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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
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George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
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Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Speech File Draft Files
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13483-013
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American Newspaper Publishers Association, 4/21/89 [1]
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26
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6
6
FINAL
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
Thank you, Bill, for those kind words. I also want to
recognize your deputies at AP, Lou Boccardi and Jim Tomlinson,
here with us today.
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
2
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom, without
constantly experiencing the history of the place -- without
thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakable optimism he brought
to the job. The opportunities open to us today were made
possible by the peace and prosperity Ronald Reagan left as his
legacy.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accommodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach, in dealing with the pressing problems that confront us
-- some of them decades in the making -- and in working to put
the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead and the
new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
4
Freedom: for individuals; for nations, self-determination
and democracy.
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance
for each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
Strength: in international affairs, strength our allies can
count on, and our adversaries must respect. And at home,
strength and a sense of self-confidence in carrying forward our
nation's work.
Excellence -- as the underlying goal in the collective
efforts we undertake, and accountability for the work we do.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the dedicated civil servants of
the executive branch, for state and local governments, for the
concept of public service -- and a firm belief in the powers of
the presidency. Each has its role, each can be enlisted in the
work at hand. The emphasis is on cooperation -- not
confrontation -- as the surest route to progress.
I read more than a few news stories -- before and after the
election -- that said the President and the Congress wouldn't be
able to work together
That the "bitter campaign" had made
cooperation impossible.
I didn't believe that then -- and we're proving it wrong
now.
5
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to solve the urgent problems that
confront us, and to shape the long-term strategies to ensure
peace and prosperity in the future.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of tough, principled negotiations between
this Administration and the Congress.
The bipartisan budget agreement we worked out ten days ago
is a key example. That agreement --- ahead of schedule, on target
with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge intact -- is
a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit problem, and
keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of expanding,
uninterrupted growth -- on track. Difficult decisions lie ahead,
but an important agreement has been achieved.
And of course there is the accord we reached on Central
America. The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with
freedom. The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and
standing behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And this unity has encouraged leaders like President Arias to
give strong support to U.S. policy.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
6
Action to stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system.
The reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and
put the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My
plan guarantees that depositors will be fully protected. The S&L
system must be reformed, so that the questionable practices and
outright illegalities that caused the crisis will not happen
again -- and those S&L officials found guilty of criminal actions
will be punished for the losses they have caused.
Last week, the Senate passed my plan, 91 to 8. I urge the
House to act promptly, and pass this S&L reform bill with its
central provisions intact.
We've taken action to strengthen ethics in government. The
ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this month will uphold
honesty and integrity in government service -- and apply an even-
handed ethics standard across all branches of government.
Action in the war on drugs, where we're advancing on all
fronts -- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement. The anti-drug effort will receive almost one
billion dollars in additional funding in 1990 -- a 21% increase
in outlays over what we'll spend in 1989.
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of certain semi-
automatic rifles, weapons all too often used in drug related-
killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the District
of Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative anti-drug
measures.
7
of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
The seven-point program of education reform I sent to
Congress early this month will help us reward excellence, reach
out to students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a
healthy element of competition and accountability that will
promote quality in our schools.
Preparing for the kinder, gentler future I've spoken of
means helping Americans cope with the changing nature of society
-- helping fundamental institutions like the family remain strong
and prosper. That's the guiding aim of my child care
initiatives, a tax credit proposal designed to expand the options
of low-income families -- keeping the ultimate choice of who will
care for their children in their hands.
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right
to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
8
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, the U.S. will work in
concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs into the
atmosphere by the year 2000.
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in oversight of the clean-
up effort, and to explore ways to prevent such spills in the
future.
Finally, we have launched an initiative to strengthen the
international strategy on third world debt, which has already
received broad international support from both industrialized and
developing countries. We have set our course with this policy;
now I want to see success on a case by case basis. I want to see
an agreement with Mexico, with Venezuela, and with other
countries as well.
We have examined and I have made decisions on U.S. strategy
for Afghanistan, Poland, Central America and other problems and
opportunities needing prompt attention. Within a few weeks
nearly all of the far reaching and systematic defense and foreign
9
policy reviews will be complete. I already have made some
decisions. Others, including on arms control, will be
forthcoming soon.
We are mapping strategies for a period of remarkable change
in international affairs -- change more wide-ranging and rapid
than at any time in the post-war period. While we will lead, we
also intend to consult and listen -- to our friends abroad and to
the Congress. I've met with the leaders of 34 nations --
renewing my acquaintance with many of them, establishing a
working relationship with the others. My Secretary of State, Jim
Baker, has met with Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, and
will meet again next month in Moscow to continue that dialogue.
And, as with the bipartisan agreement on Nicaragua, I will
work closely on international matters with the Congress.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
10
Act, a new strategy to curb the increased use of lethal weapons
by drug dealers and other criminals and new initiatives to combat
the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the near
horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young fellow -- a
seventh grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. As I've
said before, I am a practical man; I like what's real. I'm not
much for the airy and abstract. I like what works.
There's a running debate on what it takes to move a nation
forward. Some say it's ideology that matters. Some say it's a
question of competence. Others say that issues are "the
issue"
But the fact is, what it takes to move a nation can't be
captured in one word.
It's a matter of principles -- and performance
11
Ideology -- and action on the issues.
This Administration understands that the American people
expect all of these -- and something more.
They expect results.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
McGroarty/Blessey
April 20, 1989
2:00 pm
Draft 4
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter." "
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
2
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom, without
constantly experiencing the history of the place -- without
thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
3
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakable optimism he brought
to the job. The opportunities open to us today were made
possible by the peace and prosperity Ronald Reagan left as his
legacy.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accommodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach, in dealing with the pressing problems that confront us
-- some of them decades in the making -- and in working to put
the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead and the
new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
self-determination and democracy.
