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Boston University Address, 5/21/89 [1]
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#655
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Boston, Massachusetts)
For Immediate Release
May 21, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT BOSTON UNIVERSITY COMMENCEMENT CEREMONY
Boston University
Boston, Massachusetts
12:33 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, President Silber. And
President and Madame Mitterrand, it's a great honor to have you here
today. And to Governor Dukakis, my respects -- the Chief Executive
of this great state and my friend as well. To Mayor Flynn, His
Eminence Cardinal Law, and Dr. Metcalf, Dr. Wiesel, and yes,
Kimberly, to you for that wonderful speech earlier on. And to Nancy
Joaquim, who rendered both The Marseillaise and The Star-Spangled
Banner in such fine way.
It's a pleasure to be back in Boston, back in one of my
home states -- (laughter) -- and I am delighted and honored to
receive a Doctor of Laws from Boston University along with President
Mitterrand. (Applause.) Doctor of Laws -- does this now make us a
couple of Boston lawyers, my friend, Mr. Mitterrand? (Laughter.)
Who knows?
I also would like to salute another most distinguished
visitor -- Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia -- a friend to the
United States, whose son is graduating today. We're honored to have
him here. (Applause.)
And I want to congratulate Barbara on a B.U. degree of
her very own. (Laughter and applause.) And now that you're an
alumna, take note -- this kinder and gentler America that I'm
speaking of does not always include the Terriers. (Laughter.)
My sincerest congratulations go to every Boston
University graduate, and to all you proud parents cooking out along
the 50-yard line there. (Laughter and applause.) And as Boston
University graduates, you take with you a degree from a great
institution, and something more -- (applause) -- something more --
knowledge of the past and responsibility for the future. And take a
look at our world today. Nations are undergoing changes so radical
that the international system you know and will know in the future
will be as different from today's, as today's world is from the time
of Woodrow Wilson. How will America prepare, then, for the
challenges ahead?
It's with your future in mind that, after deliberation
and a review, we are adapting our foreign policies to meet this
- 2 -
1981 to celebrate the bicentennial of that first Franco-American
fight for freedom. And soon, I will join you in Paris, sir, to
observe the 200th anniversary of the French struggle for liberty and
equality. (Applause.)
And this is just one example of the special bond between
two continents. But consider this city. From the Old North Church
to Paul Revere's home nestled in the warm heart of the Italian North
End, to your famous song-filled Irish pubs -- the Old and New Worlds
are inseparable in this city. But as we look back to Old World
tradition, we must look ahead to a new Europe. Historic changes will
shape your careers and your very lives.
The changes that are occurring in Western Europe are less
dramatic than those taking place in the East, but they are no less
fundamental. The postwar order that began in 1945 is transforming
into something very different. And yet certain essentials remain,
because our Alliance with Western Europe is utterly unlike the
cynical power alliances of the past. It is based on far more than
the perception of a common enemy. It is a tie of culture and kinship
and shared values. And as we look toward the 21st century, Americans
and Europeans alike should remember the words of Raymond Aron, who
called the Alliance a "moral and spiritual community." Our ideals
are those of the American Bill of Rights and the French Declaration
of the Rights of Man. And it is precisely because the ideals of this
community are universal that the world is in ferment today.
Now a new century holás the promise of a united Europe.
And as you know, the nations of Western Europe are already moving
toward greater economic integration, with the ambitious goal of a
single European market in 1992. The United States has often declared
it seeks a healing of old enmities, an integration of Europe. And at
the same time, there has been an historical ambivalence on the part
of some Americans towards a more united Europe. To this ambivalence
has been added apprehension at the prospect of 1992. But whatever
others may think, this administration is of one mind. We believe a
strong, united Europe means a strong America. (Applause.)
Western Europe has a gross domestic product that is
roughly equal to our own and a population that exceeds ours.
European science leads the world in many fields, and European workers
are highly educated and highly skilled. We are ready to develop,
with the European Community and its member states, new mechanisms of
consultation and cooperation on political and global issues from
strengthening the forces of democracy in the Third World to managing
regional tensions, to putting an end to the division of Europe. A
resurgent Western Europe is an economic magnet, drawing Eastern
Europe closer toward the commonwealth of free nations. A more
mature partnership with Western Europe will pose new challenges.
There are certain to be clashes and controversies over economic
issues. America will, of course, defend its interests. But it is
important to distinguish adversaries from allies and allies from
adversaries. What a tragedy; what an absurdity it would be if future
historians attribute the demise of the Western Alliance to disputes
over beef hormones and wars over pasta. We must all work hard to
ensure that the Europe of 1992 will adopt the lower barriers of the
modern international economy, not the high walls and the moats of
medieval
- 3 -
of peace the continent has ever known. (Applause.) Behind this
shield, the nations of Western Europe have risen from privation to
prosperity --- all because of the strengh and resolve of free peoples.
