, United States Senate; 1988, candidate for
Democratic Presidential nomination.
Vote Ratings:
Senate Service
Pres. Sup.
Party Unity
Cons Coal.
ADA
ACU
AFL-CIO
Chamber
1990
38%
93%
41%
78%
09%
89%
17%
1989
56%
68%
58%
55%
19%
88%
60%
1988
33%
57%
11%
60%
09%
83%
45%
1987
10%
49%
09%
60%
06%
100%
10%
1986
29%
83%
33%
70%
09%
87%
32%
1985
34%
86%
50%
65%
17%
86%
41%
House Service
1984
46%
69%
56%
65%
22%
62%
31%
1983
29%
77%
39%
70%
20%
88%
28%
1982
45%
89%
47%
70%
29%
90%
18%
1981
39%
80%
47%
70%
13%
93%
11%
Dear Friend and Supporter:
As we discussed in our September 15th meeting, we have been
looking at several options that Reverend Jesse Jackson and our
coalition can exercise in the 1992 presidential election. At the
urging of many of us, Reverend Jackson agreed to take another month
or so to consult with you and others across the country and to
weigh these options.
We are asking you to come back together on Friday, November 1
and Saturday, November 2 in Washington D.C. to conclude this phase
of our discussion, and to plan and implement the next steps.
Friday evening and Saturday morning, we are convening key
supporters for a private discussion on: a decision about a Jackson
candidacy; our agenda and program for 1992; and building coalition
and infrastructure for 1992. Saturday at 12 noon, let's stand
together with Reverend Jackson at a press conference to announce
the results of this discussion.
Regardless of the specific decision on the presidential race,
we must strengthen our coalition and our message in these urgent
times by standing and acting together. Please do make every effort
to come to this meeting and announcement.
The meetings will be held at the Omni Shoreham Hotel on
Friday, November 1 from 8 - 10 PM in the Palladium Room, and
Saturday from 9 AM to 12 noon in the Ambassador Room. The press
conference will follow at noon. The Omni Shoreham Hotel is located
at 2500 Calvert Street, N.W. If interested in room reservations at
the Omni Shoreham call (202) 234-0700.
Please R.S.V.P. to Carolyn Hunter at (202) 728-1180. We look
forward to seeing you.
Sincerely,
CONVENERS LIST
The Honorable Toney Anaya
The Honorable John Conyers
The Honorable Charles Hayes
The Honorable Kweisi Mfume
The Honorable Donald Payne
The Honorable Charles Rangel
The Honorable Edolphus Towns
The Honorable Maxine Waters
Mayor Sidney Barthelemy
Roger Allison, Missouri Rural Crisis Center*
Reverend Willie Barrow, Vice Chair of Operation PUSH Board
Mark McKenzie, New Hampshire AFL-CIO*
Karen Nussbaum, President SEIU 925*
Hazel Obey, Vice-chairperson, Texas Democratic Party*
Ron Richardson, Hotel & Restaurant Employees Union*
Dennis Rivera, 1199*
Percy Sutton, General Partner ATIG
LeeAnn Tallbear, National American Indian Council
Lawrence Landry
Mario Obledo
organizational affiliation for identification purposes only
National Rainbow
Coalition, Inc.
Reverend Jesse L. Jackson
President and Founder
ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF THE JESSE L. JACKSON
RAINBOW COALITION 1984 AND 1988 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS
1983-1984 -- JACKSON RAN FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
In this first, historic campaign, Jackson showed the nation that an African
American, progressive candidate could be a serious force. In 1984:
Jackson won 3.5 million votes and 465.5 delegates. "Professionals"
predicted Jackson wouldn't be able to exceed 175 to 200 delegates.
Jackson built a unified, active and politicized national African
American community.
Jackson made enforcement of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and voter
registration centerpieces of his campaign, and played a major role in
inspiring two million new registered voters for the Democratic Party.
Despite Reagan's "landslide victory," the new Rainbow constituency
resulted in a net gain of two Democratic Senate seats and helped elect
Senators Simon (D-IL), Gore (D-TN), Levin (D-MI), and Heflin (D-AL).
*
Jackson became the first African American in over a century to win
statewide elections in the South.
*
Jackson forces won a significant rules change -- the Democratic Party
lowered the threshold for winning delegates from 20% to 15%.
1985-1987 - JACKSON FORMED THE NATIONAL RAINBOW COALITION AND EXPANDED THE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY'S ELECTORAL POWER
After the 1984 campaign, Jackson formed the National Rainbow Coalition, a
nonprofit organization dedicated to building a multi-cultural movement for
social change in America. Over the next few years, Jackson continued to be
a major force in national politics.
1985 and 1986, Jackson continued to register new voters.
The new Rainbow constituency helped the Democrats in 1986 to solidly and
dramatically recapture control of the Senate by a margin of 55 to 45.
Democrats John Breaux (LA), Wyche Fowler (GA), Terry Sanford (NC),
Richard Shelby (AL), and Alan Cranston (CA) all won by very small
margins, with new African American and Hispanic voters making the
difference. All won with a minority of the white vote.
*
The Rainbow constituency made strong contributions in the Senate
victories of Barbara Mikulski (MD), Bob Graham (FL), Tim Wirth (CO), Tom
Daschle (SD), and Kent Conrad (ND).
P.O. Box 27385
Washington, D.C. 20005'
(202) 728-1180 Fax (202) 728-1192
The Rainbow-assisted Democratic control of the Senate defeated Reagan's
ultra-conservative Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork in 1987.
More than any other Democrat, Jesse Jackson resisted the unfair policies
of the Reagan/Bush era.
1987-1988 - THE JACKSON 1988 PRESIDENTIAL RACE
Jackson's second presidential race was the most serious race for high office
ever conducted by an African American. His success opened the doors for a
new Rainbow politics and a progressive vision for the nation that permanently
changed American politics.
This highly professional campaign raised $20 million, ran an excellent
direct mail program, filed full delegate slates across the country, and
brought out more supporters in caucus states than any other campaign.
Jackson's campaign spent fewer dollars per vote received than any
candidate.
Jackson won over seven million total votes, double his 1984 vote, and
more than Mondale got in 1984 when he won the Party's nomination.
Jackson won thirteen primary races: Alabama, Alaska, Delaware, Georgia,
Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, South Carolina, Vermont (the whitest
state in the U.S.) and Virginia, plus Washington D.C., Puerto Rico, and
the Virgin Islands.
Jackson won 1,218.5 delegate votes, the most votes ever received by a
runner-up in either party in the history of American politics.
During the primary and caucus season, Jackson earned about 1,075
delegates to Dukakis's 1,790, a ratio of 2:3. Jackson's convention
delegate count of 1,218.5 to Dukakis's 2,876.25 was a ratio of 3:7. This
dramatic difference was due to the great numbers of unelected
superdelegates at the convention.
Jackson won the most popular votes on Super Tuesday (2,547,302) and was
the only candidate to win delegates in every state that day.
of 20 Super Tuesday races, Jackson won 16 first or second-places, while
Dukakis won 12 and Gore 11. In the Deep South, Jackson received almost
10% of the white vote -- about two and a half times what he got in 1984.
According to the New York Times, on Super Tuesday, Jackson won the
African American vote (91 percent), the liberal vote (37%), the labor
vote (35%), the women's vote (30%), the 18-29 year-old vote (33%), the
30-44 year-old vote (35%), the 45-59 year-old vote (28%), those earning
between $12,500 and $25,000 a year (28%), those who voted Democrat in
1984 (39%), and first-time primary voters (31%). Jackson finished
second among Hispanics (21%), Catholics (18%), and native Southerners.
2
Jackson won 92 Congressional districts in 32 states.
Jackson doubled his white vote, winning 2.5 million white and Hispanic
votes.
Jackson won 92 percent of the African American vote, building a unified
and solid base for future political campaigns.
Jackson split the self-identified liberal vote with Dukakis.
Jackson won the most debates, got the most laughs and standing ovations,
attacked his opponents the least, and always gave the best speeches --
including his convention speech, watched by an estimated 50 million
viewers.
Jackson sent the most "Rainbow" convention delegation in the history of
American politics to Atlanta, with impressive numbers of African
American, white, Hispanic, Asian American, Native American, Arab
American, gay and lesbian delegates. Several hundred Jackson delegates
came from the labor movement.
of 56 races, Jackson finished first or second in 46 -- more than Dukakis
-- which means Jackson ran a strong national campaign, running well in
every region of the country.
Jackson won the 18-29 year-old vote and broke even with 30-44 year-olds.
Jackson won the 18-44 year-old vote -- the voice of a new generation.
Jackson forces eliminated "winner take all" primaries and "bonus"
primaries in Illinois, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and West Virginia,
making future primaries proportional and more democratic.
Jesse Jackson's 1988 campaign increased the leverage of progressive
forces within the Democratic Party. Almost every speaker borrowed his
words and thoughts. Progressives saw their peace and justice agenda come
close to becoming government policy.
Jackson fought for a "Workers Bill of Rights" and a "Corporate Code of
Conduct"; for a national health care program; for reducing military
spending; for reordering budget priorities.
Jackson alone recognized the critical nature of the "drug" issue, and
made it an issue of conscience for the nation.
Jackson traveled more miles than any other surrogate on behalf of the
Dukakis-Bentsen ticket, during the 1988 general election campaign.
After the 1988 campaign, Jackson's convention manager, Ron Brown, won a
smashing and historic victory to become the first African American to
head the Democratic National Committee.
Jackson forces profoundly influenced the Democratic platform as all but
3
four of Jackson's planks (of thirteen in dispute) were adopted.
Jackson received commitments from Democratic Party leadership to support
critical legislative changes: the Dellums Bill (comprehensive sanctions
against South Africa), the Conyers Bill (establishing same-day, on-site
registration of voters), DC Statehood legislation, comprehensive child-
care legislation, and economic set-asides for minorities.
Jackson forces influenced the expansion of the Democratic National
Committee with the addition of twenty new seats, including a vice-
chairmanship for voter registration (selected by Jackson).
Most importantly, Jackson's campaign transcended traditional barriers by
building coalitions based on common ground. Jackson appealed to that
which unites people rather than that which divides them, and ran a
campaign based on hope.
JESSE L. JACKSON 1989 TO PRESENT
Since the 1988 campaign, Jackson and the Rainbow have continued to be
national voices and mobilizers for social change. For example:
Jackson highlighted the massive pro-choice march on Washington.
Jackson, as Co-Chair of the Financial Democracy Campaign, helped push
through affordable housing and anti-redlining provisions in the S & L
Bailout law, testified for voter registration reform, and mobilized for
the key civil rights bills of the decade.
Jackson was elected Statehood Senator from Washington, D.C. Jackson
reinvigorated the Statehood effort and now actively lobbies Capitol Hill
and organizes constituents to achieve statehood for Washington.
Jesse Jackson is first or second in Democratic presidential primary
polls for 1992.
Jackson and the Rainbow inspired and led a week-long march from
Bridgeport to Hartford, Connecticut, to highlight the crisis in urban
America and to redirect the nation to rebuild America.
NATIONAL RAINBOW COALITION POLITICAL VICTORIES
In the wake of Jackson's electoral strength and the campaign's successful
expansion of the electorate, a wave of Rainbow successes swept the nation.
1989 -- African Americans won state and mayoral elections in
unprecedented numbers. African American, Hispanic, Asian, Arab American
and white former Jackson campaign chairs and delegates won a series of
elections, many historic, with the winner of each election more
progressive than his or her predecessor.
Douglas Wilder, Governor of Virginia.