4
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance
for each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
Strength: in international affairs, strength our allies can
count on, and our adversaries must respect. And at home,
strength and a sense of self-confidence in carrying forward our
nation's work.
Excellence -- as the underlying goal in the collective
efforts we undertake, and accountability for the work we do.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the dedicated civil servants of
the executive branch, for state and local governments -- and a
firm belief in the powers of the presidency. Each has its role,
each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The emphasis is on
cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest route to
progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to solve the urgent problems that
confront us, and to shape the long-term strategies to ensure
peace and prosperity in the future.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of tough, principled negotiations between
this Administration and the Congress.
5
The bipartisan budget agreement we worked out ten days ago
is a key example. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on target
with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge intact -- is
a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit problem, and
keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of expanding,
uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And of course there is the accord we reached on Central
America. The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with
freedom. The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and
standing behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
Action to stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system.
The reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and
put the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My
plan guarantees that depositors will be fully protected. The S&L
system must be reformed, so that the questionable practices and
outright illegalities that caused the crisis will not happen
again -- and those S&L officials found guilty of criminal actions
will be punished for the losses they have caused.
Last week, I was pleased to see the Senate came out strong
for reform. I urge the House to act promptly, and pass this S&L
reform bill with its central provisions intact.
6
Action to strengthen ethics in government. The ethics
reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this month will uphold honesty
and integrity in government service -- and apply an even-handed
ethics standard across all branches of government.
Action in the war on drugs, where we're advancing on all
fronts -- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement. The anti-drug effort will receive almost one
billion dollars in additional funding in 1990 -- a 21% increase
in outlays over what we'll spend in 1989.
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of certain semi-
automatic rifles, weapons all too often used in drug related-
killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the District
of Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative anti-drug
measures.
of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
7
The seven-point program of education reform I sent to
Congress early this month will help us reward excellence in our
schools, reach out to students most in need, increase choice, and
introduce a healthy element of competition and accountability
that will promote quality in our schools.
Preparing for the kinder, gentler future I've spoken of
means helping Americans cope with the changing nature of society
-- helping fundamental institutions like the family remain strong
and prosper. That's the guiding aim of my child care
initiatives, a tax credit proposal designed to expand the options
of low-income families --keeping the ultimate choice of who will
care for their children in their hands.
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
8
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in oversight of the clean-
up effort, and to explore ways to prevent such spills in the
future.
Finally, we have launched an initiative to strengthen the
international strategy on third world debt, which has already
received broad international support from both industrialized and
developing countries.
We have examined and I have made decisions on U.S. strategy
for Afghanistan, Poland, Central America and other problems and
opportunities needing prompt attention. Within a few weeks
nearly all of the far reaching and systematic defense and foreign
policy reviews will be complete. I already have made some
decisions. Others, including on arms control, will be
forthcoming soon.
We are mapping strategies for a period of remarkable change
in international affairs -- change more wide-ranging and rapid
than at any time in the post-war period. While we will lead, we
also intend to consult and listen -- to our friends abroad and to
the Congress. I've met with the leaders of 34 nations --
renewing my acquaintance with many of them, establishing a
working relationship with the others. As with the bipartisan
agreement on Nicaragua, I will work closely with the Congress.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
9
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
Act, a new strategy to curb the increased use of lethal weapons
by drug dealers and other criminals and new initiatives to combat
the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the near
horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. As I've
10
said before, I am a practical man; I like what's real. I'm not
much for the airy and abstract. I like what works.
There's a running debate on what it takes to move a nation
forward. Some say it's ideology that matters. Some say it's a
question of competence. Others say that issues are "the
issue"
But the fact is, what it takes to move a nation can't be
captured in one word.
It's a matter of principles -- and performance
Ideology -- and action on the issues.
This Administration understands that the American people
expect all of these -- and something more.
They expect results.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 20, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
Roger Porter
Dept
Sp
Reg.
From:
Jim Pinkerton
Re:
Drafts of Building A Better America, Publishers,
Bismarck, Ford Aerospace
Building A Better America
No comments.
Publishers
This draft could benefit from using the principles and
themes outlined in the Building A Better America book released
last 2/9.
1,4,1
"taken some tough shots" is too self-conscious and some
may interpret as thin-skinned. We'd omit.
3,8,1
We could identify four, and possibly five,
themes/principles: "Freedom" on page three, graf eight;
"Fairness" on page four, graf one; "quiet negotiations" on page
four, graf five; "focusing now on the kind of future we want "
on page six, graf two; and "map [ping] strategy in an
international environment where change is more rapid
"
on page
seven, graf four.
The principles laid out here are fine, but the structure is
confusing. We can't tell whether the subsequent list of
initiatives comes under the rubric of "fairness" or "quiet
negotiations.' Again, this could benefit from the tight
structure of Building A Better America.
Furthermore, it seems as if we are hinting at a third
principle later on page six, graf two, where we say "focus now on
the kind of future we want Investing in the future is a
good, serviceable theme that accurately organizes a host of the
President's initiatives.
(more)
2-2-2
5,4,2
"The reform plan I sent to Congress
" We should
consider applauding the Senate for passing the plan.
6,2,2
Again, the President's refrain on the future is a good
one and we should stick to it: "Investing in the future".
6,3,1
We should not pass up the opportunity to describe the
President's education initiatives for what they are: a program
of education reform.
6,4,1
Good recitation of the education principles. When
speaking of choice, however, we should always say "parental
choice" to be clearer and avoid the obvious confusion with the
abortion issue.
