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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
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Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
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Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
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Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
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Texas A&M [University], 5/12/89
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26
15
7
2
free
IS
need dis uss Brent with T Dave have
before
Not hoppy with the
but zone thought
I think we need a Noonansm or two more
Pewrhaps we can salute the Soviet people a little --- klet me rampble
here:
In almost every conversation I have had with high Soviet officials
they mention the horrible losses they suffered in WW II
million men dead, acountry invaded- but never humbled.
Informe 1
We can identify with the fierce patriotism and pride of the Soviet
people themselves.
Then not os long ago there was Yerevan. We saw that terrible tragedy
in human terms
My own son, went to Yerevan with our
12 year old grrandson
and there he talked to the people and saw
the kids and at the end of the long emotianlly draining day he wept.
Those tears daid to the people, to the men and women and especially to
the children we care, we care deeply Can't we now find away
given the new leadership in theKremlin to build on the good will
that we feel towrad the people. Can't we conivince the
new leaders that they have nothing to fear from the u.S.
I stand ready to hold out my hand, ourh ands to the people of
the Soviet Union
A+M
MORE SOLDIER
THE PRESIDENT HAS SEEN
Davis/Martin/Rice
Title: Aggie4
May 9, 1989/6.30 p.m.
Version: FIVE
seven
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: "BEYOND CONTAINMENT"
TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. I am delighted to be back among my fellow Texans
and friends. ((And for those of you who are Democrats, there is
1
no truth to the rumor that Phil Gramm and I are ready to take our
Elephant Walk
NOT is there any truth.ru the Fumor that
Reveille and Mille are first cousins ))
My sincerest congratulations go to every graduate, and to
your parents. In this ceremony, we celebrate nothing less than
the commencement of the rest, and the best, of your life
Whatever you do, whatever you become, your dreams and destiny are
now in your hands.
When you look back to your days at Texas A&M, you will have
a lot to be proud of -- a university that is first in baseball
and first in service to our nation. Many are the names of
heroes called in Muster in the foxholes of France, and on
Corregidor. They are with us today in the spirit of Silver Taps.
And they are all heroes
TEXAS horoes,
2
We are reminded that no generation can escape history. I
came of age in mid-century, when America helped to win a war and
a
rebuild the world. I, along with your parents and grandparents,
postwar
009
Revelue
natims
witnessed the drama of a world tern by war, then divided by
Soviet subversion and force, but sustained by an Allied response
most vividly seen in the Berlin Airlift. Wise men
Truman
and Eisenhower, Vandenberg and Rayburn
Marshall, Acheson and
Kennan, crafted the strategy of containment. They believed that
the Soviet Union, denied the easy course of external expansion,
would ultimately have to face up to the contradictions of its
inefficient, repressive and inhumane system. And they were
right.
The strategy of containment arose out of the ruins of a
shattered continent, as the possibility of postwar cooperation
with the Soviet Union disappeared. It was validated by the stark
recognition of the threat posed by a totalitarian and
expansionist state with dominant military power. )))
Today, we are entering a new age because containment worked.
It has been no mere propaganda victory. It worked because our
democratic principles, values and institutions are sound. It
worked because our alliances are united; and because the
Societics
superiority of free peoples and free markets over stagnant
socialism is a truth that can no longer be credibly denied.
3
We approach the conclusion of a historic postwar struggle
between two visions Sto-- one of conflict and ideological
conquest, and one of an international order composed A peaceful of free and ASSOCIATION fuel of
prosperous states. to The wise policies of the past enable us to
stand at the threshold of winning this struggle. The review of
MYAD'S hAS
outlines
U.S. -Soviet relations that we have just completed shows that we
can now embark on an agenda more ambitious than any of my
( dreamt )
predecessors might have ever dreamed in the dark days of the
AND
Berlin Blockade, the struggle against aggression in Korea, the
Soviet invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia or Afghanistan.
Forty years of perseverance has brought us a precious
(DOCTRINE)
opportunity. We can now contemplate moving beyond containment
we CAN MOVE to A new CRA. LET IT BE AN ERA of BECONCILIATION
malu wore laugues
integrate the Soviet Union into the world family of nations.
need
Provate
H(as a productive, rather than a destructivo, member. M
catchy phan
The Soviet Union is - saying it seeks to make peace with
the international order, and has criticized its own postwar
policies. These are words we can only applaud. But a new
relationship can not be simply declared by Moscow, or bestowed by
others. It must be earned through the demilitarization of Soviet
foreign policy, and reinforced by behavior consistent with the
principles of the U.N. charter subscribed to by the Soviets in
1945, and repeatedly violated in decades since.
we can move to
we
E
4
The Soviet Union has before signaled
a desire for a more
V
9
cooperative relationship, only to reverse course and return to
Seasons of thow
militarism
in the 1920s, the fifties and the seventies
fallowed
baswen
af-colar
Souret
foreign
policy
Almost
SeASONAL
-
thew before culd,
We hope perestroika is pointing the Soviet Union to a break
this cycles
with the practices of the past -- a definitive break. Who would
?
have thought we would see the deliberations of the Central
Committee on the front page of Pravda, or dissident experted Andrei
electronicanic
or
Sakharov seated near the councils of power? These are hopeful
indeed, remarkable -- signs, and let no one doubt our sincere
desire to see perestroika succeed. But the national security of
based on realism, on deeds. Therefore, we look for nothing less
new and, of of the ye
his
America and our allies is not predicated on hope. It must be
to sidiwal
than permanent changes in Soviet behavior, and the restructuring
mosca
of its military forces. We look for guarantees that economic and
political changes we now see will become enduring and difficult
to reverse.
If we hope to move beyond containment, we are now only at
the beginning of the path toward the reconciliation of the Soviet
Union with the West 111, international system, a system grounded
in the Western tradition of openness, freedom and self
determination. 111 Many dangers and uncertainties lie ahead. We
must not forget that the Soviet Union has acquired awesome
military capabilities. That was a fact of life for my
5
predecessors. And that is a fact of life for me
and for
our allies.
As we seek peace, we must also remain strong. We will not
abandon the policy of deterrence. The purpose of our military
,
might is not to pressure a weak Soviet economy, or to seek
It isto deten war.
military superiority. It is to defend ourselves and our allies -
to convince the Soviet Union that there can be no reward in
AND mow
pursuing expansionism.
and in fact, quite the contrary.
00
LGT me shonew/ you
Western policies must be designed to encourage the evolution
of the Soviet Union toward democracy
This task will require of
my
one of A better
us strength, patience and vision
vision) to see what kind of
0
Myvision
world we could create, for you and your loved ones. A I see a
Western Hemisphere of democratic, prosperous nations, no longer
threatened by a Cuba or a Nicaragua armed by Moscow. I see a
Soviet Union that contributes to moving the Middle East toward
peace, not confrontation; and pulls away from ties to terrorist
nations -- like Libya, like Iran that threaten the legitimate
security of their neighbors. I see the Soviet Union returning
the Northern Territories of Japan, to undo an historic wrong; a
Brenty
prelude to the day when all the great nations of Asia will live
need
in harmony.
cui
1
we
But to fulfill this vision, the Soviet Union must follow a
clear path, including:
??
I see a soviet
cluion respecting
China's integrity-
moving towards
improved relations
them - but relations
butt on nutual
respect not on
the subsenvan
of ther not sodistant
part
6
WARSAWPACT PACT
FIRST: Reduction of Soviet forces. The Soviets possess
ART
(number) more tanks, (number) more submarines and (number) more
primed troop cannis m Eurorad hall at leagt
missiles than United States or NATO) They should cut their
(than NATO
forces to less threatening levels, in proportion to their
legitimate security needs.
Junet Mended 5697
SECOND: Renunciation of the principle that class conflict
is an inevitable source of international tension.
THIRD: Adherence to the Soviet obligation -- promised in
the final days of World War Two -- to permit self-determination
for all the nations of Eastern and Central Europe.
FOURTH: An authoritative renunciation of the long-standing
policy known as "The Brezhnev Doctrine," the excuse by which the
Soviets have enforced their system on states struggling to free
themselves from its stifling embrace.
FIFTH: Work with the West in positive, practical -- not
merely rhetorical -- steps toward diplomatic solutions to
regional disputes around the world. I welcome the Soviet
withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Angola agreement. But the
United States and the Soviet Union together can do more, much
more, to settle disputes around the world. of are ready
to work with Mr. Gonbacked towards this end.
7
SIXTH: Achieve a lasting political pluralism and respect
for human rights. I recognize that dramatic events have occurred
in Moscow: limited, but freely contested, elections; a greater
toleration of dissent; a frankness about the Stalin era. And I
applaud them for that. But our hopes for a more cooperative
relationship ultimately rest on democratization and
institutionalization of the rule of law in the Soviet Union
itself.
SEVENTH: Join with us in addressing pressing global
problems, including the international drug menace, and dangers to
the environment.
muts
As the Soviet Union creates the conditions for
reconciliation, it will find willing partners in the West. We
seek verifiable, stabilizing arms-control agreements with the
Soviet Union and its allies. But arms control is not an end in
itself. We also seek arms-control measures that are consistent
with our overall national security strategy.
To there ends.)
To this end), I directed Secretary Baker to propose to the
Soviets that we resume negotiations on strategic forces and
nuclear testing in June. I am pleased to announce that the
Soviets have agreed. Strategic arms negotiations will resume in
Geneva the week of June, 19; nuclear testing negotiations the
following week.
8
Our basic approach is clear. In the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks, we wish to reduce the risk of nuclear war. In
the companion Defense and Space Talks, our objective will be to
preserve our options to deploy advanced defenses should they
prove feasible. In nuclear testing we will continue to seek the
necessary verification improvements in existing treaties to
permit them to be brought into force. We will continue to seek a
verifiable global ban on chemical weapons. We support NATO
efforts to reduce the Soviet offensive threat in the negotiations
on Conventional Forces in Europe.
We will not seek agreements for the sake of agreements
brackets
We will not compromise our basic principles. But if the Soviets
take a constructive approach, we can move together to a safer
more stable world. )))
Simple openness must be an essential principle of this
transforming relationship. It has always been the guiding
principle of the democracies, and we are pleased that the Soviet
Union now says it seeks a new era of openness. And make no
mistake, a new breeze is blowing across the steppes and cities of
the Soviet Union.
Why not let this spirit of openness grow, let more barriers
come down. Open emigration, open debate, open airwaves
Let
Internal
maybe?
9
openness come to mean the publication and sale of ( (Darkness at
Noon?) ) in the Soviet Union. Let it come to mean the sale of
The Inten. Herald - Frilune
newspapers -- like Le Monde, like The New York Times -- on
newsstands in Moscow, as in every other major capital in geout Europe.
