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Independent Insurance Agents of America Convention, 3/14/89 [2]
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Document No. 015341
action: Carole/Jine Carole
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
3/9/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 3/10/89 NOON
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
by noon, Friday, March 10, 1989, with an info copy to my office.
Thank you.
See note on P.4
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Dooley
1989
MAR
March 9, 1989
-3
noon50
INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ANNUAL NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE CONFERENCE
CAPITOL HILTON, MARCH 14, 1989
Thank you.
It is truly an honor to appear before this group. In this
city, the currency of status is measured in titles and honorifics
-- senator, ambassador, secretary. But in my book, you hold one
of the most impressive titles of all -- that of entrepreneur.
I know the hunger you feel to own a firm of your own, to
start from scratch, to build it and watch it grow. I know the
satisfaction of matching resources to needs, of meeting deadlines
and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War Two, I started my own business.
It was a small firm, but not too small to teach me the facts of
economic life. I got my start by taking a risk; and I got my
education by making that company grow.
2
Our company was a high-risk venture. There was a new
technology, unproven, full of half-starts and failures, called
off-shore drilling. We took a gamble; we invested in that
technology; and we succeeded in pioneering a new way to find
America's energy. It wasn't always easy, even in the years we
did well. I recall our despair when a hurricane hit our brand
new rig on its first location -- and it disappeared.
But I learned some very important lessons. When that rig
went down, people lost their jobs. When we rebuilt, people went
back to work. I saw the strain on the faces of family
breadwinners, and I saw the joy.
So Washington may not always appreciate the role of small
business in creating jobs and keeping America competitive. But
rest assured, there is one person in Washington who does, and he
is your President
I know that your industry is facing some controversy. I
also know that you are looking into ways to voluntarily tighten
your standards, and I salute you for that. After all, our
nation's insurance industry plays a vital social role.
3
Without insurance, the loss of a spouse could mean the loss
of a home. Without insurance, the loss of a parent could keep a
child from attending college. We cannot offer protection against
fate. But we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy, so that a
death or an illness doesn't leave a bitter legacy of poverty and
despair for a whole family.
You prevent that kind of double tragedy. You add a little
bit of comfort to the grieving, a little predictability for those
who are victims of the unpredictable.
This is your service to society. It is as crucial a service
as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by excessive regulation.
Since we turned this economy around, two-thirds of the job
creation has come from small businesses like yours. This is one
reason America has created more new jobs in the 1980s than Japan
and Western Europe combined.
keprit indersided a rules the the more
4
8/11/831
of
Another reason for this remarkable expansion is the way in
which we removed excessive regulations, freeing the creative
&
herrew
energies of small firms. By ordering a re-examination of more
100 regulations
than 150 regulatory pregrams, the Task Force on Regulatory
Relief, which I chaired as Vice President, saved the private
change
to
hundreds of
sector more than 300 million man hours of paperwork and billions
Millions of..
of dollars in government compliance cost. I will continue to
is
backing off
300 million
work to keep you free from excessive regulation.
figure
And when it comes to necessary regulation, I am committed to
letting the states take the lead -- not the federal government
.
I will also propose a cut in the capital gains tax. This is
a uniquely American tax, since most of our trading partners do
not tax long-term capital gains. A high capital gains tax
unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying up the
formation of capital, businesses and jobs. In 1978, when
Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and new revenues.
Small businesses -- those with less than 500 employees --
employ more than half of U.S. workers. So any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers out of their jobs.
5
It is for this reason that I will resist the movement toward
mandated benefits
In an era of tight budgets, there is
always the temptation to drop the burden of social programs on
the backs of employers. But these programs, born of the best
intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
It is up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor
to negotiate as an equal. But mandated benefits serve neither
business nor labor. Western Europe has gone down this road. And
Western Europe has grappled with chronic high unemployment ever
since.
And let me address one other area that concerns your
business -- tort reform. of course, there are many litigants who
deserve a jury's sympathy. But when local governments cannot
install playgrounds, when businesses are bankrupted, when
volunteer organization have to pull back, then it is time to
consider limiting damages. Tort reform is critical to the health
of businesses and volunteer organizations alike.
All of my policies are centered around a single goal -- to
protect the engine of our prosperity and prepare our nation for
the future. Without a strong private sector, our nation would be
mired in the past, doomed to fail.
6
The entrepreneur is the man or the woman who is not only
ready for change, but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more general terms, about my
presidency, the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments I
hope to make.
I am a man of this century. I fought in the century's
greatest war, and raised a family and built a business during the
mid-century of American greatness.
But I want to be a President who is remembered for preparing
America for the next century. This is my entrepreneurial
definition of leadership, to see the shape of things to come, and
to prepare for that 21st Century world -- only eleven years away.
By the year 2000, we will have experienced change as swift
and fast as a torrent. Change in the American family, and in our
work habits. Change in technology. Change in the world economy.
Change in the rate of change itself.
This remarkable nation of ours is complex, even enigmatic.
But there is one American quality that is timeless and true. We
are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
challenged, when we boldly face the future.
7
So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging problems of
the future today. A complacent society is doomed to comfortable
decline. A dynamic society is one that keeps pace with the
times. So call it that, if you will -- the Dynamic Society. But
recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American
entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort that America is free
and the world is at peace. But world events are moving too
swiftly for us to relax in set ways, to cling to smug
assumptions.
The balance of power in Europe, the rise of regional
superpowers in Asia, the increasingly interdependent world
economy, the proliferation of offensive technology, and the much-
debated nature of reform in the Soviet Union -- these are the
areas that will irrevocably alter the world. And these are not
minor matters. Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?
With this question in mind, I have asked all the appropriate
agencies to reassess our foreign policy and defense strategy.
This comprehensive review will set the basis of my future
actions, and guide America into the next decade, and toward the
next century.
8
On economic policy, I have submitted to the Congress the
first presidential budget in many years that isn't "Dead-On-
Arrival." I have also submitted a proposal to solve a festering
problem that threatens our future prosperity -- a plan to restore
the integrity of our nation's Savings and Loans institutions. I
want to work with Congress to start to solve this problems this
year, the sooner the better.
The changing nature of American society -- to one-parent
families or to two working parents -- is putting pressure on our
most basic social institution -- the family. How will we respond
to this change? We simply cannot afford to create another
entitlement program. That is why I am proposing a child-care
plan that combines tax credits and private-sector resources to
offer parents a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and the safest environment for their
children.