9,2,2
We like the idea expressed in this paragraph and
suggest strenghtening it by the line from the President's
Announcement Speech (Oct. 12, 1987) "I am a practical man; I
like what's real. I'm not much for the airy and abstract. I
like what works."
Bismarck
A good speech. We particularly like the Teddy Roosevelt
Arbor Day quote on page 2 which is very apt for the occasion.
Ford Aerospace
2,3,2
"Government's role is to harness " sounds too
restrictive. We'd suggest something that conveys the opposite
image, like "unharness" or "unleash" or "remove the barriers,"
especially since we are talking about cutting capital gains and
cutting the deficit. Entrepreneurs don't want to hear about the
government harnessing anything.
To the extent that government should harness anything, we
should harness the national energy and creativity of the American
people on behalf of the poorest and the most needy, to protect
the environment, etc.
2,4,2
Instead of "For every dollar of interest debt we
eliminate " we prefer: "For every dollar the government does
not have to borrow there is more capital available for
investment."
(more)
3-3-3
3,2
Since we are in Silicon Valley, it makes sense to
explicitly refer to the role of high-tech in creating the 20
million new jobs and the fact that the Steiger Amendment cutting
capital gains made many of the existing jobs and companies
possible. We should have some language that starts off with
"Right here in Silicon Valley " and ties it in with job
creation and the capital gains cut.
4,5,2
"That is why I have asked Congress for an increase of
$2.4 billion for the Space Program." This should read "NASA"
instead of "Space Program."
7,3
Purely by way of suggestion, we recall that during the
campaign the President frequently said: "Technological
advancement has always been at the heart of our nation's pioneer
spirit, pushing the boundaries of our knowledge, creating
economic opportunity and increasing our standard of living."
#
CC: Bill Roper
Brad Mitchell
John Gardner
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 20, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
COMMUNICATIONS
FROM:
NELSON LUND NY
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: American Newspaper
Publishers Associations
At the request of James W. Cicconi, Counsel's office has reviewed
the captioned draft remarks.
The first sentence of the last paragraph on page 5 inaccurately
describes the weapons covered by the import suspension; the
sentence also fails to explain the purpose of the temporary ban
on imports. We suggest that this sentence be replaced with the
following:
"We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of certain
semiautomatic rifles, while we design an effective
strategy for curbing the increased use of these lethal
weapons by drug dealers and other criminals."
Page 8, third paragraph. Despite the current popularity of the
term "assault weapons,' it is imprecise and misleading in this
context. The reference to "a final decision" also suggests an
overly simple picture of the issues and options under
consideration in this area. We suggest that the phrase in
question be replaced with the following:
"
a decision on new steps to reduce the criminal
misuse of firearms
"
Page 5, last full paragraph. We question the advisability of
asserting that the Administration's seriousness about the anti-
drug effort should be measured by an increase in funding.
We appreciate having had the opportunity to review these draft
remarks.
CC: James W. Cicconi
028427SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/19/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
4/20/89 1:00 PM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
WINSTON
CARD
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please foward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 PM, Thursday, April 20, 1989, with an info
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Blessey
April 19, 1989
1809 AFR 19 13
6:30 pm
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.}
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
Of course, today things are more civilized -- kinder and
gentler, if you prefer -- and even though I've taken some tough
shots from the press myself, I promise I'll hold my fire.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
2
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the small office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom,
without constantly experiencing the history of the place --
without thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
Holor 5178
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
the past
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakeable optimism he brought
to the job.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accomodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach m in dealing with the problems at hand, and working to
put the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead
and the new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
independence and self-determination.
4
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance for
each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the executive branch and its
dedicated civil servants, for state and local governments. Each
has its role, each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The
emphasis is on cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest
route to progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to shape policy and solve the problems
that confront us.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of quiet negotiations between this
Administration and the Congress.
The accord we reached on Central America is a key example.
The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the region,
like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with freedom.
The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and standing
behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And of course there is the bipartisan budget agreement we
worked out ten days ago. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on
target with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge
5
intact -- is a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit
problem, and keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of
expanding, uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
Action
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected -- and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
Action We ve introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
month will uphold honesty and integrity in government service --
and apply an even-handed ethics standard where across all branches of
government.
Action In the war on drugs, we're advancing on all fronts
-- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement. And to prove we're serious, the anti-drug effort
Hele
will receive almost one billion dollars in additional funding in
in outlays
3120
1990 -- a 21% increase over what we'll spend in 1989.
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of automatic
military assault weapons, weapons all too often used in drug
related-killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the
6
District Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative
anti-drug measures.
Of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
Holen
5178
The seven-point plan I sent to Congress early this month
encourage the pursuit
will help us reward excellence in our schools, reach_out_to
ofexcellence among
students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy
element of competition and accountability that will promote
quality in our schools.
Preparing for the future means helping Americans cope with
the changing nature of society -- helping fundamental
institutions like the family remain strong and prosper. That's
the guiding aim of my child care initiatives, tax credit
proposal$ designed to expand the options of low-income families --
keeping the ultimate choice of who will care for their children
in their hands.
7
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
Hale 3120
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
oversight of
steps to ensure a strong federal role inAthe clean-up effort, and
to explore ways to prevent such spills in the future.
Finally, in the international arena, I've met with the
leaders of 34 nations -- renewing my acquaintance with many of
them, establishing a working relationship with the others.
I've also ordered my national security team to conduct a series
of systematic defense and foreign policy reviews. Those reviews
-- now nearly complete -- will help us map strategy in an
international environment where change is more rapid than at any
point in the post-war period.
