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Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Speech File Draft Files
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Chron File, 1989-1993
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Detroit, [Michigan], 4/17/89
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26
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5
Document No.
026525SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 4/13/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
No Comment.
4/14/89
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
April 12, 1989
1039-ADR 10
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle of
world conflict. The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
Yet Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
non-profit groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects. In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
freedom
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
y
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Thank you.
#
#
#
000 W MAILFAX 3501T
VALUTEC 418
'90 4-16 11:51
PAGE 01
Unclas
CLASSIFICATION
CIRCLE ONE BELOW
MODE
PAGES 2
IMMEDIATE
SECURE FAX # #01
DTG 1515452 Apr
PRIORITY
ADMIN FAX #
RELEASER
ROUTINE
RECORD #
FROM/LOCATION 1. him MCBRIDE
P
TO/LOCATION/TIME OF RECEIPT
1. General Scawcroft
2.
3.
4.
TOR 151552ZAPR89
5.
6.
7.
8S APR 15 :A157: 57
INFORMATION ADDEES/LOCATION/TIME OF RECEIPT
BESE
1.
2.
SPECIAL INSTRUCTIONS/REMARKS
Unclas
CLASSIFICATION
WHCA FORM 8. 15 OCTOBER 84
000 W MAILFAX 3501T
VALUTEC 418
'90 4-16 11:56
PAGE 01
To Brent: Please review this.. and then get comments to Speechwriters.
I am sending this to you only at this time because of 'substance" but it
CAMP DAVID
must get to writers soon. all yours
1-15-89
11 A.M.
Hamtrack Speech Changes
page
Somewhere in here I want to identify the very special interest that
we have in Poland- an interest driven by the enormous numbers
of Polish Americans.
People who still love their homeland. We are
not just another free country yearning for Poland's freedom. We are
bound by this very special bond of family, values, heritage etc.
Page 3 Discuss the following with Gen. Scowcroft:
Possible for page 3. (end of first para) "There is some feeling
in some quarters inside the Soviet Union that certain elements in the
2
USA want to see glasnost and perestroika fail. Not so. We salute the changes
that have taken place in glasnost (openess) and perestroika
(reform). We will continue to encourage more change in the field
of human rights, or market incentives, or elections, or whatever.
We know that these changes do not come easy whether in Eastern Europe
or the Sv. Union itself; but let there be no doubt we want to
see glasnost and reform continue and succeed."
(Brent: I am responding, in a sense, to a conversation in N.Y.
and anotherr recent comment suggesting we want to 'failure'.)
Thsi may not fit here
but I'd like to see some reference.
Bottom of page 3.. I am not sure we have improved
relations with Bulgaria or the GDR
Brent: please review
this para to see we are not 'overstating'.
Last sentence "hold accountable" what does that mean exactly consider
changing to a gentle warning.
3
'while we want relations to improve there are certain things that we will
not condone, things that can shift relations in the wrong way Human
rights abuses, tecknology theft, hostile intelligence. "etc.
Top of Page 4: leave out"some regimes are testing limits of Sov. tolerance"
Second para. on Page 4: What is wrong with giving some amount of
credit to Jaruzelski..
we single out Lech , wehy not have some modest kind
word
about
Jaruzelski.
AND PERHAPS SOME OTHER Polish official.
Credit for the modest changes should sertainly go to Lech but also we ought not
to isolate Jaruzelski from any credit.
Page 5 3rd para: Leave out consulation words go direct to
"I have carefully considered ways the US can help Poland".
th en
"we will not not act unconditionally, We will not offer aid, without certain
sound practices, being required in return. .We will not extend unsound credits"
(N.B. I am trying to avoid "UNTIED" word. noone knows what that means.
CAMP DAVID
page 2 Hamtrack.
On page 8
I share your concern about 'repudiation of Breshnev doctrine"
but am willing to leave in if you feel it is O.K.
Bottom of main para. on page 8:
For the Italicized part Change to. "My unwavering
h
conviction is that someday all the people's of Europe will live in
freedom. (get speech writers to imrpove my language, but
leaving out POrague etc
eliminates rheorical overkill
to
the barricades type stuff that cost a lot of lives in Hungary yet
still expresses our objective
.)
Page 9
The unity and strength of the democracies coupled with bold new
thinking in the Soviet Union and thei nnate craving for freedom of pewopl
everywhere have brought us to htis opening. We will not waver in our
dedication to freedom now. If we are wise, united, and ready to seize
the moment we will be remembered as the generation that helped
all of Europe reach its destiny
(speechwriters can empbelish but 1 want to sugegst that change ion
SOV union helped, too.
Call me 1I you want to diocuss this at all.
-30- from Foggy Camp David.
Pardon my home typing. I can spell but I dont want to correct this. gb
- 29 -
WE WILL NOT WAVER IN OUR DEDICATION TO FREEDOM NOW. IF
WE ARE WISE, UNITED AND READY TO SEIZE THE MOMENT, WE
WILL BE REMEMBERED AS THE GENERATION THAT MADE ALL OF
EUROPE FREE. Two CENTURIES AGO, A POLISH PATRIOT NAMED
THADDEUS Kosciuszko (KOSH-SCHOO-SKOH) CAME TO THESE
AMERICAN SHORES TO STAND FOR FREEDOM.
9
understand, in turn, that a free democratic Eastern Europe as we
envision it would threaten no one and no country. Such an
evolution would imply, and reinforce, the further improvement of
East-West relations in all dimensions -- arms reductions,
political relations, trade -- in ways that enhance the safety and
well-being of all of Europe. There is no other way.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. We will not waver in our dedication to freedom
now. If we are wise, united and ready to seize the moment, we
will be remembered as the generation that made all of Europe
free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot named Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skoh) came to these American shores to
stand for freedom. Let us honor and remember this hero of our
own struggle for freedom by extending our hand to those who work
the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Let us recall the words of the Poles who struggled for
independence: "For your freedom and ours." Let us support the
peaceful evolution of democracy in Poland. The cause of liberty
knows no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
God bless Poland, and God bless America. Thank you.
#
#
#
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
TIME STAMP
EXECUTIVE SECRETARIAT STAFFING DOCUMENT
89 APR 15 A10: 17
SYSTEM LOG NUMBER: 2694
ACTION OFFICER: FOR RECORD PURPOSES
DUE:
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Appropriate Action
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Prepare Memo for Hughes
Prepare Memo
to
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PHONE* to action officer at ext.
