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Veterans of Foreign Wars, 3/6/89 [1]
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13477-010
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Veterans of Foreign Wars, 3/6/89 [1]
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Document No. 01247455
1276
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 3/1/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: c.o.b. 3/1/89
SUBJECT: REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
can
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
WINSTON
CARD
R
ROGERS
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
P
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston's office (Rm. 122, x2930) with an info copy
to my office by c.o.b. TODAY. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
March 1, 1989
TO: Chriss Winston
NSC concurs, with suggested changes as marked.
B.
James W. Cicconi
Brent Scowcroft
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CC: James Cicconi
Ext. 2702
1003 HAR XII
(McGroarty)
March 1, 1989
10:30am
dan1
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, Executive Director of VFW, Mr. Larry Rivers,
Commander-in-Chief, VFW.} It is always an honor to meet with the
Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is the birthright
of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and
courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. It is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sacrifices veterans have made
in answering their country's call.
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost
importance to the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into
the 21st Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place."
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
SEriES of
misleading.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious-and
systematic strategic review I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
servies review of
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
Some
parts
lasting benefits on our national security strategy. In my
done
before
90
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
day
this (eview.) I won't rush the final result. The insights GU we
important work.
gain
will (provide) into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
A
month
message Budget was
First, the foundations. (Nearly two months] ago, I presented
Feb.9
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we must keep -- cannot be achieved
without additional defense funding. That is why my budget plan
follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1 percent in
1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
-- We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
-- We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
-- And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Too rosy
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure)
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere; the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
We don't
odds with our own and with our allies'. And the spread of
call
chemical and biological weapons
a CW weapon of
(weapens of mass destruction] along with the means to deliver
mass
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
destruction
dangerous than ever before.
On the key issue of change within the Soviet Union, there
are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt
that the changes taking place are significant and far-reaching --
but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome of the events
unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
My view is that we should press for progress that
contributes to a more stable relationship between the U.S. and
reduction,
USSR -- whether in the areas of arms (control) human rights, (or)
J
New
or And other global challenges.
expanded
regional conflicts, But we must combine our readiness to build
J
agenda
better relations with a resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests. America and her allies must recognize
that -- even in light of the military cuts proposed by President
Gorbachev -- the Soviet Union remains the most formidable
military power facing the free world.
We must be ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities -- and ready in any event to defend our interests
and ideals.
What this means in terms of national security should be
clear:
nuclear
We need to maintain and modernize our forces
@trategic
and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable
nuclear force will remain the ultimate deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to turn our technological
strengths into a source of advantage to our national security.
wrong
And that includes (an active regrossive vigorous pursuit of SDI.
word!
We need to make an active effort in arms control -- to
strive for increased stability at lower levels of armaments.
Oppose
But 1 will strongly oppose legislative attempts to withdraw US troops from
Schroeder
amendment
Europe unilaterally. Unilateval disarmament is not the path to peace,
Security and And
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management
It
Don
the findings of the defense manasement review now underweeg.
SNIDER
(NSC)
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assaults our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
You've fought for your nation once. Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
-- Meet with other leaders in your community: church and
clergy, law enforcement officers. Tell them the VFW volunteers
are ready to help.
-- Go to the schools. Put the full weight of the VFW behind the
anti-drug education effort that provides our children the reasons
and the will-power they need to resist drugs.
-- Speak to your state and local elected officials. Urge them
to make the passage of strong anti-drug legislation a prioirity.
I'm reaching out to you, so I want to extend my help as
well. Bill Bennett, the point man in our anti-drug campaign,
stands ready to meet with VFW leadership, to share ideas that can
help you map a strategy.
The VFW has proven many times over its dedication to the
usiserton
health and well-being of our nation. X I know we can count on the
50 youth
veterans of America to help us wage and win the war on drugs.
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
Document No. 01247455
01 MAR 1989
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 3/1/89
c.o.b. 3/1/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston's office (Rm. 122, x2930) with an info copy
to my office by c.o.b. TODAY. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
sms
Comments
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
1939 MAR - PH 45
(McGroarty)
March 1, 1989
10:30am
dan1
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, Executive Director of VFW, Mr. Larry Rivers,
Commander-in-Chief, VFW.} It is always an honor to meet with the
Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is the birthright
of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and
courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. It is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sacrifices veterans have made
in answering their country's call.