4
David Dinkins, Mayor of New York City
Norm Rice, Mayor of Seattle
John Daniels, Mayor of New Haven
Betty Esper, Mayor of Homestead, PA
Chester Jenkins, Mayor of Durham, NC
Maynard Jackson, Mayor of Atlanta
Michael White, Mayor of Cleveland
Ben Nichols, Mayor of Ithaca
Oscar Rios, Deputy Mayor of Watsonville, CA
1990 -- Jackson allies Paul Wellstone and Bernie Sanders won the two
most surprising victories of the year. Wellstone (D-MN) replaced
incumbent Republican Rudy Boschwitz as U.S. Senator. Sanders of Vermont,
a progressive, was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives.
1990 -- Jackson allies Maxine Waters (D-CA) and Eleanor Holmes Norton
(D-DC) were elected to Congress, increasing the number of African
American women in the House of Representatives. In Michigan, where
Jackson won, Barbara Rose Collins (D-MI), an African American, won.
*
1990 -- William Jefferson became the first African American elected to
Congress from New Orleans since Reconstruction.
*
1991 -- African Americans, for the first time, won the mayoral races in
Missouri, Colorado and Tennessee:
Emanuel Cleaver, Mayor of Kansas City, Missouri
Wellington Webb, Mayor of Denver, Colorado
Willie Herenton, Mayor of Memphis, Tennessee
JESSE JACKSON/NATIONAL RAINBOW COALITION LABOR VICTORIES
Jackson and the National Rainbow Coalition have stood with unions and working
families whenever they were in need.
Jackson has stood with labor for thirty years. He was with Dr. King
when he was killed in Memphis supporting an AFSCME sanitation workers'
strike.
*
Jackson has walked more picket lines and been asked to address more
union rallies and conferences than any other American leader. He has
walked and talked with the Carpenters, Virginia State AFL-CIO, AFGE,
CBTU, PED, UMWA, HERE, and CWA.
Jackson has organized more workers into unions and signed up more union
members than any other leader. He has organized with ACTWU, AFGE,
AFSCME, SEIU, UFCW, USWA, HERE, and UAW.
*
In labor disputes, Jackson has stood with labor and negotiated difficult
settlements. He has sat at the table with NABET, Firefighters,
Teachers, CWA, AFGE, USWA, Pittston Miners, HERE, ACTWU, NEA, Greyhound,
the Daily News, and 1199 in New York.
5
Jackson has stood with women and minority workers in their fight for
dignity on the job, in poultry factories in Ahoskie and Hamlet, NC, in
textile factories in Earle, AK with ACTWU, and throughout the South.
Most importantly, Jackson has looked forward with hope in times of great
difficulty for labor. He stood with the locked out, with Greyhound
workers, Pittston miners, and Eastern strikers who had been abandoned.
FOREIGN POLICY VICTORIES
Jackson's longstanding principles of consistency and human rights set the
standard for many foreign policy debates. His commitment to democracy has
been prophetic for today's world events.
During the 1984 campaign, Jackson took the time to negotiate the release
of downed Navy fighter pilot, Robert Goodman.
1985, Jackson, as chief spokesperson for a delegation of peace
activists, presented to Gorbachev a petition signed by one million
Americans asking for cuts in nuclear weapons, and also challenged him on
the emigration of Soviet Jews.
April 1987, Jackson stood with peace activists in D.C. to protest the
Reagan Administration's Central American policy. Jackson was not afraid
to criticize Ronald Reagan's and George Bush's policies in the invasions
of Grenada and Panama.
Jackson made South Africa an issue of conscience for the nation. He
raised the sanctions issue during a televised debate with Mondale and
Hart in 1984, and insisted on designating South Africa as a "terrorist
state" in the 1988 Democratic platform. Jackson led a delegation to
Southern Africa and frontline states. Increasing America's awareness of
the apartheid regime led to the Dellums Bill passage and the imposition
of sanctions against South Africa. Jackson was the first African
American to meet with Nelson Mandela upon his release from prison.
Jackson was the sole candidate to propose a two-state solution in the
Middle East -- to guarantee security and peace to both Israelis and
Palestinians. Palestinian self-determination was for the first time
debated on the floor of the Democratic National Convention.
At the Convention, Jackson forces were able to include in the platform
the need to move beyond the Cold War, to "promptly initiate a mutual
moratorium on missile flight testing", to "support the sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity of Lebanon," and for a wide-
ranging peace plan in Central America. Jackson forces received enormous
support for the position that the U.S. should make a "no first use"
pledge for nuclear weapons.
September 1990, Jackson flew to Baghdad, interviewed Saddam Hussein and
won freedom for the first hostages to be released from Kuwait and Iraq -
- over 400 Americans, British, Canadians and Japanese.
January 26, 1991, Jackson spoke at the big anti-war rally in D.C. and
urged the President to end the bombing and negotiate a peace.
6
1992
The Honorable:
John H. Sunner,
Thought you smght
be interested me
seeing this Regards,
OFFICE TELEPHONES
AREA CODE 508
454-8421, 454-9121, 454-8511
THE SAAB LAW FIRM
ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELORS-AT-LAW
LOUIS M. SAAB, ESQUIRE
SUITE 234
175 CENTRAL STREET
SAAB BUILDING
LOWELL, MASS.
THE TSONGAS COMMITTEE
October 30, 1991
Louis M Saab
175 Central Street
Lowell, MA 01852
Dear Louis,
When I was growing up in Lowell, my family often went
to New Hampshire for special outings. I remember the
small thrill I used to feel when our car would cross the
state border, on our way to a day at Hampton Beach, or
Lake Winnipesaukee, or on the trails of the White
Mountains.
These days, I travel to New Hampshire for a much
different reason. And though my heart still races a bit
when I cross the state line, my mission is one of serious
purpose rather than a childhood adventure: To introduce
myself to the people of the Granite State, and to ask them
to nominate me as their candidate.
It is a mission we are taking together, you and I.
And underlying it is a message and a vision we share - on
behalf of our nation and our party.
So far, our mission is succeeding quite well. Your
support has enabled me to lay the substantive groundwork
necessary to be among the winners when the votes are
counted on February 18. And several newspaper polls
indicate I am the clear favorite.
But now I need your support again, to launch the next
phase of our New Hampshire campaign. I must raise $50,000
in the next 14 days to begin airing a series of television
commercials that will help me reach voters I have not been
able to reach in person.
You know our campaign is far more than sound bites
and TV spots. But in these closing weeks, a strong
presence on television -- equal to or exceeding that of my
opponents -- is critical.
Like the rest of our campaign, our commercials are
issue-oriented and substantive. They do not sell me like
a movie-of-the-week. They present me for who I am, what I
stand for, and why I am committed to this campaign.
2 OLIVER STREET
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS 02109
TELEPHONE: (617) 422-0100
I hope you will help me get them on the air.
You and I are in this campaign together. Our
principles, hopes and dreams are on the New Hampshire
ballot.
I'm asking you to invest in those principles, hopes
and dreams once again - to champion them along with me,
and to inspire others to join our cause.
Wherever I travel, whomever I talk to, I sense a
stirring in the American soul. It is clear to me that
people are waiting and hoping for a candidate who is not
afraid to speak the truth, and who refuses to sell our
country and its people short.
A win in New Hampshire will enable me to emerge as
that candidate, and inspire people across the country to
listen to our message.
As Democrats, they will respond to our clear platform
to make our party the party of economic renewal. As
Americans, they will respond to our program of economic
patriotism. As voters, they will see that ours is the
message that can defeat George Bush.
Six months ago, the pundits said the Democrats should
just sit this one out. But you and I said "NO". You and
I said that America deserves an honest, open debate on its
future. And that's what we're giving them.
Please help the debate -- and my momentum -- continue
through the next 100 crucial days, with a generous gift
today. It will matter, and it will make a difference.
Sincerely,
Pail
Paul Tsongas
P.S. A new ABC News/Washington Post poll shows -- for the
first time -- that a majority of Americans believe America
needs a new direction, different than the direction George
Bush and the Republicans have charted. Our campaign
offers a clear choice, and New Hampshire voters will be
the first to vote on it - just 100 days from now. Please
help me reach as many voters as possible, with a gift in
support of my television advertising campaign today.
The New Hampshire Primary is barely 100 days away.
I must raise $50,000 in the next 14 days to have a strong
television presence as the voters begin to compare me
with other candidates in the race. According to
newspaper polls, I already have a substantial lead. Your
financial support will help me keep it.
To:
Paul Tsongas
From:
Message:
I want to help you reach as many voters as possible before the crucial New
Hampshire primary on February 18. Here's my contribution in support of your
television advertising campaign:
$35
$50
$75
$100
$250
$500
$1,000
Other (
)
Please return this form with your check, made payable to The Tsongas Commit-
tee, to me within 14 days, using the envelope I have enclosed. Thank you once
again for your support!
3
Your telephone number is very important to us:
(H)
(W)
To help us comply with the Federal Election Commission regulations, please
furnish the following information:
Occupation:
Employer:
Business Address
Paid for by The Tsongas Committee.
Your contribution is not tax deductible for Federal Income Tax Purposes.
Photo Copy Preservation
LAW OFFICES
LOUIS M. SAAB
Attorneys and Counselors at Law
SAAB BUILDING
29
175 Central Street
Lowell, Massachusetts 01852
The Honorable John H. Sununu
Chief of State to George H.W. Bush
President of the United states
Washington, D.C.
PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 6, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
RONALD C. KAUFMAN
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR POLITICAL
AFFAIRS
FROM:
DAVID M. CARNER
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT AND DIRECTOR,
OFFICE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS
SUBJECT:
1991 ELECTION RESULTS
US SENATE SPECIAL ELECTION
With 90% of the votes counted:
Dick Thornburgh (R) 44%
Harris Wofford (D) 56%
In Pennsylvania, what once appeared to the pundits as an easy
victory for the Republican Party to the U.S. Senate became a
hotly contested race. Harris Wofford ran a campaign positioning
himself as a Washington outsider and Dick Thornburgh as an
insider and used national health care as a key theme. Thornburgh
stated that he was opposed to a national health care plan. A
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette poll indicated that 94 percent of
Pennsylvanians said that their decision in this race would be
based on the candidate who could best ensure that adequate health
care is available.
Wofford and Democrat spinsters recently defined the campaign as a
referendum on the policies of the Bush Administration. Wofford
criticized Thornburgh as the candidate who would protect the
status quo and linked Thornburgh to the Administration at every
opportunity, including the S&L issue and BCCI. Even with a 6.5%
unemployment rate compared to the national average of 6.8%, the
Wofford campaign was able to negatively link Thornburgh to the
Administration following the veto of the extension of
unemployment benefits.
Many believe that Thornburgh's message failed to provide any
definition to his campaign - no articulation of his sense of the
future for Pennsylvania. There are approximately 330,000 more
registered Democrats than Republicans in the state. In 1988,
Bush-Quayle won the state 51% to 48%.
Wofford was endorsed by all of the major newspapers in
Pennsylvania, including both papers in Thornburgh's hometown of
Pittsburgh. This is the first time in 20 years that the
Pittsburgh Press has endorsed a Democrat Senate candidate.
Pennsylvania has not sent a Democrat to the United States Senate
in 23 years.
The Wofford campaign spent dollar for dollar what the Thornburgh
campaign spent on paid media. The National Republican Senatorial
Committee contributed approximately $1.3 million to the
Thornburgh campaign.
Six Administration officials -- the Vice President, Mrs. Bush
Secretaries Derwinski, Sullivan, Alexander and Kemp -- went in to
help Thornburgh's campaign. You traveled to Pennsylvania on
Thornburgh's behalf twice (9/12/91 and 10/2/91).
You also participated in Thornburgh's direct mail program through
an absentee ballot letter on behalf of the State Party and a
mailgram which was sent out to 2,000 County Precinct workers on
Saturday, November 2.
Wofford's campaign tactics were clearly far better than
Thornburgh's.