There are many other areas of change. Homelessness concerns
a small proportion of Americans. But when I look out a White
House window and see the ragged pathetic figures huddled over the
steam grates of the Ellipse, I also see an affront to the
American Dream. We must seek the root causes of, and devise the
most practical solutions for, homelessness.
9
The environment -- once the domain of activists, it is
becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. We must devise
a global approach to the problems of ozone depletion and world
deforestation.
Finally, I want to single out one area which, in so many
ways, is pre-eminently important to our nation. I am sure it is
of particular importance to your family. We must protect, and
strengthen, our schools.
You and I know that education is our most enduring legacy.
You and I know that education is nothing less than the very heart
and soul of our civilization.
As we face a new decade and a new century beyond, we also
face a new challenge -- to revitalize and restore the system our
forebears bequeathed to us; to ensure American education is
second to none.
I have made a number of proposals to work toward this goal.
Among them is my request to reward those schools whose students
show measurable progress in educational achievement, while
maintaining a safe and drug-free environment.
10
I have also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new
appropriations to help create magnet schools to broaden the
educational choices of parents and students. And I have made
many other proposals, including programs to strengthen
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and to reward our
best teachers.
I appeal to you to get active in your schools, to share your
knowledge, expertise and resources where it is most needed.
I've laid out my agenda for you. True, it is an ambitious
one. But it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic, than the
American people. As businessmen and women, you can help me to
fulfill this agenda, to meet the challenges that face our
country. By working together, we can achieve anything.
Thank you.
#
#
#
Revised.
3:25P.M. 3:25 P.M.
3/10/89
March 10, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM CICCONI
FROM;
DENISE SCHWARZ
OFFICE OF CABINET AFFAIRS
SUBJECT;
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS; INDEPENDENT INSURANCE
AGENTS OF AMERICA
LOG #015341
We have reviewed the attached and have noted the comments on
the attached.
Attachment
CC: Chriss Winston
Document No. 015
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
3/9/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 3/10/89 NOON
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
by noon, Friday, March 10, 1989, with an info copy to my office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
111
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Docley
1989
MAR
March 9, 1989
-3
hoonso
INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ANNUAL NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE CONFERENCE
CAPITOL HILTON, MARCH 14, 1989
Thank you.
It is truly an honor to appear before this group. In this
city, the currency of status is measured in titles and honorifics
-- senator, ambassador, secretary. But in my book, you hold one
of the most impressive titles of all -- that of entrepreneur.
I know the hunger you feel to own a firm of your own, to
start from scratch, to build it and watch it grow. I know the
satisfaction of matching resources to needs, of meeting deadlines
and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War Two, I started my own business.
It was a small firm, but not too small to teach me the facts of
economic life. I got my start by taking a risk; and I got my
education by making that company grow.
2
Our company was a high-risk venture. There was a new
technology, unproven, full of half-starts and failures, called
off-shore drilling. We took a gamble; we invested in that
technology; and we succeeded in pioneering a new way to find
America's energy. It wasn't always easy, even in the years we
did well. I recall our despair when a hurricane hit our brand
new rig on its first location -- and it disappeared.
But I learned some very important lessons. When that rig
went down, people lost their jobs. When we rebuilt, people went
back to work. I saw the strain on the faces of family
breadwinners, and I saw the joy.
so Washington may not always appreciate the role of small
business in creating jobs and keeping America competitive. But
rest assured, there is one person in Washington who does, and he
is your President
I know that your industry is facing some controversy. I
also know that you are looking into ways to voluntarily tighten
your standards, and I salute you for that. After all, our
nation's insurance industry plays a vital social role.
3
Without insurance, the loss of a spouse could mean the loss
of a home. Without insurance, the loss of a parent could keep a
child from attending college. We cannot offer protection against
fate. But we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy, so that a
death or an illness doesn't leave a bitter legacy of poverty and
despair for a whole family.
You prevent that kind of double tragedy. You add a little
bit of comfort to the grieving, a little predictability for those
who are victims of the unpredictable.
This is your service to society. It is as crucial a service
as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by excessive regulation.
Since we turned this economy around, two-thirds of the job
creation has come from small businesses like yours. This is one
reason America has created more new jobs in the 1980s than Japan
and Western Europe combined.
4
Another reason for this remarkable expansion is the way in
which we removed excessive regulations, freeing the creative
energies of small firms. By ordering a re-examination of more
than 150 regulatory programs, the Task Force on Regulatory
Relief, which I chaired as Vice President, saved the private
sector more than 300 million man hours of paperwork and billions
of dollars in government compliance cost. I will continue to
work to keep you free from excessive regulation.
And when it comes to necessary regulation, I am committed to
letting the states take the lead -- not the federal government
taxing
capital
our
just
as
if
were
gains
wagesor
d
juidends interest is
a
I will also propose a cut in the capital gains tax., This is
major
uniquely American, since none most of our trading partners do fo fully
tax long-term capital gains. A high capital gains tax
unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying up the
formation of capital, businesses and jobs. In 1978, when
Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and new revenues.
Small businesses with less than 500 employees
employ more than half of U.S. workers. so any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers out of their jobs.
5
It is for this reason that I will resist the movement toward
employee
mandated benefits
In an era of tight budgets, there is
always the temptation to drop the burden of social programs on
the backs of employers. But these programs, born of the best
intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
It is up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor
to negotiate as an equal. But mandated benefits serve neither
business nor labor. Western Europe has gone down this road. And
Western Europe has grappled with chronic high unemployment ever
since.
And let me address one other area that concerns your
business -- tort reform. of course, there are many litigants who
deserve a jury's sympathy. But when local governments cannot
install playgrounds, when businesses are bankrupted, when
volunteer organization have to pull back, then it is time to
consider limiting damages. Tort reform is critical to the health
of businesses and volunteer organizations alike.
All of my policies are centered around a single goal -- to
protect the engine of our prosperity and prepare our nation for
the future. Without a strong private sector, our nation would be
mired in the past, doomed to fail.
6
The entrepreneur is the man or the woman who is not only
ready for change, but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more general terms, about my
presidency, the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments I
hope to make.
I am a man of this century. I fought in the century's
greatest war, and raised a family and built a business during the
mid-century of American greatness.