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost
importance to the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into
the 21st Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place."
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious and
systematic strategic review. I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
lasting benefits on our national security strategy. In my
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
this review. I won't rush the final result. The insights it
will provide into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
First, the foundations. Nearly two months ago, I presented
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we must keep -- cannot be achieved
without additional defense funding. That is why my budget plan
follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1 percent in
1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
-- We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
-- We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
-- And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure.
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
odds with our own and with our allies'. And the spread of
weapons of mass destruction -- along with the means to deliver
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
dangerous than ever before.
On the key issue of change within the Soviet Union, there
are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt
that the changes taking place are significant and far-reaching --
but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome of the events
unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
My view is that we should press for progress that
contributes to a more stable relationship between the U.S. and
USSR -- whether in the areas of arms control, human rights, or
regional conflicts. But we must combine our readiness to build
better relations with a resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests. America and her allies must recognize
that -- even in light of the military cuts proposed by President
Gorbachev -- the Soviet Union remains the most formidable
military power facing the free world.
We must be ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities -- and ready in any event to defend our interests
and ideals.
What this means in terms of national security should be
clear:
We need to maintain and modernize our forces -- strategic
and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable
nuclear force will remain the ultimate deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to turn our technological
strengths into a source of advantage to our national security.
And that includes an active and aggressive pursuit of SDI.
We need to make an active effort in arms control -- to
strive for increased stability at lower levels of armaments.
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management.
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assaults our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
You've fought for your nation once. Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
-- Meet with other leaders in your community: church and
clergy, law enforcement officers. Tell them the VFW volunteers
are ready to help.
-- Go to the schools. Put the full weight of the VFW behind the
anti-drug education effort that provides our children the reasons
and the will-power they need to resist drugs.
-- Speak to your state and local elected officials. Urge them
to make the passage of strong anti-drug legislation a prioirity.
I'm reaching out to you, so I want to extend my help as
well.
Bill Bennett, the point man in our anti-drug campaign,
stands ready to meet with VFW leadership, to share ideas that can
help you map a strategy.
The VFW has proven many times over its dedication to the
health and well-being of our nation. I know we can count on the
veterans of America to help us wage and win the war on drugs.
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
Document No. 01247455
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 3/1/89
c.o.b. 3/1/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
ACTION FYI
no comment
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
WINSTON
ROGERS
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston's office (Rm. 122, x2930) with an info copy
to my office by c.o.b. TODAY. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
grsw
ok
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
1988
(McGroarty)
March 1, 1989
10:30am
danl
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, Executive Director of VFW, Mr. Larry Rivers,
Commander-in-Chief, VFW.} It is always an honor to meet with the
Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is the birthright
of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and
courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. It is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sacrifices veterans have made
in answering their country's call.
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost
importance to the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into
the 21st Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place."
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious and
systematic strategic review. I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
lasting benefits on our national security strategy. In my
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
this review. I won't rush the final result. The insights it
will provide into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
First, the foundations. Nearly two months ago, I presented
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we must keep -- cannot be achieved
without additional defense funding. That is why my budget plan
follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1 percent in
1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
-- We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
-- We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
-- And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure.
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
odds with our own and with our allies'. And the spread of
weapons of mass destruction -- along with the means to deliver
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
dangerous than ever before.
On the key issue of change within the Soviet Union, there
are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt
that the changes taking place are significant and far-reaching --
but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome of the events
unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
My view is that we should press for progress that
contributes to a more stable relationship between the U.S. and
USSR -- whether in the areas of arms control, human rights, or
regional conflicts. But we must combine our readiness to build
better relations with a resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests. America and her allies must recognize
that -- even in light of the military cuts proposed by President
Gorbachev -- the Soviet Union remains the most formidable
military power facing the free world.
We must be ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities -- and ready in any event to defend our interests
and ideals.
What this means in terms of national security should be
clear:
We need to maintain and modernize our forces -- strategic
and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable
nuclear force will remain the ultimate deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to turn our technological
strengths into a source of advantage to our national security.
And that includes an active and aggressive pursuit of SDI.
We need to make an active effort in arms control -- to
strive for increased stability at lower levels of armaments.
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management.
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assaults our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
You've fought for your nation once. Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
-- Meet with other leaders in your community: church and
clergy, law enforcement officers. Tell them the VFW volunteers
are ready to help.