Also in Pennsylvania, prior to today's election, the Republicans
controlled 41 of 67 of the 3-member county court house boards.
The election resulted in Republican control of 51 of the 67
boards for a net gain of 10.
GUBERNATORIAL RACES
With 97% of the votes counted:
Larry Hopkins (R) 35%
Brereton Jones (D) 65%
In Kentucky, Lt. Governor Brereton Jones was favored from the
outset of this campaign because of the Democrat's large voter
registration advantage (2:1) and because of the divisive
Republican primary election. Congressman Larry Hopkins and
former Kentucky GOP Chairman and Bush'88 State Chairman Larry
Forgy engaged in a bitter primary fight that left the Party split
and loyalties divided. After the primary, though, Forgy did
campaign hard for Hopkins when asked.
Hopkins was faced with the daunting task of demonstrating why he
was the best man to replace fairly popular Democrat Governor
Wallace Wilkinson. While Jones and Wilkinson do not get along
personally, Wilkinson has worked hard and been a great asset for
Jones' campaign. Hopkins attacked Jones for refusing to disclose
his income tax returns -- an issue that has not attracted much
voter attention. Hopkins also favored right to work legislation,
upsetting Kentucky's large labor force.
It was disclosed that Hopkins bounced 32 checks at the House Bank
totalling $40,000. This somewhat muted his attack on Jones'
financial matters.
While Hopkins' loss was not a surprise, the margin was. Hopkins
spent nearly $3 million dollars in this race and only received
35% of the vote. Kentucky is still a strong Democrat state, and
Hopkins was largely unsuccessful reaching Democrat cross-over
voters. In 1988, the Bush-Quayle ticket carried Kentucky 56% to
44%.
Secretaries Skinner, Madigan and Kemp traveled to Kentucky for
Hopkins. The Vice President made two trips on the Congressman's
behalf, and you visited Louisville on October 2.
You participated in an Oval Office photo-opportunity for Larry
Hopkins this fall.
MS - with 99% of the votes counted:
Kirk Fordice (R) 51%
Ray Mabus (D)
48%
In Mississippi, Republican businessman Kirk Fordice scored a
stunning victory over incumbent Governor Ray Mabus. Fordice was
the definite underdog in this race -- no Republican has ever won
the Governorship in Mississippi. Fordice defeated State Auditor
and party switcher Pete Johnson in a spirited Republican primary.
Mabus also faced a strong primary challenge from former
Congressman Wayne Dowdy. Mabus spent over $2 million in the
primary, only to get 51% of the vote. Fordice was the underdog
in the GOP primary, and was outspent 2:1 by Johnson.
Fordice played upon the popular "outsider" theme that many
challengers have used effectively this election year.
Mississippi is in bad shape -- both economically and
educationally -- and Fordice's message was obviously well
received by voters. Fordice was able to overcome the Governor's
traditional voter coalition advantage of blacks, educators, and
labor. Record numbers of Mississippi Republicans turned out in
both the primary and general elections, making the future very
bright for the state GOP.
The Bush-Quayle ticket won Mississippi in 1988 59% to 40%.
Secretaries Skinner and Madigan went into Mississippi prior to
the primary to campaign for the Mississippi GOP, and the Vice
President made a trip on September 23. You participated in a
video commercial message and telephone call-in for Fordice.
Kirk Fordice can be reached at the following phone numbers on
Wednesday, November 6, 1991:
Morning:
601-944-1150, extension 2019, 2020
Afternoon: 601-636-4482
With 99% of the votes counted:
Eddie Briggs (R)
49.6%
Brad Dye (D)
42.7%
In addition to Fordice's upset, Republican State Senator Eddie
Briggs defeated incumbent Lt. Governor Brady Dye. Briggs, like
Fordice, ran against the Democrat establishment and becomes only
the second Republican to ever win the Lt. Governorship in
Mississippi. Briggs was considered an underdog, but was expected
to run a close race.
US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SPECIAL ELECTIONS
With 100% of the votes counted:
George Allen 63%
Kay Slaughter 35%
In Virginia (CD-07), Republican George Allen, Jr. soundly
defeated Democrat Kay Slaughter in this special Congressional
election. The vacancy was created by the retirement of four term
Republican Congressman D. French Slaughter for health reasons.
Allen served in the Virginia Assembly as Assistant Minority
Leader for the past nine years.
Many voters were confused by Slaughter's last name -- she is
French Slaughter's cousin. Allen had to educate voters that he
was the Republican nominee, not the Democrat Slaughter.
Allen's effective fundraising and grass-roots efforts, coupled
with a strong Republican base in the seventh district, greatly
assisted his efforts. In 1988, the Bush-Quayle ticket won the
Seventh Congressional District over Governor Dukakis 66%-33%.
You signed a Get-Out-the-Vote letter on Allen's behalf just over
a week ago, and participated in an Oval Office photo opportunity
and video message for Allen.
PA-02 - with 81% of the votes counted:
Nadine Bulford (R)
5%
Lucien Blackwell (D)
41%
John White (I)
28%
Chaka Fattah (Consumer)
26%
In Pennsylvania, the second Congressional District was contested.
Blackwell is a former Philadelphia councilmember. Eighty-nine
percent of the district is Democrat. Bill Gray resigned from
this seat to become President of the United Negro College Fund.
STATE LEGISLATIVE RACES
In New Jersey, all seats in the State Assembly (43D-37R) and
State Senate (23D-17R) were up. The net Republican gain in the
New Jersey Senate was 10 seats. The net Republican gain in the
New Jersey Assembly was 21 seats. The Republican goal was to
capture at least four new seats in each house to yield a
majority. The Republican objective in the election was to
capitalize on the economic problems in New Jersey by linking the
issue to the poor leadership ability of Governor Jim Florio.
Florio's popularity dropped dramatically following enactment last
year of $2.8 billion in higher taxes to balance the budget.
Florio declared last week that this election would be a
referendum on the policies of the Bush Administration.
Republicans controlled the Assembly from 1986 to 1989. The State
Senate was last under Republican control in 1973.
Secretaries Sullivan, Martin and Brady have participated in
fundraisers for the State Party on behalf of the legislature.
The Vice President has done two trips and you and Mrs. Bush were
in New Jersey on September 24.
In Virginia, all 100 delegates (54D-40R-1I) and 40 state Senators
(30D-10R) were up. We have been making steady gains in the House
of Delegates over the past few years even though we have not
controlled the Legislature for a century.
Republicans had an outstanding night -- winning nine new Senate
seats and one Legislative seat. The new balance in the Senate is
22D-19R; the Legislature is 53D-41R-11. This is a net Republican
gain in the State Senate of nine seats and in the House of
Delegates of one seat.
Approximately 50 Republican State Legislators met with you in the
Roosevelt Room a month ago to participate in a photo-opportunity
with you and meet with key Senior Administration officials.
MAYORAL RACES
In Baltimore, with 97% of the votes counted:
Sam Culotta (R)
29%
Kurt Schmoke (D)
71%
In Bridgeport, Connecticut, with 99% of the votes counted:
Mary Moran (R)
39%
Joseph Ganim (D) 53%
In Columbus, with 100% of the votes counted:
Greg Lashutka (R)
53%
Ben Espy (D)
47%
Lashutka was the heavy favorite in this race from the start; his
victory was not a surprise. Lashutka will replace incumbent
Republican Mayor Buck Rinehart. Mrs. Bush went to Ohio to
campaign for Lashutka and you signed a Get-Out-the-Vote letter
for him last month.
In Dallas, with 90% of the votes counted:
Steve Bartlett (R) 55%
Forrest Smith
(D)
14%
Kathryn Cain
(D)
20%
Bartlett, a former U.S. Congressman, ran a very effective
campaign and gathered support from a number of strong Dallas
coalitions (black ministers etc.) Although a non-partisan
position, Dallas will become the largest city in the United
States with a Republican Mayor.
In Houston, with 90% of the votes counted:
Kathy Whitmire (D)
20%
Sylvester Turner (D)
36%
Bob Lanier (D)
43%
The run-off election is no surprise in this hotly contested race,
but Kathy Whitmire's resounding defeat is. Whitmire served five
terms as Mayor -- a Houston record -- but continued to drop in
the polls in the final two weeks of the campaign. Democrat Bob
Lanier was strongly supported by Penny Butler and a number of
other prominent Houston Republicans. Sylvester Turner was the
true surprise in this election, making strong gains in the final
days of the campaign. Turner, the only black candidate in the
race, will be formidable in the run-off because most experts
expect Whitmire's voters to favor him over the conservative
Lanier.
In Indianapolis, with 100% of the votes counted:
Steve Goldsmith (R) 60%
Louis Mahern (D)
40%
Goldsmith's victory means that Republicans have controlled the
Mayor's office since 1967. Goldsmith succeeds Republican Bill
Hudnut, who succeeded Senator Dick Lugar. Goldsmith's victory
was no surprise.
In Manchester, New Hampshire, with 99% of the votes counted:
Ray Wieczorek (R)
63%
John McDonough (D)
37%
In Nashua, New Hampshire, with 99% of the votes counted:
Don Davidson (R)
40%
Rob Wagner (D)
26%
Phil Grandmaison (D)
19%
Barbara Pressly (D)
14%
A days. run-off will be held between Davidson and Wagner in thirty
In New Haven, Connecticut, with 99% of the votes counted:
John Einhorn (R)
43%
John Daniels (D)
57%
In Philadelphia, with 91% of the votes counted:
Joe Egan (R)
32%
Ed Rendell (D)
68%
In Salt Lake City, with 94% of the votes counted:
Dave Buhler (R)
44%
DeeDee Corradini (D) 56%
Democrat DeeDee Corradini defeated Republican businessman David
Buhler in the Salt Lake City Mayor's race. Corradini, a non-
Mormon received key support from Kathleen Garn, Republican
Senator Jake Garn's wife, and Republican Jon Huntsman. The Utah
GOP contributed $3,000 to Buhler's race.
In Savannah, Georgia, with 100% of the votes counted:
Susan Wiener (R)
54%
John Rousakis (D)
46%
In Stamford, Connecticut, with 95% of the votes counted:
Stan Esposito (R)
56%
Sandy Goldstein (D) 44%
We picked up this traditionally held Democrat seat.
In Waterbury, Connecticut, with 100% of the votes counted:
Joseph Santorpietro (R)
20%
Edward Bergin (D)
43%
Josephine Mills
36%
COUNTY RACES
With 100% of the vote counted:
Tom Davis 66%
Audrey Moore34%
In Fairfax County, Virginia, the County Supervisor race provided
a major Republican upset over Democrat incumbent Audrey Moore by
Republican Tom Davis. Fairfax is one of the largest counties in
the United States. Fairfax County, known as a swing county in
Virginia, had lost its economic base under the supervision of
Audrey Moore. Moore ran on the theme of experience and the idea
of returning the County to the people. Tom Davis ran as a
moderate, intelligent growth Republican candidate capturing major
community support, including business.
In Albany County, New York, with 99% of the votes counted:
Mike Hoblock (R)
59%
Robert Lyman (D)
41%
In Monroe County, New York, with 93% of the votes counted:
Bob King (R)
53%
Thomas Frey (D)
47%
In Suffolk County, New York, with 83% of the votes counted:
Bob Gaffney (R)
51%
Patrick Halpin (D) 42%
In Dutchess County, New York, with 100% of the votes counted:
William R. Steinhaus (R) 69%
Dominick Cannizzaro (D) 31%
All four of these New York counties are pick-ups for the GOP and
show how much stronger the New York GOP is today.
STATE BALLOT ISSUES
In Washington, voters faced several ballot initiatives. Among
the most controversial were Initiative 553 regarding term
limitation, Initiative 120 on abortion and Initiative 119 on
euthanasia.