Othis
Let the ((number)) mumbe) of Soviet % Jews who emigrate be followed by
year
((1XX,000)) more A Let openness come to mean nothing less than
next year.
the free exchange of people, books and ideas between East and
West. And let it come to mean one more thing
Thirty-four years ago, President Eisenhower met in Geneva
with Soviet leaders who, after the death of Stalin, promised a
new approach toward the West. He proposed then a plan called
"Open Skies," which would allow unarmed aircraft from the United
States and the Soviet Union to fly over the territory of the
other country. This would open up military activities to
constant scrutiny and, as President Eisenhower put it, "convince
the world that we are
lessening danger and relaxing
tension."
President Eisenhower's suggestion tested Soviet readiness to
open their society. The Kremlin failed that test. I now renew
the proposal, but on a broader, more intrusive and radical basis.
I invite not only the Soviet Union, but also Moscow's allies
in the Warsaw Pact, and our allies in the North Atlantic
Alliance, to agree to open their skies and provide needed support
10
facilities for the frequent conduct of unarmed aerial inspection
flights over their territory by planes from the other side. We
suggest that those countries that wish to accept this invitation
meet soon to work out the necessary technical details.
Such flights, in unison with satellites, would provide
constant scrutiny for both sides. And such unprecedented
territorial access would show the world the meaning of the
Western concept of openness -- a concept as central to Western
values today as it was in President Eisenhower's time. The very
Soviet willingness to embrace such a concept would reveal much of
the Soviet commitment to a fundamentally different relationship.
If the Soviet Union joins us in a more cooperative
we will joinin prondoning 860, ties
relationship, then our economic ties will surely broaden.
American invostment and commerce will grow if the Soviets-create
a domestic environment more congenial to free enterprise
But
Until now, economic relations have been stifled by Soviet
internal policies. They have also been injured by Moscow's
practice of using the cloak of commerce to steal technology from
the West. Ending discriminatory treatment of U.S. firms would be
we have
a helpful step. Trade and financial transactions should take
place on a normal commercial basis without subsidies, And
justidiad
wheat
should the Soviet Union codify its emigration laws in accord with
sale
international standards and implement its new laws faithfully, I
77
11
am prepared to work with Congress on a temporary waiver of the
giving the S.U. Most Trade Famoito
Jackson-Vanik amendment, and to seek the repeal of the Stevenson
which limit credits for U.S. exports to S.U,
amendments, giving the Soviet Union Most Favored Nation status in
our trade relations. C chapean)
0
Today you graduate.
be
You are at the beginning of a new journey -- a journey
carrety
the next certing.
toward
The day must come when the two halves of
excession
Europe are reconciled and united, when Europeans can drive from
when then is mo Budin wall
Moscow to the Normandy coast without seeing a single guard tower,
or a single strand of barbed wire. The day must come when the
Borlin Wall comes down, when the voices of all Europeans can be
heard in free elections, The day must come throughout the world
when the first instinct is to settle regional disputes by
discussion, not by violence.
<YERVAN
(Many quote Winston Churchill, who called the Soviet Union
"a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." As perestroika
and glasnost progress, we hope that these words will come to
describe only the Soviet Union of the distant past. But much
depends on the Soviet Union and its willingness to engage our
challenge. This is the time to remember the rest of what
Churchill said. "The key" to the Soviet Union, said Churchill,
is its "national interest." We hope to convince the leadership
of the Soviet Union that it is in their national interest to
reconcile their system to the international community
12
or cut -- (((I recognize the extraordinarily ambitious
character of our new objective of moving beyond containment. Our
challenge is unique. We must retain the strength and
determination that has kept the world at peace for a near half-
century But we must also be bold and imaginative. We must
balance risk and opportunity, discretion and daring. To succeed,
we only need the unity of the American people, a renewed
bipartisan spirit and close cooperation between allies -- in
short, the courage and goodwill of free peoples. )))
Forty-three years ago, a young Lieutenant by the name of
Albert Kotzebue, class of 1945 at Texas A&M ((
in the true
Aggie spirit
)) was the first American soldier to shake
hands with the Soviets at the banks of the Elbe River. Once
again, it is a time for peace. Once again, we extend our hand
across the Elbe. We do this for you.
I am a man of this century. But the next century is yours,
another American century in which you and your children can know
a better world. Thank you for inviting me to Texas A&M, and I
wish you the very best in the years to come.
#
#
#
#612
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(College Station, Texas)
For Immediate Release
May 12, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY
G. Rollie White Coliseum
College Station, Texas
3:05 P.M. CDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very, very much. Thank you,
Governor. Thank you all very much for that welcome. Good luck.
Good luck to you. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you all.
Chairman McKenzie and Dr. Adkisson and Dr. Mobley. Thank you for
having me here. And to the Singing Cadets, thank you for that very
special treat. And to my Secretary of Commerce, Bob Mosbacher -- I'm
delighted that he's with me today.
I want to pay my special respects to our Governor, Bill
Clements; to your Congressman from this district, Joe Barton; and
then, of course, to Senator Phil Gramm. He said he taught economics
here and in Congress. It's hard to be humble. But nevertheless --
(laughter) -- the point is the guy's telling the truth, an we are
grateful to him every day for his leadership up there in Washington
as we are -- (applause) -- as we are for Joe Barton as well.
(Applause.) So we've got a good combination -- Phil Gramm in the
Senate, and today Joe Barton in the United States Congress -- a
wonderful combination, with these Aggie values in the forefront.
I was brought here today by an Aggie, and I brought him
here to this marvelous ceremony with me. He was mentioned by
Congressman Barton, but I would like to ask the pilot of Air Force
One, Lieutenant Colonel Dan Barr, to stand up so you can see another
Aggie all suited up, up there. (Applause.)
And you met my day-to-day inside Aggie, Fred McClure. We
work every minute of the day on matters affecting the legislative
interests of this country. But I won't reintroduce Fred.
But I am delighted to be back among my fellow Texans and
friends. And for those of you who are Democrats, there is no truth
to the rumor that Phil Gramm and I are ready to take our elephant
walk. (Applause.)
My sincerest congratulations go to every
graduate, and to your parents. In this ceremony, we celebrate
nothing less than the commencement of the rest, and the best, of your
life.
And when you look back at your days at Texas A & M, you
will have a lot to be proud of -- a university that is first in
baseball -- (applause) -- and first in service to our nation. Many
are the heroes whose names are called at muster. Many are those you
remember in Silver Taps.
We are reminded that no generation can escape history.
Parents -- we share a fervent desire for our children, and their
children, to know a better world, a safer world. And students --
your parents and grandparents have lived through a world war, and
helped America to rebuild the world. They witnessed the drama of
postwar nations divided by Soviet subversion and force, but sustained
- 2 -
by an Allied response most vividly seen in the Berlin Airlift.
And today, I would like to use this joyous and solemn
occasion to speak to you and to the rest of the country about our
relations with the Soviet Union. It is fitting that these remarks be
made here at Texas A&M University.
Wise men -- Truman and Eisenhower, Vandenberg and Rayburn
-- Marshall, Acheson and Kennan -- crafted the strategy of
containment. They believed that the Soviet Union, denied the easy
course of expansion, would turn inward and address the contradictions
of its inefficient, repressive and inhumane system. And they were
right. The Soviet Union is now publicly facing this hard reality.
Containment worked -- containment worked because our democratic
principles and institutions and values are sound and always have
been. It worked because our alliances were, and are strong, and
because the superiority of free societies and free markets over
stagnant socialism is undeniable.
We are approaching the conclusion of an historic postwar
struggle between two visions: one of tyranny and conflict, and one
of democracy and freedom. The review of U.S.-Soviet relations that
my administration has just completed outlines a new path toward
resolving this struggle. Our goal is bold, more ambitious than any
of my predecessors could have thought possible. Our review indicates
that 40 years of perseverance have brought us a precious opportunity.
And now, it is time to move beyond containment to a new policy for
the 1990s -- one that recognizes the full scope of change taking
place around the world and in the Soviet Union itself.
In sum, the United States now has as its goal much more
than simply containing Soviet expansionism. We seek the integration
of the Soviet Union into the community of nations. And as the Soviet
Union itself moves toward greater openness and democratization, as
they meet the challenge of responsible international behavior, we
will match their steps with steps of our own. Ultimately, our
objective is to welcome the Soviet Union back into the world order.
The Soviet Union says that it seeks to make peace with
the world, and criticizes its own postwar policies. These are words
that we can only applaud. But a new relationship cannot simply be
declared by Moscow, or bestowed by others. It must be earned. It
must be earned because promises are never enough. The Soviet Union
has promised a more cooperative relationship before, only to reverse
course and return to militarism. Soviet foreign policy has been
almost seasonal warmth before cold, thaw before freeze. We seek
a friendship that knows no season of suspicion, no chill of distrust.
We hope perestroika is pointing the Soviet Union to a
break with the cycles of the past -- a definitive break. Who would
have thought that we would see the deliberations of the Central
Committee on the front page of Pravda, or dissident Andrei Sakharov
seated near the councils of power? Who would have imagined a Soviet
leader who canvasses the sidewalks of Moscow and also Washington,
D.C.? These are hopeful indeed, remarkable -- signs. And let no
one doubt our sincere desire to see perestroika, this reform,
continue and succeed. But the national security of America and our
allies is not predicated on hope. It must be based on deeds. And we
look for enduring, ingrained economic and political change.
While we hope to move beyond containment, we are only at
the beginning of our new path. Many dangers and uncertainties are
ahead. We must not forget that the Soviet Union has acquired awesome
military capabilities. That was a fact of life for my predecessors,
and that's always been a fact of life for our alllies. And that is a
fact of life for me today as President of the United States.
As we seek peace, we must also remain strong. The
purpose of our military might is not to pressure a weak Soviet
economy, or to seek military superiority. It is to deter war. It is
- 3 -
to defend ourselves and our allies, and to do something more -- to
convince the Soviet Union that there can be no reward in pursuing
expansionism, to convince the Soviet Union that reward lies in the
pursuit of peace.
Western policies must encourage the evolution of the
Soviet Union toward an open society. This task will test our
strength. It will tax our patience. And it will require a sweeping
vision. Let me share with you my vision. I see a Western Hemisphere
of democratic, prosperous nations, no longer threatened by a Cuba or
a Nicaragua armed by Moscow. I see a Soviet Union as it pulls away
from ties to terrorist nations like Libya, that threaten the
legitimate security of their neighbors. I see a Soviet Union which
respects China's integrity, and returns the Northern Territories to
Japan; a prelude to the day when all the great nations of Asia will
live in harmony.