-- Go to the schools. Put the full weight of the VFW behind the
anti-drug education effort that provides our children the reasons
and the will-power they need to resist drugs.
-- Speak to your state and local elected officials. Urge them
to make the passage of strong anti-drug legislation a prioirity.
I'm reaching out to you, so I want to extend my help as
well.
Bill Bennett, the point man in our anti-drug campaign,
stands ready to meet with VFW leadership, to share ideas that can
help you map a strategy.
The VFW has proven many times over its dedication to the
health and well-being of our nation. I know we can count on the
veterans of America to help us wage and win the war on drugs.
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
Document No. 01247455
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 3/1/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: c.o.b. 3/1/89
SUBJECT: REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
ROGERS
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston's office (Rm. 122, x2930) with an info copy
to my office by c.o.b. TODAY. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and
to
the
Chief
7
Staff
MAR 01 '89 17:23 VA CONGRESSIONAL AFFAIRS
P.2/4
The Deputy Administrator
NOITH VETER ANS ADMINISTRA
of Veterans Affairs
Washington, D.C. 20420
1030
March 1, 1989
Denise Schwarz
Cabinet Affairs
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Ms. Schwarz:
Thank you for the opportunity to review President Bush's remarks
to the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) Washington Conference on
March 6, 1989.
Defense as a topic for this audience is appropriate, however,
not addressing veterans issues, which is the real concern of the
6,000 delegates who will be in attendance, truly would be a missed
opportunity.
Politically, I do not recommend that the President use this
speech without modifications. I have attached proposed language
that would be an appropriate addition to the speech to more
adequately address the concerns of the audience. Modification of
the speech to include these brief remarks on veteran's issues, would
not detract from the main message.
Please call me on 233-5514 to discuss how best to incorporate
the President's position on vital Veterans Administration issues,
such as the medical care funding shortfall and benefit programs.
Sincerely Yours,
Juney Anthony J. Principi
Deputy Secretary-designate
"America is #1-Thanks to our Veterans"
MAR 01 '89 17:23 VA CONGRESSIONAL AFFAIRS
P.3/4
PROPOSED INSERT FOLLOWING PARAGRAPH 2
Today, there are six times as many veterans alive as there were
when the VA was created in 1930. Counting their dependents and
survivors, about one-third of our population now has an immediate
family involvement in veterans affairs.
This special population deserves and must have the attention of
their government -- beginning at the top. A cabinet position for
veterans means the Secretary of Veterans Affairs has the kind of
access necessary to get the job done.
Ed Derwinski's already come to see me to discuss some of the
challenges facing us in veterans programs. And I can tell you Ed's
a strong advocate for veterans.
In this context, I want to say I certainly understand the
compelling needs of our veterans -- and the importance of providing
them with timely benefits and services -- and especially with
quality health care.
With the pressures the country is under to solve our massive
Federal deficit, we may not be able to do everything we'd like to do
in the way of adding resources for veterans programs
MAR 01 '89 17:23 VA CONGRESSIONAL AFFAIRS
P.4/4
but I'm here to tell you I don't intend to compromise -- in
any way -- the words of Abraham Lincoln, upon which our veterans
benefits system is founded:
"... to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for
his widow, and his orphan."
NOTE: The current VFW membership stands at 2.3 million, with
750,000 auxiliary members. The use of these figures would
strengthen the paragraph which discusses VFW involvement in the
community.
Document No. 01247455
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
CO FER 30
DATE: 3/1/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: c.o.b. 3/1/89
SUBJECT: REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
\
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
\
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
R
ROGERS
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
\
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston's office (Rm. 122, x2930) with an info copy
to my office by c.o.b. TODAY. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext 2702
1983 MAR - PM
(McGroarty)
March 1, 1989
10:30am
danl
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, Executive Director of VFW, Mr. Larry Rivers,
Commander-in-Chief, VFW.} It is always an honor to meet with the
Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is the birthright
of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and
courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. It is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sacrifices veterans have made
in answering their country's call.
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost
importance to the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into
the 21st Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place." "
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious and
systematic strategic review. I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
lasting benefits on our national security, strategy. In my
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
this review. I won't rush the final result. The insights it
problems
will provide into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
First, the foundations. Nearly two months ago, I presented
Sound
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting ed only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we must keep -- cannot be achieved
without additional defense funding. That is why my budget plan
follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1 percent in
1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
weichef. 1587
-- We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
willbethe
ludgetanthority for
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
-- We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
-- And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure.