Initiative 553: Term Limitation - with 94% of the votes counted:
46% yes to 54% no
This initiative will limit, retroactively, the terms of both
State and Federal elected officials. State Legislators will be
limited to 10 consecutive years, federal legislators to 12
consecutive years and statewide officials (governor/Lt. governor)
to two consecutive terms. Support for this initiative was heavy
throughout the summer and was said to gain momentum as a result
of the Thomas hearings. An unusual coalition of organized labor,
NRA, Sierra Club and Common Cause formed the core of the
opposition to term limits.
Initiative 120: Abortion - with 94% of the votes counted:
50% yes to 50% no
This initiative is intended to codify under state law what
presently exists in federal law under the Supreme Court decision
of Roe V. Wade. Pro-choice activists see this measure as a means
of ensuring abortion rights in the event that Roe V. Wade is
overturned by the Supreme Court in the near future. Pro-life
forces are unhappy with this ballot initiative because they
believe it will cost the Washington taxpayers $60 million in
state-funded abortions.
Initiative 119: Death with Dignity - with 94% of the votes
counted:
54% yes to 46% no
The vote on this initiative is too close to call. Absentee
ballot votes will be the determining factor for the passage of
this initiative which is intended to amend the Natural Death Act
of 1979. It will clarify and expand the existing language of the
law. Currently, the law provides patients with the "fundamental
right to control decisions relating to their own medical care,
including the decision to have life-sustaining procedures
withheld or withdrawn in instances of a terminal condition."
However, it is ambiguous with regard to what "procedures" and
"terminal condition" mean. Initiative 119 will allow competent,
terminally ill adults the right to refuse life-sustaining
devices, and also the right to seek aid in dying. The language
will also be expanded to include a refined definition of
"terminal illness" to include irreversible coma.
If passed, initiative 119 will make Washington the first and only
state to have an euthanasia law, and will make the United States
the only western country to legalize this practice.
In Missouri, Proposition B - an education tax package of
approximately $385 million was soundly defeated last night by
close to a 2:1 margin. The initiative had been well supported by
the political leadership of both parties, including U.S.
Education Secretary Alexander.
In Texas, Proposition 11 regarding the lottery passed with an
overwhelming amount of support 60% to 40%. Governor Ann Richards
strongly supported the lottery proposal.
Also, in Houston (Harris County), city council term limitations
(Citizens Proposal) passed 57% to 43%.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 6, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
RONALD C. KAUFMAN
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR POLITICAL
AFFAIRS
FROM:
DAVID M. CARNER
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT AND DIRECTOR,
OFFICE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS
SUBJECT:
1991 ELECTION RESULTS
US SENATE SPECIAL ELECTION
With 90% of the votes counted:
Dick Thornburgh (R) 44%
Harris Wofford (D) 56%
In Pennsylvania, what once appeared to the pundits as an easy
victory for the Republican Party to the U.S. Senate became a
hotly contested race. Harris Wofford ran a campaign positioning
himself as a Washington outsider and Dick Thornburgh as an
insider and used national health care as a key theme. Thornburgh
stated that he was opposed to a national health care plan. A
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette poll indicated that 94 percent of
Pennsylvanians said that their decision in this race would be
based on the candidate who could best ensure that adequate health
care is available.
Wofford and Democrat spinsters recently defined the campaign as a
referendum on the policies of the Bush Administration. Wofford
criticized Thornburgh as the candidate who would protect the
status quo and linked Thornburgh to the Administration at every
opportunity, including the S&L issue and BCCI. Even with a 6.5%
unemployment rate compared to the national average of 6.8%, the
Wofford campaign was able to negatively link Thornburgh to the
Administration following the veto of the extension of
unemployment benefits.
Many believe that Thornburgh's message failed to provide any
definition to his campaign - no articulation of his sense of the
future for Pennsylvania. There are approximately 330,000 more
registered Democrats than Republicans in the state. In 1988,
Bush-Quayle won the state 51% to 48%.
Wofford was endorsed by all of the major newspapers in
Pennsylvania, including both papers in Thornburgh's hometown of
Pittsburgh. This is the first time in 20 years that the
Pittsburgh Press has endorsed a Democrat Senate candidate.
Pennsylvania has not sent a Democrat to the United States Senate
in 23 years.
The Wofford campaign spent dollar for dollar what the Thornburgh
campaign spent on paid media. The National Republican Senatorial
Committee contributed approximately $1.3 million to the
Thornburgh campaign.
Six Administration officials -- the Vice President, Mrs. Bush
Secretaries Derwinski, Sullivan, Alexander and Kemp -- went in to
help Thornburgh's campaign. You traveled to Pennsylvania on
Thornburgh's behalf twice (9/12/91 and 10/2/91).
You also participated in Thornburgh's direct mail program through
an absentee ballot letter on behalf of the State Party and a
mailgram which was sent out to 2,000 County Precinct workers on
Saturday, November 2.
Wofford's campaign tactics were clearly far better than
Thornburgh's.
Also in Pennsylvania, prior to today's election, the Republicans
controlled 41 of 67 of the 3-member county court house boards.
The election resulted in Republican control of 51 of the 67
boards for a net gain of 10.
GUBERNATORIAL RACES
With 97% of the votes counted:
Larry Hopkins (R) 35%
Brereton Jones (D) 65%
In Kentucky, Lt. Governor Brereton Jones was favored from the
outset of this campaign because of the Democrat's large voter
registration advantage (2:1) and because of the divisive
Republican primary election. Congressman Larry Hopkins and
former Kentucky GOP Chairman and Bush'88 State Chairman Larry
Forgy engaged in a bitter primary fight that left the Party split
and loyalties divided. After the primary, though, Forgy did
campaign hard for Hopkins when asked.
Hopkins was faced with the daunting task of demonstrating why he
was the best man to replace fairly popular Democrat Governor
Wallace Wilkinson. While Jones and Wilkinson do not get along
personally, Wilkinson has worked hard and been a great asset for
Jones' campaign. Hopkins attacked Jones for refusing to disclose
his income tax returns -- an issue that has not attracted much
voter attention. Hopkins also favored right to work legislation,
upsetting Kentucky's large labor force.
It was disclosed that Hopkins bounced 32 checks at the House Bank
totalling $40,000. This somewhat muted his attack on Jones'
financial matters.
While Hopkins' loss was not a surprise, the margin was. Hopkins
spent nearly $3 million dollars in this race and only received
35% of the vote. Kentucky is still a strong Democrat state, and
Hopkins was largely unsuccessful reaching Democrat cross-over
voters. In 1988, the Bush-Quayle ticket carried Kentucky 56% to
44%.
Secretaries Skinner, Madigan and Kemp traveled to Kentucky for
Hopkins. The Vice President made two trips on the Congressman's
behalf, and you visited Louisville on October 2.
You participated in an Oval Office photo-opportunity for Larry
Hopkins this fall.
MS - with 99% of the votes counted:
Kirk Fordice (R) 51%
Ray Mabus (D)
48%
In Mississippi, Republican businessman Kirk Fordice scored a
stunning victory over incumbent Governor Ray Mabus. Fordice was
the definite underdog in this race -- no Republican has ever won
the Governorship in Mississippi. Fordice defeated State Auditor
and party switcher Pete Johnson in a spirited Republican primary.
Mabus also faced a strong primary challenge from former
Congressman Wayne Dowdy. Mabus spent over $2 million in the
primary, only to get 51% of the vote. Fordice was the underdog
in the GOP primary, and was outspent 2:1 by Johnson.
Fordice played upon the popular "outsider" theme that many
challengers have used effectively this election year.
Mississippi is in bad shape -- both economically and
educationally -- and Fordice's message was obviously well
received by voters. Fordice was able to overcome the Governor's
traditional voter coalition advantage of blacks, educators, and
labor. Record numbers of Mississippi Republicans turned out in
both the primary and general elections, making the future very
bright for the state GOP.
The Bush-Quayle ticket won Mississippi in 1988 59% to 40%.
Secretaries Skinner and Madigan went into Mississippi prior to
the primary to campaign for the Mississippi GOP, and the Vice
President made a trip on September 23. You participated in a
video commercial message and telephone call-in for Fordice.
Kirk Fordice can be reached at the following phone numbers on
Wednesday, November 6, 1991:
Morning:
601-944-1150, extension 2019, 2020
Afternoon: 601-636-4482
With 99% of the votes counted:
Eddie Briggs (R)
49.6%
Brad Dye(D)
42.7%
In addition to Fordice's upset, Republican State Senator Eddie
Briggs defeated incumbent Lt. Governor Brady Dye. Briggs, like
Fordice, ran against the Democrat establishment and becomes only
the second Republican to ever win the Lt. Governorship in
Mississippi. Briggs was considered an underdog, but was expected
to run a close race.
US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SPECIAL ELECTIONS
With 100% of the votes counted:
George Allen 63%
Kay Slaughter 35%
In Virginia (CD-07), Republican George Allen, Jr. soundly
defeated Democrat Kay Slaughter in this special Congressional
election. The vacancy was created by the retirement of four term
Republican Congressman D. French Slaughter for health reasons.
Allen served in the Virginia Assembly as Assistant Minority
Leader for the past nine years.
Many voters were confused by Slaughter's last name -- she is
French Slaughter's cousin. Allen had to educate voters that he
was the Republican nominee, not the Democrat Slaughter.
Allen's effective fundraising and grass-roots efforts, coupled
with a strong Republican base in the seventh district, greatly
assisted his efforts. In 1988, the Bush-Quayle ticket won the
Seventh Congressional District over Governor Dukakis 66%-33%.
You signed a Get-Out-the-Vote letter on Allen's behalf just over
a week ago, and participated in an Oval Office photo opportunity
and video message for Allen.
PA-02 - with 81% of the votes counted:
Nadine Bulford (R)
5%
Lucien Blackwell (D)
41%
John White (I)
28%
Chaka Fattah (Consumer)
26%
In Pennsylvania, the second Congressional District was contested.
Blackwell is a former Philadelphia councilmember. Eighty-nine
percent of the district is Democrat. Bill Gray resigned from
this seat to become President of the United Negro College Fund.
STATE LEGISLATIVE RACES
In New Jersey, all seats in the State Assembly (43D-37R) and
State Senate (23D-17R) were up. The net Republican gain in the
New Jersey Senate was 10 seats. The net Republican gain in the
New Jersey Assembly was 21 seats. The Republican goal was to
capture at least four new seats in each house to yield a
majority. The Republican objective in the election was to
capitalize on the economic problems in New Jersey by linking the
issue to the poor leadership ability of Governor Jim Florio.
Florio's popularity dropped dramatically following enactment last
year of $2.8 billion in higher taxes to balance the budget.
Florio declared last week that this election would be a
referendum on the policies of the Bush Administration.
Republicans controlled the Assembly from 1986 to 1989. The State
Senate was last under Republican control in 1973.
Secretaries Sullivan, Martin and Brady have participated in
fundraisers for the State Party on behalf of the legislature.
The Vice President has done two trips and you and Mrs. Bush were
in New Jersey on September 24.
In Virginia, all 100 delegates (54D-40R-1I) and 40 state Senators
(30D-10R) were up. We have been making steady gains in the House
of Delegates over the past few years even though we have not
controlled the Legislature for a century.
Republicans had an outstanding night -- winning nine new Senate
seats and one Legislative seat. The new balance in the Senate is
22D-19R; the Legislature is 53D-41R-11. This is a net Republican
gain in the State Senate of nine seats and in the House of
Delegates of one seat.
Approximately 50 Republican State Legislators met with you in the
Roosevelt Room a month ago to participate in a photo-opportunity
with you and meet with key Senior Administration officials.
