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Jeavons, Kathy, Files
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David Duke
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O
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 7, 1991
MEMORANDUM FOR OPINION LEADERS
BK
FROM:
BOBBIE KILBERG
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR PUBLIC LIAISON
KATHY JEAVONS vs
ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR FOR PUBLIC LIAISON
SUBJECT:
President Bush's recent speech in Madrid and
comments on David Duke
Enclosed please find the following:
1)
President Bush's October 30 speech at the opening of
the Middle East Peace Conference in Madrid;
2)
President Bush's November 6 statement repudiating again
David Duke's candidacy for Governor of Louisiana.
For your information, the President will be holding a
roundtable discussion with a group of American Jewish leaders in
New York City on November 12 to discuss the peace process.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Madrid, Spain)
For Immediate Release
October 30, 1991
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT OPENING SESSION OF THE
MIDDLE EAST PEACE CONFERENCE
Salon de las Columnas
Royal Palace
Madrid, Spain
10:38 A.M. (L)
THE PRESIDENT: Prime Minister Gonzalez, and President
Gorbachev, Excellencies. Let me begin by thanking the government
of Spain for hosting this historic gathering. with short notice,
the Spanish people and their leaders stepped forward to make
available this magnificent setting. Let us hope that this
conference of Madrid will mark the beginning of a new chapter in
the history of the Middle East.
I also want to express at the outset my pleasure at the
presence of our fellow co-sponsor, President Gorbachev. At a
time of momentous challenges at home, President Gorbachev and his
senior associates have demonstrated their intent to engage the
Soviet Union as a force for positive change in the Middle East.
This sends a powerful signal to all those who long for peace.
We come to Madrid on a mission of hope -- to begin work
on a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement to the conflict
in the Middle East. We come here to seek peace for a part of the
world that in the long memory of man has known far too much
hatred, anguish and war. I can think of no endeavor more worthy
-- or more necessary.
Our objective must be clear and straightforward. It is
not simply to end the state of war in the Middle East and replace
it with a state of nonbelligerency. This is not enough; this
would not last. Rather, we seek peace, real peace. And by real
peace I mean treaties. Security. Diplomatic relations.
Economic relations. Trade. Investment. Cultural Exchange.
Even tourism.
What we seek is a Middle East where vast resources are
no longer devoted to armaments. A Middle East where young people
no longer have to dedicate and, all too often, give their lives
to combat. A Middle East no longer victimized by fear and
terror. A Middle East where normal men and women lead normal
lives.
Let no one mistake the magnitude of this challenge.
The struggle we seek to end has a long and painful history.
Every life lost -- every outrage, every act of violence -- is
etched deep in the hearts and history of the people of this
region. Theirs is a history that weighs heavily against hope.
And yet, history need not be man's master.
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- 2 -
I expect that some will say that what I am suggesting
is impossible. But think back. Who back in 1945 would have
thought that France and Germany, bitter rivals for nearly a
century, would become allies in the aftermath of World War II?
And who two years ago would have predicted that the Berlin Wall
would come down? And who in the early 1960s would have believed
that the Cold War would come to a peaceful end, replaced by
cooperation -- exemplified by the fact that the United States and
the Soviet Union are here today -- not as rivals, but as
partners, as Prime Minister Gonzalez pointed out.
No, peace in the Middle East need not be a dream.
Peace is possible. The Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty is striking
proof that former adversaries can make and sustain peace. And
moreover, parties in the Middle East have respected agreements,
not only in the Sinai, but on the Golan Heights as well.
The fact that we are all gathered here today for the
first time attests to a new potential for peace. Each of us has
taken an important step toward real peace by meeting here in
Madrid. All the formulas on paper, all the pious declarations in
the world won't bring peace if there is no practical mechanism
for moving ahead.
Peace will only come as the result of direct
negotiations, compromise, give-and-take. Peace cannot be imposed
from the outside by the United States or anyone else. While we
will continue to do everything possible to help the parties
overcome obstacles, peace must come from within.
We come here to Madrid as realists. We do not expect
peace to be negotiated in a day, or a week, or a month, or even a
year. It will take time; indeed, it should take time -- time for
parties so long at war to learn to talk to one another, to listen
to one another. Time to heal old wounds and build trust. In
this quest, time need not be the enemy of progress.
What we envision is a process of direct negotiations
proceeding along two tracks, one between Israel and the Arab
states; the other between Israel and the Palestinians.
Negotiations are to be conducted on the basis of U.N. Security
Council Resolutions 242 and 338.
The real work will not happen here in the plenary
session, but in direct bilateral negotiations. This conference
cannot impose a settlement on the participants or veto
agreements; and just as important, the conference can only be
reconvened with the consent of every participant. Progress is in
the hands of the parties who must live with the consequences.
Soon after the bilateral talks commence, parties will
convene as well to organize multilateral negotiations. These
will focus on issues that cross national boundaries and are
common to the region: arms control, water, refugee concerns,
economic development. Progress in these fora is not intended as
a substitute for what must be decided in the bilateral talks; to
the contrary, progress in the multilateral issues can help create
an atmosphere in which long-standing bilateral disputes can more
easily be settled.