8
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
Act, a final decision on assault weapons, and new initiatives to
combat the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the
near horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media --- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
9
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. Whatever
the issue, we need to get down to business -- find solutions,
make progress.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
Copy w/
CW+DD's edito
McGroarty/Blessey
April 19, 1989
2:30 pm
Draft 2
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.}
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
of course, today things are more civilized -- kinder and
gentler, if you prefer -- and even though I've taken some tough
shots from the press myself, I promise I'll hold my fire.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
2
in amont
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the small office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom,
without constantly experiencing the history of the place --
without thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakeable optimism he brought
to the job.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accomodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach -- in dealing with the problems at hand, and working to
put the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead,
and the new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
independence and self-determination.
4
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance for
each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the executive branch and its
dedicated civil servants, for state and local governments. Each
has its role, each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The
emphasis is on cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest
route to progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to shape policy and solve the problems
that confront us.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of quiet negotiations between this
Administration and the Congress.
The accord we reached on Central America is a key example.
The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the region,
like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with freedom.
The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and standing
behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And of course there is the bipartisan budget agreement we
worked out ten days ago. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on
target with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge
5
intact -- is a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit
problem, and keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of
expanding, uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
and
We've taken that action:
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected -- and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
be be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
A tion: We've introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
month will uphold honesty and integrity in government service --
and apply an even-handed ethics standard across all branches of
government.
Action: And in the war on drugs, we're advancing on all fronts --
education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law enforcement.
*
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of automatic military
assault weapons, weapons all too often used in drug related-
killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the District
Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative anti-drug
measures.
INSERT:
as appears
&
on disc. for we'll our anti-
/N 1990, funding
drug effort will
reach amount to
Billion almost one
billion more than in 1989.
6
Of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for orselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
The seven-point plan I sent to Congress early this month
will help us reward excellence in our schools, reach out to
students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy
andaccountability
element of competition that will promote quality in our schools.
Preparing for the future means helping Americans cope with
the changing nature of society -- helping fundamental
institutions like the family remain strong and prosper. That's
the guiding aim of my child care initiatives, a tax credit
proposal designed to expand the options of low-income families --
keeping the ultimate choice of who will care for their children
in their hands.
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right
to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
to
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words just five (?) years into
really eighty years ago
7
the present century. Now, little more than a decade away from
the 21st Century, safeguarding our environment is a national --
and international -- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: I've urged Congress
to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of hazardous
wastes to nations where safe handling of those dangerous
substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to growing
concern about global warming, we I've committed the U.S. to work in
concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs into the
atmosphere by the year 2000.
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken steps
to ensure a strong federal role in the clean-up effort, and to
explore ways to prevent such spills in the future.
Finally, in the international arena, I've met with the
leaders of 34 nations -- renewing my acquaintance with many of
them, establishing a working relationship with the others.
I've also ordered my national security team to conduct a series
of systematic defense and foreign policy reviews. Those reviews
-- now nearly complete -- will help us map strategy in an
international environment where change is more rapid than at any
point in the post-war period.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
8
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
INSERT
41
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
already
White House.
disc
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
copy.
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. Whatever
the issue, we need to get down to business -- find solutions,
make progress.
So while
And on that score I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in
theres a long road alead of us.
these three months I'm optimistic -- that our reforms will
produce lasting results; that the long-range planning we do
this nation &
today will pay off in the future. But most of all, I'm m ready to
move forward -- to continue to meet the central challenge of
9
we face
government: keeping America free, prosperous and at peace,
tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
V
April 20, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM;
DENISE SCHWARZ as
OFFICE OF CABINET AFFAIRS
SUBJECT;
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER
PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
LOG #028427SS
We have reviewed the remarks and have incorporated the
comments.
Attachment
CC: Jim Cicconi
028427SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/19/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
4/20/89 1:00 PM
DATE:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
WINSTON
CARD
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please foward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 PM, Thursday, April 20, 1989, with an info
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Blessey
April 19, 1989
1939
AFR
6:30 pm
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.}
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
Of course, today things are more civilized -- kinder and
gentler, if you prefer -- and even though I've taken some tough
shots from the press myself, I promise I'll hold my fire.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
2
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the small office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom,
without constantly experiencing the history of the place --
without thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakeable optimism he brought
to the job.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accomodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach -- in dealing with the problems at hand, and working to
put the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead,
and the new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
independence and self-determination.
4
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance for
each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the executive branch and its
dedicated civil servants, for state and local governments. Each
has its role, each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The
emphasis is on cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest
route to progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to shape policy and solve the problems
that confront us.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of quiet negotiations between this
Administration and the Congress.
The accord we reached on Central America is a key example.
The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the region,
like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with freedom.
The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and standing
behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And of course there is the bipartisan budget agreement we
worked out ten days ago. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on
target with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge
5
intact -- is a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit
problem, and keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of
expanding, uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected -- and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
Action: We've introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
month will uphold honesty and integrity in government service --
and apply an even-handed ethics standard across all branches of
government.
Action: In the war on drugs, we're advancing on all fronts
-- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement. And to prove we're serious, the anti-drug effort
will receive almost one billion dollars in additional funding in
1990 -- a 21% increase over what we'll spend in 1989.
semi-
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of automatic
military assault weapons, weapons all too often used in drug
related-killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the
6
District Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative
anti-drug measures.
Of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce. There is a direct link between Education d succes)
for individuals, for business), for health vitality of economy,
The seven-point plan I sent to Congress early this month
will help us reward excellence in our schools, reach out to
students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy
element of competition and accountability that will promote
quality in our schools.