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INFORMATION
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Return to Secretariat
Document No.
026525 SS
2694
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/15/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HAMTRAMCK, MICHIGAN
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
ISSS APR 14 Pil 9: 15
April 14, 1989
INFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
MARK DAVIS MD
THROUGH: FROM: CHRISS WINSTON KG for CW
SUBJECT: Hamtramck
Your first major foreign policy address concerns Eastern Europe
and Poland. You will appear before the old Hamtramck city hall,
in a working class suburb of Detroit, to announce new economic
and political policies toward Poland.
General Scowcroft would like to delete the lines in brackets on
Page Eight ("Let Prague be free," etc.). Dave Demarest strongly
feels that these lines would add a great deal to the speech, and
provide a sound bite for the evening news. They will discuss
this over the weekend.
Most of the Michigan Delegation is expected to be present,
although we do not have confirmations on each Member.
(Davis/Rice)
April 14, 1989
Draft Four
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HAMTRAMCK
CITY HALL
MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1989/noon
Thank you Paul. Cardinal Szoka (Sha-ka). Bob, thank you
for that presentation. It's good to see the Michigan Delegation
has turned out for this event. Bread and salt are both of the
earth, an ancient symbol of a life leavened by health and
prosperity. In this same spirit, I wish you all the same. Now,
if I may, I want to address the health and prosperity of a whole
nation -- the proud people of Poland.
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the new breeze of
freedom gaining strength around the world. "In man's heart," I
said, "if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The
totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves
from an ancient lifeless tree."
I spoke of the spreading recognition that prosperity can
only come from a free market and the creative genius of the
individual. I spoke of the new potency of democratic ideas -- of
free speech, free elections and the exercise of free will.
2
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the suppression of freedom in
Eastern Europe, sustained by the military power of the Soviet
Union, has kept nation from nation, neighbor from neighbor. As
East and West seek to reduce arms, it must not be forgotten that
arms are a symptom, not a source, of tension. The true source of
tension is the imposed and unnatural division of Europe.
How can there be stability and security in Europe and the
world as long as nations and peoples are denied the right to
determine their future -- a right explicitly promised them by
agreements among the victorious powers at the end of World War
Two? How can there be stability and security in Europe as long
as nations, which once stood proudly at the front rank of
industrial powers, are impoverished by a discredited ideology and
stifling authoritarianism? The United States has never accepted
the legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
3
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. In the
Soviet Union itself, we are encouraged by the sound of voices
long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the ruled.
We see "new thinking" in some aspects of Soviet foreign policy.
We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful, lasting
and more far-reaching change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it will end in this crucible
of world conflict -- and it must end. The American people want
to see East and Central Europe free, prosperous and at peace.
With prudence, realism and patience, we seek to promote the
evolution of freedom -- the opportunities sparked by the Helsinki
accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have improved relations with each
is in
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, emigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we them accountable for technology theft and
have held measured this performance on ossurg on
hostile intelligence Lane or foreign policy actions against us
add Pres. language
4
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if faithfully implemented, will be a watershed
in the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held. These agreements testify to the
General Jaruzelski and his collergers
realism of n the Polish authorities. And they are inspiring
testimony to the spiritual guidance of the Catholic church, the
indomitable spirit of the Polish people -- and the strength and
wisdom of Lech Walesa
Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. But economic reforms can
5
still give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative
spirit of the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the moral,
political and economic support of the West. And the West will
respond. My Administration is completing a thorough review of
our policies toward Poland and all of Eastern Europe.
After consultation with allies and friends, I have carefully
considered ways pitfalls can be avoided, and ways the United
wewill
not
States can help Poland. We will not act unconditionally, offer
untied aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that
Poland is still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no
steps that compromise the security of the West.
The Congress, the Polish-American community, the American
labor movement, our allies and international financial
institutions, must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take
root anew, and sustain itself. We can and must answer this call
to freedom. And it is particularly appropriate, here in
Hamtramck, for me to salute the members and leaders of the
American labor movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through
its darkest days.
6
The Poles are now taking concrete steps that deserve our
active support. I have decided on specific steps by the United
States, carefully chosen to recognize reforms underway, and to
encourage reforms yet to come once Solidarity is legal:
-- I will ask Congress to join me in providing Poland access
to our Generalized System of Preferences, which offers selective
tariff relief to beneficiary countries.
-- We will work with our allies and friends in the Paris
Club to develop sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its
debt, easing a heavy burden so that a free market can grow.
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable loans to the private-sector by the
International Finance Corporation.
7
-- We believe that the Roundtable agreements clear the way
for Poland to be able to work with the International Monetary
Fund on programs that support sound, new, market-oriented
economic policies.
-- We will encourage business and private non-profit groups
to develop innovative programs to swap Polish debt for equity in
Polish enterprises; and for charitable, humanitarian and
environmental projects.
-- We will support imaginative educational, cultural and
training programs to help liberate the creative energies of the
Polish people.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both of them valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy. The United States keeps its
promises.
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
8
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, help from the West will come in concert
with liberalization. Our friends and European allies share this
philosophy.
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas. We
dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
own peaceful course in the world, including closer ties with
Western Europe. And we envision an Eastern Europe in which the
Soviet Union has renounced military intervention as an instrument
of its policy -- on any pretext
in an explicit, definitive and
convincing repudiation of the Brezhnev Doctrine.
((I call on the
Soviet Union to let Prague be free. Let Budapest be free
And, my friends, let Warsaw be free
Let ALL the peoples of
Europe live in freedom. )
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these concerns.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all the Western
allies, calling for common approaches. The Soviet Union should
9
understand, in turn, that a free democratic Eastern Europe as we
envision it would threaten no one and no country. Such an
evolution would imply, and reinforce, the further improvement of
East-West relations in all dimensions -- arms reductions,
political relations, trade -- in ways that enhance the safety and
well-being of all of Europe. There is no other way.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. We will not waver in our dedication to freedom
now. If we are wise, united and ready to seize the moment, we
will be remembered as the generation that made all of Europe
free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot named Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skoh) came to these American shores to
stand for freedom. Let us honor and remember this hero of our
own struggle for freedom by extending our hand to those who work
the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Let us recall the words of the Poles who struggled for
independence: "For your freedom and ours." Let us support the
peaceful evolution of democracy in Poland. The cause of liberty
knows no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
God bless Poland, and God bless America. Thank you.