With a Western Europe that is now coming together, we
recognize that new forms of cooperation must be developed. We
applaud the defense cooperation developing in the revitalized Western
European Union, whose members worked with us to keep open the
sea-lanes of the Persian Gulf. And we applaud the growing military
cooperation between West Germany and France. And we welcome British
and French programs to modernize their deterrent capability and their
moves toward cooperation in this area. It is perfectly right and
proper that Europeans increasingly see their defense cooperation as
an investment in a secure future. But we ão have a major concern of
a different order -- a growing complacency throughout the West.
And, of course, your generation can hardly be expected to
share the grip of past anxieties. With such a long peace, it is hard
to imagine how it could be otherwise. But our expectations in this
rapidly changing world cannot race SO far ahead that we forget what
is at stake. There's a great irony here. While an ideological
earthquake is shaking asunder the very communist foundation, the West
is being tested by complacency.
We must never forget that twice in this century, American
blood has been shed over conflicts that began in Europe. And we
share the fervent desire of Europeans to relegate war forever to the
province of distant memory. (Applause.) But that is why the
Atlantic Alliance is so central to our foreign policy. And that's
why America remains committed to the Alliance and the strategy which
has preserved freedom in Europe. We must never forget that to keep
the peace in Europe is to keep the peace for America.
NATO's policy of flexible response keeps the United
States linked to Europe and lets any would-be aggressors know that
they will be met with any level of force needed to repel their attack
and frustrate their designs. And our short-range deterrent forces
based in Europe, and kept up-to-date, demonstrate that America's
vital interests are bound inextricably to Western Europe, and that an
attacker can never gamble on a test of strength with just our
conventional forces. Though hope is now running high for a more
peaceful continent, the history of this century teaches Americans and
Europeans to remain prepared.
As we search for a peace that is enduring, I'm grateful
for the steps that Mr. Gorbachev is taking. If the Soviets advance
solia and constructive plans for peace, then we should give credit
where credit is due. And we're seeing sweeping changes in the Soviet
Union that show promise of enduring, of becoming ingrained. At the
same time, in an era of extraordinary change, we have an obligation
to temper optimism -- and I am optimistic -- with prudence.
For example, the Soviet Foreign Minister informed the
world last week that his nation's commitment to destroy SS-23
missiles under the recently enacted INF Treaty may be reversible.
And the Soviets must surely know the results of failure to comply
with this solemn agreement. Derhans
- 4 -
my administration will place a high and continuing priority on
negotiating a less militarized Europe, one with a secure conventional
force balance at lower levels of forces. Our aspiration is a real
peace -- a peace of shared optimism, not a peace of armed camps.
(Applause.)
Nineteen-ninety-two is the 500th anniversary of the
discovery of the New World. So we have five centuries to celebrate,
nothing less than our very civilization -- the American Bill of
Rights and the French Rights of Man, the ancient and unwritten
Constitution of Great Britain, and the democratic visions of Konrad
Adenauer and Alcide de Gasperi.
And in all our celebrations, we observe one fact: this
truly is a moral and spiritual community. It is our inheritance and
so let us protect it. Let us promote it. Let us treasure it for our
children, for Americans and Europeans yet unborn. We stand with
France as part of a solid Alliance. And once again, let me say how
proud I am to have received this degree from this noble institution
and to have shared this platform with the President of the French
Republic Francois Mitterrand.
Thank you very, very much. Viva la France and long live
the United States of America. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
12:50 P.M. EDT
Document No. 056+44
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
5/19/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: BOSTON UNIVERSITY/NICKERSON FIELD
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
Rose
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
The attached has been forwarded to the President.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Zelikow/Martin
May 19, 1989/noon
M
Draft: Eight
Title: B: Buspch
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS:
BOSTON UNIVERSITY/Nickerson Field
May 21, 1989/11 a.m.
Thank you, John. President and Madame Mitterrand, Mayor
Flynn, Cardinal Law, Dr. Metcalf and Dr. Wiesel
It's a
pleasure to be back in Boston. ( (And it's a pleasure to be back
in one of my home states
I am delighted and honored to
receive a Doctor of Laws from Boston University, along with
President Mitterrand. I have just one question: Does this now
make us a couple of Boston lawyers?) )
( (Congratulations, Barbara, on a B.U. degree of your very
own. And now that you're an alumna, take note -- this kinder and
gentler America I'm always speaking of doesn't include the
Terriers ))
My sincerest congratulations go to every Boston University
graduate, and to every proud parent. As B.U. grads, you take
with you a degree from a great institution, and something more --
knowledge of the past, and responsibility for the future. Look
at the world. Nations are undergoing change so radical, that the
international system you will know in the next century will be as
different from today's, as today's world is from the time of
Woodrow Wilson. How will America prepare for the challenges
ahead?