But the fulfillment of this vision requires the Soviet
Union to take positive steps, including:
First, reduce Soviet forces. Although some small steps
have already been taken, the Warsaw Pact still possesses more than
30,000 tanks, more than twice as much artillery and hundreds of
thousands more troops in Europe than NATO. They should cut their
forces to less threatening levels, in proportion to their legitimate
security needs.
Second, adhere to the Soviet obligation, promised in the
final days of World War II, to support self-determination for all the
nations of Eastern Europe and Central Europe. And this requires
specific abandonment of the Brezhnev Doctrine. One day it should be
possible to drive from Moscow to Munich without seeing a single guard
tower or a strand of barbed wire. In short, tear down the Iron
Curtain. (Applause.)
And third, work with the West in positive, practical --
not merely rhetorical -- steps toward diplomatic solution to these
regional disputes around the world. I welcome the Soviet withdrawal
from Afghanistan and the Angola agreement. But there is much more to
be done around the world. We're ready. Let's roll up our sleeves
and get to work.
And fourth, achieve a lasting political pluralism and
respect for human rights. Dramatic events have already occurred in
Moscow. We are impressed by limited, but freely contested elections.
We are impressed by a greater toleration of dissent. We are
impressed by a new frankness about the Stalin era. Mr. Gorbachev,
don't stop now. (Applause.)
And fifth, join with us in addressing pressing global
problems, including the international drug menace and dangers to the
environment. We can build a better world for our children.
As the Soviet Union moves toward arms reduction and
reform, it will find willing partners in the West. We seek
verifiable, stabilizing arms control and arms reduction agreements
with the Soviet Union and its allies. However, arms control is not
an end in itself, but a means of contributing to the security of
America, and the peace of the world. I directed Secretary Baker to
propose to the Soviets that we resume negotiations on strategic
forces in June. And, as you know, the Soviet Union has agreed.
Our basic approach is clear. In the Strategic Arms
Reductions Talks, we wish to reduce the risk of nuclear war. And in
the companion defense and space talks, our objective will be to
preserve our options to deploy advanced defenses when they're ready.
In nuclear testing we will continue to seek the necessary
verification improvements in existing treaties to permit them to be
brought into force. And we're going to continue to seek a verifiable
global ban on chemical weapons. (Applause.) We support NATO efforts
- 4 -
to reduce the Soviet offensive threat in the negotiations on
conventional forces in Europe. And, as I've said, fundamental to all
of these objectives is simple openness.
Make no mistake, a new breeze is blowing across the
steppes and the cities of the Soviet Union. Why not, then, let this
spirit of openness grow; let more barriers come down. Open
emigration, open debate, open airwaves -- let openness come to mean
the publication and sale of banned books and newspapers in the Soviet
Union. Let the 19,000 Soviet Jews who emigrated last year be
followed by any number who wish to emigrate this year. And when
people apply for exit visas, let there be no harassment against them.
Let openness come to mean nothing less than the free exchange of
people and books and ideas between East and West. And let it come to
mean one thing more.
Thirty-four years ago, President Eisenhower met in Geneva
with Soviet leaders who, after the death of Stalin, promised a new
approach toward the West. He proposed a plan called "Open Skies,"
which would allow unarmed aircraft from the United States and the
Soviet Union to fly over the territory of the other country. This
would open up military activities to regular scrutiny and, as
President Eisenhower put it, "convince the world that we are
lessening danger and relaxing tension."
President Eisenhower's suggestion tested the Soviet
readiness to open their society. And the Kremlin failed that test.
Now let us again explore that proposal, but on a broader, more
intrusive and radical basis -- one which I hope would include allies
on both sides. We suggest that those countries that wish to examine
this proposal meet soon to work out the necessary operational
details, separately from other arms control negotiations. Such
surveillance flights, complementing satellites, would provide regular
scrutiny for both sides. Such unprecedented territorial access would
show the world the true meaning of the concept of openness. The very
Soviet willingness to embrace such a concept would reveal their
commitment to change.
Where there is cooperation, there can be a broader
economic relationship. But economic relations have been stifled by
Soviet internal policies. They've been injured by Moscow's practice
of using the cloak of commerce to steal technology from the West.
Ending discriminatory treatment of U.S. firms would be a helpful
step. Trade and financial transactions should take place on a normal
commercial basis.
And should the Soviet Union codify its emigration laws in
accord with international standards and implement its new laws
faithfully, I am prepared to work with Congress for a temporary
waiver of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, opening the way to extending
Most Favored Nation trade status to the Soviet Union. (Applause.)
After that last weighty point, I can just imagine what you were
thinking. It had to happen. Your last day in college had to end
with yet another political science lecture. (Laughter.)
In all seriousness, the policy I have just described has
everything to do with you. Today you graduate. You're going to
start careers and families. And you will become the leaders of
America in the next century. And what kind of world will you know?
Perhaps the world order of the future will truly be a family of
nations.
It's a sad truth that nothing forces us to recognize our
common humanity more swiftly than a natural disaster. I'm thinking,
of course, of Soviet Armenia just a few months ago -- a tragedy
without blame, warlike devastation without war.
Our son took our 12-year-old grandson to Yerevan. At the
end of the day of comforting the injured and consoling the bereaved,
the father and son went to church, sat down together in the midst of
MORE
- 5 -
the ruins and wept. How can our two countries magnify this simple
expression of caring? How can we convey the goodwill of our people?
Forty-three years ago, a young lieutenant by the name of
Albert Kotzebue, the class of 1945 at Texas A&M, was the first
American soldier to shake hands with the Soviets at the bank of the
Elbe River. Once again, we are ready to extend our hand. Once
again, we are ready for a hand in return. And once again, it is a
time for peace.
Thank you for inviting me to Texas A&M. I wish you the
very best in years to come. God bless you all. Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
END
3:28 P.M. CDT
2
We sent responsible proposals to Congress in four of
America's most critical areas: Capital gains. America's
Children. Clean Air. And Combatting crime.
In some cases, our proposals have been under consideration
with Congress for the better part of a year. And these four
bogged down
issues have become MIA'S Missing In Action in the jungles of
Capitol Hill.
The clock is running. America's patience is running out.
America wants it done right.
America wants it done responsibly.
And America wants it done now.
And if it's not done right -- it will be sent back.
That doesn't mean a fight. 11 But it does mean a veto. \\\
These four initiatives represent only part of the way in
which the events of 1989 will affect the coming year. We've seen
a lot of exhilarating changes in recent months that offer new
hope for world peace.
We like what's happening in Central Europe. But just as it
would have been impossible -- six months ago -- to predict those
thunderous changes, it's impossible today to know what will
unfold in the next six months -- let alone the next six years.
But in this world of change, one thing is certain: America
must be ready. America must be strong. And a strong America
means not only a strong economy. It also means a strong defense.
And if proof of that were ever needed -- we saw it last
month in the courage of our troops in Panama.
Chriss -
See changes on
pp Z-3 which
Dave and d
have agreed on.
If guestions, pls
call. Many thanks
I'm
REMARKS:
"BEYOND CONTAINMENT"
TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1989/2 P.M.
THANK YOU. I AM DELIGHTED TO BE BACK AMONG MY
FELLOW TEXANS AND FRIENDS. ((AND FOR THOSE OF YOU WHO
ARE DEMOCRATS, THERE IS NO TRUTH To THE RUMOR THAT PHIL
GRAMM AND I ARE READY TO TAKE OUR ELEPHANT WALK...))
- 2 -
My SINCEREST CONGRATULATIONS GO TO EVERY GRADUATE,
AND TO YOUR PARENTS. IN THIS CEREMONY, WE CELEBRATE
NOTHING LESS THAN THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REST, AND THE
BEST, OF YOUR LIFE
WHEN YOU LOOK BACK TO YOUR DAYS AT TEXAS A&M, YOU
WILL HAVE A LOT TO BE PROUD OF -- A UNIVERSITY THAT IS
FIRST IN BASEBALL
AND FIRST IN SERVICE TO OUR
NATION. MANY ARE THE HEROES WHOSE NAMES ARE CALLED AT
MUSTER.
- 3 -
MANY ARE THOSE YOU REMEMBER IN SILVER TAPS.
WE ARE REMINDED THAT NO GENERATION CAN ESCAPE
HISTORY. PARENTS -- WE SHARE A FERVENT DESIRE FOR OUR
CHILDREN, AND THEIR CHILDREN, TO KNOW A BETTER WORLD, A
SAFER WORLD. STUDENTS -- YOUR PARENTS AND GRANDPARENTS
HAVE LIVED THROUGH A WORLD WAR, AND HELPED AMERICA To
REBUILD THE WORLD.
- 4 -
THEY WITNESSED THE DRAMA OF POSTWAR NATIONS DIVIDED BY
SOVIET SUBVERSION AND FORCE, BUT SUSTAINED BY AN ALLIED
RESPONSE MOST VIVIDLY SEEN IN THE BERLIN AIRLIFT.
WISE MEN
TRUMAN AND EISENHOWER, VANDENBERG
AND RAYBURN.
MARSHALL, ACHESON AND KENNAN, CRAFTED
THE STRATEGY OF CONTAINMENT. THEY BELIEVED THAT THE
SOVIET UNION, DENIED THE EASY COURSE OF EXPANSION,
WOULD TURN INWARD AND ADDRESS THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ITS
INEFFICIENT, REPRESSIVE AND INHUMANE SYSTEM.
- 5 -
AND THEY WERE RIGHT. THE SOVIET UNION IS NOW PUBLICLY
FACING THIS HARD REALITY.
CONTAINMENT WORKED. CONTAINMENT WORKED BECAUSE OUR
DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES, INSTITUTIONS AND VALUES ARE
SOUND, AND ALWAYS HAVE BEEN. IT WORKED BECAUSE OUR
ALLIANCES WERE AND ARE STRONG; AND BECAUSE THE
SUPERIORITY OF FREE SOCIETIES AND FREE MARKETS OVER
STAGNANT SOCIALISM IS UNDENIABLE.
- 6 -
WE ARE APPROACHING THE CONCLUSION OF AN HISTORIC
POSTWAR STRUGGLE BETWEEN TWO VISIONS -- ONE OF TYRANNY
AND CONFLICT, AND ONE OF DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM. THE
REVIEW OF U.S.-SOVIET RELATIONS THAT MY ADMINISTRATION
HAS JUST COMPLETED OUTLINES A NEW PATH TOWARD RESOLVING
THIS STRUGGLE.