For Israel and the Palestinians, a framework already
exists for diplomacy. Negotiations will be conducted in phases,
beginning with talks on interim self-government arrangements. We
aim to reach agreement within one year. And once agreed, interim
self-government arrangements will last for five years; beginning
the third year, negotiations will commence on permanent status.
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- 3 -
No one can say with any precision what the end result will be; in
our view, something must be developed, something acceptable to
Israel, the Palestinians and Jordan, that gives the Palestinian
people meaningful control over their own lives and fate and
provides for the acceptance and security of Israel.
We can all appreciate that both Israelis and
Palestinians are worried about compromise, worried about
compromising even the smallest point for fear it becomes a
precedent for what really matters. But no one should avoid
compromise on interim arrangements for a simple reason: nothing
agreed to now will prejudice permanent status negotiations. To
the contrary, these subsequent negotiations will be determined on
their own merits.
Peace cannot depend upon promises alone. Real peace --
lasting peace -- must be based upon security for all states and
peoples, including Israel. For too long the Israeli people have
lived in fear, surrounded by an unaccepting Arab world. Now is
the ideal moment for the Arab world to demonstrate that attitudes
have changed, that the Arab world is willing to live in peace
with Israel and make allowances for Israel's reasonable security
needs.
We know that peace must also be based on fairness. In
the absence of fairness, there will be no legitimacy -- no
stability. This applies above all to the Palestinian people,
many of whom have known turmoil and frustration above all else.
Israel now has an opportunity to demonstrate that it is willing
to enter into a new relationship with its Palestinian neighbors;
one predicated upon mutual respect and cooperation.
Throughout the Middle East, we seek a stable and
enduring settlement. We've not defined what this means; indeed,
I make these points with no map showing where the final borders
are to be drawn. Nevertheless, we believe territorial compromise
is essential for peace. Boundaries should reflect the quality of
both security and political arrangements. The United States is
prepared to accept whatever the parties themselves find
acceptable. What we seek, as I said on March 6, is a solution
said on March 6, that meets the twin tests of fairness and
security.
I know -- I expect we all know -- that these
negotiations will not be easy. I know, too, that these
negotiations will not be smooth. There will be disagreement and
criticism, setbacks -- who knows -- possibly interruptions.
Negotiation and compromise are always painful. Success will
escape us if we focus solely upon what is being given up.
We must fix our vision on what real peace would bring.
Peace, after all, means not just avoiding war and the costs of
preparing for it. The Middle East is blessed with great
resources: physical, financial and, yes, above all, human. New
opportunities are within reach -- if we only have the vision to
embrace them.
To succeed, we must recognize that peace is in the
interest of all parties -- war, absolute advantage of none. The
alternative to peace in the Middle East is a future of violence
and waste and tragedy. In any future war lurks the danger of
weapons of mass destruction. As we learned in the Gulf war,
modern arsenals make it possible to attack urban areas -- to put
the lives of innocent men, women and children at risk, to
transform city streets, schools and children's playgrounds into
battlefields.
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Today, we can decide to take a different path to the
future -- to avoid conflict. I call upon all parties to avoid
unilateral acts, be they words or deeds, that would invite
retaliation or, worse yet, prejudice or even threaten this
process itself. I call upon all parties to consider taking
measures that will bolster mutual confidence and trust -- steps
that signal a sincere commitment to reconciliation.
I want to say something about the role of the United
States of America. We played an active role in making this
conference possible; both the Secretary of state, Jim Baker, and
I will play an active role in helping the process succeed.
Toward this end, we've provided written assurances to Israel, to
Syria, to Jordan, Lebanon and the Palestinians. In the spirit of
openness and honesty, we will brief all parties on the assurances
that we have provided to the other. We're prepared to extend
guarantees, provide technology and support, if that is what peace
requires. And we will call upon our friends and allies in Europe
and in Asia to join with us in providing resources so that peace
and prosperity go hand in hand.
Outsiders can assist, but in the end, it is up to the
peoples and governments of the Middle East to shape the future of
the Middle East. It is their opportunity and it is their
responsibility to do all that they can to take advantage of this
gathering, this historic gathering, and what it symbolizes and
what it promises.
No one should assume that the opportunity before us to
make peace will remain if we fail to seize the moment.
Ironically, this is an opportunity born of war -- the destruction
of past wars, the fear of future wars. The time has come to put
an end to war -- the time has come to choose peace.
Speaking for the American people, I want to reaffirm
that the United States is prepared to facilitate the search for
peace, to be a catalyst, as we've been in the past and as we've
been very recently. We seek only one thing, and this we seek not
for ourselves, but for the peoples of the area and particularly
the children: that this and future generations of the Middle
Bast may know the meaning and blessing of peace.
We have seen too many generations of children whose
haunted eyes show only fear -- too many funerals for their
brothers and sisters, the mothers and fathers who died too soon
-- too much hatred, too little love. And if we cannot summon the
courage to lay down the past for ourselves, let us resolve to do
it for the children.