2
It is with your future in mind that, after deliberation and
review, that we are adopting new foreign policies to meet this
time of extraordinary change and opportunity. On April 17, I
went to Michigan to outline how my Administration will promote
reform in Eastern Europe. And last Wednesday, I was pleased
that Poland legalized the Roman Catholic Church for the first
time under Communist rule
On May 2, I addressed the
Council of the Americas on my policies toward Latin America. A
few days ago, in Texas, I spoke to another group of graduates
about our new approach to the Soviet Union, one of moving beyond
containment, to seek to integrate the Soviet Union into the
community of nations, to help them share the rewards of
international cooperation.
But today, I want to discuss the future of Europe, that
mother of nations and ideas that is so much a part of America.
It is fitting that I share this forum with a special friend of
America
President Mitterrand, you have the warm affection
and high regard of the American people. I well remember when I
joined you in Yorktown in 1981, to celebrate the bicentennial of
that first Franco-American fight for freedom. Soon, I will join
you in Paris to observe the 200th anniversary of the French
struggle for liberty and equality.
This is just one example of a special bond between two
3
continents. But consider this city. From the Old North Church,
to Paul Revere's home nestled in the warm heart of the Italian
North End, to your famous song-filled Irish pubs
the Old
and New Worlds are inseparable in Boston. But as we look back to
Old World tradition, we must look ahead to a new Europe.
Historic changes will shape your careers and your very lives.
Can America keep up with the brisk pace of change around the
world? More importantly, can we help shape those changes?
Absolutely.
Let me share my vision of how the West, and all nations, can
join together. It is not limited by the accidents of mere
geography. It is, instead, a kinship rooted in common values, in
shared ideals for the way people should live. It is a vision
without boundaries, of an Alliance that Raymond Aron (a-ROHN)
called a "moral and spiritual community." I see our community as
the founding members of a global commonwealth of free nations --
open to all who share the principles of democracy, openness, and
respect for human rights and private endeavor.
The new century holds the promise of a united Europe. As
you know, the nations of Western Europe are already moving toward
greater economic integration, with the ambitious goal of a single
European market in 1992. The United States has often declared it
seeks a healing of old enmities, an integration of Europe. Now
that the day is almost upon us, some express ambivalence about
4
the prospect of a stronger Europe with economic power near equal
to our own. Perhaps it is a fear that Europe could become an
economic fortress, shutting out others. Perhaps it is a simple
fear of change. But I am here today to tell you that this debate
is over. This government is of one mind -- We believe a strong
Europe means a strong America.
We may be witnessing nothing less than the awakening of a
giant in world affairs. Western Europe has a gross domestic
product that is roughly equal to our own; and a population that
exceeds ours by about fifty million. European science still
leads the world in many fields, and European workers are highly
educated and highly skilled. Western Europe is the nascent
superpower of the 21st century.
How should we approach an emerging center of world
leadership? Without hesitation, the United States welcomes a
more mature relationship with Europe. We certainly welcome the
growing political role of the European Community, as it has
become more active in coordinating the policies of its member
states. We are ready to develop -- in partnership with the EC
and its member states -- new mechanisms of consultation and
cooperation on political and global issues, from strengthening
the forces of democracy in the Third World, to managing regional
tensions, to putting an end to the division of Europe. A
resurgent West is an economic magnet, drawing Eastern Europe
5
closer, toward the commonwealth of free nations.
We will also step up our dialogue with the European
Community to find new ways to cooperate in the economic
transition to 1992. I ask the leaders of the Community to work
with us to develop regular, high-level meetings -- meetings to
anticipate problems and to take advantage of opportunities.
Of course, a more mature partnership with Western Europe
will pose new challenges. There are certain to be clashes and
controversies over trade. But it is important to distinguish
adversaries from allies, and allies from adversaries. What a
tragedy -- what an absurdity -- it would be if future historians
attribute the demise of the Western Alliance to disputes over
beef hormones, and wars over pasta.
We must all work hard to insure that the Europe of 1992 will
adopt the lower barriers of the modern international economy, not
the high walls and moats of medieval commerce. We hope to see
what President Kennedy referred to as an "outward-looking"
Europe, a vision I know is shared by President Mitterrand.
But our hopes for the future rest on preserving a Europe at
peace. Forty-two years ago, just across the Charles River,
Secretary of State George Marshall gave a commencement address
that outlined a plan to help Europe recover. Western Europe
6
responded heroically, and later joined with us in a partnership
for the common defense -- a shield we call NATO. Of course,
partners occasionally disagree -- as befits our charter and
democratic character. Some say the Alliance is in crisis, and it
may be true that like democracy itself, it has always been driven
by the spirit of crisis. But the deeper truth is that the
Alliance has achieved a historic peace because it is united by a
fundamental purpose. Behind the NATO shield, Europe has now
enjoyed forty years of peace, the longest period of peace the
continent has ever known. Behind this shield, the nations of
Western Europe have risen from privation to prosperity -- all
because of the strength and resolve of free peoples.