Preparing for the future means helping Americans cope with
the changing nature of society -- helping fundamental
institutions like the family remain strong and prosper. That's
the guiding aim of my child care initiatives, a tax credit
proposal designed to expand the options of low-income families --
keeping the ultimate choice of who will care for their children
in their hands.
7
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right
to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in the clean-up effort, and
to explore ways to prevent such spills in the future.
we have launched than initiative to strengthen the inter-
Finally, in the international arena, I've met with the national.
In addition dive
Strategy
leaders of 34 nations -- renewing my acquaintance with many of on third-
war debt,
them, establishing a working relationship with the others.
which has
already
I've also ordered my national security team to conduct a series received
Groad
of systematic defense and foreign policy reviews. Those reviews national interiet
-- now nearly complete -- will help us map strategy in an
Support from both
international environment where change is more rapid than at any
industrial;
point in the post-war period.
and developing
&
countries.
3rd World
unserb
8
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
Act, a final decision on assault weapons, and new initiatives to
combat the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the
near horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
9
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. Whatever
the issue, we need to get down to business -- find solutions,
make progress.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
028427SS
Document No.
2854
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
4/19/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
4/20/89 1:00 PM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
WINSTON
CARD
CICCONI
PINKERTON
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please foward any comments to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122, x2930,
no later than 1:00 PM, Thursday, April 20, 1989, with an info
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
April 20, 1989
TO: Chriss Winston
NSC clears, with as sugges ted changes on pages 5,7.
Brent Rates Scowcroft
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
cc: J. W. Cicconi
Ext. 2702
89 APR 20 A 7: 46
McGroarty/Blessey
April 19, 1989
1839 APR
6:30 pm
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.}
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
Of course, today things are more civilized -- kinder and
gentler, if you prefer -- and even though I've taken some tough
shots from the press myself, I promise I'll hold my fire.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
2
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the small office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom,
without constantly experiencing the history of the place --
without thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakeable optimism he brought
to the job.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof -- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accomodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach -- in dealing with the problems at hand, and working to
put the United States on a steady course for the decade ahead,
and the new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
independence and self-determination.
4
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance for
each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the executive branch and its
dedicated civil servants, for state and local governments. Each
has its role, each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The
emphasis is on cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest
route to progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to shape policy and solve the problems
that confront us.
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of quiet negotiations between this
Administration and the Congress.
The accord we reached on Central America is a key example.
The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the region,
like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with freedom.
The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and standing
behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And of course there is the bipartisan budget agreement we
worked out ten days ago. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on
target with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge
5
intact -- is a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit
problem, and keeping our economy --- 76 straight months of
expanding, uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
Action: We've introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
month will uphold honesty and integrity in government service --
and apply an even-handed ethics standard across all branches of
government.
Action: In the war on drugs, we're advancing on all fronts
-- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement. And to prove we're serious, the anti-drug effort
outlays, not
outlays
will receive almost one billion dollars in additional (funding in
budget
authority
1990 -- a 21% increase over what we'll spend in 1989.
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of automatic
military assault weapons, weapons all too often used in drug
related-killings And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the
6
District Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative
anti-drug measures.
Of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
The seven-point plan I sent to Congress early this month
will help us reward excellence in our schools, reach out to
students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy
element of competition and accountability that will promote
quality in our schools.
Preparing for the future means helping Americans cope with
the changing nature of society -- helping fundamental
institutions like the family remain strong and prosper. That's
the guiding aim of my child care initiatives, a tax credit
proposal designed to expand the options of low-income families --
keeping the ultimate choice of who will care for their children
in their hands.
7
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right
to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
the pash-war period. Further, while we will lead, we also intend
to consult and listen to ons friends abroad and to the congues.
I have met with the leaders of 34 nations, renewing my acquisimence with
many 7 them, establishing a working relationship with others. and, as with
the Bipartisan agreement on Nicarague, I will work closely with the congress
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in the clean-up effort, and
to explore ways to prevent such spills in the future.
Finally, in the international arena,
I've met with the
leaders of 34 nations -- renewing my acquaintance with many of
them, establishing a working relationship with the others.
I've also ordered my national security team to conduct a series
of systematic defense and foreign policy reviews. Those reviews
-- now nearly complete -- will help us map strategy in an
intérnational environment where changè is more rapid than at any
point in the post-war period.
we
* have examined and I have Virade decisions on US strategy for afghanistan,
Poland, Central america and other problems needing prompt attention
and reportunities
within a few weeks, nearly all of the and systematic
defense and foreign policy reviews will be complete. already have made Same
decisions; others, including on arms control, will he for theoming soon. are are
mapping & strategies for a ARpL period 7 remarkable puick) change in
international abtain change incu pride-ashaging and rapid than at any time in
8
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
Act, a final decision on assault weapons, and new initiatives to
combat the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the
near horizon.
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
9
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. Whatever
the issue, we need to get down to business -- find solutions,
make progress.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
MASTER
McGroarty/Blessey
April 20, 1989
2:00 pm
Draft 4
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
APRIL 24, 1989
{Thank you for your generous welcome
Acknowledgements.}
I know the news business is a serious and sometimes
dangerous business. Mark Twain liked to recall that Napoleon
once shot at a magazine editor
Napoleon missed him, but killed a publisher.
As Twain said, it seems his aim was bad, but his intentions
were good.
Of course, today things are more civilized -- kinder and
gentler, if you prefer -- and even though I've taken some tough
shots from the press myself, I promise I'll hold my fire.
You all know Jefferson's tribute to the importance of the
press: "Were it left for me to decide whether we should have a
government without newspapers, or newspapers without a
government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."