MAYORAL RACES
In Baltimore, with 97% of the votes counted:
Sam Culotta (R)
29%
Kurt Schmoke (D)
71%
In Bridgeport, Connecticut, with 99% of the votes counted:
Mary Moran (R)
39%
Joseph Ganim (D) 53%
In Columbus, with 100% of the votes counted:
Greg Lashutka (R) 53%
Ben Espy (D)
47%
Lashutka was the heavy favorite in this race from the start; his
victory was not a surprise. Lashutka will replace incumbent
Republican Mayor Buck Rinehart. Mrs. Bush went to Ohio to
campaign for Lashutka and you signed a Get-Out-the-Vote letter
for him last month.
In Dallas, with 90% of the votes counted:
Steve Bartlett (R) 55%
Forrest Smith (D) 14%
Kathryn Cain
(D)
20%
Bartlett, a former U.S. Congressman, ran a very effective
campaign and gathered support from a number of strong Dallas
coalitions (black ministers etc.) Although a non-partisan
position, Dallas will become the largest city in the United
States with a Republican Mayor.
In Houston, with 90% of the votes counted:
Kathy Whitmire (D)
20%
Sylvester Turner (D)
36%
Bob Lanier (D)
43%
The run-off election is no surprise in this hotly contested race,
but Kathy Whitmire's resounding defeat is. Whitmire served five
terms as Mayor -- a Houston record --- but continued to drop in
the polls in the final two weeks of the campaign. Democrat Bob
Lanier was strongly supported by Penny Butler and a number of
other prominent Houston Republicans. Sylvester Turner was the
true surprise in this election, making strong gains in the final
days of the campaign. Turner, the only black candidate in the
race, will be formidable in the run-off because most experts
expect Whitmire's voters to favor him over the conservative
Lanier.
In Indianapolis, with 100% of the votes counted:
Steve Goldsmith (R) 60%
Louis Mahern (D)
40%
Goldsmith's victory means that Republicans have controlled the
Mayor's office since 1967. Goldsmith succeeds Republican Bill
Hudnut, who succeeded Senator Dick Lugar. Goldsmith's victory
was no surprise.
In Manchester, New Hampshire, with 99% of the votes counted:
Ray Wieczorek (R)
63%
John McDonough (D)
37%
In Nashua, New Hampshire, with 99% of the votes counted:
Don Davidson (R)
40%
Rob Wagner (D)
26%
Phil Grandmaison (D)
19%
Barbara Pressly (D)
14%
A days. run-off will be held between Davidson and Wagner in thirty
In New Haven, Connecticut, with 99% of the votes counted:
John Einhorn (R)
43%
John Daniels (D)
57%
In Philadelphia, with 91% of the votes counted:
Joe Egan (R)
32%
Ed Rendell (D)
68%
In Salt Lake City, with 94% of the votes counted:
Dave Buhler (R)
44%
DeeDee Corradini (D) 56%
Democrat DeeDee Corradini defeated Republican businessman David
Buhler in the Salt Lake City Mayor's race. Corradini, a non-
Mormon received key support from Kathleen Garn, Republican
Senator Jake Garn's wife, and Republican Jon Huntsman. The Utah
GOP contributed $3,000 to Buhler's race.
In Savannah, Georgia, with 100% of the votes counted:
Susan Wiener (R)
54%
John Rousakis (D)
46%
In Stamford, Connecticut, with 95% of the votes counted:
Stan Esposito (R)
56%
Sandy Goldstein (D) 44%
We picked up this traditionally held Democrat seat.
In Waterbury, Connecticut, with 100% of the votes counted:
Joseph Santorpietro (R)
20%
Edward Bergin (D)
43%
Josephine Mills
36%
COUNTY RACES
With 100% of the vote counted:
Tom Davis 66%
Audrey Moore34%
In Fairfax County, Virginia, the County Supervisor race provided
a major Republican upset over Democrat incumbent Audrey Moore by
Republican Tom Davis. Fairfax is one of the largest counties in
the United States. Fairfax County, known as a swing county in
Virginia, had lost its economic base under the supervision of
Audrey Moore. Moore ran on the theme of experience and the idea
of returning the County to the people. Tom Davis ran as a
moderate, intelligent growth Republican candidate capturing major
community support, including business.
In Albany County, New York, with 99% of the votes counted:
Mike Hoblock (R)
59%
Robert Lyman (D)
41%
In Monroe County, New York, with 93% of the votes counted:
Bob King (R)
53%
Thomas Frey (D)
47%
In Suffolk County, New York, with 83% of the votes counted:
Bob Gaffney (R)
51%
Patrick Halpin (D) 42%
In Dutchess County, New York, with 100% of the votes counted:
William R. Steinhaus (R) 69%
Dominick Cannizzaro (D) 31%
All four of these New York counties are pick-ups for the GOP and
show how much stronger the New York GOP is today.
STATE BALLOT ISSUES
In Washington, voters faced several ballot initiatives. Among
the most controversial were Initiative 553 regarding term
limitation, Initiative 120 on abortion and Initiative 119 on
euthanasia.
Initiative 553: Term Limitation - with 94% of the votes counted:
46% yes to 54% no
This initiative will limit, retroactively, the terms of both
State and Federal elected officials. State Legislators will be
limited to 10 consecutive years, federal legislators to 12
consecutive years and statewide officials (governor/Lt. governor)
to two consecutive terms. Support for this initiative was heavy
throughout the summer and was said to gain momentum as a result
of the Thomas hearings. An unusual coalition of organized labor,
NRA, Sierra Club and Common Cause formed the core of the
opposition to term limits.
Initiative 120: Abortion - with 94% of the votes counted:
50% yes to 50% no
This initiative is intended to codify under state law what
presently exists in federal law under the Supreme Court decision
of Roe V. Wade. Pro-choice activists see this measure as a means
of ensuring abortion rights in the event that Roe V. Wade is
overturned by the Supreme Court in the near future. Pro-life
forces are unhappy with this ballot initiative because they
believe it will cost the Washington taxpayers $60 million in
state-funded abortions.
Initiative 119: Death with Dignity - with 94% of the votes
counted:
54% yes to 46% no
The vote on this initiative is too close to call. Absentee
ballot votes will be the determining factor for the passage of
this initiative which is intended to amend the Natural Death Act
of 1979. It will clarify and expand the existing language of the
law. Currently, the law provides patients with the "fundamental
right to control decisions relating to their own medical care,
including the decision to have life-sustaining procedures
withheld or withdrawn in instances of a terminal condition."
However, it is ambiguous with regard to what "procedures" and
"terminal condition" mean. Initiative 119 will allow competent,
terminally ill adults the right to refuse life-sustaining
devices, and also the right to seek aid in dying. The language
will also be expanded to include a refined definition of
"terminal illness" to include irreversible coma.
If passed, initiative 119 will make Washington the first and only
state to have an euthanasia law, and will make the United States
the only western country to legalize this practice.
In Missouri, Proposition B - an education tax package of
approximately $385 million was soundly defeated last night by
close to a 2:1 margin. The initiative had been well supported by
the political leadership of both parties, including U.S.
Education Secretary Alexander.
In Texas, Proposition 11 regarding the lottery passed with an
overwhelming amount of support 60% to 40%. Governor Ann Richards
strongly supported the lottery proposal.
Also, in Houston (Harris County), city council term limitations
(Citizens Proposal) passed 57% to 43%.
10. 01. 91 05:15PM
PO1
THE CHIEF of STAFF
has seen
MEMORANDUM
DATE:
October 1, 1991
d
TO:
John Sununu
FROM:
Phil Gramm PA
RE:
Senate Races
Listed below please find my evaluation of the challenge faced by
our 13 incumbent Republicans up for reelection in 1992.
MOST ENDANGERED
ENDANGERED
LESS ENDANGERED
Al D'Amato
Dan Coats
Kit Bond
John McCain
Bob Dole
Bob Kasten
Frank Murkowski
Chuck Grassley
Bob Packwood
Don Nickles
John Seymour
Warren Rudman
Arlen Specter
I will begin on a monthly basis to send you these evaluations.
Needless to say, as time passes, candidates file and money is
raised, these assessments will no doubt change.
Thanks for your help and friendship.
1 O. 01. 91 05:15PM
P01
MEMORANDUM
DATE:
October 1, 1991
TO:
John Sununu
FROM:
Phil Gramm PH
RE:
Senate Races
Listed below please find my evaluation of the challenge faced by
our 13 incumbent Republicans up for reelection in 1992.
MOST ENDANGERED
ENDANGERED
LESS ENDANGERED
Al D'Amato
Dan Coats
Kit Bond
Bob Kasten
John McCain
Bob Dole
Bob Packwood
Frank Murkowski
Chuck Grassley
Don Nickles
John Seymour
Warren Rudman
Arlen Specter
I will begin on a monthly basis to send you these evaluations.
Needless to say, as time passes, candidates file and money is
raised, these assessments will no doubt change.
Thanks for your help and friendship.
08:03AM
P02
TO John
from Pail
Talking Points on the South Carolina Senate Race
Senator Fritz Hollings is one of the weakest senators up for re-
election in 1992. Some key statistics:
Re-elect Hollings
35%
New Person
30%
Favorable
44%
Unfavorable
29%
Governor Carroll Campbell currently leads Hollings by 22 points
and would be an almost-certain winner in the race.
Campbell
59%
Hollings
37%
In addition to Hollings's own weaknesses, the presidential
election in '92 will make it even more difficult for him to win.
- If history is any guide, President Bush will win big
in South Carolina, probably reaching 65% of the vote.
- Presidential vote totals since 1980:
Reagan '80
50%
Reagan '84
64%
Bush '88
62%
There are a number of key issues on which Hollings is very
vulnerable. Details follow:
- The Persian Gulf resolution vote (Hollings has been
repeatedly booed by audiences in South Carolina
since that vote, but has steadfastly maintained
that, given recent events in the region, his vote
was correct).
- Quotas
- His repeated calls for a national sales tax and a
value added TAX.
By virtue of his stature, Campbell would become not only an
instant leader in the Senate, but if he entered this race, it
would help with recruitment nationwide.
Governor Campbell will be mostly finished with his major
Photo Copy Preservation
initiatives and redistricting by the time he would leave the
governor's office in January 1993.
08. 21. 91 08:@3AM
P03
South Carolina needs two senators, not one, to support the
President and his programs.
Senator Thurmond intends to run again in 1996 and, assuming his
health remains good, would be re-elected.
- He is urging both Senator Gramm and President Bush
to coax Gov. Campbell into the Senate race.
- Senator Thurmond himself hasn't called Gov. Campbell
because he is concerned that the governor may
mis-interpret Senator Thurmond's gesture to mean that
he wants Campbell in the '92 race so he won't be factor
in the '96 primary.
In short, this is an opportunity that may not come up again for
a long time and can't be passed up.
Photo Copy Preservation
Steve
Symms
UNITED STATES SENATOR IDAHO
AUGUST 7, 1991
Recent speculation by the media and others regarding my
intentions toward another campaign for the United States Senate
are symptomatic of the predicament in America and Idaho today.
You're focused on the wrong thing: "Will Symms run or won't he?"
This has taken center stage since the moment my prospective
opponent formed an exploratory committee in Washington D.C.
There are hundreds if not thousands of other issues more
significant.
In a global sense, whether or not Steve Symms runs is not
important. What is important are the ideas, philosophy and
principles of the candidate. Eighteen years ago an apple knocker
from Sunny Slope ran for Congress, not knowing whether or not I
would win, but determined to add the word freedom to the campaign
rhetoric. I didn't promise to make government efficient. I
didn't promise to streamline government. I said I'd try to
REDUCE government. Those who would listen heard me say
government was the problem, not the solution. Enough people
agreed that the unexpected happened. I went to Congress.