But I want to be a President who is remembered for preparing-
America for the next century. This is my entrepreneurial
definition of leadership, to see the shape of things to come, and
to prepare for that 21st Century world - only eleven years away.
By the year 2000, we will have experienced change as swift
and fast as a torrent. Change in the American family, and in our
work habits. Change in technology. Change in the world economy.
Change in the rate of change itself.
This remarkable nation of ours is complex, even enigmatic.
But there is one American quality that is timeless and true. We
are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
challenged, when we boldly face the future.
7
So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging problems of
the future today. A complacent society is doomed to comfortable
decline. A dynamic society is one that keeps pace with the
times. So call it that, if you will -- the Dynamic Society. But
recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American
entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort that America is free
and the world is at peace. But world events are moving too
swiftly for us to relax in set ways, to cling to smug
assumptions.
The balance of power in Europe, the rise of regional
superpowers in Asia, the increasingly interdependent world
economy, the proliferation of offensive technology, and the much-
debated nature of reform in the Soviet Union -- these are the
areas that will irrevocably alter the world. And these are not
minor matters. Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?
With this question in mind, I have asked all the appropriate
agencies to reassess our foreign policy and defense strategy.
This comprehensive review will set the basis of my future
actions, and guide America into the next decade, and toward the
next century.
8
On economic policy, I have submitted to the Congress the
first presidential budget in many years that isn't "Dead-On-
Arrival." I have also submitted a proposal to solve a festering
problem that threatens our future prosperity -- a plan to restore
the integrity of our nation's Savings and Loans institutions. I
want to work with Congress to start to solve this problems this
year, the sooner the better.
The changing nature of American society -- to one-parent
families or to two working parents -- is putting pressure on our
most basic social institution -- the family. How will we respond-
to this change? We simply cannot afford to create another
entitlement program. That is why I am proposing a child-care
plan that combines tax credits and private-sector resources to
offer parents a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and the safest environment for their
children.
There are many other areas of change. Homelessness concerns
a small proportion of Americans. But when I look out a White
House window and see the ragged pathetic figures huddled over the
steam grates of the Ellipse, I also see an affront to the
American Dream. We must seek the root causes of, and devise the
most practical solutions for, homelessness.
9
The environment -- once the domain of activists, it is
becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. We must devise
a global approach to the problems of ozone depletion and world
deforestation.
Finally, I want to single out one area which, in so many
ways, is pre-eminently important to our nation. I am sure it is
of particular importance to your family. We must protect, and
strengthen, our schools.
You and I know that education is our most enduring legacy.
You and I know that education is nothing less than the very heart
and soul of our civilization.
As we face a new decade and a new century beyond, we also
face a new challenge -- to revitalize and restore the system our
forebears bequeathed to us; to ensure American education is
second to none.
I have made a number of proposals to work toward this goal.
Among them is my request to reward those schools whose students
show measurable progress in educational achievement, while
maintaining a safe and drug-free environment.
10
I have also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new
appropriations to help create magnet schools to broaden the
educational choices of parents and students. And I have made
many other proposals, including programs to strengthen
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and to reward our
best teachers.
I appeal to you to get active in your schools, to share your
knowledge, expertise and resources where it is most needed.
I've laid out my agenda for you. True, it is an ambitious
one. But it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic, than the
American people. As businessmen and women, you can help me to
fulfill this agenda, to meet the challenges that face our
country. By working together, we can achieve anything.
Thank you.
#
#
#
Document No. 015
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
2
3/9/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 3/10/89 NOON
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
by noon, Friday, March 10, 1989, with an info copy to my office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Dooley
1989 MAR -3
March 9, 1989
noon
50
INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ANNUAL NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE CONFERENCE
CAPITOL HILTON, MARCH 14, 1989
Thank you.
It is truly an honor to appear before this group. In this
city, the currency of status is measured in titles and honorifics
-- senator, ambassador, secretary. But in my book, you hold one
of the most impressive titles of all -- that of entrepreneur.
pride
(Holurg)
I know the hunger you feel to own a firm of your own, to
start from scratch, to build it and watch it grow. I know the
satisfaction of matching resources to needs, of meeting deadlines
and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War Two, I started my own business.
It was a small firm, but not too small to teach me the facts of
economic life. I got my start by taking a risk; and I got my
education by making that company grow.
2
Our company was a high-risk venture. There was a new
technology, unproven, full of half-starts and failures, called
off-shore drilling. We took a gamble; we invested in that
technology; and we succeeded in pioneering a new way to find
America's energy. It wasn't always easy, even in the years we
did well. I recall our despair when a hurricane hit our brand
new rig on its first location -- and it disappeared.
But I learned some very important lessons. When that rig
went down, people lost their jobs. When we rebuilt, people went
back to work. I saw the strain on the faces of family
breadwinners, and there I saw the joy. (Hoken)
So Washington may not always appreciate the role of small
business in creating jobs and keeping America competitive. But
rest assured, there is one person in Washington who does, and he
is your President
Challenges.
I know that your industry is facing some controversy. I
also know that you are looking into ways to voluntarily tighten
your standards, and I salute you for that. After all, our
nation's insurance industry plays a vital social role.
3
Without insurance, the loss of a spouse could mean the loss
of a home. Without insurance, the loss of a parent could keep a
child from attending college. We cannot offer protection against
fate. But we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy, so that a
death or an illness doesn't leave a bitter legacy of poverty and
despair for a whole family.
You prevent that kind of double tragedy. You add a little
and
bit of comfort to the grieving, a little predictability for those
who are victims of the unpredictable.
Hole
9178
This is your service to society. It is as crucial a service
as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by excessive regulation.
fact fcant be verified
say "much"
Since we turned this economy around, (two-thirds) of the job
creation has come from small businesses like yours. This is one
reason America has created more new jobs in the 1980s than Japan
and Western Europe combined.
4
Another reason for this remarkable expansion is the way in
which we removed excessive regulations, freeing the creative
energies of small firms. By ordering a re-examination of more
100
Player)
than 150 regulatory programs, the Task Force on Regulatory
Relief, which I chaired as Vice President, saved the private
4852
Close to 600
sector more than 300 million man hours of paperwork and billions
of dollars in government compliance cost. I will continue to
work to keep you free from excessive regulation.