- 7 -
OUR GOAL IS BOLD -- MORE AMBITIOUS THAN ANY OF MY
PREDECESSORS MIGHT HAVE THOUGHT POSSIBLE. OUR REVIEW
INDICATES THAT FORTY YEARS OF PERSEVERANCE HAVE BROUGHT
US A PRECIOUS OPPORTUNITY. Now IT IS TIME To MOVE
BEYOND CONTAINMENT, TO A NEW POLICY FOR THE 1990s --
ONE THAT RECOGNIZES THE FULL SCOPE OF CHANGE TAKING
PLACE AROUND THE WORLD, AND IN THE SOVIET UNION ITSELF.
- 8 -
IN SUM, THE UNITED STATES NOW HAS AS ITS GOAL MUCH
MORE THAN SIMPLY CONTAINING SOVIET EXPANSIONISM -- WE
SEEK THE INTEGRATION OF THE SOVIET UNION INTO THE
COMMUNITY OF NATIONS. As THE SOVIET UNION MOVES TOWARD
GREATER OPENNESS AND DEMOCRATIZATION -- AS THEY MEET
THE CHALLENGE OF RESPONSIBLE INTERNATIONAL BEHAVIOR --
WE WILL MATCH THEIR STEPS WITH STEPS OF OUR OWN.
ULTIMATELY, OUR OBJECTIVE IS TO WELCOME THE SOVIET
UNION BACK INTO THE WORLD ORDER.
- 9 -
THE SOVIET UNION SAYS IT SEEKS TO MAKE PEACE WITH
THE WORLD, AND CRITICIZES ITS OWN POSTWAR POLICIES.
THESE ARE WORDS WE CAN ONLY APPLAUD. BUT A NEW
RELATIONSHIP CAN NOT BE SIMPLY DECLARED BY Moscow, OR
BESTOWED BY OTHERS. IT MUST BE EARNED.
IT MUST BE EARNED BECAUSE PROMISES ARE NEVER
ENOUGH. THE SOVIET UNION HAS PROMISED A MORE
COOPERATIVE RELATIONSHIP BEFORE, ONLY TO REVERSE COURSE
AND RETURN TO MILITARISM.
- 10 -
SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY HAS BEEN ALMOST SEASONAL --
WARMTH BEFORE COLD, THAW BEFORE FREEZE. WE SEEK A
FRIENDSHIP THAT KNOWS NO SEASON OF SUSPICION, NO CHILL
OF DISTRUST.
WE HOPE PERESTROIKA IS POINTING THE SOVIET UNION TO
A BREAK WITH THE CYCLES OF THE PAST -- A DEFINITIVE
BREAK.
- 11 -
WHO WOULD HAVE THOUGHT WE WOULD SEE THE DELIBERATIONS
OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE ON THE FRONT PAGE OF PRAVDA,
OR DISSIDENT ANDREI SAKHAROV SEATED NEAR THE COUNCILS
OF POWER? WHO WOULD HAVE IMAGINED A SOVIET LEADER WHO
CANVASSES THE SIDEWALKS OF Moscow AND WASHINGTON, D.C.?
THESE ARE HOPEFUL -- INDEED, REMARKABLE --SIGNS. LET
NO ONE DOUBT OUR SINCERE DESIRE TO SEE PERESTROIKA
CONTINUE AND SUCCEED. BUT THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF
AMERICA AND OUR ALLIES IS NOT PREDICATED ON HOPE.
- 12 -
IT MUST BE BASED ON DEEDS. WE LOOK FOR ENDURING,
INGRAINED ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CHANGE.
WHILE WE HOPE To MOVE BEYOND CONTAINMENT, WE ARE
ONLY AT THE BEGINNING OF OUR NEW PATH. MANY DANGERS
AND UNCERTAINTIES ARE AHEAD. WE MUST NOT FORGET THAT
THE SOVIET UNION HAS ACQUIRED AWESOME MILITARY
CAPABILITIES. THAT WAS A FACT OF LIFE FOR MY
PREDECESSORS. THAT HAS ALWAYS BEEN A FACT OF LIFE FOR
OUR ALLIES. AND THAT IS A FACT OF LIFE FOR ME.
- 13 -
As WE SEEK PEACE, WE MUST ALSO REMAIN STRONG. THE
PURPOSE OF OUR MILITARY MIGHT IS NOT TO PRESSURE A WEAK
SOVIET ECONOMY, OR TO SEEK MILITARY SUPERIORITY. IT IS
TO DETER WAR. IT IS To DEFEND OURSELVES AND OUR
ALLIES, AND TO DO SOMETHING MORE -- To CONVINCE THE
SOVIET UNION THAT THERE CAN BE NO REWARD IN PURSUING
EXPANSIONISM.
TO CONVINCE THE SOVIET UNION THAT
REWARD LIES IN THE PURSUIT OF PEACE.
- 14 -
WESTERN POLICIES MUST ENCOURAGE THE EVOLUTION OF
THE SOVIET UNION TOWARD AN OPEN SOCIETY. THIS TASK
WILL TEST OUR STRENGTH. IT WILL TAX OUR PATIENCE. AND
IT WILL REQUIRE A SWEEPING VISION
LET ME SHARE
WITH YOU MY VISION. I SEE A WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF
DEMOCRATIC, PROSPEROUS NATIONS, NO LONGER THREATENED BY
A CUBA OR A NICARAGUA ARMED BY Moscow.
- 15 -
I SEE A SOVIET UNION THAT PULLS AWAY FROM TIES TO
TERRORIST NATIONS -- LIKE LIBYA -- THAT THREATEN THE
LEGITIMATE SECURITY OF THEIR NEIGHBORS. I SEE A SOVIET
UNION WHICH RESPECTS CHINA'S INTEGRITY, AND RETURNS THE
NORTHERN TERRITORIES OF JAPAN; A PRELUDE TO THE DAY
WHEN ALL THE GREAT NATIONS OF ASIA WILL LIVE IN
HARMONY.
- 16 -
BUT THE FULFILLMENT OF THIS VISION REQUIRES THE
SOVIET UNION To TAKE POSITIVE STEPS, INCLUDING:
FIRST: REDUCE SOVIET FORCES. ALTHOUGH SOME SMALL
STEPS HAVE ALREADY BEEN TAKEN, THE WARSAW PACT STILL
POSSESSES MORE THAN 30,000 TANKS, MORE THAN TWICE AS
MUCH ARTILLERY AND HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS MORE TROOPS IN
EUROPE THAN NATO. THEY SHOULD CUT THEIR FORCES To LESS
THREATENING LEVELS, IN PROPORTION TO THEIR LEGITIMATE
SECURITY NEEDS.
- 17 -
SECOND: ADHERE TO THE SOVIET OBLIGATION --
PROMISED IN THE FINAL DAYS OF WORLD WAR Two -- TO
SUPPORT SELF-DETERMINATION FOR ALL THE NATIONS OF
EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE. THIS REQUIRES SPECIFIC
ABANDONMENT OF THE BREZHNEV DOCTRINE. ONE DAY IT
SHOULD BE POSSIBLE To DRIVE FROM Moscow TO MUNICH
WITHOUT SEEING A SINGLE GUARD TOWER OR A STRAND OF
BARBED WIRE. IN SHORT, TEAR DOWN THE IRON CURTAIN
- 18 -
THIRD: WORK WITH THE WEST IN POSITIVE, PRACTICAL -
- NOT MERELY RHETORICAL -- STEPS TOWARD DIPLOMATIC
SOLUTIONS TO REGIONAL DISPUTES AROUND THE WORLD. I
WELCOME THE SOVIET WITHDRAWAL FROM AFGHANISTAN AND THE
ANGOLA AGREEMENT. BUT THERE IS MUCH MORE To BE DONE
AROUND THE WORLD. WE'RE READY. LET'S ROLL UP OUR
SLEEVES AND GET TO WORK.
- 19 -
FOURTH: ACHIEVE A LASTING POLITICAL PLURALISM AND
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS. DRAMATIC EVENTS HAVE ALREADY
OCCURRED IN Moscow. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY LIMITED, BUT
FREELY CONTESTED, ELECTIONS. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY A
GREATER TOLERATION OF DISSENT. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY A
NEW FRANKNESS ABOUT THE STALIN ERA. MR. GORBACHEV,
DON'T STOP NOW.
- 20 -
FIFTH: JOIN WITH US IN ADDRESSING PRESSING GLOBAL
PROBLEMS, INCLUDING THE INTERNATIONAL DRUG MENACE, AND
DANGERS TO THE ENVIRONMENT. WE CAN BUILD A BETTER
WORLD FOR OUR CHILDREN.
As THE SOVIET UNION MOVES TOWARD ARMS REDUCTION AND
REFORM, IT WILL FIND WILLING PARTNERS IN THE WEST. WE
SEEK VERIFIABLE, STABILIZING ARMS-CONTROL AND ARMS-
REDUCTION AGREEMENTS WITH THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS
ALLIES.
- 21 -
HOWEVER, ARMS CONTROL IS NOT AN END IN ITSELF, BUT A
MEANS OF CONTRIBUTING To THE SECURITY OF AMERICA, AND
THE PEACE OF THE WORLD. I DIRECTED SECRETARY BAKER To
PROPOSE TO THE SOVIETS THAT WE RESUME NEGOTIATIONS ON
STRATEGIC FORCES IN JUNE. AND, AS YOU KNOW, THE
SOVIETS HAVE AGREED.
OUR BASIC APPROACH IS CLEAR. IN THE STRATEGIC ARMS
REDUCTION TALKS, WE WISH TO REDUCE THE RISK OF NUCLEAR
WAR.
- 22 -
IN THE COMPANION DEFENSE AND SPACE TALKS, OUR OBJECTIVE
WILL BE TO PRESERVE OUR OPTIONS TO DEPLOY ADVANCED
DEFENSES WHEN THEY ARE READY. IN NUCLEAR TESTING WE
WILL CONTINUE To SEEK THE NECESSARY VERIFICATION
IMPROVEMENTS IN EXISTING TREATIES To PERMIT THEM To BE
BROUGHT INTO FORCE. WE WILL CONTINUE TO SEEK A
VERIFIABLE GLOBAL BAN ON CHEMICAL WEAPONS. WE SUPPORT
NATO EFFORTS To REDUCE THE SOVIET OFFENSIVE THREAT IN
THE NEGOTIATIONS ON CONVENTIONAL FORCES IN EUROPE.
- 23 -
AND, AS I'VE SAID, FUNDAMENTAL TO ALL OF THESE
OBJECTIVES IS SIMPLE OPENNESS.