Western European defense cooperation is part of this
maturing partnership. We applaud the work of the revitalized
Western European Union, which worked with us to keep open the
sealanes of the Persian Gulf. We applaud the growing military
cooperation between West Germany and France. We will continue to
support British and French programs to modernize their deterrent
capability, and their continuing dialogue toward cooperation in
this area. Some worry our allies may seek more strategic
independence. But it is perfectly right and proper that
Europeans increasingly see their defense as their province.
Rather, we have a different concern -- a growing complacency
throughout the West.
7
Of course, your generation can hardly be expected to share
the grip of past anxieties. I understand that with a long peace,
it is hard to remember how it could be otherwise. But our
expectations cannot race so far ahead of reality that we lose a
sense of what we have to lose. There is a great irony here.
While an ideological earthquake is shaking asunder the very
foundation of Communist societies, the West is being tested by
complacency.
We must remember that twice in this century, American blood
has been shed over conflicts that began in Europe. We must never
forget that to keep the peace in Europe is to keep the peace for
America. We share the fervent desire of Europeans to relegate
war forever to the province of distant memory. That is why the
trans-Atlantic relationship is so central to our foreign policy.
That is why America remains committed to the agreed Alliance
strategy for preserving freedom in Europe called flexible
response. I know President Mitterrand agrees.
Our policy of flexible response keeps the United States
linked to Europe and lets any would-be aggressors know that they
will be met with any level of force needed to repel their attack
and frustrate their designs. Our deterrent forces based in
Europe, and kept up-to-date, symbolize that America's vital
interests are bound inextricably to Western Europe, and that an
attacker can never gamble on a test of strength with just our
8
conventional forces. Faced with such choices, there is only one
option for all -- peace.
In our search for a peace that is lasting, I am grateful
that Mr. Gorbachev has shown an eagerness to respond. If the
Soviets advance a bold, solid and constructive plan for peace,
then I say give credit where credit is due. But understand one
thing -- we welcome Soviet commitments, but we welcome Soviet
implementation of their commitments even more. A lasting peace
must be built on deeds that are concrete, not cosmetic, deeds
that are remembered after today's news. Our goal is to make
headway, not headlines.
In Texas, I said that promises are never enough. And as if
to prove my point, the Soviet Foreign Minister informed the world
last week that his nation's commitment to remove intermediate-
range nuclear missiles from Europe is now conditional. In other
words, the Soviets are threatening to violate a solemn vow, a
treaty to eliminate thousands of nuclear weapons in Europe. Is
this an example of "new thinking"? Or is it the same old party
line? Whatever it is, it is not helpful.
Yes, I am deliberate. Yes, I am careful. I am guarded
because the Warsaw Pact retains, and will retain, a massive
nuclear and conventional advantage over the Alliance. For that
reason, we will also maintain, in cooperation with our allies,
9
ground and air forces in Europe as long as they are wanted and
needed to preserve the peace in Europe. And I will reject
legislative attempts to unilaterally withdraw U.S. troops from
Europe. At the same time, my Administration will place a high
and continuing priority on negotiating a less militarized Europe,
with a secure conventional balance at lower levels of forces.
Our highest aspiration is a peace by choice over a peace by
compulsion.
Nineteen-ninety-two is the five hundredth anniversary of the
discovery of the New World. So we have five centuries to
celebrate, nothing less than our very civilization -- the
American Bill of Rights and the French Rights of Man, the ancient
and unwritten Constitution of Great Britain, and the democratic
visions of Konrad Adenauer and Alcide de Gasperi (Dah Gas-Pari).
And in all our celebrations, we observe one fact -- this
truly is a moral and spiritual community. It is our inheritance.
Let us protect it. Let us promote it. Let us treasure it for
our children, for Americans and Europeans yet unborn.
Thank you. Good luck in all that is ahead, and God bless
America.
#
#
#
Document No. 036749
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 05/16/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: Noon 05/17/89
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: BOSTON UNIVERSITY
SUBJECT:
(05/16 6:00 p.m.-draft 3)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C phone
D
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
PINKERTON 2pm phone
WINSTON
CICCONI
DEMAREST
ROSE
FITZWATER
GRAY N/C phone
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston (Rm. 122, x2930) by Noon on Wednesday, 05/17, with an
info copy to my office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Zelikow/Martin
May 16, 1989/6 p.m.
Draft: Three
is
PM 7: 20
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: BOSTON UNIVERSITY/Nickerson Field
MAY 21, 1989/11 a.m.
Thank you, John. It's a pleasure to be back in Boston.