Now, despite the fact that there are days when I think that
all we really need is a sports page -- both of us, government and
the newsmedia, need one another, and owe each other a measure of
respect, honesty and integrity equal to the work we're engaged
in.
It's been a little over three months since I took the oath
of office, and I'm very pleased with the progress we've made in
2
that short time. I'll say more about that shortly -- but before
I do, I'd like to speak for a moment about my impressions of
these past three months.
People often ask me what it's like -- how the presidency
compares to the expectations you bring to it.
I can sum up the thing that's made the deepest impression on
me so far, in one word: history. You can't live in the White
House, you can't sit at that desk in the Oval Office, or upstairs
in the office I have next door to the Lincoln Bedroom, without
constantly experiencing the history of the place -- without
thinking of the presidents we all know in a new light.
I think of Washington, the man who would not be king,
working to define the presidency -- to mix power and restraint in
a way that created a chief executive consistent with democratic
government. This Sunday, I will be in New York to join in the
ceremonies marking the 200th anniversary of Washington's
swearing-in. Each of those 200 years is lasting testimony to the
solid foundations laid by Washington.
I think of Teddy Roosevelt: his limitless energy, his
mental, moral and physical toughness. I think of his dedication
to serve his nation -- a dedication instilled in earliest
childhood -- his love of nature, his passion for reform.
I think of Harry Truman: a man who spoke his mind, a
practical man, problem-solver. A fighter who never gave up -- I
learned that the hard way in 1948, when I put $10 bucks on Tom
Dewey.
3
There's Ike, Dwight Eisenhower: hero to a generation, a man
who didn't seek the spotlight, who understood the value of quiet,
steady leadership, and led this nation through a decade of
growth, prosperity and progress.
And of course I think of the man I served for eight years,
Ronald Reagan -- his commitment to his beliefs, his great faith
in the American people -- and the unshakeable optimism he brought
to the job. The opportunities open to us today were made
possible by the peace and prosperity Ronald Reagan left as his
legacy.
We used to hear a lot about the presidency being too big for
one man. That talk stopped with Ronald Reagan.
Different men, different methods, different circumstances:
proof --- as I see it -- that the presidency is ample enough to
accomodate the strengths and styles of our nation's rich
political history.
In the past three months, these thoughts have framed my own
approach, in dealing with the pressing problems that confront us
-- some of them decades in the making -- and working to put the
United States on a steady course for the decade ahead and the
new century beyond it.
The first step in every initiative I've undertaken is to
square our actions with enduring American principles. Whatever
the problem, we can count on public support -- so long as our
policy and principles share a common root.
Those principles are:
4
Freedom: for individuals, freedom of choice; for nations,
self-determination and democracy.
Fairness: equal standards, equal opportunity -- a chance
for each of us to achieve, and make our way, on our own merits.
Strength: in international affairs, strength our allies can
count on, and our adversaries must respect. And at home,
strength and a sense of self-confidence in carrying forward our
nation's work.
Excellence -- as the underlying goal in the collective
efforts we undertake, and accountability for the work we do.
And in the workings of government, a firm sense of the
responsibilities and powers of government -- and the private
sphere that lies beyond its limits.
My starting point has been a respect for American
institutions -- for Congress, for the dedicated civil servants of
the executive branch, for state and local governments -- and a
firm belief in the powers of the presidency. Each has its role,
each can be enlisted in the work at hand. The emphasis is on
cooperation -- not confrontation -- as the surest route to
progress.
When I took office, I told the Congress that the American
people hadn't sent us to Washington to bicker. They sent us to
govern -- to work together to solve the urgent problems that
confront us, and to shape the long-term strategies to ensure
peace and prosperity in the future.
5
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of tough, principled negotiations between
this Administration and the Congress.
The bipartisan budget agreement we worked out ten days ago
is a key example. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on target
with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge intact -- is
a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit problem, and
keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of expanding,
uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And of course there is the accord we reached on Central
America. The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with
freedom. The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and
standing behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
Actionto
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected -- and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
be punished to the fullest extent of the law.
S+L INERT HERE
Action: We've introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
6
month will uphold honesty and integrity in government service --
and apply an even-handed ethics standard across all branches of
government.
Action) In the war on drugs, Where we're advancing on all fronts
-- education, treatment, interdiction and tougher law
enforcement.
And to prove we're serious,
the anti-drug effort
will receive almost one billion dollars in additional funding in
1990 -- a 21% increase \ over what we'll spend in 1989.
(certain
We've imposed a temporary ban on the import of automatic
rifles
military assault weapons, weapons all too often used in drug
related-killings. And we're tackling the drug epidemic in the
District of Columbia, a test case for a full range of innovative
anti-drug measures.
Of course, dealing with problems that demand immediate
attention is only part of the picture. We need to look to the
long-term as well -- to focus now on the kind of future we want
to see for ourselves and our nation. Investing in that future is
high on our national agenda.
First and foremost, that means improving education.
Investing in the rising generation is long-range planning at its
best. Our future in this technological age depends upon the
qualities and capabilities of the American worker -- and not just
the most talented among us, but each individual member of the
workforce.
rane al education reform)
The seven-point plan I sent to Congress early this month
will help us reward excellence in our schools, reach out to
7
students most in need, increase choice, and introduce a healthy
element of competition and accountability that will promote
quality in our schools.
a kinder, gentler I've spoken of,
Preparing for the future means helping Americans cope with
the changing nature of society -- helping fundamental
institutions like the family remain strong and prosper. That's
the guiding aim of my child care initiatives, a tax credit
proposal designed to expand the options of low-income families --
keeping the ultimate choice of who will care for their children
in their hands.