#
#
#
2642
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
April 14, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR JIM CICCONI
FROM:
G. PHILIP HUGHES Philip
SUBJECT:
Detroit Speech
The attached draft speech for the President's appearance in
Hamtramack, Michigan on Monday April 17 has been approved by
General Scowcroft with the changes indicated. Please forward it
urgently to the speechwriters.
Attachment
Draft Speech
CC: Chriss Winston
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
April 12, 1989
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: HAMTRAMCK
CITY HALL
MONDAY, APRIL 17, 1989/
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the new breeze of
freedom gaining strength around the world. "In man's heart," I
said, "if not in fact, the day of the dictator is over. The
totalitarian era is passing, its old ideas blown away like leaves
from an ancient lifeless tree."
I spoke of the spreading recognition that prosperity can
only come from a free market and the creative genius of the
individual. I spoke of the new potency of democratic ideas -- of
free speech, free elections and the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies. can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
the
stet
liberty is an idea whose time has come in, Eastern Europe
the
For almost half a century, the suppression of freedom in
Eastern Europe, sustained by the military power of the Soviet
2
Union, has kept toin nation from nation, neighbor from neighbor,
mother from son. This artificial division is a continual source
of tension for Europe, for America and the world. As East and
West seek to reduce arms, it must not be forgotten that arms are
a symptom, not a source, of tension. The true source of tension
imposed and univatural division of
is the imposition of an alien political system in Eastern and
Central Europe.
How can there be stability and security in Europe and the
world as long as nations and peoples are denied the right to
determine their future -- a right explicitly promised them by
agreements among the victorious powers at the end of World War
Two? How can there be stability and security in Europe as long
as nations, which once stood proudly at the front rank of
industrial authoritarizin powers, are impoverished by a discredited ideology and
stifling dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. In the
Soviet Union itself, we are encouraged by the sound of voices
long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the ruled.
We see "new thinking" in some aspects of Soviet foreign policy.
3
We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful, lasting
and more far-reaching change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
it
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, [it will end, in this crucible
of world conflict [- end-it must end] must The American people want
to see East and Central Europe free, prosperous and at peace.
and patience,
With prudence [and realism, we seek to promote the evolution of
freedom -- the opportunities sparked by the Helsinki accords and
deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have improved relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, emigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for technology theft and
hostile intelligence or foreign policy actions against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
4
agreements that, if faithfully implemented, will be a watershed
in the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held. These agreements testify to the
realism of the Polish authorities. And they are inspiring
testimony to the spiritual guidance of the Catholic church, the
indomitable spirit of the Polish people -- and the strength and
wisdom of Lech Walesa
...
Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
who?
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. But economic reforms can
still give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative
spirit of the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the moral, politica
and economic
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
51
Administration has just completed mg a thorough review of our
policies toward Poland and all Eastern Europe.
After consultation with allies and friends, I have carefully
Poland,
considered ways the United States could help^ and pitfalls to be
avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied aid, or
extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is still a
member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that compromise
the security of the West.
The Congress, the Polish-American community, the American
labor movement, our allies and international financial
institutions, must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take
sustain itself sustain itself
But
root anew, and last. nWe can and must answer the call to freedom.
And it is particularly appropriate, here in Hamtramck, for me to
salute the members and leaders of the American labor movement for
hanging tough with Solidarity through its darkest days. (LONG
?
NOD)
now
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on [eight specific steps by the United
States, [which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage reforms yet to come once Solidarity is
legal:
6
-- I will ask Congress to join me in providing Poland access
to our Generalized System of Preferences, which offers selective
tariff relief to beneficiary countries.
-- We will work with our allies and friends in the Paris
Club to develop sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its
debt, easing a heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
we
--
The United States will support imaginative educational,
cultural and training programs to help liberate the creative
energies of the Polish people.
we
--
The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund on programs that support sound, new,
market-oriented economic policies.
7
we
--
The Administration will encourage business and private
non-profit groups to develop innovative programs to swap Polish
debt for equity in Polish enterprise; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects.
En a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland?
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable loans to the private-sector by the
International Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both of thew cides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy. The United States has kept its
promise to the Polish people
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
help pom
comes
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
concert with liberalization. Our friends and European allies
share this philosophy.
8
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas.
E-
Save
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin wall]
for
NA7,
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
own peaceful course in the world, including closer ties with
Western Europe. And we envision an Eastern Europe in which the
Soviet Union has renounced military intervention as an instrument
of its policy -- on any pretext -- in an explicit, definitive and
convincing repudiation of the Brehznev Doctrine.
I call on the
Soviet Union to let Prague 20 free. Let Budapest 90 free
And
let Warsaw go free
Let all the peoples of Europe
Live in freedom
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all the Western
allies, calling for common approaches. The Soviet Union should
understand, in turn, that a free democratic Eastern Europe as we
envision it would threaten no one and no country. Such an
9
evolution would imply, and reinforce, the further improvement of
East-West relations in all dimensions -- arms reductions,
political relations, trade -- in ways that enhance the safety and
well-being of all of Europe. There is no other way.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. We will not waver in our dedication to freedom
now. If we are wise, united and ready to seize the moment, we
allof
will be remembered as the generation that made, Europe free.
named
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Pay
This
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skoh) came to these American shores to
stand for freedom. He lived up to the ideals of the later Polish
fighters for independence, who said: "For your freedom and ours."
four own struggle freedom for
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw. Let us support the peaceful evolution
of democracy in Poland. The cause of liberty knows no limits;
the friends of freedom, no borders.
God bless Poland, and God bless America. Thank you.