And when it comes to necessary regulation, I am committed to
letting the states take the lead -- not the federal government
HOKEL
5178
something is missing (transition)
I will also propose a cut in the capital gains tax. This is
a uniquely American tax, since most of our trading partners do
not tax long-term capital gains. A high capital gains tax
unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying deterring up the
formation of capital, businesses and jobs. In 1978, when
Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and new revenues.
Small businesses -- those with less than 500 employees --
employ more than half of U.S. workers. So any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers out of their jobs.
5
It is for this reason that I will resist the movement toward
mandated benefits
In an era of tight budgets, there is
always the temptation to drop the burden of social programs on
the backs of employers. But these programs, born of the best
intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
It is up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor
to negotiate as an equal. But mandated benefits serve neither
business nor labor. Western Europe has gone down this road. And
Western Europe has grappled with chronic high unemployment ever
since.
And let me address one other area that concerns your
business -- tort reform. of course, there are many litigants who
deserve a jury's sympathy. But when local governments cannot
install playgrounds, when businesses are bankrupted, when
volunteer organizationShave to pull back, then it is time to
consider limiting damages. Tort reform is critical to the health
of businesses and volunteer organizations alike.
All of my policies are centered around a single goal -- to
protect the engine of our prosperity and prepare our nation for
the future. Without a strong private sector, our nation would be
mired in the past, doomed to fail.
6
The entrepreneur is the man or the woman who is not only
ready for change, but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more general terms, about my
presidency, the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments I
hope to make.
?
Holen
5178
I am a man of this century. I fought in the century's
greatest war, and raised a family and built a business during the
?
mid-century of American greatness.
But I want to be a President who is remembered for preparing
America for the next century. This is my entrepreneurial
definition of leadership, to see the shape of things to come, and
to prepare for that 21st Century world -- only eleven years away.
By the year 2000, we will have experienced change as swift
Holan
and fast as a torrent. Change in the American family, and in our
Sizy
work habits. Change in technology. Change in the world economy.
Change in the rate of change itself.
This remarkable nation of ours is complex, even enigmatic.
But there is one American quality that is timeless and true. We
are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
and
challenged when we boldly face the future.
7
So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging problems of
the future today. A complacent society is doomed to comfortable
decline. A dynamic society is one that keeps pace with the
times. So call it that, if you will -- the Dynamic Society. But
recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American
entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort that America is free
and the world is at peace. But world events are moving too
swiftly for us to relax in set ways, to cling to smug
assumptions.
The balance of power in Europe, the rise of regional
superpowers in Asia, the increasingly interdependent world
economy, the proliferation of offensive technology, and the much-
debated nature of reform in the Soviet Union -- these are the
areas that will irrevocably alter the world. And these are not
minor matters. Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?
With this question in mind, I have asked all the appropriate
agencies to reassess our foreign policy and defense strategy.
This comprehensive review will set the basis of my future
actions, and guide America into the next decade, and toward the
next century.
8
On economic policy, I have submitted to the Congress the
first presidential budget in many years that isn't "Dead-On-
Arrival.' I have also submitted a proposal to solve a festering
problem that threatens our future prosperity -- a plan to restore
the integrity of our nation's Savings and Loans institutions. I
want to work with Congress to start to solve this problems this
year, the sooner the better.
don't approval imply
The changing nature of American society -- to one parent
more
families or to two working parents -- is putting pressure on our
most basic social institution -- the family. How will we respond
to this change? We simply cannot afford to create another
entitlement program. That is why I am proposing a child-care
plan that combines tax credits and private-sector resources to
offer parents a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and the safest environment for their
children.
There are many other areas of change. Homelessness concerns
a small proportion of Americans. But when I look out a White
House window and see the ragged pathetic figures huddled over the
steam grates of the Ellipse, I also see an affront to the
American Dream. We must seek the root causes of, and devise the
most practical solutions for, homelessness.
9
The environment -- once the domain of activists, it is
becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. We must devise
a global approach to the problems of ozone depletion and world
deforestation.
Finally, I want to single out one area which, in so many
ways, is pre-eminently important to our nation. I am sure it is
of particular importance to your family. We must protect, and
strengthen, our schools.
You and I know that education is our most enduring legacy.
You and I know that education is nothing less than the very heart
and soul of our civilization.
As we face a new decade and a new century beyond, we also
face a new challenge -- to revitalize and restore the system our
forebears bequeathed to us; to ensure American education is
second to none.
I have made a number of proposals to work toward this goal.
Among them is my request to reward those schools whose students
show measurable progress in educational achievement, while
maintaining a safe and drug-free environment.
10
I have also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new
appropriations to help create magnet schools to broaden the
educational choices of parents and students. And I have made
many other proposals, including programs to strengthen
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and to reward our
best teachers.
I appeal to you to get active in your schools, to share your
knowledge, expertise and resources where it is most needed.
I've laid out my agenda for you. True, it is an ambitious
one. But it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic, than the
American people. As businessmen and women, you can help me to
fulfill this agenda, to meet the challenges that face our
country. By working together, we can achieve anything.
Thank you.
#
#
#
Document No. 015 31
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
3/9/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 3/10/89 NOON
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
by noon, Friday, March 10, 1989, with an info copy to my office.
Thank you.
RESPONSE: okay
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Document No. 01534
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
3/9/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 3/10/89 NOON
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
by noon, Friday, March 10, 1989, with an info copy to my office.
Thank you.
This is bitting the
mark.
RESPONSE:
AA
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Dooley
1989
MAR
March 9, 1989
-3
(i)
noon50
INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ANNUAL NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE CONFERENCE
CAPITOL HILTON, MARCH 14, 1989
Thank you.
It is truly an honor to appear before this group. In this
city, the currency of status is measured in titles and honorifics
-- senator, ambassador, secretary. But in my book, you hold one
of the most impressive titles of all -- that of entrepreneur.
I know the hunger you feel to own a firm of your own, to
start from scratch, to build it and watch it grow. I know the
satisfaction of matching resources to needs, of meeting deadlines
and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War Two, I started my own business.
It was a small firm, but not too small to teach me the facts of
economic life. I got my start by taking a risk; and I got my
education by making that company grow.