MAKE NO MISTAKE, A NEW BREEZE IS BLOWING ACROSS THE
STEPPES AND CITIES OF THE SOVIET UNION. WHY NOT, THEN,
LET THIS SPIRIT OF OPENNESS GROW, LET MORE BARRIERS
COME DOWN. OPEN EMIGRATION, OPEN DEBATE, OPEN AIRWAVES
LET OPENNESS COME TO MEAN THE PUBLICATION AND
SALE OF BANNED BOOKS AND NEWSPAPERS IN THE SOVIET
UNION.
- 24 -
LET THE 19,000 SOVIET JEWS WHO EMIGRATED LAST YEAR BE
FOLLOWED BY ANY NUMBER WHO WISH TO EMIGRATE THIS YEAR.
LET OPENNESS COME TO MEAN NOTHING LESS THAN THE FREE
EXCHANGE OF PEOPLE, BOOKS AND IDEAS BETWEEN EAST AND
WEST. AND LET IT COME TO MEAN ONE THING MORE
THIRTY-FOUR YEARS AGO, PRESIDENT EISENHOWER MET IN
GENEVA WITH SOVIET LEADERS WHO, AFTER THE DEATH OF
STALIN, PROMISED A NEW APPROACH TOWARD THE WEST.
- 25 -
HE PROPOSED A PLAN CALLED "OPEN SKIES, " WHICH WOULD
ALLOW UNARMED AIRCRAFT FROM THE UNITED STATES AND THE
SOVIET UNION TO FLY OVER THE TERRITORY OF THE OTHER
COUNTRY. THIS WOULD OPEN UP MILITARY ACTIVITIES TO
REGULAR SCRUTINY AND, AS PRESIDENT EISENHOWER PUT IT,
"CONVINCE THE WORLD THAT WE ARE
LESSENING DANGER
AND RELAXING TENSION."
- 26 -
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S SUGGESTION TESTED SOVIET
READINESS To OPEN THEIR SOCIETY. THE KREMLIN FAILED
THAT TEST. LET US AGAIN EXPLORE THAT PROPOSAL, BUT ON
A BROADER, MORE INTRUSIVE AND RADICAL BASIS -- ONE
WHICH I HOPE WOULD INCLUDE ALLIES ON BOTH SIDES. WE
SUGGEST THAT THOSE COUNTRIES THAT WISH TO EXAMINE THIS
PROPOSAL MEET SOON To WORK OUT THE NECESSARY
OPERATIONAL DETAILS, SEPARATELY FROM OTHER ARMS-CONTROL
NEGOTIATIONS.
- 27 -
SUCH SURVEILLANCE FLIGHTS, COMPLEMENTING
SATELLITES, WOULD PROVIDE REGULAR SCRUTINY FOR BOTH
SIDES. SUCH UNPRECEDENTED TERRITORIAL ACCESS WOULD
SHOW THE WORLD THE MEANING OF THE CONCEPT OF OPENNESS.
THE VERY SOVIET WILLINGNESS TO EMBRACE SUCH A CONCEPT
WOULD REVEAL THEIR COMMITMENT TO CHANGE.
WHERE THERE IS COOPERATION, THERE CAN BE A BROADER
ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP. BUT ECONOMIC RELATIONS HAVE
BEEN STIFLED BY SOVIET INTERNAL POLICIES.
- 28 -
THEY HAVE BEEN INJURED BY Moscow's PRACTICE OF USING
THE CLOAK OF COMMERCE TO STEAL TECHNOLOGY FROM THE
WEST. ENDING DISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT OF U.S. FIRMS
WOULD BE A HELPFUL STEP. TRADE AND FINANCIAL
TRANSACTIONS SHOULD TAKE PLACE ON A NORMAL COMMERCIAL
BASIS.
- 29 -
AND SHOULD THE SOVIET UNION CODIFY ITS EMIGRATION
LAWS IN ACCORD WITH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND
IMPLEMENT ITS NEW LAWS FAITHFULLY, I AM PREPARED TO
WORK WITH CONGRESS FOR A TEMPORARY WAIVER OF THE
JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT, OPENING THE WAY TO EXTENDING
MOST FAVORED NATION TRADE STATUS To THE SOVIET UNION.
- 30 -
((AFTER THAT LAST POINT, I CAN JUST IMAGINE WHAT
YOU ARE THINKING. IT HAD TO HAPPEN
YOUR LAST DAY
IN COLLEGE HAD TO END WITH ANOTHER POLITICAL SCIENCE
LECTURE
.)) IN ALL SERIOUSNESS, THE POLICY I HAVE
JUST DESCRIBED HAS EVERYTHING To DO WITH YOU.
TODAY YOU GRADUATE. You WILL START CAREERS AND
FAMILIES. AND YOU WILL BECOME THE LEADERS OF AMERICA
IN THE NEXT CENTURY.
- 31 -
WHAT KIND OF WORLD WILL YOU KNOW? PERHAPS THE WORLD
ORDER OF THE FUTURE WILL TRULY BE A FAMILY OF NATIONS.
IT IS A SAD TRUTH THAT NOTHING FORCES US TO
RECOGNIZE OUR COMMON HUMANITY MORE SWIFTLY THAN A
NATURAL DISASTER. I AM THINKING OF SOVIET ARMENIA,
JUST A FEW MONTHS AGO
A TRAGEDY WITHOUT BLAME,
WARLIKE DEVASTATION WITHOUT WAR.
- 32 -
MY SON TOOK OUR 12-YEAR-OLD GRANDSON TO YEREVAN.
AT THE END OF A DAY OF COMFORTING THE INJURED AND
CONSOLING THE BEREAVED, FATHER AND SON SAT DOWN
TOGETHER AMID THE RUINS AND WEPT. How CAN OUR TWO
COUNTRIES MAGNIFY THIS SIMPLE EXPRESSION OF CARING?
How CAN WE EACH CONVEY THE GOODWILL OF OUR PEOPLE?
- 33 -
FORTY-THREE YEARS AGO, A YOUNG LIEUTENANT BY THE
NAME OF ALBERT KOTZEBUE (KOTS-BEW), CLASS OF 1945 AT
TEXAS A&M, WAS THE FIRST AMERICAN SOLDIER TO SHAKE
HANDS WITH THE SOVIETS AT THE BANKS OF THE ELBE RIVER.
ONCE AGAIN, WE ARE READY TO EXTEND OUR A HAND. ONCE
AGAIN, WE ARE READY FOR A HAND IN RETURN. ONCE AGAIN,
IT IS A TIME FOR PEACE.
THANK YOU FOR INVITING ME TO TEXAS A&M, AND I WISH
YOU THE VERY BEST IN THE YEARS To COME.
REMARKS: "BEYOND CONTAINMENT"
TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1989/2 P.M.
THANK YOU. I AM DELIGHTED TO BE BACK AMONG MY
FELLOW TEXANS AND FRIENDS. ((AND FOR THOSE OF YOU WHO
ARE DEMOCRATS, THERE IS NO TRUTH TO THE RUMOR THAT PHIL
GRAMM AND I ARE READY TO TAKE OUR ELEPHANT WALK .))
MY SINCEREST CONGRATULATIONS GO TO EVERY GRADUATE,
AND TO YOUR PARENTS. IN THIS CEREMONY, WE CELEBRATE
NOTHING LESS THAN THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REST, AND THE
BEST, OF YOUR LIFE
WHEN YOU LOOK BACK TO YOUR DAYS AT TEXAS A&M, YOU
WILL HAVE A LOT TO BE PROUD OF -- A UNIVERSITY THAT IS
FIRST IN BASEBALL
...
AND FIRST IN SERVICE TO OUR
NATION. MANY ARE THE HEROES WHOSE NAMES ARE CALLED AT
MUSTER. MANY ARE THOSE YOU REMEMBER IN SILVER TAPS.
- 2 -
WE ARE REMINDED THAT NO GENERATION CAN ESCAPE
HISTORY. PARENTS -- WE SHARE A FERVENT DESIRE FOR OUR
CHILDREN, AND THEIR CHILDREN, TO KNOW A BETTER WORLD, A
SAFER WORLD. STUDENTS -- YOUR PARENTS AND GRANDPARENTS
HAVE LIVED THROUGH A WORLD WAR, AND HELPED AMERICA TO
REBUILD THE WORLD. THEY WITNESSED THE DRAMA OF POSTWAR
NATIONS DIVIDED BY SOVIET SUBVERSION AND FORCE, BUT
SUSTAINED BY AN ALLIED RESPONSE MOST VIVIDLY SEEN IN
THE BERLIN AIRLIFT.
WISE MEN
TRUMAN AND EISENHOWER, VANDENBERG
AND RAYBURN.
MARSHALL, ACHESON AND KENNAN, CRAFTED
THE STRATEGY OF CONTAINMENT. THEY BELIEVED THAT THE
SOVIET UNION, DENIED THE EASY COURSE OF EXPANSION,
WOULD TURN INWARD AND ADDRESS THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ITS
INEFFICIENT, REPRESSIVE AND INHUMANE SYSTEM. AND THEY
WERE RIGHT. THE SOVIET UNION IS NOW / PUBLICLY FACING
THIS HARD REALITY.
Today, I waned/ihe to use tais/
Solemn occasion to speak to you I
and to ourl country about four re troms
the soviet Union 1 It is fitting that
/
these with remarks made here at (Texas A { M.T
- 3 -
CONTAINMENT WORKED. CONTAINMENT WORKED BECAUSE
OUR DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES, INSTITUTIONS AND VALUES ARE
SOUND, AND ALWAYS HAVE BEEN. IT WORKED BECAUSE OUR
ALLIANCES WERE AND ARE STRONG; AND BECAUSE THE
SUPERIORITY OF FREE SOCIETIES AND FREE MARKETS OVER
STAGNANT SOCIALISM IS UNDENIABLE.
WE ARE APPROACHING THE CONCLUSION OF AN HISTORIC
POSTWAR STRUGGLE BETWEEN TWO VISIONS -- ONE OF TYRANNY
AND CONFLICT, AND ONE OF DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM. THE
REVIEW OF U.S. -SOVIET RELATIONS THAT MY ADMINISTRATION
HAS JUST COMPLETED OUTLINES A NEW PATH TOWARD RESOLVING
THIS STRUGGLE.
OUR GOAL IS BOLD -- MORE AMBITIOUS THAN ANY OF MY
COULD
PREDECESSORS MIGHT HAVE THOUGHT POSSIBLE. OUR REVIEW
INDICATES THAT FORTY YEARS OF PERSEVERANCE HAVE BROUGHT
US A PRECIOUS OPPORTUNITY. NOW IT IS TIME TO MOVE
BEYOND CONTAINMENT, TO A NEW POLICY FOR THE 1990S --
ONE THAT RECOGNIZES THE FULL SCOPE OF CHANGE TAKING
PLACE AROUND THE WORLD, AND IN THE SOVIET UNION ITSELF.