May God bless and guide the work of this conference,
and may this conference set us on the path of peace. Thank you.
(Applause.)
END
10:55 A.M. (L)
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT BEFORE
DEPARTURE TO ROME, ITALY AND THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
6:49 A.M. EST
November 6, 1991
0
Are you going to urge voters in Louisiana to vote
against David Duke?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, strongly. We had a great victory
in Mississippi yesterday. And Kirk Fordice won a good clean race on
fundamental issues. And it is truly unfortunate that the state next
door in Louisiana -- and they vote next week for governor -- do not
have the choice between two good men. We differ with Senator
Wofford, but I think the Pennsylvanians had a choice between two
decent, good men. And I've got to be careful because I do not want
to tell the voters of Louisiana how to cast their ballots next week.
That is a right that we all cherish; it's a personal right. And so
they've got to make their own decisions.
But when someone asserts that the Holocaust never took
place, then I don't believe that person ever deserves one iota of
public trust. And when someone has so recently endorsed Nazism, it
is inconceivable that such a person can legitimately aspire to
leadership -- in a leadership role in a free society. And when
someone has a long record, an ugly record, of racism and of bigotry,
that record simply cannot be erased by the glib rhetoric of a
political campaign.
so I believe that David Duke is an insincere charlatan.
I believe he is attempting to hoodwink the voters of Louisiana, and I
believe that he should be rejected for what he is and what he stands
for.
P.1/3
DEC 20 '91 14:19
KathyJ
AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE
440 FIRST STREET, N.W., SUITE 600
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20001
FAX NUMBER (202) 347-4916
FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES
FAX NUMBER:
TO:
Bobbie KilberG
FROM:
HOWARD Kour
DATE:
12/20
TIME:
NUMBER OF PAGES (INCLUDING COVER PAGE) :
3
IF COPY IS UNCLEAR OR IF THERE ARE ANY QUESTIONS, PLEASE CALL
(202) 639-5306 FOR FURTHER ASSISTANCE. THANK YOU.
The Detroit News
Thursday
Section B
DECEMBER 19.
Metro
OBITUARIES 7F.
1991
File
Jewish leaders ask state to remove Duke from ballot
smooth talker just like Hitler."
Detroit News he opposes Duke's
GOP.
and candidates identified by the two
By Tarak Hamada
In a letter to Secretary of State
placement on the GOP ballot be.
"If the secretary of state had been
major parties, said Chris Thomas
THE DETROIT NEWS
Richard Austin, businessmen Fisher,
cause the party has repudiated bim.
a Republican instead of a Democrat,
the state's director of elections.
Paul Borman, David Hermelin and
President Bush and the Republican
he wouldn't have been on that bal-
Duke has until Jan. 10 to submit
Industrialist Max Fisher Wednes-
Ed Levy Jr. expressed "profound
National Committee denounced
lot," Fisher said. "It looks to me like
an affidavit agreeing to appear on the
day likened former Nazi sympathizer
disappointment" with Austin's deci-
Duke during his attempt to be elect-
he's very happy to put him on the
ballot.
David Duke to Hitter and, with three
sion to put Duke's name on the
ed governor of Louisiona in Novem-
Republican ticket."
"Whether the Republicans con.
other Metro Detroit Jewish leaders,
ballot.
her. He lost.
A spokesman for Austin denied
sider him a real Republican or not
called for the removal of Duke's
He is "an extremist who appeals
"We don't want him in the Re-
the charge.
isn't a standard incorporated in the
name from Michigan's Republican
to the most base (ears in people,"
publican Party," Fisher said.
Austin listed Duke because he is
state law." Thomas suid, noting Aus
presidential primary ballot.
they said. "We would hope
there
Fisher also said that he thinks
required by state law to put on the
tin has stated his distaste for Duke
"He stirs up bigotry and hate,"
is some way that this decision can be
Austin, a Democrat, listed Duke last
ballot all Democratic and Repoblican
"People are looking at David Duke as
Fisher said. "He's anti-black, anti-
reconsidered."
week 83 A candidate in the March 17
contenders who are "generally advo-
minority and anti-Jewish. And he's
Fisher, a Republican, tokl The
Republican primary to embarrass the
cated by the national news media"
Please see Ballot, 68
Ballot: Jewish leaders ask state officials to remove Duke
From page 1B
Ellis said. "The overwhelming major-
supports the anti-Semitic Nazi ideol-
ing his candidacy.
a potential presidential candidate.
ity of Jewish Americans are people
ugy.
"Duke cannot name one Republi-
There's no escaping the fact that he
who have the rights of the individual
"A leopard doesn't change his
can elected or party official anywhere
will show up on several state ballots."
uppermost in their minds. This is a
spots," Fisher said.
in America who supports his candi-
But Fisher said that Duke is
civil liberties question."
Ellis said Fisher is wrong to argue
dacy." said Michigan Republican
merely a "friuge" candidate who only
Ellis denied Fisher's charge that
Duke isn't A Republican.