2
Our company was a high-risk venture. There was a new
technology, unproven, full of half-starts and failures, called
off-shore drilling. We took a gamble; we invested in that
technology; and we succeeded in pioneering a new way to find
America's energy. It wasn't always easy, even in the years we
did well. I recall our despair when a hurricane hit our brand
new rig on its first location -- and it disappeared.
But I learned some very important lessons. When that rig
went down, people lost their jobs. When we rebuilt, people went
back to work. I saw the strain on the faces of family
breadwinners, and I saw the joy.
So Washington may not always appreciate the role of small
business in creating jobs and keeping America competitive. But
rest assured, there is one person in Washington who does, and he
is your President
I know that your industry is facing some controversy. I
also know that you are looking into ways to voluntarily tighten
your standards, and I salute you for that. After all, our
nation's insurance industry plays a vital social role.
3
Without insurance, the loss of a spouse could mean the loss
of a home. Without insurance, the loss of a parent could keep a
child from attending college. We cannot offer protection against
fate. But we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy, so that a
death or an illness doesn't leave a bitter legacy of poverty and
despair for a whole family.
You prevent that kind of double tragedy. You add a little
bit of comfort to the grieving, a little predictability for those
who are victims of the unpredictable.
This is your service to society. It is as crucial a service
as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by excessive regulation.
Since we turned this economy around, two-thirds of the job
creation has come from small businesses like yours. This is one
reason America has created more new jobs in the 1980s than Japan
and Western Europe combined.
4
Another reason for this remarkable expansion is the way in
which we removed excessive regulations, freeing the creative
energies of small firms. By ordering a re-examination of more
than 150 regulatory programs, the Task Force on Regulatory
Relief, which I chaired as Vice President, saved the private
sector more than 300 million man hours of paperwork and billions
of dollars in government compliance cost. I will continue to
work to keep you free from excessive regulation.
in your business
And when it comes to necessary regulation I am committed to
letting the states take the lead -- not the federal government
I will also propose a cut in the capital gains tax. This is
a uniquely American tax, since most of our trading partners do
not tax long-term capital gains. A high capital gains tax
unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying up the
formation of capital, businesses and jobs. In 1978, when
Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and new revenues.
Small businesses -- those with less than 500 employees --
employ more than half of U.S. workers. So any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers out of their jobs.
5
It is for this reason that I will resist the movement toward
mandated benefits
In an era of tight budgets, there is
always the temptation to drop the burden of social programs on
the backs of employers. But these programs, born of the best
intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
It is up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor
to negotiate as an equal. But mandated benefits serve neither
business nor labor. Western Europe has gone down this road. And
Western Europe has grappled with chronic high unemployment ever
since.
And let me address one other area that concerns your
business -- tort reform. of course, there are many litigants who
deserve a jury's sympathy. But when local governments cannot
install playgrounds, when businesses are bankrupted, when
volunteer organization}have to pull back, then it is time to
consider limiting damages. Tort reform is critical to the health
of businesses and volunteer organizations alike.
All of my policies are centered around a single goal -- to
protect the engine of our prosperity and prepare our nation for
the future. Without a strong private sector, our nation would be
mired in the past, doomed to fail.
6
The entrepreneur is the man or the woman who is not only
ready for change, but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more general terms, about my
presidency, the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments I
hope to make.
I am a man of this century. I fought in the century's
greatest war, and raised a family and built a business during the
mid-century of American greatness.
But I want to be a President who is remembered for preparing
America for the next century. This is my entrepreneurial
definition of leadership, to see the shape of things to come, and
to prepare for that 21st Century world -- only eleven years away.
By the year 2000, we will have experienced change as swift
and fast as a torrent. Change in the American family, and in our
work habits. Change in technology. Change in the world economy.
Change in the rate of change itself.
This remarkable nation of ours is complex, even enigmatic.
But there is one American quality that is timeless and true. We
are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
challenged, when we boldly face the future.
7
So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging problems of
the future today. A complacent society is doomed to comfortable
decline. A dynamic society is one that keeps pace with the
America
times. So call it that, if you will -- the Dynamic Society. But
recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American
entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort that America is free
and the world is at peace. But world events are moving too
swiftly for us to relax in set ways, to cling to smug
assumptions.
The balance of power in Europe, the rise of regional
superpowers in Asia, the increasingly interdependent world
economy, the proliferation of offensive technology, and the much-
debated nature of reform in the Soviet Union -- these are the
areas that will irrevocably alter the world. And these are not
minor matters. Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?
With this question in mind, I have asked all the appropriate
agencies to reassess our foreign policy and defense strategy.
This comprehensive review will set the basis of my future
actions, and guide America into the next decade, and toward the
next century.
8
On economic policy, I have submitted to the Congress the
first presidential budget in many years that isn't "Dead-On-
Arrival." I have also submitted a proposal to solve a festering
problem that threatens our future prosperity -- a plan to restore
the integrity of our nation's Savings and Loans institutions. I
want to work with Congress to start to solve this problems this
year, the sooner the better.
The changing nature of American society -- to one-parent
families or to two working parents -- is putting pressure on our
most basic social institution -- the family. How will we respond
to this change? We simply cannot afford to create another
entitlement program. That is why I am proposing a child-care
plan that combines tax credits and private-sector resources to
offer parents a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and the safest environment for their
children.
There are many other areas of change. Homelessness concerns
a small proportion of Americans. But when I look out a White
House window and see the ragged pathetic figures huddled over the
steam grates of the Ellipse, I also see an affront to the
American Dream. We must seek the root causes of, and devise the
most practical solutions for, homelessness.
9
The environment -- once the domain of activists, it is
becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. We must devise
a global approach to the problems of ozone depletion and world
deforestation.
Finally, I want to single out one area which, in so many
ways, is pre-eminently important to our nation. I am sure it is
of particular importance to your family. We must protect, and
strengthen, our schools.
You and I know that education is our most enduring legacy.
You and I know that education is nothing less than the very heart
and soul of our civilization.
As we face a new decade and a new century beyond, we also
face a new challenge -- to revitalize and restore the system our
forebears bequeathed to us; to ensure American education is
second to none.
I have made a number of proposals to work toward this goal.
Among them is my request to reward those schools whose students
show measurable progress in educational achievement, while
maintaining a safe and drug-free environment.
10
I have also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new
appropriations to help create magnet schools to broaden the
educational choices of parents and students. And I have made
many other proposals, including programs to strengthen
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and to reward our
best teachers.