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
those of
odds with our own and with our allies*. And the spread of
weapons of mass destruction -- along with the means to deliver
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
dangerous than ever before.
On the key issue of change within the Soviet Union, there
are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt
that the changes taking place are significant and far-reaching --
but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome of the events
unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
My view is that we should press for progress that
contributes to a more stable relationship between the U.S. and
USSR -- whether in the areas of arms control, human rights, or
regional conflicts. But we must combine our readiness to build
better relations with a resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests. America and her allies must recognize
that -- even in light of the military cuts proposed by President
Gorbachev -- the Soviet Union remains the most formidable
military power facing the free world.
We must be ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities -- and ready in any event to defend our interests
and ideals.
What this means in terms of national security should be
clear:
We need to maintain and modernize our forces -- strategic
and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable
nuclear force will remain the ultimate deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to turn our technological
strengths into a source of advantage to our national security.
vigorous S
And that includes an active and aggressive. pursuit of SDI.
We need to make an active effort in arms control -- to
strive for increased stability at lower levels of armaments.
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
The men and women who serve our country
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen- deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place way
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management.
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
*****
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assaults our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
it
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs, where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
and
You've fought for your nation once, Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
And here's how you can help:
-- Meet with other leaders in your community: church and
clergy, law enforcement officers. Tell them the VFW volunteers
are ready to help.
-- Go to the schools. Put the full weight of the VFW behind the
anti-drug education effort that provides our children with the reasons
and the will-power they need to resist drugs.
-- Speak to your state and local elected officials. Urge them
to make the passage of strong anti-drug legislation a prioirity.
I'm reaching out to you, so I want to extend my help as
well. Bill Bennett, the point man in our anti-drug campaign,
stands ready to meet with VFW leadership, to share ideas that can
help you map a strategy.
The VFW has proven many times over its dedication to the
health and well-being of our nation. I know we can count on the
veterans of America to help us wage and win the war on drugs.
*****
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that Creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
will
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 1, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR COMMUNICATIONS
FROM:
PATRICIA MACK BRYAN PMB
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Veterans of
Foreign Wars, Washington Conference
Pursuant to your staffing memorandum of today, Counsel's
Office has reviewed the above-referenced draft remarks. We
have no legal objection to the contents of these remarks.
CC: James W. Cicconi
1983 HIR - M
(McGroarty)
March 1, 1989
10:30am
danl
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, Executive Director of VFW, Mr. Larry Rivers,
Commander-in-Chief, VFW.} It is always an honor to meet with the
Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is the birthright
of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is why our nation
owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans, who freely and
courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. It is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sacrifices veterans have made
in answering their country's call.
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost
importance to the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into
the 21st Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place."
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious and
systematic strategic review. I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
lasting benefits on our national security strategy. In my
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
this review. I won't rush the final result. The insights it
will provide into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
First, the foundations. Nearly two months ago, I presented
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we must keep -- cannot be achieved
without additional defense funding. That is why my budget plan
follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1 percent in
1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
-- We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
-- We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
-- And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure.
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
odds with our own and with our allies'. And the spread of
weapons of mass destruction -- along with the means to deliver
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
dangerous than ever before.
On the key issue of change within the Soviet Union, there
are still far more questions than answers. There is no doubt
that the changes taking place are significant and far-reaching --
but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome of the events
unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management.
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assault Que our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
You've fought for your nation once. Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
-- Meet with other leaders in your community: church and
clergy, law enforcement officers. Tell them the VFW volunteers
are ready to help.
-- Go to the schools. Put the full weight of the VFW behind the
anti-drug education effort that provides our children the reasons
and the will-power they need to resist drugs.
-- Speak to your state and local elected officials. Urge them
to make the passage of strong anti-drug legislation a priofrity.
I'm reaching out to you, so I want to extend my help as
well.
Bill Bennett, the point man in our anti-drug campaign,
stands ready to meet with VFW leadership, to share ideas that can
help you map a strategy.
The VFW has proven many times over its dedication to the
health and well-being of our nation. I know we can count on the
veterans of America to help us wage and win the war on drugs.