( (And it's a pleasure to be back in one of my home states
Congratulations, Barbara, on a B.U. degree of your very own. And
now that you're an alumnus, take note -- this kinder and gentler
America I'm always speaking of doesn't include the Terriers
.))
I am pleased to share this opportunity with a special friend
of America
President Mitterand, you have the warm affection
and high regard of the American people. ((Anecdote to come.) )
My sincerest congratulations go to every Boston University
graduate, and to every proud parent. As B.U. grads, you take
with you a degree from a great institution, and something more --
knowledge of the past, and responsibility for the future.
It is with your future in mind that I have undertaken a
series of foreign policy reviews, the basis for bold new
policies. On April 17, I went to Michigan to outline how my
Administration will meet welcome changes in Eastern Europe. I
announced that the United States will actively encourage and
2
assist reform in Eastern Europe, and I backed up this commitment
with measures to deepen economic relations as those governments
allow for greater freedom. A few days ago in Texas, I spoke to
another group of graduates about our changing relationship with
the Soviet Union. I declared our intention to move beyond
containment, to integrate the Soviet Union into the community of
nations. I said the United States will work with the leaders of
the Soviet Union, not against them, as they institutionalize
changes that encourage freedom and peaceful cooperation.
But today, I want to discuss the future of Europe, that
mother of nations and ideas that are so much a part of America.
Just consider this city. From the Old North Church, to Paul
Revere's home now nestled in the warm heart of the Italian North
End, to the song-filled Irish pubs of Southy
the Old and
New Worlds are inseparable in Boston.
But as we look back to Old World tradition, we must look
ahead to changes in Europe. From foreign policy to economics --
these changes will shape your careers and your very lives. Can
America keep up with the brisk pace of change around the world?
More importantly, can we stay ahead of those changes?
Absolutely.
Forty-two years ago, just across the Charles River,
Secretary of State George Marshall gave a commencement address
3
that outlined a plan to revive Europe. Western Europe responded
heroically, and then joined with us to protect this fragile
reconstruction. Behind this shield, Europe has now enjoyed forty
years of peace, the longest period of peace Europeans have ever
known. Behind this shield, the nations of Western Europe have
risen from privation to prosperity -- all because freedom works.
Of course, the generations coming of age in America and
Western Europe today can hardly be expected to feel the grip of
past anxieties -- the fears of those who fought in a wars that
began at Sarajevo (Sarah-HAY-vo) and Danzig. But the history you
learned in this university is the only past you will inherit.
Any student of history will remember that democracies reach the
moment of maximum danger when they reach maximum complacency. I
understand that when people have been at peace for a long time,
it is easy to forget that it could be otherwise. I can
understand the frustration of those who rush to embrace the new
millennia. But our expectations cannot race so far ahead of
reality that we lose sight of what's at stake.
There is a great irony here. At the very moment the
Alliance is tested by complacency, an ideological earthquake in
the societies of the East is shaking asunder the very premise of
Communism. In Eastern Europe, a powerful yearning for self-
determination is asserting itself, a yearning which will not be
satisfied by a mere easing of the grip of illegitimate regimes.
4
In the Soviet Union, the extent of reform itself is a
dramatic confession of failure. Yet they cling to the enforced
division of Europe. As the Soviets continue to talk about a
united Europe, we will remind them that it is their Berlin Wall,
their Brezhnev Doctrine, their guard towers, their barbed wire,
which divide Europe. Mr. Gorbachev says he has a vision of a
common European home. But Mr. Gorbachev, your vision of this
home will not inspire us until you first unlock doors and open
windows to the world
My vision goes far beyond the boundaries of mere geography.
My vision is one of a global Commonwealth of Free Nations united
by eternal values of democracy, openness and respect for human
rights -- with the nations of the Alliance as its founding
members.
The Alliance is also the means through which West will deal
with East. ( (Quote to come from Raymond Aron on partnership) )
Our allies should know that we will consult with them constantly,
and remain sensitive to their vital interests. They should also
know this: There will be no surprises from the United States.
As democracies, we will have disagreements. But the West
must ultimately stand solid and united in the face of the Soviet
threat. The United States remains committed to the belief that
5
the defense of Europe and the deterrence of war requires nuclear
weapons, including short-range nuclear weapons. These weapons
have made the prevention of war an absolute and fearsome
necessity. The destructive power of these weapons is so terrible
as to banish forever the delusions of a would-be aggressor. And
it is this very destructive power which serves a constructive
purpose -- to bring the ancient dream of ending war within our
reach.