- 4 -
IN SUM, THE UNITED STATES NOW HAS AS ITS GOAL MUCH
MORE THAN SIMPLY CONTAINING SOVIET EXPANSIONISM -- WE
SEEK THE INTEGRATION OF THE SOVIET UNION INTO THE
COMMUNITY OF NATIONS. AS THE SOVIET UNION MOVES TOWARD
GREATER OPENNESS AND DEMOCRATIZATION -- AS THEY MEET
THE CHALLENGE OF RESPONSIBLE INTERNATIONAL BEHAVIOR --
WE WILL MATCH THEIR STEPS WITH STEPS OF OUR OWN.
ULTIMATELY, OUR OBJECTIVE IS TO WELCOME THE SOVIET
UNION BACK INTO THE WORLD ORDER.
THE SOVIET UNION SAYS IT SEEKS TO MAKE PEACE WITH
THE WORLD, AND CRITICIZES ITS OWN POSTWAR POLICIES.
THESE ARE WORDS WE CAN ONLY APPLAUD. BUT A NEW
RELATIONSHIP CAN NOT BE SIMPLY DECLARED BY MOSCOW, OR
BESTOWED BY OTHERS. IT MUST BE EARNED.
- 5 -
IT MUST BE EARNED BECAUSE PROMISES ARE NEVER
ENOUGH. THE SOVIET UNION HAS PROMISED A MORE
COOPERATIVE RELATIONSHIP BEFORE, ONLY TO REVERSE COURSE
AND RETURN TO MILITARISM. SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY HAS
BEEN ALMOST SEASONAL -- WARMTH BEFORE COLD, THAW BEFORE
FREEZE. WE SEEK A FRIENDSHIP THAT KNOWS NO SEASON OF
SUSPICION, NO CHILL OF DISTRUST.
WE HOPE PERESTROIKA IS POINTING THE SOVIET UNION
TO A BREAK WITH THE CYCLES OF THE PAST -- A DEFINITIVE
BREAK. WHO WOULD HAVE THOUGHT WE WOULD SEE THE
DELIBERATIONS OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE ON THE FRONT
PAGE OF PRAVDA, OR DISSIDENT ANDREI SAKHAROV SEATED
NEAR THE COUNCILS OF POWER? WHO WOULD HAVE IMAGINED A
SOVIET LEADER WHO CANVASSES THE SIDEWALKS OF MOSCOW AND
WASHINGTON, D.C.? THESE ARE HOPEFUL -- INDEED,
REMARKABLE --SIGNS. LET NO ONE DOUBT OUR SINCERE
DESIRE TO SEE PERESTROIKA CONTINUE AND SUCCEED. BUT
THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF AMERICA AND OUR ALLIES IS NOT
PREDICATED ON HOPE. IT MUST BE BASED ON DEEDS. WE
LOOK FOR ENDURING, INGRAINED ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL
CHANGE.
- 6 -
WHILE WE HOPE TO MOVE BEYOND CONTAINMENT, WE ARE
ONLY AT THE BEGINNING OF OUR NEW PATH. MANY DANGERS
AND UNCERTAINTIES ARE AHEAD. WE MUST NOT FORGET THAT
THE SOVIET UNION HAS ACQUIRED AWESOME MILITARY
CAPABILITIES. THAT WAS A FACT OF LIFE FOR MY
PREDECESSORS. THAT HAS ALWAYS BEEN A FACT OF LIFE FOR
OUR ALLIES. AND THAT IS A FACT OF LIFE FOR ME.
AS WE SEEK PEACE, WE MUST ALSO REMAIN STRONG. THE
PURPOSE OF OUR MILITARY MIGHT IS NOT TO PRESSURE A WEAK
SOVIET ECONOMY, OR TO SEEK MILITARY SUPERIORITY. IT IS
TO DETER WAR. IT IS TO DEFEND OURSELVES AND OUR
ALLIES, AND TO DO SOMETHING MORE -- TO CONVINCE THE
SOVIET UNION THAT THERE CAN BE NO REWARD IN PURSUING
EXPANSIONISM. .. TO CONVINCE THE SOVIET UNION THAT
REWARD LIES IN THE PURSUIT OF PEACE.
- 7 -
WESTERN POLICIES MUST ENCOURAGE THE EVOLUTION OF
THE SOVIET UNION TOWARD AN OPEN SOCIETY. THIS TASK
WILL TEST OUR STRENGTH. IT WILL TAX OUR PATIENCE. AND
IT WILL REQUIRE A SWEEPING VISION
...
LET ME SHARE
WITH YOU MY VISION. I SEE A WESTERN HEMISPHERE OF
DEMOCRATIC, PROSPEROUS NATIONS, NO LONGER THREATENED BY
A CUBA OR A NICARAGUA ARMED BY MOSCOW. I SEE A SOVIET
UNION THAT PULLS AWAY FROM TIES TO TERRORIST NATIONS --
LIKE LIBYA -- THAT THREATEN THE LEGITIMATE SECURITY OF
THEIR NEIGHBORS. I SEE A SOVIET UNION WHICH RESPECTS
CHINA'S INTEGRITY, AND RETURNS THE NORTHERN TERRITORIES
TO
OF JAPAN; A PRELUDE TO THE DAY WHEN ALL THE GREAT
NATIONS OF ASIA WILL LIVE IN HARMONY.
BUT THE FULFILLMENT OF THIS VISION REQUIRES THE
SOVIET UNION TO TAKE POSITIVE STEPS, INCLUDING:
- 8 -
FIRST: REDUCE SOVIET FORCES. ALTHOUGH SOME SMALL
STEPS HAVE ALREADY BEEN TAKEN, THE WARSAW PACT STILL
POSSESSES OVER 30,000 MORE TANKS, MORE THAN TWICE AS
MUCH ARTILLERY AND HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS MORE TROOPS IN
EUROPE THAN NATO. THEY SHOULD CUT THEIR FORCES TO LESS
THREATENING LEVELS, IN PROPORTION TO THEIR LEGITIMATE
SECURITY NEEDS.
SECOND: ADHERE TO THE SOVIET OBLIGATION --
PROMISED IN THE FINAL DAYS OF WORLD WAR TWO -- TO
SUPPORT SELF-DETERMINATION FOR ALL THE NATIONS OF
EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE. THIS REQUIRES SPECIFIC
ABANDONMENT OF THE BREZHNEV DOCTRINE. ONE DAY IT
SHOULD BE POSSIBLE TO DRIVE FROM MOSCOW TO MUNICH
WITHOUT SEEING A SINGLE GUARD TOWER OR A STRAND OF
BARBED WIRE. IN SHORT, TEAR DOWN THE IRON CURTAIN
- 9 -
THIRD: WORK WITH THE WEST IN POSITIVE, PRACTICAL
-- NOT MERELY RHETORICAL -- STEPS TOWARD DIPLOMATIC
SOLUTIONS TO REGIONAL DISPUTES AROUND THE WORLD. I
WELCOME THE SOVIET WITHDRAWAL FROM AFGHANISTAN AND THE
ANGOLA AGREEMENT. BUT THERE IS MUCH MORE TO BE DONE
AROUND THE WORLD. WE'RE READY. LET'S ROLL UP OUR
SLEEVES AND GET TO WORK.
FOURTH: ACHIEVE A LASTING POLITICAL PLURALISM AND
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS. DRAMATIC EVENTS HAVE ALREADY
OCCURRED IN MOSCOW. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY LIMITED, BUT
FREELY CONTESTED, ELECTIONS. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY A
GREATER TOLERATION OF DISSENT. WE ARE IMPRESSED BY A
NEW FRANKNESS ABOUT THE STALIN ERA. MR. GORBACHEV,
DON'T STOP NOW.
FIFTH: JOIN WITH US IN ADDRESSING PRESSING GLOBAL
PROBLEMS, INCLUDING THE INTERNATIONAL DRUG MENACE, AND
DANGERS TO THE ENVIRONMENT. WE CAN BUILD A BETTER
WORLD FOR OUR CHILDREN.
- 10 -
AS THE SOVIET UNION MOVES TOWARD ARMS REDUCTION
AND REFORM, IT WILL FIND WILLING PARTNERS IN THE WEST.
WE SEEK VERIFIABLE, STABILIZING ARMS-CONTROL AND ARMS-
REDUCTION AGREEMENTS WITH THE SOVIET UNION AND ITS
ALLIES. HOWEVER, ARMS CONTROL IS NOT AN END IN ITSELF,
BUT A MEANS OF CONTRIBUTING TO THE SECURITY OF AMERICA,
AND THE PEACE OF THE WORLD. I DIRECTED SECRETARY BAKER
TO PROPOSE TO THE SOVIETS THAT WE RESUME NEGOTIATIONS
ON STRATEGIC FORCES IN JUNE. AND, AS YOU KNOW, THE
SOVIETS HAVE AGREED.
- 11 -
OUR BASIC APPROACH IS CLEAR. IN THE STRATEGIC
ARMS REDUCTION TALKS, WE WISH TO REDUCE THE RISK OF
NUCLEAR WAR. IN THE COMPANION DEFENSE AND SPACE TALKS,
OUR OBJECTIVE WILL BE TO PRESERVE OUR OPTIONS TO DEPLOY
ADVANCED DEFENSES WHEN THEY ARE READY. IN NUCLEAR
TESTING WE WILL CONTINUE TO SEEK THE NECESSARY
VERIFICATION IMPROVEMENTS IN EXISTING TREATIES TO
PERMIT THEM TO BE BROUGHT INTO FORCE. WE WILL CONTINUE
TO SEEK A VERIFIABLE GLOBAL BAN ON CHEMICAL WEAPONS.
WE SUPPORT NATO EFFORTS TO REDUCE THE SOVIET OFFENSIVE
THREAT IN THE NEGOTIATIONS ON CONVENTIONAL FORCES IN
EUROPE. AND, AS I'VE SAID, FUNDAMENTAL TO ALL OF THESE
OBJECTIVES IS SIMPLE OPENNESS.