#
#
#
529-5300 Dominan Fthr, HOLDE Conway of Study
ALABAMA-COLORADOARIZONA-MAINE+TEXAS-UTAHrALASKA
IOWALOUISIANA-WISCONSIN-TENNESSEE-IDAHO
yes
EStS
CALIFORNIA NESOTA-MISSISSIPPI-MISSOURI-WEST CALIFORNIA+MICHIGAN-MINNESOTA+MISSISSIPPI+MISSOURI-WEST VRGIN VIRGINIA-NEW YORK-NEVADA
1817
1988
NORTH DAKOTA<PENNSYLVANIA<SOUTH CAROLINA-SOUTH DAKOTA-MARYLAND-ARKANSAS
The Official
Oatholic
Directory
Anno
NEW HAMPSHIRE-NEW JERSEY-NEW AEXICO-CONNECTICUT-FLORIDAMASSACHI MASSACHUSETTS
Domini
1988
Published Annually by
P.J.Kenedy ESons
INDIANA OKLAHOMA RHODE ISLAND MONTANA
HAWAIIYWASHINGTON-VIRGINIAVERMONT:WYOMING-OHIO
259
Archdiocese of Detroit
(Archidioecesis Detroitensis)
Most Reverend
WALTER J. SCHOENHERR, D.D.
Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of Timida-
His Eminence
na; ordained Oct. 27, 1945; appointment March 8, 1968.
consecrated May 1, 1968; 1234 Washington blud., De-
JOHN CARDINAL DEARDEN, D.D.
troit, MI 48226.
Former Archbishop of Detroit; ordained Dec. 8, 1932;
Most Reverend
appt. Titular Bishop of Sarepta and Coadjutor Bishop of
MOSES B. ANDERSON, S.S.E., D.D.
Pittsburgh "cum jure successionis" March 13, 1948; con-
secrated May 18, 1948; succeeded to the See of Pitts-
burgh December 22, 1950; Assistant at the Pontifical
Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of Vatarba;
Throne October 15, 1957; promoted to the See of Detroit
ordained May 30, 1958; appointed December 3, 1982;
December 18, 1958; installed January 29, 1959; created
consecrated January 27, 1983. 1234 Washington blud.,
Cardinal April 28, 1969; resigned as Archbishop July 15,
Detroit, MI 48226.
1980. All communications to His Eminence should be
Most Reverend
addressed to the Chancery Office, 1234 Washington
blvd, Detroit, MI 48226.
PATRICK R. COONEY, D.D.
TO LIVE IN FAITH
Most Reverend
Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of Hodelm;
ARTHUR H. KRAWCZAK, D.D.
ordanied December 20, 1959; appointed December 3,
1982; consecrated January 27, 1983. 1234 Washington
Retired Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of
Most Reverend
blvd., Detroit, MI 48226.
Subbar; ordained May 18, 1940; appointed Feb. 8, 1973;
EDMUND C. SZOKA, J.C.L., D.D.
Most Reverend
consecrated April 3, 1973; resigned August 17, 1982.
Res, St. Elizabeth Briarbank, 1315 N. Woodward,
Bloomfield Hills, MI 48013.
Archbishop of Detroit; ordained June 5, 1954; appointed
DALE J. MELCZEK, D.D.
Bishop of Gaylord June 15, 1971; consecrated and in-
Most Reverend
stalled July 20, 1971; promoted to the See of Detroit
Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of Trau; or-
March 28, 1981; installed May 17, 1981. Res., 75 E. Bos-
dained June 6, 1964; appointed December 3, 1982; conse-
THOMAS J. GUMBLETON, D.D.
ton blvd., Detroit, MI 48202.
crated January 27, 1983. Res., 528 Helene ave., Royal
Oak, MI 48067.
Auxiliary Bishop of Detroit, Titular Bishop of Ululi; or-
dained June 2, 1956; appointed March 8, 1968; conse-
ESTABLISHED MARCH 8, 1833. CREATED AN ARCHBISHO-
trated May 1, 1968. 1234 Washington blud., Detroit, MI
PRIC AUGUST 3, 1937. Square Miles 3,901.
48226.
Comprises the Counties of Lapeer, Macomb, Monroe,
Oakland, St. Clair and Wayne.
For legal titles of parishes and archdiocesan institu-
tions, consult the Archbishop's Office.
Former Bishops-Rt. Rev. FREDERIC RESE, D.D., cons.
C.S.Sp.; JAMES P. ROBINSON, S.S.E.; JOHN F.
CHARNLEY, Dir. of Diaconal Ministry.
Oct. 6, 1833; resigned Aug. 19, 1840; died Dec. 30,
SCHWEDER.
Priest's Senate-Rev: EDWARD F. HAGGERTY.
1871-Rt. Rev. PETER PAUL LEFEVERE, D.D., cons.
Presbyteral Council Msgr. WILLIAM J. SHERZ-
Nov. 22, 1841; Bishop of Zela, coadjutor and admin.
Archdiocesan Pastoral Council-PATRICIA BAHU, Exec.
ER; Revs. DAVID A. BUERSMEYER; FRANCIS X. DIETZ;
Sec.
of Detroit; died March 4, 1869.-Rt. Rev. CASPAR
WILLIAM EASTON; LOUIS E. GRANDPRE; DENNIS HAR-
Ministries:
HENRY BORGESS, D.D., cons. April 24, 1870; Bishop
RITY; ANTHONY R. KOSNIK; ROBERT J. KOTLARZ;
of Calydon, coadjutor and admin. of Detroit; became
Archdiocesan Office for Persons with Disabilities-
JOHN E. NADER, C.S.Sp.; JAMES P. ROBINSON, S.S.E.;
Vacant. , 237-5910.
Bishop of Detroit Dec. 30, 1871; resigned April 16,
1887; died May 3, 1890.-Rt. Rev. JOHN SAMUEL
JOHN F. SCHWEDER; JOSEPH W. TOBIN, C.SS.R.; Ex-
Pastoral Ministry to those in Health Care Institu-
FOLEY, D.D., cons. Nov. 4, 1888; died Jan. 5, 1918.-
officio members: Revs. WALTER A. HURLEY; JOHN P.
tions -Deacon ARCHIE NOON, Coord. , 476-6969.
ZENZ.
Most Rev. MICHAEL JAMES GALLAGHER, D.D., cons.
Pastoral Ministry to Correctional Institutions-Re
Sept. 8, 1915; Bishop of Tipasa, coadjutor of Grand
Archdiocesan Vicars Center City Region-Rev. LAW-
ROBERT SCHRAMM, O.S.F.S.
Rapids; became Bishop of Grand Rapids Dec. 26,
RENCE CARNEY, C.S.B., C.SS.R., Core City; Rev.
Office for Black Catholic Affairs- WYATT JONES. (
1916; transferred to Detroit July 18, 1918; died Jan.