State Chairman Dave Doyle.
appeals to voters in Louisiana.
Duke is anti-Semitic.
Duke, a former Ku Klux Kian
During his run for the Louisiana
"The media paid too rouch atten-
Although Ellis conceded that
leader, supports the party's conser-
governorship, Duke got some support
tion to him," he said.
Duke in the late 1960s and early
vative stands on welfare and affirma-
in Michigan. A total of 255 Michigan
David Duke's spokesman. Muse
1970s "put on one of those (Nazi)
tive action, Ellis said.
residents contributed nearly $12,000
DEC '91 14:19
Ellis, said from his New Orleans
costumes and paraded with them,"
The complaint from the Jewish
to his campaign.
office that the Jewish leaders are
he added that Duke has never been A
leaders came a day after the Michi-
Austin will consider the party's
trying to deny Michigan voters the
member of the American Nazi Party.
gan Republican Party's leadership
request, said Thomas
chance to express their feelings about
"How many of us haven't changed
asked Austin to require Duke, but
As fat as Duke is concerned, "the
Duke and his message.
in the last 20 years?" Ellis asked. "I
not primary candidates President
secretary of state has put him on the
"These four gentlemen need to
wouldn't be here if he were anti-
Bush or Pat Buchanan, to earn a
ballot," Ellis said.
realize what they are talking about is
Semitic."
place on the Republican ballot by
If Austin requires Duke to file the
denying the entire voting population
But Fisher said he doesn't believe
collecting the required 9,329 signa-
petitions, "we'll cruss that bridge
of Michigan the right to choose,"
Duke's claims that he no longer
tures from registered voters support-
when we come to it." he said.
P.3/3
DEC 20 '91 14:20 11.35
COW
;
LEVI
DEHRBURN
P.2
MAX M. FISHER
FISHER BUILDING
TWENTY SEVENTH FLOOR
DETROIT. MICHIGAN 40202
December 17, 1991
The Honorable Richard Austin
Secretary of State
Lansing, Michigan 48909
Dear Mr. Austin:
We write to express our profound disappointment in
your decision to certify David Duke as a candidate in
Michigan's primary election.
our election laws require you to certify only those
individuals recognized by the national media as legitimate
candidates. We believe the media only has recognized
Mr. Duke for what he is -- an extremist who appeals to
the most base fears in people.
Mr. Duke's national media attention is based on his
linkage to powerful symbols of hatred and violence --
the Nazi Party and the Klu Klux Klan. To equate such
notoriety with a legitimate presidential candidacy
undermines our election law and gives unwarranted
credibility to extremist hate mongers who always
will be on the fringes of our democratic society.
We would hope that on further reflection there is
some way that this decision can be reconsidered.
Sincerely,
Paul Borman
May m Fle
Savid Howelin
&
Paul Borman
Max M. Fisher
David Hermelin
Ed Levy, Jr.
File David Duke
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 6, 1991
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT
BEFORE DEPARTURE TO ROME, ITALY AND THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS
The South Lawn
6:49 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. I've got a
little statement here, and then I'll be glad to take a few questions
on this chilly morning.
First, I am just delighted about the Gates nomination.
And I want to commend the Senate for approving him to be the Director
of Central Intelligence. He is a good man, and he has outstanding
credentials. And he served the country well; he's been at my right
hand on all the big decisions we've had to make about war and peace.
And I know he is going to be at CIA an outstanding Director, serving
with distinction.
I think yesterday's vote brings a certain high degree of
professionalism, dedicated leadership to an agency that will be
undergoing significant change in the world in the years ahead. And,
in my view, the Senate did the right thing. The agency could not be
in more capable hands.
There are four other votes that deserve comment.
Yesterday, the voters of Pennsylvania selected Senator Wofford to be
the Senator. And Dick Thornburgh, who served the country as Attorney
General, ran a strong campaign, a dignified campaign. He and Ginny
have worked long and hard for the State of Pennsylvania and for our
country. They're wonderful people, and I know it must hurt to lose,
having been there myself, but I know that Dick has a brilliant career
ahead of him.
We're very pleased -- there was a lot of good news for
the Republicans. We elected a governor in Mississippi -- the first
Republican governor in this century -- a good man, Kirk Fordice. He
has pointed the way to change in the South. We believe more and more
Republicans will be elected in Southern elections, so that is very
good. Similarly, in the State of New Jersey -- it was a blowout. We
had a huge swing to Republicans in both the House and the Senate.
And in Virginia, right here across the river, the Republicans picked
up eight seats in the Senate and now constitute a very, very strong
voice in that state's political authority. Both of these elections
bode well for Republican ideas and values.
Let me comment on the trip. NATO and the American
presence in Europe have helped keep the peace for over 40 years, and
now I am going to be meeting with the NATO leaders in Rome to talk
about the challenges of security in the post-Cold War world, and the
opportunity for partnership with former adversaries. I view this as
a very important part of the responsibilities of the President
working for peace around the world.