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
DRAFT#1
Tower?
st
within
DRAFT
after CW changes
(McGroarty)
February 28, 1989
8:00am
danl
REMARKS: VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 6, 1989
Thank you. {Acknowledgements, Secretary-designate Derwinski,
Mr. Cooper Holt, President of VFW.} It is always an honor to
meet with the Veterans of Foreign Wars. The love of liberty is
the birthright of all men -- certainly of all Americans. That is
why our nation owes a special debt of gratitude to its veterans,
who freely and courageously took up the defense of freedom.
I am especially pleased to welcome the Department of
at
Veterans Affairs to a place in the cabinet. That is a sign of
America's commitment to her veterans -- of the importance we
place in repaying, in some way, the sarifices veterans have made in
answering their country's call.
impar
take
I want to speak this morning about a matter of the utmost to
the VFW: keeping America strong -- today, and into the 21st
Century.
Opinion is nearly unanimous that today is a time of
transition in world affairs. That means our powers of
observation and analysis -- our ability to sort out change and
continuity -- will be put to the test.
When it comes to predicting the future, Winston Churchill's
rule is still the best. "I always avoid prophesying beforehand
-- because it is much better policy to prophesy after the event
has already taken place."
That's sound advice. We can't predict the future -- but we
must do all we can to turn the opportunities it presents to our
advantage.
I am confident we can.
We are, as you know, in the midst of a serious and
systematic strategic review. I've asked the members of my
national security team to look hard at the international
landscape -- and to look forward, to assess the combination of
security threats, technological change, and political and
economic developments that will shape our security horizon well
into the next century.
I am convinced that this important exercise will have
lasting benefits on our national security strategy. In my
address to Congress last month, I set a ninety-day deadline for
this review. I won't rush the final result. The insights it
will provide into the forces we will face in the decades ahead
are worth waiting for.
Today, I want to speak about the foundations of an adequate
national defense program, about the world we live in, and the
challenges and opportunities we'll encounter -- and about the
approach I'll take on issues integral to our national security.
First, the foundations. Nearly two months ago, I presented
to Congress a defense spending plan that is sound, and makes
sense -- both strategically and fiscally. As a sign that my
Administration is serious about the deficit, I called for a
freeze in defense spending in 1990, adjusting only for inflation.
I am well aware that our national strength rests ultimately on
the health and vigor of the American economy, and I mean to
preserve both.
But our crucial military modernization plans -- and the
diverse defense commitments we cannot fail to keep -- cannot be
achieved without additional defense funding. That is why my
budget plan follows the freeze for 1990 with real increases of 1
percent in 1991 and 1992, and a 2 percent increase for 1993.
My aim is to put defense spending on a modest, manageable
path of growth -- one that will allow us to modernize and
maintain forces that are formidable, flexible, and ready.
Now, we've all heard the critics who tell us America can't
afford the defenses I'm talking about. Well, the critics are
wrong. The defense expenditures I am calling for are well within
our economic means.
But in the defense debate, what we can and can't afford
isn't just a matter of economics. It's a matter of vital
national security, and America's place in the world. I say:
--
We can't afford to continue the downward trend in defense
2
spending. 1989 is the fourth straight year defense spending has
declined in real terms. We've worked hard to rebuild America's
strength -- and it's paid off. Today, America is strong, its
voice is heard, and the values we stand for are more secure.
--
We can't afford to mistake a more stable international
environment as proof we can spend less on national security.
The secret to our success can be summed up in a single word:
strength. Let's sustain the military strength that helped turn
the world situation around.
--
And finally, we can afford adequate defenses. The defense
budget I am calling for in 1990 represents 5.5% of our annual
GNP. That's a far smaller share of our national wealth than
the United States spent on defense at any point throughout the
1950s or 1960s -- periods of rapid and sustained economic growth.
The bottom line is not a question of cost, or a question of
resources. It is simply a question of will.
You have my word: as long as I'm President, America will
stand fast and on the front line in defense of freedom.
Today, the world scene looks relatively stable and secure.
Around the world, a number of long-standing regional conflicts
are closer now to resolution than ever before. The stirrings of
freedom, and the advance of democratic rule are evident and
undeniable. In the economic sphere, the free market is
increasingly seen as an engine of growth and development
unmatched by any other system.