- 12 -
MAKE NO MISTAKE, A NEW BREEZE IS BLOWING ACROSS
THE STEPPES AND CITIES OF THE SOVIET UNION. WHY NOT,
THEN, LET THIS SPIRIT OF OPENNESS GROW, LET MORE
BARRIERS COME DOWN. OPEN EMIGRATION, OPEN DEBATE, OPEN
AIRWAVES
LET OPENNESS COME TO MEAN THE
PUBLICATION AND SALE OF BANNED BOOKS AND NEWSPAPERS IN
THE SOVIET UNION. LET THE 19,000 SOVIET JEWS WHO
EMIGRATED LAST YEAR BE FOLLOWED BY ANY NUMBER WHO WISH
TO EMIGRATE THIS YEAR. LET OPENNESS COME TO MEAN
1
NOTHING LESS THAN THE FREE EXCHANGE OF PEOPLE, BOOKS
AND IDEAS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST. AND LET IT COME TO
MEAN ONE THING MORE
THIRTY-FOUR YEARS AGO, PRESIDENT EISENHOWER MET IN
GENEVA WITH SOVIET LEADERS WHO, AFTER THE DEATH OF
STALIN, PROMISED A NEW APPROACH TOWARD THE WEST. HE
PROPOSED A PLAN CALLED "OPEN SKIES," WHICH WOULD ALLOW
UNARMED AIRCRAFT FROM THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET
UNION TO FLY OVER THE TERRITORY OF THE OTHER COUNTRY.
THIS WOULD OPEN UP MILITARY ACTIVITIES TO REGULAR
SCRUTINY AND, AS PRESIDENT EISENHOWER PUT IT, "CONVINCE
THE WORLD THAT WE ARE
LESSENING DANGER AND
and RELAXING TENSION." apply Ver exit visas let there be nol
harassment against them.1
- 13 -
PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S SUGGESTION TESTED SOVIET
READINESS TO OPEN THEIR SOCIETY. THE KREMLIN FAILED
THAT TEST. LET US AGAIN EXPLORE THAT PROPOSAL, BUT ON
A BROADER, MORE INTRUSIVE AND RADICAL BASIS -- ONE
WHICH I HOPE WOULD INCLUDE ALLIES ON BOTH SIDES. WE
SUGGEST THAT THOSE COUNTRIES THAT WISH TO EXAMINE THIS
PROPOSAL MEET SOON TO WORK OUT THE NECESSARY
OPERATIONAL DETAILS, SEPARATELY FROM OTHER ARMS-CONTROL
NEGOTIATIONS.
SUCH SURVEILLANCE FLIGHTS, COMPLEMENTING
SATELLITES, WOULD PROVIDE REGULAR SCRUTINY FOR BOTH
SIDES. SUCH UNPRECEDENTED TERRITORIAL ACCESS WOULD
SHOW THE WORLD THE MEANING OF THE CONCEPT OF OPENNESS.
THE VERY SOVIET WILLINGNESS TO EMBRACE SUCH A CONCEPT
WOULD REVEAL THEIR COMMITMENT TO CHANGE.
- 14 -
WHERE THERE IS COOPERATION, THERE CAN BE A BROADER
ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP. BUT ECONOMIC RELATIONS HAVE
BEEN STIFLED BY SOVIET INTERNAL POLICIES. THEY HAVE
BEEN INJURED BY MOSCOW'S PRACTICE OF USING THE CLOAK OF
COMMERCE TO STEAL TECHNOLOGY FROM THE WEST. ENDING
DISCRIMINATORY TREATMENT OF U.S. FIRMS WOULD BE A
HELPFUL STEP. TRADE AND FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS SHOULD
TAKE PLACE ON A NORMAL COMMERCIAL BASIS.
AND SHOULD THE SOVIET UNION CODIFY ITS EMIGRATION
LAWS IN ACCORD WITH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND
IMPLEMENT ITS NEW LAWS FAITHFULLY, I AM PREPARED TO
WORK WITH CONGRESS FOR A TEMPORARY WAIVER OF THE
JACKSON-VANIK AMENDMENT, OPENING THE WAY TO EXTENDING
MOST FAVORED NATION TRADE STATUS TO THE SOVIET UNION.
((AFTER THAT LAST POINT, I CAN JUST IMAGINE WHAT
YOU ARE THINKING. IT HAD TO HAPPEN
YOUR LAST DAY
IN COLLEGE HAD TO END WITH ANOTHER POLITICAL SCIENCE
LECTURE
.)) IN ALL SERIOUSNESS, THE POLICY I HAVE
JUST DESCRIBED HAS EVERYTHING TO DO WITH YOU.
- 15 -
TODAY YOU GRADUATE. YOU WILL START CAREERS AND
FAMILIES. AND YOU WILL BECOME THE LEADERS OF AMERICA
IN THE NEXT CENTURY. WHAT KIND OF WORLD WILL YOU KNOW?
PERHAPS THE WORLD ORDER OF THE FUTURE WILL TRULY BE A
FAMILY OF NATIONS.
IT IS A SAD TRUTH THAT NOTHING FORCES US TO
RECOGNIZE OUR COMMON HUMANITY MORE SWIFTLY THAN A
NATURAL DISASTER. I AM THINKING OF SOVIET ARMENIA,
JUST A FEW MONTHS AGO
A TRAGEDY WITHOUT BLAME,
WARLIKE DEVASTATION WITHOUT WAR.
MY SON TOOK OUR 12-YEAR-OLD GRANDSON TO YEREVAN.
AT THE END OF A DAY OF COMFORTING THE INJURED AND
went to church, 1
\
CONSOLING THE BEREAVED, \ FATHER AND SON SAT DOWN
TOGETHER AMID THE RUINS AND WEPT. HOW CAN OUR TWO
COUNTRIES MAGNIFY THIS 1 SIMPLE EXPRESSION OF CARING?
may
HOW CAN 1 WE EACH CONVEY THE GOODWILL OF OUR PEOPLE?
- 16 -
FORTY-THREE YEARS AGO, A YOUNG LIEUTENANT BY THE
NAME OF ALBERT KOTZEBUE (KOTS-BEW), CLASS OF 1945 AT
TEXAS A&M, WAS THE FIRST AMERICAN SOLDIER TO SHAKE
HANDS WITH THE SOVIETS AT THE BANKS OF THE ELBE RIVER.
ONCE AGAIN, WE ARE READY TO EXTEND OUR A HAND. ONCE
AGAIN, WE ARE READY FOR A HAND IN RETURN. ONCE AGAIN,
IT IS A TIME FOR PEACE.
THANK YOU FOR INVITING ME TO TEXAS A&M, AND I WISH
YOU THE VERY BEST IN THE YEARS TO COME.
#
#
#
034353SS
Document No.
CLOSE HOLD
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
5/9/89
5/9/89 5:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS REVISED DRAF
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
CARD
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 5:00 PM, TODAY, Tuesday, May 9, 1989, with
an info copy to my office. Thank you.
\ comment - p9 10
RESPONSE:
CLOSE HOLD
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin/Rice
Title: Aggie4
May 8, 1989
Version: Four-
Five
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: "BEYOND CONTAINMENT"
TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. I am delighted to be back in College Station,
among my fellow Texans and friends. ((And for those of you who
are Democrats, there is no truth to the rumor that Phil Gramm and
I are ready to take our Elephant Walk. ))
My sincerest congratulations go to every graduate, and to
your parents. In this ceremony, we celebrate nothing less than
the commencement of the rest, and the best, of your life.
I remember when I graduated, in 1948, thrilled to be
striking out on my own, driving my red Studebaker across the
prairie roads. I didn't know exactly what I was looking for in
Texas. But I did know one thing -- whatever I would do, whatever
I would become, destiny was in my hands. Your dreams, your
destiny, are now in your hands.
But dreams are hard won, and no generation can escape
history. I came of age in mid-century, when America helped to
win a war and rebuild the world. I, along with your parents and
grandparents, witnessed the drama of a world torn by war, then
2
divided by Soviet subversion and force, but sustained by an
Allied response most vividly seen in the Berlin Airlift. Wise
men
Truman and Eisenhower, Vandenberg and Rayburn
Marshall, Acheson and Kennan, crafted the strategy of
containment. They believed that the Soviet Union, denied the
easy course of external expansion, would ultimately have to face
up to the contradictions of its inefficient, repressive and
inhumane system. And they were right.
The strategy of containment arose out of the ruins of a
shattered continent, as the possibility of postwar cooperation
with the Soviet Union disappeared. It was validated by the stark
recognition of the threat posed by a totalitarian and
expansionist state with dominant military power.
Today, we are entering a new age because containment worked.
It has been no mere propaganda victory. It worked because our
democratic principles, values and institutions are sound. It
worked because our alliances are united; and because the
superiority of free peoples and free markets over stagnant
socialism is a truth that can no longer be credibly denied.
We approach the conclusion of a historic postwar struggle
between two visions -- one of conflict and ideological conquest,
and one of an international order composed of free and prosperous
states. The wise policies of the past enable us to stand at the
3
threshold of winning this struggle. The review of U.S.-Soviet
relations that we have just completed shows that we can now
embark on an agenda more ambitious than any of my predecessors
might have ever dreamed in the dark days of the Berlin Blockade,
the struggle against aggression in Korea, the Soviet invasions of
Hungary, Czechoslovakia or Afghanistan. Forty years of
perseverance has brought us a precious opportunity. We can now
contemplate moving beyond containment to integrate the Soviet
Union into the world family of nations as a productive, rather
than a destructive, member.
The Soviet Union is now saying it seeks to make peace with
the international order, and has criticized its own postwar
policies. These are words we can only applaud. But a new
relationship can not be simply declared by Moscow, or bestowed by
others. It must be earned through the demilitarization of Soviet
foreign policy and reinforced by behavior consistent with the
principles of the U.N. charter subscribed to by the Soviets in
1945, and repeatedly violated in decades since.
The Soviet Union has before signaled a desire for a more
cooperative relationship, only to reverse course and return to
militarism -- in the 1920s, the fifties and the seventies.
We hope perestroika is pointing the Soviet Union to a break
with the practices of the past -- a definitive break. Who would
4
have thought we would see the deliberations of the Central
Committee on the front page of Pravda, or dissident Andrei
Sakharov seated near the councils of power? These are hopeful --
indeed, remarkable -- signs, and let no one doubt our sincere
desire to see perestroika succeed. But America's national
security is not predicated on hope. It must be based on realism,
on deeds. Therefore, we look for nothing less than permanent
changes in Soviet behavior, and the restructuring of institutions
and military forces. We look for guarantees that economic and
political changes we now see will become enduring and difficult
to reverse.
If we hope to move beyond containment, we are now only at
the beginning of the path toward the reconciliation of the Soviet
Union with the international system, a system grounded in the
Western tradition of openness, freedom and self-determination.
Many dangers and uncertainties lie ahead. We must not forget
that the Soviet Union has acquired awesome military capabilities
which support a foreign policy hostile to the West. That was a
fact of life for my predecessors. And that is a fact of life for
me.