Msgr. ARTHUR KAREY, Downtown; Northeast Re-
868-2700.
1937.-His Eminence EDWARD CARDINAL
gion Revs. LEO BRODERICK, Belle River; JOHN T.
Office of Hispanic Affairs-RAUL FELICIANO. , 883-
(In MOONEY, D.D., appt. Apostolic Delegate in India
GORDON, Detroit-Grosse Pointe; DAVID PREUSS,
3161.
Jan. a, 1926; appt. Titular Archbishop of Irenopolis
O.F.M.Cap., East Side; RAYMOND J. SAYERS, Gratiot;
The Metropolitan Tribunal-305 Michigan ave., De-
Delegate 18, 1926; cons. Jan. 31, 1926; appt. Apostolic
STEPHEN C. RECKKER, North Macomb; FREDERICK A.
troit, MI 48226. " 313-237-5865. Office Hours: Mon.-
Diocese in Japan Feb. 25, 1931; transferred to the
BODDE, Port Huron; DUANE NOVELLY, Serf; North-
Fri. 8:30-4:30.
the of Rochester, Aug. 28, 1933; transferred to
west Region: H. THOMAS JOHNSON, Birmingham-
Judicial Vicar-Very Rev. WALTER A. HURLEY,
Bloomfield-Troy; Revs. ANDREW WESLEY, North
J.C.L.
of Detroit, Aug. 3, 1937; created
Central; JEROME BRZEZINSKI, Pontiac; DONALD A.
Adjunct Judicial Vicars-Rev. Msgr. Pio MORALES,
CARDINAL died October 25, 1958. -His Eminence JOHN
1348, of the title of S. Susanna, Feb. 18,
SOPIAK, Southeast Oakland; RICHARD SCHMIDBERG-
J.C.D.; Revs. RICARDO E. BASS, J.C.L.; MICHAEL A.
DEARDEN, D.D., resigned July 15, 1980.
ER, Thumb; JOHN J. SULLIVAN, Vicariate of the
MOLNAR, J.C.L.
Lakes; FREDERICK SCHWEIHOFER, Warren-Center-
Diocesan Judges-Rev. ROBERT BURKE; Rev. Msgr.
Archdiocesan Departments and Divisions
line; South Region: Revs. JAMES P. KENNEALLY,
ARTHUR M. KAREY; Revs. ROBERT M. SABLE, J.C.L.;
and Reference Center- 237-5800.
Dearborn; STANISLAUS J. REDWICK, Downriver; TER-
Rev. Msgrs. JEROME SMALARZ, J.C.L.; JOHN WEIER,
48226 Office-1234 Washington blud., Detroit,
RENCE D. KERNER, Monroe; EDMUND BORYCZ,
J.C.L.; Revs. MICHAEL N. COONEY; RICHARD MACEY;
Rev. All official mail should be directed to this
Southland; DENNIS J. NOWINSKI, Southwest; RoB-
GEORGE MILLER; JOHN GAGALA, J.C.L.; Rev. Msgr.
ERT GOODROW, Western Wayne; West Region: Revs.
ALBERT ALLEN, J.C.L.; Revs. TIMOTHY BABCOCK;
admin. 237-5816; Rev. JOHN P. Archbish-
sec. KEVIN M. BRITT, Archbishop's appoint-
BERT HEISE, O.F.M., Farmington-Southfield; Ro-
GARY TIERNEY, J.C.L.; JAMES BJORUM, J.C.L.; FRAN-
NALD W. KURZAWA, Grand River; ALEX BRUNETT,
CIS R. REISS, J.C.L.
THE ( 237-5783. ZENZ,
Northwest Wayne; TIMOTHY O'CONNOR, C.P., West
Secretary to Tribunal-MARY COAKLEY.
THOMAS J. GUMBLE-
Detroit; THOMAS J. FINNIGAN, West Side Inner City.
Notaries-RITA ZALEWSKI; MARY COAKLEY; DIANA
Rev. WALTER J. SCHOENHERR, D.D.,
Center City Region. ,
Delegate for Religious-Sr. PATRICIA SIMPSON, O.P.,
CALICE; MARY ERDMAN; MARJORIE SEERY; GLORIA
1234 Wash. blud., Detroit, 48226 C. 237-5847.
South Region. , 237-5343; Most
ANFIELD; ANDREA PINTO; ALICE LILEY.
Region ANDERSON, D.D., Regional Bishop,
Department of Formation-Very Rev. F. GERALD MAR-
Defenders of Bond-Revs. RONALD JOZWIAK, J.C.L.;
TIN, Dir., 2701 W. Chicago blvd., Detroit, 48206. ,
NORMAN NAWROCKI, J.C.L.
Most Reval Bishop, Northeast Region.
Most Rev. PATRICK R.
868-2700.
Advocates and Notaries-Revs. ROBERT BAUER; RICH-
Divisions:
Beshop, Northwest Rever J. MELCZEK, D.D., Re-
ARD CAVELLIER; GERARD CUPPLE; GREGORY DETERS;
Deacon Internship-Rev. RAYMOND VAN DEVIERE.
JOSEPH GEMBALA; JOHN HEDGES; ANDREW
, 237-5857.
Pastoral Vocations Office-Revs. GARY C. BUECHE,
MCLAUGHLIN; WALTER PTAK; STEVEN VILEO.
WALTER A. HUR-
Dir.; JOHN H. WEST, Assoc. Dir.
Auditors-Revs. CHARLES KOSANKE; JOSEPH TOBIN,
Detroit, 48226. , 237-5988.
Pre-Admissions-Rev. JOHN H. WEST.
C.S.S.R.; Dean JOHN SCHAIBLE; FRANCIS SYLVESTER.
FRANCIS X. DIETZ; WIL-
Permanent Diaconate-Revs. DENNIS C. ORTMAN, Dir.
Court Experts-Rev. FRANCIS JASPER, O.F.M.
HARRITY; JOHN E. NADER,
of Formation for Diaconal Candidates; GEORGE
Department of Education-Rev. FRANCIS R. REISS,
Area Code 313
Document No.
026525SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/13/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
April 12, 1989
1989 APR 13 PM 4: 10
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
APRiL 17, 1989
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
brezong
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
...
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Inthe Soviet chell
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle crucible of
world conflict. The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have \improved developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
Yet Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days. Cong nad.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
DUPPORT pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
develop
non-profit groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects. In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
concert
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
freedom
Let Warsaw 80 The free
West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including Closer ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Thank you.