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right
to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us. " Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
8
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
oversight of
steps to ensure a strong federal role in the clean-up effort, and
to explore ways to prevent such spills in the future.
Finally, in the international arena, I've met with the
leaders of 34 nations -- renewing my acquaintance with many of
them, establishing a working relationship with the others.
would tion 3rd
I've also ordered my national security team to conduct a series
of systematic defense and foreign policy reviews. Those reviews
-- now nearly complete -- will help us map strategy in an
international environment where change is more rapid than at any
point in the post-war period.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
follow-through on the free elections promised by the Polish
Government. Freedom is proving a powerful force in world affairs
-- a force for peace and stability.
The United States must seize opportunities to strengthen and
support developments that advance the cause of freedom -- and we
will.
We've made a good start these first three months, and
there's more to come. The completion of our defense and foreign
policy reviews in late May, draft legislation for a new Clean Air
steps to reduce the crimeral of five
Act, a final decision on assault weapons, and new initiatives to
combat the problem of homelessness in America -- all are on the
near horizon.
a new strategy to cerb the increased use of
/ethal weapons by drug dealers and other Generals
9
You know, some of my toughest critics aren't members of the
media -- quite often, they're the children who write to me at the
White House.
I want to share with you a letter from a young man -- an
eighth grader from Torrance, California. He wrote asking me to
take action on pollution, toxic waste, smog, littering -- a very
detailed list of environmental concerns.
He says in his letter: "I am not saying you're doing a bad
job, but could you put a little more effort into it?"
Now, I want you to know when that letter was written:
January 20, 1989 -- inauguration day.
I don't know whether I've managed to satisfy the young man
who wrote that letter, but I can say I got his message. Whatever
the issue, we need to get down to business -- find solutions,
make progress. ment A
There's a running debate on what it takes to move a nation
forward. Some say it's ideology that matters. Some say it's a
question of competence. Others say that issues are "the
issue"
But the fact is, what it takes to move a nation can't be
captured in one word.
It's a matter of principles -- and performance
Ideology -- and action on the issues.
This Administration understands that the American people
expect all of these -- and something more.
10
They expect results.
So while I'm pleased with all we've accomplished in these
three months, there's a long road ahead of us. I'm optimistic --
that our reforms will produce lasting results; that the long-
range planning we do today will pay off in the future. But most
of all, this nation is ready to move forward to meet the central
challenges we face: keeping America free, prosperous and at
peace, tomorrow, and into the century ahead.
5
I think the work we've done these past three months
demonstrates the value of tough, principled negotiations between
this Administration and the Congress.
The bipartisan budget agreement we worked out ten days ago
is a key example. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on target
with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge intact -- is
a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit problem, and
keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of expanding,
uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And of course there is the accord we reached on Central
America. The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with
freedom. The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and
standing behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
StL. reform bill,
To stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system. The
reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and put
the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My plan
guarantees that depositors will be fully protected -- and ensures
that those S&L officials found guilty of criminal behavior will
proneptly, and pass this with its central provesions intact.
be punished to the fullest extent of the law. Last week I was presed
Action: We've introduced guidelines to strengthen ethics in
S+L
government. The ethics reforms I've sent to Capitol Hill this
the Senate came out stroms for
Sth reform. ange the House to more
5
The bipartisan budget agreement we worked out ten days ago
is a key example. That agreement -- ahead of schedule, on target
with Gramm-Rudman, and with my "no new taxes" pledge intact -- is
a strong first step towards dealing with the deficit problem, and
keeping our economy -- 76 straight months of expanding,
uninterrupted growth -- on track.
And of course there is the accord we reached on Central
America. The people of Nicaragua -- like their neighbors in the
region, like people everywhere -- deserve to live in peace, with
freedom. The United States is now speaking with one voice -- and
standing behind a plan that will put the Sandinistas to the test.
And in three short months, we've made a good start coming to
grips with issues demanding urgent attention -- and decisive
action.
And we've taken that action:
Action to stabilize the troubled Savings and Loan system.
The reform plan I sent to Congress will restore stability, and
put the S&L system back on its feet, in sound fiscal order. My
plan guarantees that depositors will be fully protected. The S&L
system must be reformed, so that the questionable practices and
outright illegalities that caused the crisis will not happen
again -- and those S&L officials found guilty of criminal actions
will be punished for the losses they have caused.
Last week, I was pleased to see the Senate came out strong
to act
for reform. I urge the House promptly, and pass this S&L reform
N
bill with its central provisions intact.
7
The seven-point program of education reform I sent to
Congress early this month will help us reward excellence in our
schools, reach out to students most in need, increase choice, and
introduce a healthy element of competition and accountability
that will promote quality in our schools.
Preparing for the kinder, gentler future, I've spoken of,
means helping Americans cope with the changing nature of society
-- helping fundamental institutions like the family remain strong
and prosper. That's the guiding aim of my child care
initiatives, a tax credit proposal designed to expand the options
of low-income families --keeping the ultimate choice of who will
care for their children in their hands.
Preparing for the future means protecting our environment.
Teddy Roosevelt put it best when he said: "I do not recognize
the right to rob, by wasteful use, the generations that come
after us." Roosevelt spoke those words almost eighty years ago.
Now, little more than a decade away from the 21st Century,
safeguarding our environment is a national -- and international -
- imperative.
We've taken the first, important steps: we've urged
Congress to enact legislation enabling us to ban export of
hazardous wastes to nations where safe handling of those
dangerous substances cannot be guaranteed. And in response to
growing concern about global warming, we've committed the U.S. to
work in concert with other nations to end the discharge of CFCs
into the atmosphere by the year 2000.