At The Hague, that is more economic because we'll be
talking about our growing cooperation in helping the democratic
transformations in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and the ways
of expanding free and fair trade all around the world -- something
that is going to generate a lot of new business opportunities for
American farmers particularly, but manufacturers and service
industries as well. For example, just to put this in perspective, we
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- 2 -
will do more than $200 billion worth of trade this year with the EC
nations, and every billion dollars worth of manufactured exports
means 20,000 jobs here in the United States.
The best thing for American agriculture, incidentally,
is to have a successful conclusion to the GATT talks, to the Uruguay
Round. The American farmer can compete with anybody, but he's got to
have free and fair access to the markets of Europe, and that is a lot
of what we'll be talking about when we meet with the EC leaders in
The Hague.
On the domestic scene, I hate going away with Congress
still in session. Heaven knows what will happen, but there is a
chance now to pass a growth package, which I've been advocating for
about two years now, while the American people are demanding action.
Haven't seen anything coming out of Congress yet that I can accept,
but I am not going to give up on that. Fortunately, we're very
serious about getting this economy growing, and we do have strong
support, I think, on both sides now for some sensible ideas on
growth.
I might say that listening to some, I will just respond
this way: We've learned the awful price of isolationism -- back on
what I'm trying to do abroad here -- and we've learned that
protectionism and trade isolation hastened the worst economic
depression in modern history. So we're going to be proving that we
learned those lessons well and we are going to be, at the same time
-- we've got two days more of legislative action this week here, and
I want to see them move forward on this unemployment compensation,
doing it in a way where the tiny percent that we desperately want to
help get helped, but we don't burden the 95 percent or whatever it is
that are paying taxes. I don't want to do this by breaking the
budget agreement in terms of getting the checks to the people whose
benefits have run out. So we've got to get going on that one as
well.
That is about it. There are some other subjects, but
I'm glad to take a few questions.
Q
Mr. President, there is a feeling that it's panic
time at the White House and that you can't -- it's panic time, that
you have cancelled your Asian tour because you are afraid of the
voters, the people getting more and more resentful of your foreign
travels and having no real solution to the problems of joblessness
and so forth. What is your response?
THE PRESIDENT: My response is, that's crazy. I'll be
honest with you -- I had thought when this trip was scheduled for the
end of November that definitely the Congress would be out of session.
The Congress had announced a target date -- I think it was for
November 4th or November 2nd. We've passed that date. It's not
surprising. But, nevertheless, that was the date that was announced
at the time this trip was set. But I think it is prudent -- to use
an overworked word -- to be around here when the Congress is still in
session, and especially when you get down to that year-end crunch
where a lot of crazy things can happen.
So I didn't want to take a chance. This trip has been
postponed, not cancelled. It does have some very important aspects,
particularly the Japanese leg, because it affects jobs for America.
But that is the reason, Helen.
But I can understand the political charges. It was a
political day yesterday and we did very, very well, so tomorrow
they'l have another political charge.
Q
Well, Mr. President, why shouldn't people think
that you are running scared when the number of people who say they'll
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- 3 -
vote for you for reelection has dropped precipitously, when you've
cancelled the trip now and your man in Pennsylvania lost badly? Why
shouldn't people think that you're running scared?
THE PRESIDENT: Because our man in Mississippi won big.
New Jersey won tremendous. Blew them away in Virginia. And so
please just don't look at part of the glass -- the part that is only
less than half-full. I am depressed over the Thornburgh race because
he's such a good man, but you look at the overall record and what I
stand for and what our party stands for -- had a very good day, thank
you. But, look, we're in the political season; these guys are going
to be making all these charges. I've told you I don't live and die
by the polls, thus I will refrain from pointing out that we're not
doing too bad in those polls. What matters is the people that are
hurting. And let's try to solve the problems for the American
people.
But we'll get these charges. I mean, anything you do in
this job, I've learned, you take on a little water, get a few hits.
If things are going well, why, you know, people are smiling and
cheering and when they're not, you've got to redouble your efforts to
help people. So I don't worry about the criticism, and I've told you
before, I do not live and die by these polls that go up and down.
Having said that, I've seen these head-on-heads, and I feel pretty
good about it. But that is -- I don't want to start crowing about
something when the election is a year away. I'll be facing a tough
fight. All these people that are candidates are tough, and nobody is
going to be taking anything for granted.
Q
You campaigned very vigorously, though, for your
man in Pennsylvania -- Thornburgh -- and it wasn't even close. I
mean, he lost -- for a guy who went in with more than a 40-point
lead, he lost by something like 10 percentage points. Did you know
-- did your advisors see that coming yesterday before you cancelled
your trip? When did you cancel your trip, and also what are the
voters --
THE PRESIDENT: The trip had nothing to do with the
election in Pennsylvania. Please, Rita.
Q
Okay. Did you decide to cancel your trip before
yesterday?