As we seek peace, we must remain strong. We will not
abandon the practice of peace through strength. The purpose of
our military might is not to pressure a weak Soviet economy, or
to seek military superiority. It is to defend ourselves -- to
5
convince the Soviet Union that there can be no reward in pursuing
expansionism
and in fact, quite the contrary.
Western policies must be designed to encourage the evolution
of the Soviet Union from a source of instability to a productive
member of the family of nations. This task will require of us
strength, patience and vision
vision to see what kind of
world we could create, for you and your loved ones. I see a
Western Hemisphere of democratic, prosperous nations, no longer
threatened by a Cuba or a Nicaragua armed by Moscow. I see a
time when the Soviet Union contributes to moving the Middle East
toward peace, not confrontation. I see a Soviet Union that
chooses to promote a regional peace over its ties to terrorist
nations -- like Libya, like Iran -- that threaten the legitimate
security of their neighbors. I see the great nations of Asia
living in harmony -- when the Soviet Union has returned the
Northern Territories of Japan, to undo an historic wrong.
But to fulfill this vision, the Soviet Union must follow a
clear path, including:
FIRST: Reduction of Soviet forces to lower and less
threatening levels, until they are in proportion to their
legitimate security needs.
6
SECOND: Renunciation of the principle that class conflict
is an inevitable source of international tension.
THIRD: Adherence to the Soviet obligation -- promised in
the final days of World War Two -- to permit self-determination
for all the nations of Eastern and Central Europe.
FOURTH: An authoritative renunciation of the long-standing
policy known as "The Brezhnev Doctrine," the excuse by which the
Soviets have enforced their system on states struggling to free
themselves from its stifling embrace.
FIFTH: Work with the West in positive, practical -- not
merely rhetorical -- steps toward diplomatic solutions to
regional disputes around the world.
SIXTH: Institutionalization of political pluralism and
respect for human rights. Ultimately, our hopes for a more
cooperative and sustainable relationship rest on democratization
and institutionalization of the rule of law in the Soviet Union
itself.
SEVENTH: Join with us in addressing pressing global
problems, including the international drug menace, and dangers to
the environment.
7
As the Soviet Union creates the conditions for
reconciliation, it will find willing partners in the West. We
are waiting to reach out a hand in response.
We seek verifiable, stabilizing arms-control agreements with
the Soviet Union and its allies. But arms control is not an end
in itself. We seek arms-control measures that are consistent
with our overall national security strategy.
To this end, I directed Secretary Baker to propose to the
Soviets that we resume negotiations on strategic forces and
nuclear testing in June. I am pleased to announce that the
Soviets have agreed. Strategic arms negotiations will resume in
Geneva the week of June, 19; nuclear testing negotiations the
following week.
Our basic approach is clear. In the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks, we wish to reduce the risk of nuclear war. In
the companion Defense and Space Talks, our objective will be to
preserve our options to deploy advanced defenses should they
prove feasible. In nuclear testing we will continue to seek the
necessary verification improvements in existing treaties to
permit them to be brought into force. We will continue to seek a
verifiable global ban on chemical weapons. We support NATO
efforts to reduce the Soviet offensive threat in the negotiations
on Conventional Forces in Europe.
8
We will not seek agreements for the sake of agreements. We
will not compromise our basic principles. But if the Soviets
take a constructive approach, we can move together to a safer,
more stable world.
Simple openness must be an essential principle of this
transforming relationship. It has always been the guiding
principled of the democracies, and we are pleased that the Soviet
Union now says it seeks a new era of openness.
Let us institutionalize our dedication to openness. Let
the barriers come down. Open emigration, open debate, open
airwaves
Let openness come to mean the publication and sale
of Western books and newspapers in the Soviet Union. Let it come
to mean nothing less than the free exchange of people, books and
ideas between East and West. And let it come to mean one more
thing
Thirty-four years ago, President Eisenhower met in Geneva
with Soviet leaders who, after the death of Stalin, promised a
new approach toward the West. He proposed then a plan called
"Open Skies," which would allow unarmed aircraft from the United
States and the Soviet Union to fly over the territory of the
other country. This would open up military activities to
constant scrutiny and, as President Eisenhower put it, "convince
9
the world that we are
lessening danger and relaxing
tension."
President Eisenhower's suggestion tested Soviet readiness to
open their society. The Kremlin failed that test. I now renew
the proposal, but on a broader, more intrusive and radical basis.
I invite not only the Soviet Union, but also Moscow's allies
in the Warsaw Pact, and our allies in the North Atlantic
Alliance, to agree to open their skies and provide needed support
facilities for the frequent conduct of unarmed aerial inspection
flights over their territory by planes from the other side. We
suggest that those countries that wish to accept this invitation
meet soon to work out the necessary technical details.
Such flights, in unison with satellites, would provide
constant scrutiny for both sides. And such unprecedented
territorial access would show the world the meaning of the
Western concept of openness -- a concept as central to Western
values today as it was in President Eisenhower's time. The very
Soviet willingness to embrace such a concept would reveal much of
the Soviet commitment to a fundamentally different relationship.
If the Soviet Union joins us in a more cooperative
relationship, then our economic ties will surely broaden.
10
American investment and commerce will grow if the Soviets create
a domestic environment more congenial to free enterprise.
Until now, economic relations have been stifled by Soviet
internal policies. They have also been injured by Moscow's
practice of using the cloak of commerce to steal technology from
the West. Ending discriminatory treatment of U.S. firms would be
a helpful step. Trade and financial transactions should take
lang need vage to speak
place on a normal commercial basis, without subsidies. And
combine to open up
procedures
should the Soviet Union codify its emigration laws in accord with
international standards, and implement its new laws faithfully, I
am prepared to work with Congress on a temporary waiver of the
Jackson-Vanik amendment, and to seek the repeal of the Stevenson
amendments, giving the Soviet Union Most Favored Nation status in
our trade relations.
We are at the beginning of a new journey -- a journey toward
a better world. The day must come when the two halves of Europe
are reconciled and united, when Europeans can drive from Moscow
to the Normandy coast without seeing a single guard tower, or a
single strand of barbed wire. The day must come when the Berlin
Wall comes down, when the voices of all Europeans can be heard in
free elections. The day must come throughout the world when the
first instinct is to settle regional disputes by discussion, not
by violence.
11
Many quote Winston Churchill, who called the Soviet Union "a
riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." As perestroika
and glasnost progress, we hope that these words will come to
describe only the Soviet Union of the distant past. But much
depends on the Soviet Union and its willingness to engage our
challenge. This is the time to remember the rest of what
Churchill said. "The key" to the Soviet Union, said Churchill,
is its "national interest." We hope to convince the leadership
of the Soviet Union that it is in their national interest to
reconcile their system to the international community.
I recognize the extraordinarily ambitious character of our
new objective of moving beyond containment. Our challenge is
unique. We must retain the strength and determination that has
kept the world at peace for a near half-century. But we must
also be bold and imaginative. We must balance risk and
opportunity, discretion and daring. To succeed, we only need the
unity of the American people, a renewed bipartisan spirit and
close cooperation between allies -- in short, the courage and
goodwill of free peoples.
Forty-three years ago, a young Lieutenant by the name of
Albert Kotzebue, class of 1945 at Texas A&M ((
in the true
Aggie spirit
)) was the first American soldier to shake
hands with the Soviets at the banks of the Elbe River. Once
12
again, it is a time for peace. Once again, we extend our hand
across the Elbe. We do this for you.
I am a man of this century. But the next century is yours,
another American century in which you and your children can know
a better world. Thank you for inviting me to Texas A&M, and I
wish you the very best in the years to come.
####
Davis/Martin/Rice
Title: Aggie4
1000 MAY 10
May 10, 1989/10:00 p.m.
Version: NINE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: "BEYOND CONTAINMENT"
TEXAS A&M COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
FRIDAY, MAY 12, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. I am delighted to be back among my fellow Texans
and friends. ((And for those of you who are Democrats, there is
no truth to the rumor that Phil Gramm and I are ready to take our
Elephant Walk
...))
My sincerest congratulations go to every graduate, and to
your parents. In this ceremony, we celebrate nothing less than
the commencement of the rest, and the best, of your life
When you look back to your days at Texas A&M, you will have
a lot to be proud of -- a university that is first in baseball
and first in service to our nation. Many are the heroes
whose names you call in Muster. Many are those you remember in
Silver Taps.
We are reminded that no generation can escape history.
Parents -- we share a fervent desire for our children, and their
children, to know a better world, a safer world. Students --
your parents and grandparents have lived through a world war, and
helped America to rebuild the world. They witnessed the drama of
2
postwar nations divided by Soviet subversion and force, but
sustained by an Allied response most vividly seen in the Berlin
Airlift.
Truman and Eisenhower, Vandenberg and
Wise men
Marshall, Acheson and Kennan, crafted the strategy
Rayburn
of containment. They believed that the Soviet Union, denied the
easy course of expansion, would turn inward and address the
contradictions of its inefficient, repressive and inhumane
system. And they were right. The Soviet Union is now publicly
facing this hard reality.
Containment worked. Containment worked because our
democratic principles, institutions and values are sound, and
always have been. It worked because our alliances were and are
strong; and because the superiority of free societies and free
markets over stagnant socialism is undeniable.
We are approaching the conclusion of an historic postwar
struggle between two visions -- one of tyranny and conflict, and
one of democracy and freedom. The review of U.S.-Soviet
relations that my Administration has just completed outlines a
new path toward resolving this struggle.
Our goal is bold -- more ambitious than any of my
predecessors might have thought possible. We now recognize that
3
forty years of perseverance have brought us a precious
opportunity. Now it is time to move beyond containment, to a new
policy for the 1990s -- one that recognizes the full scope of
change taking place around the world, and in the Soviet Union
itself.
In sum, the United States is determined that this policy has
as its goal the integration of the Soviet Union into the
community of nations. As the Soviet Union moves toward greater
openness and democratization -- as they meet the challenge of
responsible international behavior -- we will match their steps
with steps of our own. Ultimately, our goal is to welcome theo
d
Soviet Union back into the world order
The Soviet Union says it seeks to make peace with the world,
and criticizes its own postwar policies. These are words we can
only applaud. But a new relationship can not be simply declared
by Moscow, or bestowed by others. It must be earned.
It must be earned because promises are never enough. The
Soviet Union has promised a more cooperative relationship before,
only to reverse course and return to militarism. Soviet foreign
policy has been almost seasonal -- warmth before cold, thaw
before freeze. We seek a friendship that knows no season of
suspicion, no chill of distrust.