I appeal to you to get active in your schools, to share your
knowledge, expertise and resources where it is most needed.
I've laid out my agenda for you. True, it is an ambitious
one. But it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic, than the
American people. As businessmen and women, you can help me to
fulfill this agenda, to meet the challenges that face our
country. By working together, we can achieve anything.
Thank you.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 10, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
From:
James P. Pinkerton RBe/SP
Roger B. Porter
Re:
Comments on Junior Achievement, B'nai B'rith,
Derwinski, Attorneys General, Insurance Agents
drafts
A general comment on the drafts: If we are serious about
our message of "Building a Better America," then we should state
our message. We can't count on anyone else to carry our line if
we won't do it ourselves. Ideally, all these speeches should
include the phrase "Building A Better America.'
Junior Achievement
Overall, a good speech. But the pitch for the President's
program doesn't kick in until p.7. Again, there's no effort to
ask these people -- renowned for their pep and enthusiasm -- for
their help. We need a more imperative voice. The phrase
"Building A Better America" should be included since it's our
overall theme.
p.2, para. 4: Since this is the paragraph on voluntarism, We
suggest including a specific reference to YES.
p.3, para. 1: "In your hands, economics is anything but as some
call 'the dismal science. Change to: "In your creative
hands, economics is anything but the 'dismal science' that some
have called it."
p.8, para. 4: "...a system that gives ingenuity free reign" --
"reign" should be "rein." Obviously nobody in the audience will
notice, but a reader will.
B'nai B'rith
p.2, para. 4: We must be careful about over-using the words
"tolerance" and "intolerance." We used the phrase "intolerance"
in the DEA speech and we have spoken repeatedly of "Zero
Tolerance. We're tying many meanings and inferences around
"tolerance."
-2-
When you overload a word with too many messages you
sometimes wind up in trouble, as in the President's fumble over
the phrase "anti-bigotry, anti-racism, and anti-semitism" in the
campaign. We would draw the line right here and turn this
negative-sounding sentence into a positive, e.g. "This nation
must stand for tolerance, pluralism, and a healthy respect for
the rights of all minorities."
Derwinski
p.1, para. 3: Change "bronzed giant, which sounds like a cross
between Nietzsche and George Hamilton, to "Jefferson commands our
respect: a bronze giant
"
p.2, para. 2: " is now cast for the ages in bronze. " We'd
delete "in bronze" at the end of this sentence if we use "bronze
giant" above.
p.2, para. 4: "a somber salute to those who fell, and all who
answered the call to duty." We would add "to" after the "and."
The sentence should now read "and to all who answered the
call
"
P. 3, para. 2: "speeches and stone" sounds somewhat cold. We
suggest a change to "speeches and statuary," which sounds more
generous.
p.3, para. 3: This graf is a non-sequitur from the previous
graf: we go from talking about how speeches and stone/statuary
are an inadequate repayment, to this paragraph which starts "But
that doesn't free us of obligation."
You can't be freed of an obligation by an inadequate
repayment. As we move from talking about past debts to current
concerns we need a sentence that tracks the logic of what we're
saying. I'd change to: "Our obligation is also to the living."
In the second sentence of this graf, the word "entrance" is
misspelled.
p.7, para. 1:
If
We will never again need to erect another
monument to the casualties of war. Strictly speaking, we don't
just erect monuments to the casualties of war.
We would change to " erect another monument to the men and
women who protect us and uphold our liberties." We need to
demonstrate some sensitivity to the current composition of the
armed forces. Note, for example, that the previous page uses
the term "airman." This is fine, in view of the demographics of
the armies of yesterday. But we need to demonstrate our
understanding that times have changed. Thus, our preference for
using "men and women" here.
-3-
Attorneys General
The President needs to throw a bipartisan bear-hug around
these law enforcers based on a common commitment to a stern, no-
nonsense struggle against drug abuse and environmental
degradation. Thus, a phrase like "kindred spirits" in the third
line, and a conclusion like "Let me now turn this party [emphasis
added] over to Bill Reilly" evinces a lackadaisical tone
unbefitting a President who is dead serious about winning the war
on drugs.
p.1, para. 2: "Kindred spirits:" We prefer "fellow warriors"
or "fellow soldiers" or something tougher and less convivial than
"kindred spirits" in a speech on drugs and cleaning up the
environment.
p.2, para. 4: Change "This government will" to the more
emphatic "I will."
p.3, para. 1: Change "Bill Reilly will give you his thinking on
the environment" to "Bill Reilly will outline in detail our
agenda on the environment.' If we agree on the need for a
more martial overall tone, then we should consider a word like
"strategy" in place of "agenda."
Similarly, in the following sentence of that paragraph, we'd
change "You will certainly find him to be an outstanding ally"
to "You will certainly find him
to be an outstanding ally and a
fellow warrior" or "and a fellow soldier in the struggle."
p.3, para. 2: This should read "turn your attention to and
enlist your support for. The current "turn your attention --
and enlist your support -- on another pervasive problem" doesn't
parse.
p.3, para. 5: "budget
not
d.o.a."
--
...
We're asking for
trouble with this complacent, back-patting phrase. We should
stop citing an "achievement" that can be stripped away from us in
an instant by some sharp-tongued Democrat. The whole graf should
read as follows:
"The budget I presented to Congress last month is a
realistic, fiscally responsible plan that identifies key
priorities requiring our immediate attention. One of these
priorities is combating the scourge of drugs. That's why
I'm asking for an increase of $1 billion for our anti-drug
program. That's a 47 percent increase over 1988, for a
total of $6 billion."
-4-
p.4, para. 5: Instead of "Let me encourage you" etc., we would
make it more imperative: "I ask you to study your drug
enforcement programs. How can they help reduce demand for drugs?
Less demand means more success in the war on drugs. "
p.4, para. 6: We would make the first sentence more positive and
ambitious: "Our financial resources may be limited but our
resolve is unlimited. " Then add: "With that limitless
resolution, I know that we can inspire every child, teacher, and
parent; every community group, religious institution, and tenant
association; and every business and professional organization in
this country. And then, united in common resolve, we will truly
be invincible."
And then we suggest adding a Rooseveltian clincher:
"As I have said before, we have more will than wallet.
However, the only limits on our will are those limits we place on
ourselves."