For the last two decades, its been exciting--first as a
candidate, then a Member of the House, and now a Senator, I have
been able to press my belief that freedom works, that individuals
should be able to work and enjoy the fruits of their labor
unencumbered by the octopus of government. I've kept my promise.
I have TRIED to reduce government and maintain my sense of humor
and perspective in the process.
And I'm not finished: As long as there's a heartbeat in
this chest, I'll continue the quest for freedom. I don't intend
to give Ted Kennedy, Jesse Jackson
or Dick Stallings a free
rein.
My two Senate campaigns against Frank Church and John Evans
were as much fun as anything I can remember. Not because I
doubted either of these men's sincerity, but because these races
presented Idahoans with a clear choice between MORE GOVERNMENT or
MORE FREEDOM. Freedom won both times. Given that choice,
Idahoans will choose freedom again.
Stallings now says Idaho has changed, Steve Symms hasn't.
He says I'm out of step. He cites a poll - a survey of a few
hundred people -- as proof. Well, he's half right. Steve Symms
hasn't changed. I hope I've grown. After 18 1/2 years my
PO2
08-07-91 02:24 PM FROM BOISE
perspective is much broader but my beliefs are even more
confirmed.
The last eighteen years have given me plenty of opportunity
to joust with the news media too. Freedom is one dimensional to
most folks in the media. They understand freedom of the press,
but they take on a blank look when you start talking about
individual liberty or the responsibility that goes along with it.
What really galls the brethren of the press is that the people of
Idaho still have such good common sense in spite of the barrage
of propaganda. The Idaho voter is somehow able to see through
the bias. And, when given a clear choice, they consistently vote
for freedom, and ignore the messianic insight of the holier-than-
thou editorial writers. Fortunately, I've always tried to give
them that choice.
As I said in 1972, I went to Washington to reduce
government. But there are some things government should do.
National defense comes to mind. I'm proud to say I've been a
constant supporter of a strong national defense. I've also
supported using our military to keep the peace and promote
freedom. Angola and Central and Latin America are moving to
democratic capitalism. The Persian Gulf experience is proof
positive that my position was and is the correct one. Yet, even
with the stunning victory in Kuwait, as a percent of gross
national product, America is spending the least amount on
national defense since just before the Korean War. History tells
us this is risky at best.
I was privileged to support President Reagan when he
proclaimed America was back. It's no accident the Berlin Wall
came down. Who would have thought that a Soviet dictator would
attend, hat in hand, an economic summit of free, capitalistic
nations. Gorbachev is begging for dollars to keep his bankrupt
economy afloat while he continues to spend billions on missiles,
tanks, ships and bombers. The Communist/Socialist command-
control societies can't compete. Gorbachev and his cronies can
no longer repress their people's right to the freedoms we take
for granted.
Peace is breaking out in the Third World too. No doubt you
didn't hear or read about it in Idaho, but I'm proud to have
played a role in that process: Angola by passage of my amendment
to repeal the Clark Amendment and the work of the Central America
Task Force.
Transportation is another area where the federal government
has been able to coordinate our resources to improve our
transportation. Thanks to President Eisenhower who recognized
the need to move armies rapidly, we've built the best
PO3
08-07-91 02:24 PM FROM BOISE
transportation system in world and I'm proud to have played a
role in this.
Private property is the foundation of all freedom. The
harshest policy is that which takes private property during one's
life and the cruelest tax is that which confiscates private
property upon the death of the owner.
But
all that is in the past. What is Steve Symms going
to do in the future? Am I going to run or not?
I am looking forward to the 1992 Senate race. It's going to
be a lot of fun. I believe Idaho voters will again have a clear
choice. Stallings is on the left, sometimes the far left, of the
political spectrum (left of the United Nations resolution on the
gulf). Idahoans, at least the vast majority of Idahoans, are
from the center to the right. Most Idahoans are common sense
conservatives who believe in hard work, the family, and
individual liberty.
Stallings decided to run for the U.S. Senate because he took
a poll. If you ask me, a poll is a pretty shallow reason for
wanting to be a Senator. What's he going to do if he's elected,
take a poll every time there's a tough vote? Being a Senator
means taking a stand, believing in something, voting your
conscience and taking the heat.
Stallings says his poll tells him he can defeat me. That's
what the polls told Frank Church and John Evans. Well, they
aren't the only ones who can take polls. I took a poll and it
shows that in a contest between Steve Symms and Richard
Stallings, Symms wins! When the Stallings' record is exposed,
the people of Idaho reject the wet-finger policies of the left-
leaning Democrat who says one thing but votes the other way.
What's more, my poll says that when you pit Stallings
against either Boise Mayor Dirk Kempthorne, Lieutenant Governor
Butch Otter, or former Attorney General Jim Jones, he loses. And
there may be others who could win if they choose to run. The
candidate who reflects the center-right will win. The candidate
who believes in and votes for freedom, for individual liberty,
for a strong national defense and for limited government will win
when they run against Stallings, a left-leaning Democrat who
worships at the alter of big government and cowtows to the union
bosses.
When I went to Washington, I said I wanted you to be as free
when I left as when I came. At the end of my current term, I
will have worked to preserve your liberty for twenty years. I
think it is now my turn to seek my own.
P04
08-07-91 02:24 PM FROM BOISE
I will not be a candidate in 1992--and I look forward to
starting another career in the private sector in 1993.
I thank all Idahoans for the opportunity to have represented
Idaho in the House and Senate during this time. For the next
year and a half, I intend to keep up the fight. My work is not
finished. There is a highway bill to complete. The Private
Property Rights Act and the National Recreational Trails Fund Act
are still pending and there's still plenty of battles to be
fought over the budget hemorrhage. As Idaho's Senior Senator, I
fully intend to lead this fight.
If there are words which best describe my feelings as I
begin the final months of in the Senate, it is UNDAUNTED and
REDEDICATED! I'm not going away. I'll be here doing my job.
And I will be part of the 1992 Senate campaign.
It has been said that I am a tireless campaigner. I enjoy
selling free market ideas, ideals and principles.
As you know, I've never lost a campaign and I don't intend
to lose this seat to the Democrats.
I will not sit idly by while a left-leaning Democrat sells
the Idaho electorate a bill of goods. Freedom is the mainspring
of human progress. I believed it in 1972. I believe it even
more in 1991, and it will be an issue in 1992.
I predict here and now that 1992 is going to rain on the
Democrat's parade.
My goal is to return Idaho to the Republican column in both
the House and Senate. I am convinced that with dedication, hard
work and principled ideas--it will happen.
Special thanks goes to my family and Jim Mertz and Dick
Buxton, the Chairman and Treasurer of the Symms campaigns.
I thank all of my constituents for their support and look
forward to continued contact in the future.
God bless you and God bless America.
P05
08-07-91 02:24 PM FROM BOISE
MEMORANDUM
done
DATE:
June 19, 1991
TO:
Governor John Sununu
FROM:
Senator Phil Gramm
RE:
Call to Terry Considine
(work) 303/863-9200
(capitol) 303/866-4866
no
(home) 303/694-6477
There is a general consensus in Colorado, at the Senatorial
Committee and among Republican members in the Senate that Terry
Considine is our best potential candidate for the Senate in
Colorado. He is strongly supported by Hank Brown and Bill
Armstrong, both of whom are encouraging him to run.
Terry is a state senator. He is Bo Calloway's son-in-law, a very
successful businessman, and he has become reasonably well known
statewide for championing a successful ballot initiative to limit
the terms of state officials.
NRSC's polling shows that Sen. Tim Wirth is superficially popular
with a re-elect number of 52%, but when people learn how he voted
on the war and on the 1990 Civil Rights bill, his re-elect number
drops to 34%. Considine would begin the race in a fairly
competitive position.
Considine is actively considering running. He is on the verge of
making a decision and has asked us to do polls and put together a
budget for him. I believe the time is right to nudge him over
the line. I'm therefore asking the President to call him and
encourage him to run.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
AC HAS SEEN
DATE:
June 12, 1991
TO:
CARD/KAUFMAN/CARNEY
FROM:
GOVERNOR JOHN H. SUNUNU
Why don't the three of you get together
and try to work out a date for Packwood.
Ron - be sure you are in contact with
Packwood's office to let him know we
are working on it.
THE CHIEF of STARF
seal sey
Itallado talked ayrck 4/12
will sit will held will down hold and And
is
for
244206
AC/ER
WASHINGTON, D.C.
BOB PACKWOOD
OREGON
June 6, 1991
The Honorable John Sununu
Chief of Staff
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear John:
On a hot Sunday afternoon, June 2, a cadre of the
people who will be leading the fundraising event the
President will do for me in Oregon, met. Each of the
following has agreed to raise $70,000 for the event.
1. Bill Furman, President of Greenbrier.
Greenbrier is a firm that manufactures
principally railway cars with 500 to 700
employees.
2. John Stephens, President of Roseburg Forest
Products. They employ about 3,000.
3. Leonard Forsgren -- well-known Portland
insurance man with contacts in all areas. He
has been raising money for Republicans for 35
years.
4. Leonard Schnitzer of Schnitzer Industries --
listed in the top 100 wealthiest families in
Fortune. There are five brothers all of whom
were descendants of a Russian immigrant
peddler. They usually support Democrats but
are all strongly behind me.
5. Phil Knight -- founder and still currently
Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the
Board of NIKE. The man, who even today, is in
his mid-40s, but a multi, multi, multi-
millionaire several times over.
(NOT PRINTED AT GOVERNMENT EXPENSE)
The Honorable John Sununu
June 6, 1991
Page 2
There were one or two staff members in attendance,
my campaign manager, and the general chairman, Tim Lee.
Tim is a fellow who worked on my staff in the late
1970s. He realized when truck deregulation, however,
that there was an opening for somebody who didn't own
trucks but was willing to be a middleman factor between
shippers and purchasers. He has built up a company (it
is privately owned) to about 200 employees in ten years
and turned down an offer to sell out for an excess of
$20 million last year. This is his first major
fundraising event and he is doing a whale of a job.
Just want to keep you advised. The committee now
says if they cannot get the President committed to a
date in July, they would rather have the function in
September. To make it different, they are currently
thinking of having it at the Portland airbase so that
all of the attendees could watch the President land in
Air Force One. The meal, or whatever the function may
be -- depending on the President's schedule -- will be
held in one of the large hangars. I admit it is a mite
different from the usual function at the Hilton Hotel,
but my hunch is the committee has got right and the
difference will be appreciated by those in attendance.
Let me know the President's thinking on a date.
Sincerely,
Bob
BOB PACKWOOD
241274
WASHINGTON, D.C.
AC/ER
BOB PACKWOOD
OREGON
May 22, 1991
THE CHIEF of STAFF
The Honorable John Sununu
has seen
Chief of Staff
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear John:
Enclosed are letters I've sent you before about a
Presidential fundraiser for me in Oregon. You've
orally assured me that he would come and I indicated we
could wait within reason for a date. We can still do
that, but my fundraising campaign committee is growing
better than I expected and they're getting anxious to
show how well they can perform.
July would be a good month for us for the
President to come if it fits his schedule. Obviously,
we'll take him in August or September also. It just
turns out that July would be a particularly good month
for us.
Let me know.
Sincerely,
Bob
BOB PACKWOOD
cc: Fred McClure
David Carney
(NOT PRINTED AT GOVERNMENT EXPENSE)
WASHINGTON.D C
BOH
April 8, 1991,
The Honorable John Sununu
Chief of Staff
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear John:
You get this request from all incumbent
Senators, probably all Senate challengers, and
all members of the House. Nevertheless, let
me add my request to the legion of others you
get. Would the President do a fundraising
dinner for me in Oregon this summer. A copy
of a letter I previously sent is enclosed.