THE PRESIDENT: I talked about it because I've been
worried -- I talked to Bob Michel on the trip to California and I
said are you definitely going to adjourn on the 22nd? And he told me
-- I hope I'm not talking out of school -- "Well, I talked to the
Speaker and he hopes to be out on the 22nd, but for the first time he
indicated we might not be out on the 22nd." This from the Congress
that said they were going to be adjourned on November 2nd or November
4th. And I simply think at the end of a congressional session, it is
important to be there. All kinds of crazy things can happen with
this crowd that controls the Senate and House, and I'd like to be
there to protect the American taxpayer and to help the American
worker. So it was in that time frame that I got to thinking, hey,
we'd better but it had nothing to do with the Pennsylvania
election, nor the great victories in New Jersey, in Mississippi and
in Virginia.
Q
Mr. President, when you saw what the issues were in
Pennsylvania, what do you think the voters there were saying about
Washington, about the status quo?
THE PRESIDENT: I just take Senator Wofford at his word,
that there is a message here for the administration and a message
here for the United States Congress. And I think people -- when the
economy is slow, people are concerned. They're hurting out there;
they're concerned about their livelihood. He got a big hand for
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saying he wants to help on those whose benefits have run out. So do
I. We've got proposals up there. We could have had those checks in
the mail literally weeks ago. But I must protect -- try to protect
the taxpayers in this country who don't need another tax increase. A
lot of the message in all these elections, I think, had to do with
taxes.
But I accept Senator Wofford -- he ran a good campaign
-- accept his explanation that there is a message for the White House
-- and then I notice he said for the Congress, a Congress that is
controlled in both houses by the Democratic Party. So, listen, as
far as I'm concerned, we'll go the extra mile and we'll try even
harder. But I will try to do it the way I was elected to do it.
Q Mr. President, one of the potent issues for Senator
Wofford was health care. What message do you take from that
development in Pennsylvania?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I listen to the message from all
these people governors, senators, legislatures -- and one of the
loud messages was don't raise taxes. One of the messages in
Pennsylvania, try to help people with health care. So you've got to
balance these two. And we are working, as you know, on the health
care issue. And stay tuned because when we get prepared, why, we
will be coming forth with something I think is constructive. But you
cannot listen to just part of the message. You've got to listen to
the whole message. And most of the American people at the state
level and the gubernatorial level are saying, hey, please don't hit
us again on taxes, please don't raise our taxes for whatever cause.
The best evidence of that one -- check it out -- is New Jersey, where
they just blew the Democrats away.
Q
Are you going to urge voters in Louisiana to vote
against David Duke?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, strongly. We had a great victory
in Mississippi yesterday. And Kirk Fordice won a good clean race on
fundamental issues. And it is truly unfortunate that the state next
door in Louisiana -- and they vote next week for governor -- do not
have the choice between two good men. We differ with Senator
Wofford, but I think the Pennsylvanians had a choice between two
decent, good men. And I've got to be careful because I do not want
to tell the voters of Louisiana how to cast their ballots next week.
That is a right that we all cherish; it's a personal right. And SO
they've got to make their own decisions.
But when someone asserts that the Holocaust never took
place, then I don't believe that person ever deserves one iota of
public trust. And when someone has so recently endorsed Nazism, it
is inconceivable that such a person can legitimately aspire to
leadership -- in a leadership role in a free society. And when
someone has a long record, an ugly record, of racism and of bigotry,
that record simply cannot be erased by the glib rhetoric of a
political campaign.
So I believe that David Duke is an insincere charlatan.
I believe he is attempting to hoodwink the voters of Louisiana, and I
believe that he should be rejected for what he is and what he stands
for.
Q
Mr. President, the economy, sir, has been reported
as rather weak in retail sales and consumer confidence. Are you
concerned that consumers are not responding to the interest rate cuts
that the Federal Reserve has put through and that the economy isn't
coming back, that maybe it's sliding into recession?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I'm not worried about it sliding
into recession. I am worried about consumer confidence because I
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- 5 -
think when you look at historically low interest rates, a lot of
people will suddenly wake up and say this is a good time to buy a
home, a good time to buy a car. But I worry about it; of course, I
do. I worry about it when people are hurting or think that they'r
hurting, or worried about the future -- you know, this right-track,
wrong-track argument. Yes, I worry about that. But I think we've
got good programs, if the Congress would move, that would help -- not
solve it all, but would help. And I've put forward initiatives for
growth that I keep talking about, have been in the State of the Union
messages, will continue to talk about until we get action that
doesn't hurt the economy.
There is kind of a panic, kind of a frenzy amongst some
legislators who don't want to get home because they heard the message
yesterday loud and clear from the voters. And that message -- the
frenzy has to do with well, we'd better do something, we'd better
look busy, we'd better accomplish something. But the something --
they'd better be careful what it is because the American people do
not want to have a higher tax burden. And many of these proposals
would do just that, and they also don't want to pay higher interest
rates. You notice when some of the proposals were floated last week,
long-term rates shot right through the roof because the market was
saying wait a minute, we don't want to bust this budget agreement.
That is the only safety the taxpayer has, and we don't want to see
ourselves get into some spiral of inflation again.