Note that our rewrite version avoids the phrase "hearts and
minds." Anyone who lived through Vietnam remembers the ironic
and cynical connotation that phrase took on.
p.5, para. 4: Again, "Let me now turn this party over to Bill
Reilly" is simply too light-hearted for this grim subject. In
keeping with a more substantive tone, get the job done with
simply "Let me now introduce.'
Insurance Agents
p. 2, para. 4: This allusory graf contributes nothing to the
President's agenda. We think it should be deleted outright.
p.3, para. 3: It seems to us that we should follow this graf
with p.4, para. 1 immediately instead of detouring into job
creation.
p.4, para. 3: Here we are about to launch into selling our
program -- but we don't mention it by name: Building A Better
America.
We need a paragraph that establishes an umbrella theme for
the speech -- something reminiscent of the following, taken from
the 2/9 speech: "But I am presenting to you tonight a realistic
plan for tackling [the budget deficit]. My plan has four broad
features: Attention to urgent priorities, investment in the
future, an attack on the deficit, and no new taxes."
-5-
Before we launch into a long list of agenda items we should
wrap it into an overriding theme -- Building A Better America.
p.5, para. 1: "It is for this reason that I will resist the
movement toward mandated benefits." "Resist" has a footdragging
quality to it. We want to communicate the idea that we will not
just "resist," but will in fact block the move toward mandated
benefits. Therefore we would substitute the word "oppose."
The last sentence of this graf reads: "But these programs
born of the best intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
The word "agonizing" implies an unresolved dilemma. We would
change to "can have unintended and counterproductive
consequences.
"
Better yet, we could add another layer of anti-mandated
benefits argument, as follows:
"We have seen what happens in other countries where mandated
mest
benefit programs create obstacles to productivity and growth. We
cannot Build a Better America if we weigh down our production
sector with new burdens."
p.5, para. 3: "But when local governments cannot install
playgrounds, when business are bankrupted, when volunteer
organization have to pull back" -- I would add "when mothers
struggle to find an obstetrician," -- and "volunteer
organization" should be plural.
p.5, para. 4: "All of my policies are centered around a single
goal " We'd change to "My plan for Building a Better America
is centered around
"
p.7, para. 1: "So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging
problems of the future today. " We'd add "and to invest in the
future.
"
p.7, para. 3: Change the word "areas" in "these are the areas
that will irrevocably alter the world" to "trends" -- and in the
next sentence: "Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?" the word "flexible" by
itself looks weak. Flexibility is a virtue but it should be
coupled with vision. We'd rewrite to say "wise enough, creative
enough, and flexible enough
"
p.8, para. 1: Again, the term "Dead-On-Arrival" just begs for
some Democrat to take it away from us. We suggest using language
similar to what we suggested in the Attorneys General speech (pg.
3 of this memo).
-6- -
p.8, para. 3: "Homelessness concerns a small proportion of
Americans. " We'd change to "Homelessness afflicts a small number
of Americans but concerns all of us. "
p.9, para. 1: "The environment -- once the domain of activists,
it is becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. "
As is written here, "activists" appears to be pejorative.
"Pinstriped" is also pejorative, the adjective of choice for
critics of the State Department.
We would reverse the logic from pejorative to complementary
and also omit "domain, " which sounds both parochial and
territorial. Instead, we suggest the President throw a bouquet
to his fellow environmentalists: "Once the concern of a far-
sighted few, it is now a top priority of my Administration, at
home and abroad."
p.10, para. 3: "I've laid out my agenda for you.' Change to
"I've laid out my agenda for Building a Better America. "
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
March 10, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR COMMUNICATIONS
FROM:
NELSON LUND nf
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Independent Insurance
Agents of America
At the request of James W. Cicconi, Counsel's Office has reviewed
the captioned draft remarks. We have no legal objections.
We note, however, that the first sentence of the third paragraph
on page 4 says that the President "will also propose a cut in the
capital gains tax." Since he has already made this proposal
repeatedly, we suggest that the sentence be modified. In
addition, the second sentence in the same paragraph characterizes
the capital gains tax as "uniquely American," which seems
inconsistent with the next following assertion, viz. that "most
of our trading partners do not tax long-term capital gains. "
We appreciate the opportunity to review these draft remarks.
Attachment
CC: James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President and
Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Davis/Dooley
March 9, 1989
noon
INDEPENDENT INSURANCE AGENTS OF AMERICA
ANNUAL NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE CONFERENCE
CAPITOL HILTON, MARCH 14, 1989
Thank you.
It is truly an honor to appear before this group. In this
city, the currency of status is measured in titles and honorifics
-- senator, ambassador, secretary. But in my book, you hold one
of the most impressive titles of all -- that of entrepreneur.
I know the hunger you feel to own a firm of your own, to
start from scratch, to build it and watch it grow. I know the
satisfaction of matching resources to needs, of meeting deadlines
and meeting payrolls.
A few years after World War Two, I started my own business.
It was a small firm, but not too small to teach me the facts of
economic life. I got my start by taking a risk; and I got my
education by making that company grow.
2
Our company was a high-risk venture. There was a new
technology, unproven, full of half-starts and failures, called
off-shore drilling. We took a gamble; we invested in that
technology; and we succeeded in pioneering a new way to find
America's energy. It wasn't always easy, even in the years we
did well. I recall our despair when a hurricane hit our brand
new rig on its first location -- and it disappeared.
But I learned some very important lessons. When that rig
went down, people lost their jobs. When we rebuilt, people went
back to work. I saw the strain on the faces of family
breadwinners, and I saw the joy.
So Washington may not always appreciate the role of small
business in creating jobs and keeping America competitive. But
rest assured, there is one person in Washington who does, and he
is your President
I know that your industry is facing some controversy. I
also know that you are looking into ways to voluntarily tighten
your standards, and I salute you for that. After all, our
nation's insurance industry plays a vital social role.
3
Without insurance, the loss of a spouse could mean the loss
of a home. Without insurance, the loss of a parent could keep a
child from attending college. We cannot offer protection against
fate. But we can prevent the compounding of a tragedy, so that a
death or an illness doesn't leave a bitter legacy of poverty and
despair for a whole family.
You prevent that kind of double tragedy. You add a little
bit of comfort to the grieving, a little predictability for those
who are victims of the unpredictable.