I
do not need a date now. This dinner could be
put together on relatively short notice if I
had a commitment some months in advance that
the President would come at a time as yet
unspecified. Could you let me know whether he
can accommodate me on this matter.
Thanks, John.
Sincerely,
BOB PACKWOOD
WASHINGTON. D.C.
BOB PACKWOOD
OREGON
February 26, 1991
The Honorable George Bush
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
It is with some embarrassment that I make the
request in this letter as you are so beset with similar
requests, but nevertheless here it is. Would you be
willing to do a fundraiser for me in Oregon during the
summer of 1991. I would prefer it during a recess
period and preferably July rather than August, but I
would take you on any night you can come or any weekend
during the day or night.
The reason I prefer a recess is obvious -- there
is no danger of missing votes. However, the danger is
minimal on any Saturday or Sunday anytime during the
summer so I have no fear on those dates. The reason
the July recess is better than August, however, is that
you run into the usual problem of vacations in August
that are less of a problem in July. Let me know at
your convenience.
Thanks.
Sincerely,
BOB PACKWOOD
STEVEN D. PIERCE
May 25, 1991
THE CHIEF of STAFF
The Honorable John H. Sununu
The White House
has seen
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Governor Sununu,
As you may know, I am running in the special election to
fill the western Massachusetts congressional seat left vacant by
the death of Silvio Conte.
Mike Valerio suggested that I write you to give you an
update on the campaign.
The latest poll shows that I am running neck and neck with
my liberal Democratic opponent.
According to the poll, I had the support of 40% of the
voters and my opponent had 42%. That's well within the margin
of error which means the race is virtually tied.
We have less than two weeks now until election day on June
4th. The campaign will be won or lost in the next few days.
You may recall that I ran for governor last year on a
platform of fiscal responsibility and traditional family values.
I came to Washington to address a CNP meeting in the Spring
of last year.
If elected, I will bring to Washington the same anti-tax,
anti-government spending philosophy that became my trademark
during the 12 years I served in the state legislature.
I will also be a strong pro-life and pro-family voice in
Congress.
That's why the National Abortion Rights Action League is
pouring $200,000 into TV ads to try to defeat me.
My opponent is a state senator named John Olver. He is a
typical Ted Kennedy, tax and spend liberal.
While I was fighting Governor Dukakis' mis-guided economic
policies as House Minority Leader, John Olver was voting with
Dukakis right down the line in the state senate.
In fact, John Olver was a founding member of TEAM -- the
57 North Elm Street
Westfield, Massachusetts 01085
The Honorable John H. Sununu
Page Two
state's biggest advocate for raising our taxes.
Massachusetts does not need another tax and spend liberal
representing us in Congress!
And America doesn't need another Ted Kennedy in Congress
courtesy of Massachusetts voters.
Even though the poll shows that we are doing very well, I
am still the underdog in this race. Democrats outnumber
Republicans by three to one in the district.
But my legislative district in Westfield was also heavily
Democratic. Yet I won re-election year after year.
I'm convinced that I can win if I can reach enough "Silvio
Conte Democrats" with my message of lower taxes and lower
federal spending. The poll shows that I'm within striking
distance.
The only reason I won't be able to reach those voters is if
I don't raise enough money.
I've been working very hard to raise enough money to run a
winning campaign. Our budget is $700,000 and I've raised about
$550,000.
But I must raise that last $150,000 in the next few days to
pay for TV, radio and other crucial voter contact activities.
I can't spend much more time raising money. I need to
spend every minute I can talking to the voters.
That's why Mike Valerio suggested I write to you. He
thought you would be interested in helping my campaign.
Governor Sununu, will you help me raise the last $150,000
of my campaign budget by sending a contribution of $1,000?
Your contribution today could mean the difference between
victory and defeat. If you can't afford to send $1,000, could
you send at least $500 or $250?
This is an election where you can make a difference.
Please send the most generous contribution you can afford.
Sincerely,
Atm
Steve Pierce
P.S. If you would like more information on the campaign, please
call me or my finance director, Stephen Meyers, at 413-572-1990.
I will sincerely appreciate any help you can give. Thank you.
Reply to Steve Pierce
TO: Steve Pierce
Pierce for Congress
57 North Elm Street
Westfield, Massachusetts 01085-9903
FROM: The Honorable John H. Sununu
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Steve,
I agree that we don't need another tax and spend
liberal in Congress. I'm glad to hear that you have a
good chance to win this special election.
I realize you need to raise $150,000 in the next few
days to pay for your crucial voter contact activities.
I've enclosed my contribution of:
( ) $1000
( ) $750
( ) $500
( ) $250
( ) $100
( ) $50
( ) Other ($
)
M137
Please make check payable to: Pierce for Congress
Federal Election law requires that we request the following:
Employer
Occupation
Contributions are not tax deductible for federal tax
purposes. Corporate contributions are not allowed.
Paid for by Pierce for Congress Committee.
STEVEN D. PIERCE
NOTA PM MSC 220
25 MAY
1991
29
Photo Copy Preservation
The Honorable John H. Sununu
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20500
NO POSTAGE
Your stamp saves valuable
NECESSARY
IF MAILED
campaign funds!
IN THE
UNITED STATES
BUSINESS REPLY MAIL
FIRST CLASS MAIL
PERMIT #91
WESTFIELD, MA
POSTAGE WILL BE PAID BY ADDRESSEE
STEVE PIERCE
PIERCE FOR CONGRESS
57 NORTH ELM STREET
WESTFIELD MA 01085-9903
283621
AC/TM
October 31, 1991
MEMORANDUM
To:
John Sununu
I'll
From:
Morton Blackwell
Subject: The 1992 Elections
Thanks for taking my call today.
It
I learned through John Fund of the WSJ that David Duke has
contacted a ballot access attorney regarding procedures
for getting on state presidential ballots next year.
He wants details on GOP primary ballot position and on
independent ballot position in November.
It's logical for Duke to run. Matching funds will
subsidize a nationwide direct mail operation and create a
truly massive list of donors. This list will be a giant
cash COW for Duke to milk for the rest of his life.
In the current environment, an independent Duke campaign
in November would draw in the range of 10% to 20% of the
votes, quite possibly enough to elect a Democrat. And
recent presidential elections have shown it's not too hard
to get on the ballot everywhere.
George Wallace got 13% of the popular vote in 1968. John
B. Anderson ran in the 1980 primaries, dropped out in
April and still got on the November ballot.
Duke is a skilled opportunist and can be expected to do
whatever is in his interest. He was pro-abortion, even
pro sterilization, when the issue was framed as limiting
the number of welfare babies (read blacks).
But in the gubernatorial race, with Edwards and Roemer
antagonizing Louisiana's powerful pro-life forces, Duke
saw his opportunity and switched. He now sounds like
Henry Hyde on the issue.
If we let him, he could capture the leading-edge position
on most issues central to the winning coalition of 1980,
1984 and 1988. One can easily imagine him describing the
current civil rights legislation as a quota bill,
page 2
citing the Chamber of Commerce as an expert witness.
I can hear him arguing next year that both parties have
failed miserably to deploy a strategic defense system at a
time when a dozen third world regimes are developing
nuclear weapons and no one knows who will be in control
tomorrow of missiles scattered all over the old Soviet
Union.
There's no way for Duke to win the election, of course.
But all he has to do to defeat President Bush is to
convince enough people that their interests will be served
by a vote for him. A repeat of 1912.
The moderate Republican instinct will be to run from any
issue Duke espouses. A fatal mistake which will enable
Duke to steal our legitimate issues and drive a wedge
between major elements of our winning coalition.
Right now a great many California grassroots
conservatives, for example, believe that the White House
is in cahoots with Gov. Wilson to destroy them. They are
already angry. Can the President carry California without
them if they find some place else to go in the privacy of
the voting booth?
From this point on, a kinder and gentler, apparently
compromising Administration would play into Duke's hands.
The only way to cope successfully with Duke, if he behaves
as I expect, would be for the Administration to become
much more confrontational with the liberals.
If the President were to emerge over the next few months
as the intransigent leader of the conservative position on
the wide range of issues which he so forcefully espoused
in the summer and fall of 1988, Duke would be reduced to a
"me too" role and lose his potency as a protest candidate.
If the President actually captures the enthusiasm of
conservatives, he will be the only realistic alternative
to a liberal takeover. He can reassemble the coalition,
even with somewhat damaged credibility over the "no new
taxes" pledge.
President Nixon was called "Tricky Dick" by his foes as
well as by many who voted for him. Still he crushed
McGovern because he really was in stark contrast against
McGovern.
page 3
President Bush is still likely to have a wacko Democratic
opponent.
Democratic nomination rules prevent them from responding
credibly to majority opinion on limited government,
national defense and traditional values.
Baring some unexpected crisis like Watergate, President
Bush is still able to do as he did in 1988, solidify the
winning coalition put together first for Ronald Reagan.
Assuming the Duke problem is solved, I'd like to discuss a
further question. Will another landslide presidential
election mean a successful second term for President Bush?
Not necessarily.
Let me suggest to you the real measure of success for a
1992 Bush campaign victory.
1992 is roughly analogous to 1972 and 1984, in that an
incumbent Republican president may win a landslide re-
election.
The natural tendency of those who manage a president's re-
election campaign is to think their success will be
measured by the percentage of the popular vote the
president receives, state by state and nationally.
Many of us active politically in the GOP in 1972 still
gnash our teeth at the counter-productive "survey and get-
out-the-vote" effort at CREEP.
In states where Nixon was already getting, say, 58 percent
of the vote, his organization systematically dragged to
the polls Nixon supporters whom they knew would vote
against the rest of the GOP ticket. The completely
predictable result: a useless, bigger victory for Nixon
in that state, but the defeat of other GOP candidates.
There was, I'm sad to say, no indication in 1984 that the
Reagan re-election managers missed any opportunity to pile
votes on a winning margin rather than expend any political
capital trying to help Republican congressional
candidates.
The true measure of the success of the Bush managers in
1992 will be how they contribute to a successful second
term for President Bush.
It hardly matters at all for the Bush second term whether
page 4
he wins re-election by 56 or 61 percent of the vote.
What really matters is whether or not he gets chewed up
later by a hostile Congress.
Given the behavior of past Republican presidential re-
election campaign managers, it's no coincidence that
Republican presidential second terms are less successful
than first terms.
The congressional election results, far more than the
percentage of his re-election victory, determine the
history of a president's second term.
If the liberals get a veto proof congress, the second term
will be Hell for President Bush.
But, in fact, on some issues there's almost a veto proof
Senate already. Jade West head of the Senate Steering
Committee staff (and former Arlington Republican chairman)
could tell you about this month's shocking weakness of the
putative Bush forces in the Senate on the parental leave
measure.
Already, GOP prospects appear grim in the 1992 Senate
races. Poor recruitment of candidates and many incumbents
now very weak in the polls.
President Bush and his White House Staff have the power to
direct firmly the state and national campaign staff and
the RNC staff. But, without firm guidance, the national
party and the national presidential campaign staff will
give congressional candidates only lip service and often
treat them with loathing and contempt.
And I mean firmness. The GOP national chairman and each
state Bush chairman should be given a sheet of written
instructions, with an order to re-read the instructions
weekly. The instructions for state Bush chairmen and all
Bush fieldmen and RNC field staff could read as follows:
"Your job is to carry your state(s) for the President
and to win all the Senate and U.S. House seats you
can in your state(s). If you win a state by a
landslide but narrowly lose any House or Senate
races, you will have failed.
"We don't need a landslide. We want to win
politically. And that means the president's campaign
must be willing to bleed as necessary for
congressional candidates. We need and want the
electoral votes and the House and Senate votes."
page 5
Reports of RNC staff and Bush campaign staff should be
required to include the status of relevant congressional
races and what the presidential campaign and RNC are doing
to insure as many House and Senate victories as possible.