So it's not an easy problem, but do I worry about it
when people lack confidence? Of course, I do, and I want to try to
find ways to help because people are hurting. But some of it is -- I
think you put your finger on it -- there ought to be, in my view,
given the economic place where we stand now, more confidence. I'm
not trying to say everything is rosy, but I am saying interest rates
are down. There is a good chance to do something now in the way of
housing or on cars or on whatever that we haven't had before. And SO
I think it will come around, but, of course, I worry about it.
Q
Are you going to offer any kind of --
Q
What about a peace dividend? Why not use the peace
dividend -- the reduction in the military budget?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we're reducing the military
budget, and all I want to do is be sure that it is reduced in a way
that can get -- where I can go to the American people, my foremost
responsibility in my mind, and say I can guarantee you that the
national security is where it should be. Reckless cuts, no. Cuts,
yes, and Dick Cheney is working with the Congress on this, and I
think we'll have a good program and I think it will be at lower
levels of spending. We've already made some substantial cuts in it.
so, yes, I don't think anything should be exempt, Helen.
Q
Are you going to come up with your own package for
growth, tying things together -- something new?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think I already have a good
growth package, but I am prepared to work with Congress to come up
with something new. The trouble is, when both houses of Congress are
controlled by people who look at these issues differently, it is
difficult to get the people's business done. The people do not want
to bust the budget agreement -- in other words, have more government
spending. They do not want higher taxes, and yet they are interested
in health care and in a growth package and all of that. So it is a
delicate situation, but we will continue to work with it. I talked
to the leaders before leaving here, and let's hope something can get
done.
Q
-- the Democrat's tee shirt about all your foreign
travel?
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THE PRESIDENT: I haven't got one yet. Haven't got one
yet. I don't worry about that.
Q
How about the term limit vote, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: Mixed reviews on that. Yes, they lost
in Washington and won, I gather, in Texas and some other places. So
I haven't really analyzed it yet. I'm for it.
Okay, thank you all.
Q
You're for term limits?
THE PRESIDENT: You got it, Helen.
THE PRESS: Thank you.
END
7:10 A.M. EST
SENT BY:Xerox Telecopier 7021 :11- 5-91 ; 5:03PM ;
OFFICERS OF THE
NATIONAL COMMISSION
National Chairman
MEIVIN SALBERG
National Director
ADL Defamation League
ABEAHAM M. FOXMAN
Chairman, National
Brith
Executive Committee
DAVID H. STRASGLER
Associate National Director
JUSTIN L PINGER
File: A David
Executive Associate National Director
PETER L WILLNER
Honorary Chairmen
Duk
KENNETH 1 BIALKIN
SEYMOUR GRAUBARD
MAXWELL 1. GREENBERG
BURTON M. JOSEPH
BURTON s. LEVINSON
Honorary Vice Chairmen
LEONARD L ABESS
DOROTHY BINSTOCK
RUDY BOSCHWITZ
EDGAR M. BRONFMAN
MAXWELL DANE
MAX FISHER
November 6, 1991
BRUCE L HOCHMAN
GERI M. JOSEPH
MAX M. KAMPELMAN
SAM KANE
PHILIP M. KLUTZNICK
PHILIP KEUFF
The President
SAMUEL H. MILLER
BERNARD a MINTZ
The White House
MILTON MOLLEN
BERNARD NATH
Washington, DC 20500
ROSERT a NATHAN
ANITA PERLMAN
THEODORE M. SILBERT
SIDNEY R YATES
Vice-Chairmen
Dear Mr. President:
SYDNEY BARKOW
NAT KAMENY
LUCILLE $ KANTOR
IRVING SHAPIRO
JOEL SPRAYBEGEN
WILLIAM VEPEIN
Congratulations. In a few well-chosen words this
Vice-Chairman
National Enecutive Committee
morning, you said exactly what had to be said on David
ROBERT G. SUGARMAN
Henerary Chairman, National
Duke.
Executive Committee
DAVID A. ROSE
RONALD B. SOBEL
Honorary Treasurers
CHARLES GOLDRING
BENJAMIN GREENBERG
Sincerely,
MOE KUDLER
Treasurer
ROBERT N. NAFTALY
Amistant Treasurer
all
MICHAEL SCHULTZ
Secretary
MICHAR NACHMAN
Abraham H. Foxman
Assistant Secretary
National Director
MEYER EISENDERG
President, and Birth
KENT L SCHINER
Executive Vice President
SIDNEY CLEARFIELD
President, O'nai Brith Women
HARRIET HORWITZ
Executive Director
ELAINE SINDER
DIVISION DIRECTORS
CMI Eights
Let's hope t works!
JEFFREY P. SINENSKY
Community Service
ANN TOURK
Development
SHELDON FLEGELMAN
0.7.