#
#
#
Document No. 026525SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 4/13/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
SMS
Greenor notal)
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
1989 APR 13 PM
April 12, 1989
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
friend
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
from
from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
and the world
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Is
this
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
that
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle of
world conflict. The American people want to see acto/Europe East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit, a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
Yet Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
why quote the French atall?
on page / you also quote Victor Huger
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
prouol
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
HAMTRAMCK
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
non-profit groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects. In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
Note:
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
Carthis
Somehow
be said
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
with 9
sense of
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
the
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
emotion
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
he
experience?
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these major
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
freedom
Let Poland go free
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe. -
of all peoples of the world-
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Thank you.
#
#
#
needs one more sentence
Ends abreptly -
Document No.
026525SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 4/13/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
yee Commuts
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
1989 APR 13 PM 4:
April 12, 1989
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
who are long last
voices orlent the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change
at
intering
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle of
world conflict. The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
While there is a new breeze blowing on the politicalfurnt,
Yet Poland faces and will continues to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
4
communism is not another form of economics It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
should take
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
to build on reforms underway,
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
#1
non-profit groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects. In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
insert
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
freedom
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Thank you.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 13, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
COMMUNICATIONS
FROM:
NELSON LUND nf
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Detroit
At the request of James W. Cicconi, Counsel's office has reviewed
the captioned remarks. We have no legal objections. We have,
however, marked some non-legal editorial suggestions directly on
the attached hard copy.
Attachment
CC: James W. Cicconi
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
IS89 APR 13 PM
April 12, 1989
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
The regimes of
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
are
Western Europe is resurgent.
Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle of
world conflict. The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
our
government
in In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
practices
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
Yet Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
non-profit groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects. In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
freedom
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
closer
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
Thank you.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 13, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
RBP
byll
From:
Roger B. Porter
Jim Pinkertor
QP
Re:
Detroit draft
This is an important speech; one of the few in which the
President has discussed foreign policy; one of even fewer that
deal with Europe. All eyes will be on the President: the world
awaits his first articulation of the Administration's new plans
for Poland. From the substance of this speech it is obvious that
we are offering much more than "status quo plus." However, we
think that there are some imprecisions in the draft which need to
be remedied:
Pg. 1, graf 1, We start off with a reference to the
Inaugural, which is terrific. Unfortunately, the draft does not
seize upon the most memorable and prescient line from the
Inaugural: "a new breeze is blowing." The phrase "winds of
change" appears in the 2nd graf of page 2, but its use there does
not summon up the memory of the President's words on the West
Front of the Capitol. We recommend incorporating "breeze" at the
outset.
1,2 We think the overall tenor of this graf is
unnecessarily harsh. We should never hesitate to reaffirm our
principles and point out the tragic history of Eastern Europe.
X
However, we think the major goal of this speech should be to
establish a constructive tone that reaches out to the world. We
should look upon this speech as an opportunity to express quiet
confidence in the strength of our policies and quiet optimism
that our way of life will peacefully prevail. With this in mind,
it seems to us that we don't have to throw around as much harsh
rhetoric ("danger" etc.) as appears in this graf. It only
detracts from the President's larger message on this historic
occasion.
The President should emphasize the wonderful opportunity
America has to help transform Eastern Europe. Thus we should
speak in an optimistic, forward-looking tone that matches the
policies we are announcing on this day.
(more)
2-2-2
(We think, for example, that the message of the underlined
sentences at the bottom of the first graf on page 2 and in the
second graf of page 7 is much more important. It is also more
effective because it speaks to future US foreign policy
objectives, as opposed to old recriminations that obscure the
X
positive climate we are trying to foster. Another thought that
makes a more profound point but that does not instantly draw
blood is to argue that the changes we are seeing in Eastern
Europe truly do represent the death of Marxism.)
2,2,1 We should remember that "winds of change" is a phrase
made famous by Harold Macmillan in the 50s. He was referring to
the decolonialization. We're concerned that this phrase is thus
pregnant with resonances that are not appropriate for this
occasion. We should stick to our powerful "breeze" imagery.
2,2,2 We should first emphasize the contrast between
Western and Eastern Europe before we then go on to say that with
the benefit of freedom, the two halves can both advance together.
As this passage reads now, we seem to be implying that Eastern
and Western Europe are benefiting from the same liberalizing
trend, which of course is not true at all. We would rewrite the
second sentence in this graf as follows: "As Western Europe
continues to evolve toward higher levels of peaceful political
and economic integration, Eastern Europe is awakening
"
2,3,3-4 Mixed metaphors aside, it doesn't make historical
or political sense to describe Eastern Europe as the "cradle of
world conflict."
3,2,1 "developed" as it appears here has two possible
meanings: first, that we started relations, ab initio; and
second, that we have improved relations. Since we mean to say
the latter, why not say the latter? " we have improved
relations with each country
"
4,4,6 Quite properly, we are generous in spreading credit
to where credit is due. We would venture that the Congress,
including Democrats such as Michigan's John Dingell -- whose
surname, by the way, was changed from its Polish original also
deserve some credit for our bipartisan foreign policy success in
Eastern Europe.
5,3,2 The United States will encourage or support
imaginative programs. It's a little too much to say that we
will "pursue" national policy objectives within the boundaries of
another sovereign nation.
(more)
3-3-3
5,4,2 Why not say "develop" instead of "put together"?
7,1,6 In this day and age, "lockstep" is automatically
pejorative -- it reminds us of robots" and other mindless things.
We suggest replacing "lockstep" with "conjunction" or "concert."
7,2 This is a great graf with big news potential. However,
we note the absence of Warsaw. After all, we are speaking to
Poles about Poland!
#
CC Bill Roper
Document No. 026525SS
2642
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/13/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
Coudi
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
April 14, 1989
TO: Chriss Winston
NSC concurs, with changes as marked.