In past presidential re-election years, the presidential
campaign staff and the RNC staff have treated local Senate
and U.S. House candidates, particularly non-incumbent GOP
candidates, as ugly ducklings. or as uninvited guests to
the party.
Without going through a state by state analysis, right
now, absent the firm campaign strategy I've just described
for the congressional campaigns, I'd say the GOP will
approximately break even in the U.S. House of
Representatives, primarily due to the inevitable gains
through reapportionment of seats to GOP areas.
But the Senate races look bad, very bad. I predict a loss
of five to seven seats.
It doesn't have to be that bad. A thoroughly
confrontational presidential campaign, a mass-based youth
effort and a purposeful plan to elect Republicans to the
Congress could retain the White House, net us a few U.S.
Senate seats and net us twenty-five or thirty seats in the
House.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
MEMORANDUM FOR GOVERNOR SUNUNU
FROM:
DAVID M. CARNEY
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE
PRESIDENT AND DIRECTOR,
OFFICE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS
SUBJECT:
New Jersey election returns
This is for your information.
Thanks.
THE WHITE HOUSE
P.02
TO:
THE WHITE HOUSE
FROM:
JOSEPH A. SULLIVAN
WILLIAM J. PALATUCCI
DATE:
NOVEMBER 6, 1991
RE:
NEW JERSEY ELECTION RETURNS - ANALYSIS
For two consecutive years New Jersey has provided the national Republican Party some
much needed "good news' on election night. Last night, New Jersey Republicans again
bucked the national trend and won with a campaign platform of anti-taxes and pro-
middle class.
President Bush correctly referenced New Jersey in his press conference at 6:45 a.m.
this morning.
However, the national party should examine New Jersey and the Important lessons from
the 1990 and 1991 cycles in New Jersey:
Republicans have more credibility with the voters.
The Republican Party has successfully portrayed itself as the party for change.
Most Republican candidates ran on a platform of term limitations, initiative and
referendum and recall.
Education funding and property taxes were the issues; not health care. But that
will change next year. Governor Florio's statement last night blamed the loss on
the voters reaction to the "national recession and poor health care insurance."
This a strong trend in the state. Most Republican candidates were largely
outspent by Democrat incumbents. in some cases, Republican challengers won
in the face of being outspent by margins of 3 to 1 or 4 to 1.
Republicans won local elections at all levels across the state.
There are many opportunities here for President Bush, as well:
Beating up on Jim Florio is now a popular sport in New Jersey. The President
should come and get in on the fun.
NOV-06-1991 17:06 FROM BOMONT INDUSTRIES
TO
THE WHITE HOUSE
P.03
Page two
President Bush has an excellent record on taxes, especially when compared with
Jim Florio. We would urge the President to come to New Jersey and take
advantage of this anti-tax climate. "One thing George Bush will never do, and
that's raise taxes by 25% like Jim Florio did."
*
The 1992 Republican controlled legislature will roll back New Jersey's sales tax
from 7 cents to 6 cents. The President should applaud that effort and endorse
it. It shows that Republicans are the party trying to cut taxes.
New Jersey continues to be a key state for the President and the national Republican
Party. As a northeastem swing state with a slow economy, New Jersey Republicans
continue to win election victories.
TOTAL P.03
HALEY BARBOUR 11/13
givenor If you think it is up-
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know that make nys man !
Thank, Haliy
BARBOUR & ROGERS
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
Suite 1010
600 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
HALEY BARBOUR
(202) 333-8767
ED ROGERS
Fax (202) 338-5950
November 12, 1991
Honorable George Bush
The President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mr. President:
In my August 15 letter after the Camp David meeting on the campaign, I said I would
like to send an occasional follow-up note as matters develop. I hope it is not presumptuous to
do so now.
My first point in August was to sustain your base, and this continues to be my main
concern. Clearly there are rumblings on the right, especially inside the Beltway. While I do
not think they are not as bad as last October/November, the political environment is worse
because of the economy and the lack of the Persian Gulf issue. It seems to me this
dissatisfaction should fade when our people focus on the Democrat opposition. However, that
will be some time off, at least until the 1st of February, and some damage may be done in the
interim. Internally we should accept this, and it is all the more reason not to be tempted to play
the Democrats' game.
The conservatives who make up a substantial majority of your base are confronted
constantly with the appearance the liberals are making all the progress. Moreover, they do not
sense we are fighting for the policies they voted for. Perception is reality in politics, and
increasingly things like the civil rights bill, tax increases, etc. are giving them a negative
perception and shaking their confidence. We should be especially mindful of this at this early
stage of our campaign.
Of course, the problems with the economy adversely impact our base, too, and some
people will desert you because of economic harm or, more likely, fear of it. We are, however,
exacerbating this when we allow people to think we are not fighting against the wrong solutions
as well as proposing the right ones.
As I said in my August letter, your base will stand by you when you resist those who
equate having a domestic agenda with more government spending, programs and regulations.
Similarly, they wilt when it appears we cave in to the Democrats on these fronts.
My recommendation is for us to stand up for our principles, not just politically but in
terms of government policy.
Your recent political speeches have been good, and Sununu's working the television talk
shows helps with our base, but during this time another good tactic would be to get more
aggressive with our political surrogate, op-ed and letters to the editor efforts. I will certainly
do my part. In the near term, I encourage a more organized effort to take some of the load off
you.
On policy, our base is joined by a majority of voters in supporting our principles of
economic growth through low taxes, less government (both spending and regulation) and peace
through strength. While the world situation has taken the steam out of the last one, the first two
still command majority support. Therefore, if we "tend our flock" we support good policy,
which is also supported by the majority of Americans. As the Master said, "Feed your sheep."
Sincerely,
Hally Haley Barbour
BARBOUR & ROGERS
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
Suite 1010
600 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20037
HALEY BARBOUR
ED ROGERS
(202) 333-8767
Fax (202) 338-5950
August 15, 1991
The Honorable George Bush
The President
Post Office Box 492
Kennebunkport, Maine 04046
Dear Mr. President:
Before sharing my ideas on the campaign, thanks for the very thoughtful note about
Reeves (my 12 year old) and my leaving the meeting early for the baseball tournament. His
team finished third in the state, and they did, in fact, win the night I had been with you at
Camp David. All the boys on the team were excited to know that you had wished them luck,
and I am grateful for your sentiments about my perspective and priorities.
The Camp David session was full of good commentary, and I hope this letter will not
prove repetitious.
SUSTAIN YOUR BASE. Conservatives, whether old line GOP, recent converts or
nominal Democrats, are the backbone of that 56-64% national majority Teeter alluded to at our
meeting. Sometimes we ignore our base or take it for granted, but it needs sustenance.
Particularly because many in our base are not party-loyal Republicans, the need to nurture them
is even greater. The earlier you can emphasize some good conservative themes and issues, the
better.
Make sure your issues package not only is solid on policy but that sufficient PR attention
is focused on issues that are important to conservatives. The media have often tended to give
great fanfare to areas where you differentiate yourself from Reagan or the commonly-held
conservative position. Many times this has been a plus for you politically, but your base cannot
flourish on a steady diet of that.
The Honorable George Bush
August 15, 1991
Page Two
Some in the Washington community, especially in Congress and the media, equate a
"domestic agenda" with more government spending, programs and regulations; they will urge
you leftward in the coming months to "prove" you have a domestic program. Although I know
advice. you will not be tempted, I want you to know your base will be with you when you resist that
Finally regarding your base, the campaign should be inclusive. At every level bring
conservatives into the campaign. Create structures that allow them seats at the table. Where
the best people to be in charge are not from the conservative side, be sure conservatives are
included on the committees, the staff, etc. This applies at the state and local level as much as
in Washington, although Washington is very important, too, as that is where the "echo chamber"
begins. Most conservatives really want to help you. A few need to be included just to keep
them in line. As Lyndon Johnson said, "It's better to have them inside the tent pissing out than
on the outside pissing in."
HAVE A GENERAL ELECTION STRATEGY. Everything the campaign does from the
outset should be aimed at November 1992, and there is a tremendous amount that can be done
pre-convention that will pay big dividends in the general election. The law allows you to raise
and spend $36 million or so, including the federal match, to "win the nomination." To the
benefit. extent possible, all of that should be spent on activities that inure to your general election
Organizational and logistical activities come to mind as the first ways to effectively spend
money in the spring that will have a payoff in the fall. The Reagan campaign had a very
successful registration program in 1984, and there are functions like list development, computer
capacity, targeting, opposition research, etc., that can be performed out of pre-convention
money, thereby conserving general election funds. At the same time it may be smart to actually
have some advertising during the pre-convention period, either for bolstering our support in key
states or responding to scurrilous attacks by the Democrats. It is very possible their nominee
will be decided by March, and once decided, he will spend his remaining pre-convention budget
attacking you.
A corollary to this line of thinking is the need to raise the pre-convention money as
quickly as possible. This allows the campaign to more effectively spend money in the spring
and summer. It also allows us to get the pre-convention Presidential fundraising out of the way,
in order to clear the field for the RNC, NRSC, NRCC and RGA. Those that made this point
at Camp David were right on the mark.
The Honorable George Bush
August 15, 1991
Page Three
Not only the timing but also the manner in which the pre-convention money is raised
should consider the need for the other committees to raise money. From the outset contributors
to the pre-convention campaign should be told that major fundraising will continue through the
fall of '92, but soon contributions will go to the RNC. We must make sure people understand
from the beginning that a check to Bush-Quayle '92 this fall (whether in the amount of a $1,000
or $250, which is the maximum amount the federal government will match) is only the first step
in funding your reelection. Fundraisers need to be recruited and indoctrinated with that in mind.
BE PRESIDENT AND NOT A CANDIDATE FOR AS LONG AS POSSIBLE. As I
said at the meeting, there is a contradiction between starting the campaign early (which is
absolutely necessary) and your staying Presidential and "above the fray". Nevertheless, it is
essential that the campaign be sensitive to the benefits of your not being perceived as a
"candidate" who is driven by reelection politics.
To the extent possible, campaign activities in the next few months should be carried out
without your personal participation. I disagree with your appearing at campaign fundraisers this
fall. At a minimum I believe the campaign should attempt to raise the money without your
personal participation, and I would not involve you as a speaker at Bush-Quayle fundraisers
except as a last resort.
Simultaneous to your trying to stay above the fray, it will be necessary for there to be
White House involvement in the campaign. A threshold issue in the Bush-Quayle campaign plan
is the division of labor among the White House, the campaign and the RNC. For a variety of
legal and financial reasons, the RNC should be responsible for several major functions. At the
same time, however, the campaign should control the RNC's performance of those functions.
It would be a mistake to let the RNC run the campaign; rather, the campaign must run the RNC.
That brings me to the relationship between the campaign and the White House. Having
been around in 1976 and 1984, I am convinced that the White House has to have the lead role
in the campaign. Obviously, the majority of the work and decisionmaking will be at the
campaign; however, the White House is where you are, and its staff is the one that has constant
communication with you. In terms of strategy and major decisions, the campaign should look
to the White House in the same way that the RNC looks to the campaign.
The Honorable George Bush
August 15, 1991
Page Four
It seems to me the relationship between the campaign and the White House should be
good. I do not know who will be doing what, but all that major players know each other and
have worked together. Governor Sununu is an effective political Chief of Staff, who is a good
anchor for conservatives. He, Mosbacher, Malek and Teeter all complement each other well.
With Charlie Black and others, they make a first-rate team.
These are some basic thoughts about the campaign. As time goes by, I would like to
send you an occasional note on more specific strategy or tactics.
Please know I want to help anyway you see fit.
Sincerely,
Haley Barbour