Finance and Administration
BOBBIE AESESPELD
Intergroup Relations
CHARNEY V. BROMBERG
International Affairs
KENNETH JACOBSON
Leademble
Assistant to the National Director
MARVIN $ EAPPAPORT
Media and Marketing
MARK EDELMAN
Washington Representative
JESS N. HORDES
General Counsel
ARNOLD PORSTER
(217) 490-2525
DEC- 3-91 TUE 18:31
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FAX NO. 2123196156
P. 01/02
ATT: National esk/Political
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AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE DOCUMENTS DAVID DUKE'S NAZI PAST & PRESENT
NEW YORK, Dec. 3 "Many people believe that David Duke will run in the Republican
primaries for President. He will have nothing to lose, and everything to gain. He will be
able to spread his message, attract supporters, increase his computerized mailing list. He
might even become eligible for federal matching funds. Duke would not expect to win.
But he would expect to bring his issues into the fray This time around, the media need
to do their homework on David Duke."
David Duke's Nazi affiliations and beliefs, both past and present, are detailed in
a new American Jewish Committee publication titled "David Duke: A Nazi in Politics,"
written by Kenneth S. Stern, AJC program specialist on anti-Semitism and extremism. The
19-page publication disputes Duke's public claim that he is no longer the same man he
was when he was Grand Wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan back in the 1970's.
Mr. Stern traces Duke's Nazi affiliations and pronouncements over twenty years.
He cites literally hundreds of examples of Duke's Nazi beliefs, many quoted from Duke's
own newspapers. And he cites scores of Nazi, anti-Semitic, Hitler-worshipping, and racist
books that Duke has sold over the years, from his days as a young Nazi at Louisiana State
University, up to 1989, when he was caught selling Mein Kampf from his Louisiana
legislative office.
"The David Duke of the 1980's may have shed his Klan costume in favor of three-
piece suits," writes Mr. Stern, "but his message was the same.
"David Duke is a Nazi. Ask him about Nazism on television, he says he is against
totalitarianism of any kind. But ask him privately, his eyes light up. 'Eichmann got a raw
deal,' he says. Ask Duke about the Holocaust on television, he says that there were
atrocities on all sides. Ask him privately, he says that 'there were no extermination
camps.' that Auschwitz was A 'mbber factory' that Jews who 'control Hollywood made
Extended Page
1. 1
camps, that Auschwitz was a "rubber factory,' that Jews who 'control Hollywood made
up a colossal hoax Through cosmetic surgery, three-piece suits, a sophisticated
understanding of the media and use of sugar coded code words that combine racial and
economic fears, Duke has made himself into a national figure."
NOTE TO EDITOR: For a review copy of "David Duke: A Nazi in Politics," write to
David Saltman, American Jewish Committee, 165 East 56th Street, NY, NY 10022.
Alfred H. Moses, President and Chair, Board of Governors Mimi Alperin, Chair, National Executive Council
Bruce M. Ramer, Chair, Board of Trustees Robert $. Jacobs, Chair, Executive Committee
David A. Harris, Executive Vice President
Washington Office, 2027 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington DC 20036 Israel Office, P.O. Box 1538, Jerusalem 91410
CSAE 1707
DEC- 3-91 TUE 18:32
AMER JEWISH COMMITTEE
FAX NO. 2123196156
P. 02/02
2
Even after having been narrowly elected State Representative of Louisiana, David Duke
continued working toward his neo-Nazi goals. Mr. Stern cites the investigative work
conducted by Republican State Committeewoman Elizabeth Rickey, who followed Duke
to Nazi meetings and purchased Nazi books directly from Duke's legislative office,
Although his first year as a legislator was unsuccessful in terms of passing
legislation, he was able, according to the Louisiana Coalition, to succeed in "shifting the
house agenda to legislation which targets blacks."
In his 1989 race for the U.S. Senate, Duke won 44 percent of the total vote and
60 percent of the white vote. Most recently in November 1991, he lost in his bid for
Governor of Louisiana, but still garnered 39 percent of the total vote and 55 percent of
the white vote.
"The troubling thing was that voters did not reject him because he was a Nazi," says
Mr. Stern, "but because having a Nazi governor would not be good for business."
Mr. Stern further expresses concern that tax-exempt, non-profit organizations that
exist to combat anti-Semitism and bigotry, such as AJC, are unable to help educate voters
and the media about the real David Duke and his agenda should he run for President.
IRS codes and Federal election laws prohibit these non-profit, tax-exempt groups'
involvement in political campaigns. Mr. Stern advocates changes in these laws.
Although it is highly improbable that David Duke will become President, Mr. Stern
says he will most likely run for and win a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives in the
Fall of 1992.
"Between now and then, both political parties must develop a more sophisticated
approach to Duke and other potential Dukes around. Leaders must say clearly that
hatred and bigotry will not be tolerated. David Duke has a political future and the
leaders must plan for it and speak out about it now, not just after the fact. Leadership
against bigotry is essential."
Mr. Stern concludes: "That hundreds of thousands of people think of David Duke
as a hero and savior should stir us to action As we approach the year 2000, what are we
as a society going to do about the personal hurt, economic disruption, and potential
political upheaval fueled by issues of race and bigotry? David Duke has thought this
through and has an answer. Our government, our political parties, our schools, our clergy
Extended Page
2.1
and we as human beings must have an answer as well."
91-960-218
AJRZ, POL, BTS, BPOL