8
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in oversight of the clean-
up effort, and to explore ways to prevent such spills in the
future.
Finally, we have launched an initiative to strengthen the
international strategy on third world debt, which has already
received broad international support from both industrialized and
developing countries.
We have examined and I have made decisions on U.S. strategy
for Afghanistan, Poland, Central America and other problems and
opportunities needing prompt attention. Within a few weeks
nearly all of the far reaching and systematic defense and foreign
policy reviews will be complete. I already have made some
decisions, others, including on arms control, will be forthcoming
soon.
We are mapping strategies for a period of remarkable change
in international affairs -- change more wide-ranging and rapid
than at any time in the post-war period. While we will lead we
also intend to consult and listen -- to our friends abroad and to
the Congress. I've met with the leaders of 34. nations --
renewing my acquaintance with many of them, establishing a
working relationship with the others. As with the bipartisan
agreement on Nicaragua, I will work closely with the Congress.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
8
And in the case of the Alaskan oil spill, we have taken
steps to ensure a strong federal role in oversight of the clean-
up effort, and to explore ways to prevent such spills in the
future.
Finally, we have launched an initiative to strengthen the
international strategy on third world debt, which has already
received broad international support from both industrialized and
developing countries.
We have examined and I have made decisions on U.S. strategy
for Afghanistan, Poland, Central America and other problems and
opportunities needing prompt attention. Within a few weeks
nearly all of the far reaching and systematic defense and foreign
policy reviews will be complete. I already have made some
decisions. Others, including on arms control, will be
forthcoming soon.
We are mapping strategies for a period of remarkable change
in international affairs -- change more wide-ranging and rapid
than at any time in the post-war period. While we will lead we
also intend to consult and listen -- to our friends abroad and to
the Congress. I've met with the leaders of 34 nations --
renewing my acquaintance with many of them, establishing a
working relationship with the others. As with the bipartisan
agreement on Nicaragua, I will work closely with the Congress.
Last Monday, we announced a new policy towards Poland, in
recognition of the positive changes taking place there. We'll be
watching events in Poland closely: the fate of Solidarity, the
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 20, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
Bip
949
From:
Roger Porter
Jim Pinkerton
Re:
Drafts of Building A Better America, Publishers,
Bismarck, Ford Aerospace
Building A Better America
No comments.
Publishers
This draft could benefit from using the principles and
themes outlined in the Building A Better America book released
last 2/9.
1,4,1
"taken some tough shots" is too self-conscious and some
may interpret as thin-skinned. We'd omit.
3,8,1
We could identify four, and possibly five,
themes/principles: "Freedom" on page three, graf eight;
"Fairness" on page four, graf one; "quiet negotiations" on page
four, graf five; "focusing now on the kind of future we want "
on page six, graf two; and "map[ping] strategy in an
international environment where change is more rapid " on page
seven, graf four.
The principles laid out here are fine, but the structure is
confusing. We can't tell whether the subsequent list of
initiatives comes under the rubric of "fairness" or "quiet
negotiations.' Again, this could benefit from the tight
structure of Building A Better America.
Furthermore, it seems as if we are hinting at a third
principle later on page six, graf two, where we say "focus now on
the kind of future we want Investing in the future is a
good, serviceable theme that accurately organizes a host of the
President's initiatives.
(more)
2-2-2
5,4,2
"The reform plan I sent to Congress We should
consider applauding the Senate for passing the plan.
6,2,2 Again, the President's refrain on the future is a good
one and we should stick to it: "Investing in the future".
6,3,1
We should not pass up the opportunity to describe the
President's education initiatives for what they are: a program
of education reform.
6,4,1
Good recitation of the education principles. When
speaking of choice, however, we should always say "parental
choice" to be clearer and avoid the obvious confusion with the
abortion issue.
9,2,2
We like the idea expressed in this paragraph and
suggest strenghtening it by the line from the President's
Announcement Speech (Oct. 12, 1987) I am a practical man;
I
A
like what's real. I'm not much for the airy and abstract.
I
like what works.
AS I'VE SAID before,
Bismarck
A good speech. We particularly like the Teddy Roosevelt
Arbor Day quote on page 2 which is very apt for the occasion.
Ford Aerospace
2,3,2
"Government's role is to harness " sounds too
restrictive. We'd suggest something that conveys the opposite
image, like "unharness" or "unleash" or "remove the barriers,"
especially since we are talking about cutting capital gains and
cutting the deficit. Entrepreneurs don't want to hear about the
government harnessing anything.
To the extent that government should harness anything, we
should harness the national energy and creativity of the American
people on behalf of the poorest and the most needy, to protect
the environment, etc.
2,4,2
Instead of "For every dollar of interest debt we
eliminate... we prefer: "For every dollar the government does
not have to borrow there is more capital available for
investment."
(more)
3-3-3
3,2
Since we are in Silicon Valley, it makes sense to
explicitly refer to the role of high-tech in creating the 20
million new jobs and the fact that the Steiger Amendment cutting
capital gains made many of the existing jobs and companies
possible. We should have some language that starts off with
"Right here in Silicon Valley " and ties it in with job
creation and the capital gains cut.
4,5,2
"That is why I have asked Congress for an increase of
$2.4 billion for the Space Program. " This should read "NASA"
instead of "Space Program.' "
7,3
Purely by way of suggestion, we recall that during the
campaign the President frequently said: "Technological
advancement has always been at the heart of our nation's pioneer
spirit, pushing the boundaries of our knowledge, creating
economic opportunity and increasing our standard of living." "
#
CC: Bill Roper
Brad Mitchell
John Gardner