James W, Cicconi
Brent Scowcroft
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CC: J. W. Cicconi
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
1039 APR 13 PM
April 12, 1989
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the (cruel) suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the Crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
As Eastand West today seek to reduce arms, they can't forget that the
world. (Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
This is
Source of tension is not only the arms, which are a symptom, nt the
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
A
central
imposition Contral Europe. of an alien political system in Eastern and Contral Europe.
point
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
In
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
Need to
to
We see Thinking in same asp cts of Satet foreign policy.
cover
ruled. A We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful,
Swiet
and more far-reaching
foreign
and lasting change.
policy well us
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it must end in this cradle of
world conflict. The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
Need to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
or foreign policy actions
broaden
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
Secretary Balco
faithfully
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
change
the postwar history of Eastern Europe.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
Importanto
new Polish Senate will be held.
m
name garties
to the strength and wisdom of Lech Walensa and Solidarity; to the spiritual guidance of the Catholic
These agreements are inspiring testimony to the indomitable spirit of 1 Polish people
Church; and to the realism of the Polish authorities.
(Yet) Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
Brakyov
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. But Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
Poland and all of
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular
After consultation with allies and friends,
the United States
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
Secretary BACER
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
change
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom. The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
anew,
Once was
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
a
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
democracy before
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private
non-profit. groups to put together innovative programs to swap
Polish debt for equity investment equitya and for charitable, (help, new we
in Polish enterprises
Our
economists'
suggestion
humanitarian and environmental projects. En In a phrase, we will
This will
export free enterprise to Poland
and Europe
West Germany
very go over badly in
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
Not needed
(when Solidarity is legal again,) I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
Explain
which offers selective tarilf relief to beneficiary Countries.
Preferences, This will allow the United States here. to match lowered)
Polant
Poland
political barriers with lowered economic barriers,
already
has MFN;
no "barriers"
exist
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
the private sector
on their merits, viable (private sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
in Paris Club
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
easing
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, difting
a
grow.
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish)
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, on develop a program that (wilD
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy.
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization Second, the West will provide help only in
(lockstep with liberalization of as will Our European allies,
friends and share this philosophy
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe.
Such a goal requires more than arms reductions
though
Don'theed
this if
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
it's on 1.1
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
renounce all rights" for military intervention. I call on the
No.
Seviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Treat
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
Brezhner
Doctrine
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live in
below
freedom
(top of
p.8)
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe. We see An Eastern Europe in which the Survey Union has renanced military
intervention as an instrument of its polsey on any pretext in an explicit,
definitive, and convincing repudition of the Brezhner Doctrine. [LETBEFREE
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
the Western allies,
Better
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe
a
pornt
calling for common approaches.
INSERT
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
(attached)
this opening. It would be a (colossal) tragedy if we wavered in
our dedication to freedom now, at such a moment of hope and
opportunity.
our strength
we seek
[we must maintain and modernize our forces while pursuing
Optional
peace. arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
cut
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
]
and ready to seize the moment,
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
can be
remembered as) the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Recomming
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-skooh) came to these American shores to
cut
fight for freedom. He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders.
]
We recall the words of the Polish fighters for independence:
"For yar freedom and ars." we knn that Poland's struggle
for democracy is our struggle too,
INSERT mg.8
should understand,
The Soviet Union can be assured) in turn, that a free,
democratic Eastern Europe as we envision it would threaten no one
and no country. Such an evolution would imply, and reinforce,
the further improvement of East-West relations in all dimensions
-- arms reductions, political relations, trade -- in ways that
enhance the safety and well-being of all of Europe. There is no
other way.
9
Recommend
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
(st
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
(flaciful ] punsint
Thank you.
shysle for freedom
#
#
#
Amam
URGENTSBCURITY COUNCIL
TIME STAMP
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89 APR 13 P5: 00
SYSTEM LOG NUMBER:
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Prepare Memo For Scowcroft/Gates
Appropriate Action
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to CHRISS WINSTON w/ CC. Cicconi
Prepare Memo for Hughes
Prepare Memo ScowcRoft
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PHONE* to action officer at ext. 3110
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Mahley
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Charles
Mandel
Snider
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McCue
Tahir-Kheli
Deal concers
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Tobey
Donley
Menan
Welch
Dyke
Miller
Working
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Jackson
Popadiuk
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Hughes
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Exec. Sec. Desk
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Logged By CDM
Return to Secretariat
Document No.
026525SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/13/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/14/89 9:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 9:00 AM, Friday, April 14, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Rice/Davis/Wallace)
April 12, 1989
1989 APR 13
Draft Three
Title: Poland
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: DETROIT XXXX
XXXXXXXXXXXX
no M mories APP. 5' cutrise
In my Inaugural address, I spoke of the spreading
recognition that prosperity can only come from a free market and
the creative genius of the individual. I spoke of the new
potency of democratic ideas -- of free speech, free elections and
the exercise of free will.
We should not be surprised that the ideas of democracy are
returning with renewed force in Europe -- the homeland of
philosophers of freedom whose ideals have been so fully realized
in America. Victor Hugo said: "An invasion of armies can be
resisted, but not an idea whose time has come." My friends,
liberty is an idea whose time has come in Eastern Europe
For almost half a century, the cruel suppression of freedom
in Eastern Europe, sustained by the crushing military power of
the Soviet Union, has torn nation from nation, neighbor from
neighbor, mother from son. This artificial division is a
continual source of tension for Europe, for America and the
world. Danger arises from the imposition of an alien political
system, bolstered by force and intimidation, in Eastern and
Central Europe.
2
How can there be stability and security in Europe as long as
nations and peoples are denied the right to determine their
future -- a right explicitly promised them by agreements among
the victorious powers at the end of World War Two? How can there
be stability and security in Europe as long as nations, which
once stood proudly at the front rank of industrial powers, are
impoverished by a discredited ideology and stifling
dictatorships? The United States has never accepted the
legitimacy of Europe's division. We accept no spheres of
influence that deny the sovereign rights of nations
Yet the winds of change are shaping a new European destiny.
Western Europe is resurgent. Eastern Europe is awakening to
yearnings for democracy, independence and prosperity. The Soviet
Union itself is changing. We are encouraged by the sound of
voices long silent, and the sight of the rulers consulting the
ruled. We are hopeful that these stirrings presage meaningful
and lasting change.
East and West are negotiating on a broad range of issues,
from arms reductions to the environment. But the Cold War began
in Eastern Europe; if it is to end, it will must end in this cradle of
and it must end.
world conflict, The American people want to see East and Central
Europe free, prosperous and at peace. With prudence and realism,
we seek to promote the evolution of freedom -- the opportunities
3
sparked by the Helsinki accords and deepening East-West contact.