Common sense tells us that we must maintain the means to
convince an aggressor that he would be met in Western Europe with
any level of force needed to repel his attack and frustrate his
designs. This is the essence of our strategy of "flexible
response." We will keep and maintain the nuclear forces we base
in Europe as proof of our commitment. We will hold these weapons
at the lowest possible level. Mr. Gorbachev's latest promise to
withdraw 500 warheads means we should withdraw a proportionate
equivalent. Fine. ( (That's four warheads. " So much for public
relations. Now let's get back to substance.
The fact is, we have unilaterally withdrawn thousands of
weapons in the last decade, more than a third of our stockpile.
Still, as my friend President Mitterand recognizes in word and
deed, nuclear forces still remain the ultimate deterrent. There
is no substitute.
6
Our policy approach springs from seventy years of Soviet
international behavior. We welcome Soviet reforms, but we will
continue to scrupulously evaluate Soviet intentions.
Last week, I gave concrete proposals to seek more openness
between the United States and the Soviet Union on military and
trade issues. But, I also warned of the Soviet season, where
every summer of friendship is followed by a winter of suspicion.
A look at last week's headlines proves this point. The Soviet
Foreign Minister has threatened to violate the INF treaty if we
take actions fully allowed by the treaty, and fully foreseeable
at the time the treaty was signed. Are we now to understand that
the Soviet implementation of the INF Treaty is conditional? Is
this an example of what we can expect from "new thinking?" Or is
it the same old party line? Whatever it is, it does not bring us
closer together.
We also remain committed to the conventional defense of
Europe. Of course, we want a more secure balance, at lower
levels. But I will reject legislative attempts to unilaterally
withdraw U.S. troops from Europe. We are disturbed by the way in
which the Soviet Union deploys its forces in a forward posture,
taking full advantage of its superior geographic position. We
will maintain, in cooperation with our allies, U.S. ground and
air forces in Europe so long as the Soviet Union remains the
dominant military power in Eurasia.
7
We welcome European defense coordination as a new stage in
trans-Atlantic relations. The Alliance needs a strong European
"pillar." And we see such a pillar of strength arising in the
revitalized Western European Union, and in its coordinated effort
with the United States in the Persian Gulf. We applaud the
growing defense cooperation of West Germany and France, and
support the modernization of the British and French independent
nuclear deterrent.
In these ways, the Western Alliance can maintain a common
strategic policy. But in a time of peace, economic and political
cooperation can be almost as critical to the Alliance as a united
strategic approach. Some in the United States are ambivalent
about the integration of Europe in 1992. They look to the past.
My mission is to look to the future. The United States welcomes
a larger European role in the world. We believe that European
unity and the NATO partnership are not in conflict. We believe
they reinforce each other.
We will seek new ways to manage the transition to 1992. And
the United States also welcomes the political role of the
European Community. If the EC agrees, we are eager to develop
and intensify new avenues of consultation and cooperation on
global issues -- whether it is strengthening the economies of the
8
Third World, encouraging the spread of democracy, or protecting
the environment.
We must especially avoid prolonged and bitter disputes over
trade. Just as we must not mistake adversaries for allies, so we
must not mistake our allies for adversaries. What a tragedy --
what an absurdity -- it would be if future historians attribute
the demise of the Western Alliance to disputes over produce, and
wars over pasta.
We want the Europe of 1992 to adopt the lower barriers of
the modern world economy, not the high walls and moats of
medieval commerce. We want to see what President Kennedy
referred to as an "outward-looking" Europe. And we are hopeful
that a resurgent Western Europe will be a magnet drawing the
nations of Eastern Europe into the Twenty-First Century.
Twice in this century, American blood has been shed over
conflicts that began in Europe. So Americans share the fervent
desire of Europeans to relegate war forever to the province of
distant memories.
Nineteen-ninety-two is the five hundredth anniversary of the
discovery of the New World. So we have five centuries to
celebrate, not just four decades. We will celebrate the American
Bill of Rights and the French Rights of Man, the ancient and
9
unwritten Constitution of Great Britain, and the democratic
vision of Konrad Adenauer and Alcide de Gasperi.
( (Quote to come from Jean Monnet) )
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: BOSTON UNIVERSITY
NICKERSON FIELD
MAY 21, 1989/11 A.M.
THANK YOU, JOHN. PRESIDENT AND MADAME MITTERRAND,
MAYOR FLYNN, CARDINAL LAW, DR. METCALF AND DR. WIESEL
.
IT'S A PLEASURE TO BE BACK IN BOSTON. ((AND IT'S A
PLEASURE TO BE BACK IN ONE OF MY HOME STATES ...
I AM
DELIGHTED AND HONORED TO RECEIVE A DOCTOR OF LAWS FROM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY, ALONG WITH PRESIDENT MITTERRAND. I
HAVE JUST ONE QUESTION: DOES THIS NOW MAKE US A COUPLE
OF BOSTON LAWYERS?))