Yes, freedom is on the march. But there are still forces
arrayed against it -- regimes whose interests and systems are at
odds with our own and with our allies'. And the spread of
weapons of mass destruction -- along with the means to deliver
them -- is likely to make the flashpoints that always exist more
dangerous than ever before.
And
on the key issue of change within the Soviet Union,
there are still far more questions than answers. There is no
doubt that the changes taking place are significant and
far-reaching -- but it is equally true that the ultimate outcome
of the events unfolding in the USSR remains uncertain.
My view is that we should press for progress that
contributes to a more stable relationship between the U.S. and
USSR -- whether in the areas of arms control, human rights, or
regional conflicts. But we must combine our readiness to build
better relations with a resolve to maintain defenses adequate to
secure our interests. America and her allies must recognize
that -- even in light of the military cuts proposed by President
Gorbachev -- the Soviet Union remains the most formidable
military power facing the free world.
We must be ready to cope with change and favorable
opportunities -- and ready in any event to defend our interests
and ideals.
What this means in terms of national security should be
clear:
We need to maintain and modernize our forces -- strategic
and conventional. For America and its allies, a survivable
nuclear force will remain the ultimate deterrent of aggression.
We need to make a concerted effort to turn our technological
strengths into a source of advantage to our national security.
And that includes an active and aggressive pursuit of SDI.
We need to make an active effort in arms control -- to
strive for increased stability at lower levels of armaments.
We need to keep our forces ready and well-trained. Our
dedicated servicemen and servicewomen deserve no less.
We need to reform our procurement process to deliver a
dollar's worth of defense for every dollar we spend. The place
to begin is to follow through on the sensible reforms suggested
in the Packard Commission report on defense management.
And we need to maintain the alliance of like-minded nations
that has helped us keep the peace in the post-war era. As strong
as we are, America cannot go it alone. Our allies in Europe and
in Asia share a common form of government, and a common interest
in peace and freedom. We must continue to work together to
sustain the great collective strength and sense of common purpose
that have created the conditions for unparalleled peace, freedom,
and prosperity.
For forty years, our alliance structure has been the
cornerstone of American security. Now, perfect agreement will
never exist in an alliance of free nations. But there can be no
doubt that the benefits of alliance far outweigh the inevitable
differences of interest and outlook -- and the partnership of
free nations has never been a more potent force than it is today.
Before I close today, I want to focus for a moment on a
threat no less real than the adversaries you have battled.
I am speaking about that insidious threat to our society and
our values: drug abuse. The notion that America is a nation at
peace is only partly true, as long as the violence and
destructive power of drugs assaults our communities.
I have sworn myself and members of my Administration to wage
a war on drug abuse. This war is unconditional -- and this war
must be won.
I mean to mobilize all our resources, and wage this war on
all fronts. We're going to combat drug abuse with education,
treatment, enforcement and interdiction -- and, yes, with our
nation's Armed Services when that is what it takes. We need to
break the deadly grip of drugs where it exists, and prevent the
drug scourge from taking hold.
The VFW can help. Two million members, 10,000 chapters
nationwide -- the VFW is a well-respected member of
communities across our nation.
Today, I call on you to form a community of action. "For
America, whatever it takes" -- that's the proud motto of the VFW.
You've fought for your nation once. Your nation needs you
again. Today, I want to enlist you in the anti-drug campaign.
{Points developed by David Tell/Bennett.}
*****
Veterans share a special bond. We have seen the face of
war. We know its terrible costs. We know that Americans never
willingly choose conflict. But we know as well that we must be
ready and willing to respond when our interests and ideals come
under threat.
Let me be clear. I prefer the diplomatic approach. Nations
can and should explore every avenue toward working out their
differences without resort to force or military intimidation.
But I am also a realist. I know that there is no substitute
for a nation's ability to defend its ideals and interests.
Too often, we hear that we face a stark choice in coping
with conflict. We can pursue a diplomatic solution -- or we can
seek a resolution through military means. One, we're told, is
incompatible with the other.
Well, this doesn't square with real-world experience. The
fact is that diplomacy and military capability are complementary
-- not contradictory. I know that creative diplomacy can help us
avert conflict -- and I know that negotiations stand the greatest
chance of success when they proceed from a position of strength.
The fundamental lesson of the decade now drawing to a close
is simply this: strength secures peace.
America can continue to be a force for peace and stability
in the world -- provided we stay strong.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.