This is your service to society. It is as crucial a service
as that of any social welfare agency. And you cannot continue to
perform it if your industry is hamstrung by excessive regulation.
Since we turned this economy around, two-thirds of the job
creation has come from small businesses like yours. This is one
reason America has created more new jobs in the 1980s than Japan
and Western Europe combined.
4
Another reason for this remarkable expansion is the way in
which we removed excessive regulations, freeing the creative
energies of small firms. By ordering a re-examination of more
than 150 regulatory programs, the Task Force on Regulatory
Relief, which I chaired as Vice President, saved the private
sector more than 300 million man hours of paperwork and billions
of dollars in government compliance cost. I will continue to
work to keep you free from excessive regulation.
And when it comes to necessary regulation, I am committed to
letting the states take the lead -- not the federal government
I will also propose a cut in the capital gains tax. This is
a uniquely American tax, since most of our trading partners do
not tax long-term capital gains. A high capital gains tax
unnecessarily hurts our competitive position by drying up the
formation of capital, businesses and jobs. In 1978, when
Congress cut the maximum tax rate on capital gains, the result
was an explosion of new companies and new revenues.
Small businesses -- those with less than 500 employees --
employ more than half of U.S. workers. So any onerous new burden
on small business will also throw workers out of their jobs.
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It is for this reason that I will resist the movement toward
mandated benefits
In an era of tight budgets, there is
always the temptation to drop the burden of social programs on
the backs of employers. But these programs, born of the best
intentions, can have agonizing consequences.
It is up to business and labor to negotiate their
differences. And make no mistake, I support the right of labor
to negotiate as an equal. But mandated benefits serve neither
business nor labor. Western Europe has gone down this road. And
Western Europe has grappled with chronic high unemployment ever
since.
And let me address one other area that concerns your
business -- tort reform. of course, there are many litigants who
deserve a jury's sympathy. But when local governments cannot
install playgrounds, when businesses are bankrupted, when
volunteer organization have to pull back, then it is time to
consider limiting damages. Tort reform is critical to the health
of businesses and volunteer organizations alike.
All of my policies are centered around a single goal -- to
protect the engine of our prosperity and prepare our nation for
the future. Without a strong private sector, our nation would be
mired in the past, doomed to fail.
6
The entrepreneur is the man or the woman who is not only
ready for change, but who relishes the thought of it. And this
thought leads me to speak to you in more general terms, about my
presidency, the challenges I hope to meet, the accomplishments I
hope to make.
I am a man of this century. I fought in the century's
greatest war, and raised a family and built a business during the
mid-century of American greatness.
But I want to be a President who is remembered for preparing
America for the next century. This is my entrepreneurial
definition of leadership, to see the shape of things to come, and
to prepare for that 21st Century world -- only eleven years away.
By the year 2000, we will have experienced change as swift
and fast as a torrent. Change in the American family, and in our
work habits. Change in technology. Change in the world economy.
Change in the rate of change itself.
This remarkable nation of ours is complex, even enigmatic.
But there is one American quality that is timeless and true. We
are an entrepreneurial people, at our best when we are
challenged, when we boldly face the future.
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So my agenda is this: to confront the emerging problems of
the future today. A complacent society is doomed to comfortable
decline. A dynamic society is one that keeps pace with the
times. So call it that, if you will -- the Dynamic Society. But
recognize in the restless drive and vision of the American
entrepreneur our best qualities as a nation.
A complacent nation would take comfort that America is free
and the world is at peace. But world events are moving too
swiftly for us to relax in set ways, to cling to smug
assumptions.
The balance of power in Europe, the rise of regional
superpowers in Asia, the increasingly interdependent world
economy, the proliferation of offensive technology, and the much-
debated nature of reform in the Soviet Union -- these are the
areas that will irrevocably alter the world. And these are not
minor matters. Will American foreign policy be flexible enough
to meet this emerging new world order?
With this question in mind, I have asked all the appropriate
agencies to reassess our foreign policy and defense strategy.
This comprehensive review will set the basis of my future
actions, and guide America into the next decade, and toward the
next century.
8
On economic policy, I have submitted to the Congress the
first presidential budget in many years that isn't "Dead-On-
Arrival. I have also submitted a proposal to solve a festering
problem that threatens our future prosperity -- a plan to restore
the integrity of our nation's Savings and Loans institutions. I
want to work with Congress to start to solve this problems this
year, the sooner the better.
The changing nature of American society -- to one-parent
families or to two working parents -- is putting pressure on our
most basic social institution -- the family. How will we respond
to this change? We simply cannot afford to create another
entitlement program. That is why I am proposing a child-care
plan that combines tax credits and private-sector resources to
offer parents a choice. I want to empower parents, not
government, to seek the best and the safest environment for their
children.
There are many other areas of change. Homelessness concerns
a small proportion of Americans. But when I look out a White
House window and see the ragged pathetic figures huddled over the
steam grates of the Ellipse, I also see an affront to the
American Dream. We must seek the root causes of, and devise the
most practical solutions for, homelessness.
9
The environment -- once the domain of activists, it is
becoming a top priority of pinstriped diplomats. We must devise
a global approach to the problems of ozone depletion and world
deforestation.
Finally, I want to single out one area which, in so many
ways, is pre-eminently important to our nation. I am sure it is
of particular importance to your family. We must protect, and
strengthen, our schools.
You and I know that education is our most enduring legacy.
You and I know that education is nothing less than the very heart
and soul of our civilization.
As we face a new decade and a new century beyond, we also
face a new challenge -- to revitalize and restore the system our
forebears bequeathed to us; to ensure American education is
second to none.
I have made a number of proposals to work toward this goal.
Among them is my request to reward those schools whose students
show measurable progress in educational achievement, while
maintaining a safe and drug-free environment.
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I have also asked for an annual fund of $100 million in new
appropriations to help create magnet schools to broaden the
educational choices of parents and students. And I have made
many other proposals, including programs to strengthen
Historically Black Colleges and Universities, and to reward our
best teachers.
I appeal to you to get active in your schools, to share your
knowledge, expertise and resources where it is most needed.
I've laid out my agenda for you. True, it is an ambitious
one. But it is no less ambitious, no less dynamic, than the
American people. As businessmen and women, you can help me to
fulfill this agenda, to meet the challenges that face our
country. By working together, we can achieve anything.
Thank you.
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