(CONGRATULATIONS, BARBARA, ON A B.U. DEGREE OF
YOUR VERY OWN. AND NOW THAT YOU'RE AN ALUMNA, TAKE
NOTE -- THIS KINDER AND GENTLER AMERICA I'M ALWAYS
SPEAKING OF DOESN'T INCLUDE THE TERRIERS
))
- 2 -
MY SINCEREST CONGRATULATIONS GO TO EVERY BOSTON
UNIVERSITY GRADUATE, AND TO EVERY PROUD PARENT. AS
B.U. GRADS, YOU TAKE WITH YOU A DEGREE FROM A GREAT
INSTITUTION, AND SOMETHING MORE --KNOWLEDGE OF THE
PAST, AND RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE FUTURE. LOOK AT OUR
WORLD. NATIONS ARE UNDERGOING CHANGE SO RADICAL, THAT
THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM YOU WILL KNOW IN THE NEXT
CENTURY WILL BE AS DIFFERENT FROM TODAY'S, AS TODAY'S
WORLD IS FROM THE TIME OF WOODROW WILSON. HOW WILL
AMERICA PREPARE FOR THE CHALLENGES AHEAD?
IT IS WITH YOUR FUTURE IN MIND THAT, AFTER
DELIBERATION AND REVIEW, THAT WE ARE ADAPTING OUR
FOREIGN POLICIES TO MEET THIS TIME OF EXTRAORDINARY
CHANGE AND OPPORTUNITY. I HAVE OUTLINED HOW THIS
ADMINISTRATION WILL PROMOTE REFORM IN EASTERN EUROPE;
AND HOW WE WILL WORK WITH OUR FRIENDS IN LATIN AMERICA.
IN TEXAS, I SPOKE TO ANOTHER GROUP OF GRADUATES OF OUR
NEW APPROACH TO THE SOVIET UNION, ONE OF MOVING BEYOND
CONTAINMENT, TO SEEK TO INTEGRATE THE SOVIETS INTO THE
COMMUNITY OF NATIONS, TO HELP THEM SHARE THE REWARDS OF
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION.
- 3 -
BUT TODAY, I WANT TO DISCUSS THE FUTURE OF EUROPE,
THAT MOTHER OF NATIONS AND IDEAS THAT IS SO MUCH A PART
OF AMERICA. IT IS FITTING THAT I SHARE THIS FORUM WITH
A SPECIAL FRIEND OF AMERICA
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND,
YOU HAVE THE WARM AFFECTION AND HIGH REGARD OF THE
AMERICAN PEOPLE. I WELL REMEMBER WHEN I JOINED YOU IN
YORKTOWN IN 1981, TO CELEBRATE THE BICENTENNIAL OF THAT
FIRST FRANCO-AMERICAN FIGHT FOR FREEDOM. SOON, I WILL
JOIN YOU IN PARIS TO OBSERVE THE 200TH ANNIVERSARY OF
THE FRENCH STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
THIS IS JUST ONE EXAMPLE OF A SPECIAL BOND BETWEEN
TWO CONTINENTS. BUT CONSIDER THIS CITY. FROM THE OLD
NORTH CHURCH, TO PAUL REVERE'S HOME NESTLED IN THE WARM
HEART OF THE ITALIAN NORTH END, TO YOUR FAMOUS SONG-
FILLED IRISH PUBS
THE OLD AND NEW WORLDS ARE
INSEPARABLE IN BOSTON. BUT AS WE LOOK BACK TO OLD
WORLD TRADITION, WE MUST LOOK AHEAD TO A NEW EUROPE.
HISTORIC CHANGES WILL SHAPE YOUR CAREERS AND YOUR VERY
LIVES.
- 4 -
THE CHANGES THAT ARE OCCURRING IN WESTERN EUROPE
ARE LESS DRAMATIC THAN THOSE TAKING PLACE IN THE EAST,
BUT THEY ARE NO LESS FUNDAMENTAL. THE POSTWAR ORDER
THAT BEGAN IN 1945 IS TRANSFORMING INTO SOMETHING VERY
DIFFERENT. YET CERTAIN ESSENTIALS REMAIN, BECAUSE OUR
ALLIANCE WITH WESTERN EUROPE IS UTTERLY UNLIKE THE
CYNICAL POWER ALLIANCES OF THE PAST. IT IS BASED ON
FAR MORE THAN THE PERCEPTION OF A COMMON ENEMY. IT IS
A TIE OF CULTURE, KINSHIP AND SHARED VALUES. AS WE
LOOK TOWARD THE 21ST CENTURY, AMERICANS AND EUROPEANS
ALIKE SHOULD REMEMBER THE WORDS OF RAYMOND ARON (A-
ROHN), WHO CALLED THE ALLIANCE A "MORAL AND SPIRITUAL
COMMUNITY." OUR IDEALS ARE THOSE OF THE AMERICAN BILL
OF RIGHTS AND THE FRENCH DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF
MAN. AND IT IS PRECISELY BECAUSE THE IDEALS OF THIS
COMMUNITY ARE UNIVERSAL, THAT THE WORLD IS IN FERMENT
TODAY.