In recent years, we have developed relations with each
country of the region. In each case, we looked for progress in
its international posture and internal practices -- in human
Keep
rights, cultural openness, immigration issues, opposition to
terrorism. And we held them accountable for acts of technology
theft and hostile intelligence against us.
Some regimes are now testing the limits of the new Soviet
tolerance, and seeking to win popular legitimacy through reforms.
In Hungary, a new leadership is experimenting with reforms that
may permit a political pluralism that only a few years ago would
have been unthinkable. And in Poland, on April 5, Solidarity
leader Lech Walesa and Interior Minister Kiszczak signed
agreements that, if honestly implemented, will be a watershed in
for you determinet of your patioting
the postwar history of Eastern Europe. Thank you lech Welesa.
Under the auspices of the Roundtable agreements, the free
trade union Solidarity will be formally restored, a free
opposition press will be legalized, independent political and
other free associations will be permitted, and elections for a
new Polish Senate will be held.
Yet Poland faces, and will continue to face for some time,
severe economic problems. A modern French writer observed that
4
communism is not another form of economics. It is the death of
economics. In Poland, an economic system crippled by the
inefficiencies of central planning, almost proved the death of
initiative and enterprise. Almost. Economic reforms can still
give free rein to the enterprising impulse and creative spirit of
the Polish people.
The Polish people understand the magnitude of this
challenge. Democratic forces in Poland have asked for the
support of the West. And the West will respond. My
Administration has just completed a thorough review of our
policies toward Eastern Europe, and Poland in particular.
I have carefully considered ways we could help, and pitfalls
to be avoided. We will not act unconditionally, offer untied
aid, or extend unsound credits. We must remember that Poland is
still a member of the Warsaw Pact. We must take no steps that
compromise the security of the West.
But we can and must answer the call of freedom The
Congress, the Polish-American community, the American labor
movement, our allies and international financial institutions,
must work in concert if Polish democracy is to take root, and
last. And it is particularly appropriate, here in Detroit, for
me to salute the members and leaders of the American labor
5
its
movement for hanging tough with Solidarity through the darkest
days.
The Poles are taking concrete steps that deserve our active
support. I have decided on eight some specific steps by the United
States, which have been carefully chosen to recognize reforms
when S. is legal again
underway, and to encourage the reforms yet to come:
-- As Polish society opens up, the United States will
A.l.
8 pursue imaginative educational, cultural and training programs to
help liberate the creative energies of the Polish people.
-- The Administration will encourage business and private /A.l.
non-profit. groups to put together innovative programs to swap
7 Polish debt for investment equity; and for charitable,
humanitarian and environmental projects - In a phrase, we will
export free enterprise to Poland.
-- We will propose negotiations for a private business
4 agreement with Poland to encourage cooperation between U.S. firms
and Poland's private businesses. Both sides can benefit.
-- When Solidarity is legal again, I will ask Congress to
join me in providing Poland access to our Generalized System of
1.
Preferences. This will allow the United States to match lowered
political barriers with lowered economic barriers.
6
-- I will also ask Congress to join me in authorizing the
3
Overseas Private Investment Corporation to operate in Poland, to
the benefit of both Polish and U.S. investors.
-- The United States will continue to consider supporting,
5
on their merits, viable private-sector loans by the International
Finance Corporation, a World Bank affiliate.
-- We will work with our allies and friends to develop
2
sustainable new schedules for Poland to repay its debt, lifting a
heavy burden so that a free market can flourish.
-- The United States believes that the Roundtable agreements
6
clear the way for Poland to be able to work with the
International Monetary Fund, to develop a program that will
support sound, new market-oriented economic policies.
When I visited Poland in September, 1987, I told Chairman
Jaruzelski and Lech Walesa that the American people and
government would respond quickly and imaginatively to significant
internal reform of the kind we see now. Both sides valued that
assurance. So it is especially gratifying for me to witness the
changes now taking place in Poland, and to announce these
important changes in U.S. policy. The united Mats has kept
its promise to the Polish people
7
If Poland's experiment succeeds, other countries may follow.
While we must still differentiate among the nations of Eastern
Europe, Poland offers two lessons for all. First, there can be
no progress without significant political and economic
liberalization. Second, the West will provide help only in
lockstep with liberalization -- as will our European allies.
America must renew its commitment to end the division of
Europe. Such a goal requires more than arms reductions -- though
we will vigorously pursue cuts. It will require a fundamental
change in political relations between East and West, the root
causes of arms competition. I call on the Soviet Union to
renounce all "rights" for military intervention. I call on the
Soviet Union to explicitly and immediately repudiate the Brezhnev
Doctrine. And I call on the Soviet Union to let Prague go free.
And my finesds let Wassow 80 from
Let Budapest go free. Let all the peoples of Europe live tn
freedom
The West can now be bold in proposing a vision of the
European future: We dream of the day when there will be no
barriers to the free movement of people, goods and ideas --
especially that most notorious barrier of all, the Berlin Wall.
We dream of the day when Eastern European peoples will be free to
choose their system of government and to vote for the party of
their choice in regular, contested elections. We dream of the
day when Eastern European countries will be free to choose their
8
own peaceful course in the world, including ties with Western
Europe.
Next month, at a summit of the North Atlantic Alliance, the
leaders of the Western democracies will discuss these issues.
These are not bilateral issues between the United States and the
Soviet Union. They are, rather, the concern of all of Europe.
The unity and strength of the democracies have brought us to
this opening. It would be a colossal tragedy if we willnot wavered in
our dedication to freedom now.
We must maintain and modernize our forces, while pursuing
arms reductions. We must wield our economic and technological
assets in the service of our political objectives, not squander
avoid
them in such a way that lets the East evade hard choices.
In short, if we are wise, strong and united, we will be
any and of zs,
remembered as the generation that made Europe free.
Two centuries ago, a Polish patriot by the name of Thaddeus
Kosciuszko (Kosh-schoo-s skooh) came to these American shores to
Like
him,
let
fight for freedom He realized that the cause of liberty knows
no limits; the friends of freedom, no borders
make this
the last line
9
Let us honor and remember this hero of Saratoga by extending
our hand to those who work the shipyards of Gdansk, and walk the
cobbled streets of Warsaw.
God Bless Doland and God bless America
Thank you.
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