- 5 -
NOW A NEW CENTURY HOLDS THE PROMISE OF A UNITED
EUROPE. AS YOU KNOW, THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE ARE
ALREADY MOVING TOWARD GREATER ECONOMIC INTEGRATION,
WITH THE AMBITIOUS GOAL OF A SINGLE EUROPEAN MARKET IN
1992. THE UNITED STATES HAS OFTEN DECLARED IT SEEKS A
HEALING OF OLD ENMITIES, AN INTEGRATION OF EUROPE. AT
THE SAME TIME, THERE HAS BEEN AN HISTORICAL AMBIVALENCE
ON THE PART OF SOME AMERICANS TOWARD A MORE UNITED
EUROPE. TO THIS AMBIVALENCE HAS BEEN ADDED
APPREHENSION AT THE PROSPECT OF 1992. BUT WHATEVER
OTHERS MAY THINK, THIS ADMINISTRATION IS OF ONE MIND.
WE BELIEVE A STRONG, UNITED EUROPE MEANS A STRONG
AMERICA.
WESTERN EUROPE HAS A GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT THAT
IS ROUGHLY EQUAL TO OUR OWN AND A POPULATION THAT
EXCEEDS OURS. EUROPEAN SCIENCE LEADS THE WORLD IN MANY
FIELDS, AND EUROPEAN WORKERS ARE HIGHLY EDUCATED AND
HIGHLY SKILLED.
- 6 -
THE UNITED STATES WELCOMES THE EMERGENCE OF EUROPE
AS A PARTNER IN WORLD LEADERSHIP. WE ARE READY TO
DEVELOP -- WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AND ITS MEMBER
STATES -- NEW MECHANISMS OF CONSULTATION AND
COOPERATION ON POLITICAL AND GLOBAL ISSUES, FROM
STRENGTHENING THE FORCES OF DEMOCRACY IN THE THIRD
WORLD, TO MANAGING REGIONAL TENSIONS, TO PUTTING AN END
TO THE DIVISION OF EUROPE. A RESURGENT WESTERN EUROPE
IS AN ECONOMIC MAGNET, DRAWING EASTERN EUROPE CLOSER,
TOWARD THE COMMONWEALTH OF FREE NATIONS.
A MORE MATURE PARTNERSHIP WITH WESTERN EUROPE WILL
POSE NEW CHALLENGES. THERE ARE CERTAIN TO BE CLASHES
AND CONTROVERSIES OVER ECONOMIC ISSUES. AMERICA WILL,
OF COURSE, DEFEND ITS INTERESTS. BUT IT IS IMPORTANT
TO DISTINGUISH ADVERSARIES FROM ALLIES, AND ALLIES FROM
ADVERSARIES. WHAT A TRAGEDY -- WHAT AN ABSURDITY -- IT
WOULD BE IF FUTURE HISTORIANS ATTRIBUTE THE DEMISE OF
THE WESTERN ALLIANCE TO DISPUTES OVER BEEF HORMONES,
AND WARS OVER PASTA. WE MUST ALL WORK HARD TO INSURE
THAT THE EUROPE OF 1992 WILL ADOPT THE LOWER BARRIERS
OF THE MODERN INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY, NOT THE HIGH WALLS
AND MOATS OF MEDIEVAL COMMERCE.
- 7 -
BUT OUR HOPES FOR THE FUTURE REST ULTIMATELY ON
KEEPING THE PEACE IN EUROPE. FORTY-TWO YEARS AGO, JUST
ACROSS THE CHARLES RIVER, SECRETARY OF STATE GEORGE
MARSHALL GAVE A COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS THAT OUTLINED A
PLAN TO HELP EUROPE RECOVER. WESTERN EUROPE RESPONDED
HEROICALLY, AND LATER JOINED WITH US IN A PARTNERSHIP
FOR THE COMMON DEFENSE -- A SHIELD WE CALL NATO. THIS
ALLIANCE HAS ALWAYS BEEN DRIVEN BY A SPIRITED DEBATE
OVER THE BEST WAY TO ACHIEVE PEACEFUL CHANGE. BUT THE
DEEPER TRUTH IS THAT THE ALLIANCE HAS ACHIEVED AN
HISTORIC PEACE BECAUSE IT IS UNITED BY A FUNDAMENTAL
PURPOSE. BEHIND THE NATO SHIELD, EUROPE HAS NOW
ENJOYED FORTY YEARS FREE OF CONFLICT, THE LONGEST
PERIOD OF PEACE THE CONTINENT HAS EVER KNOWN. BEHIND
THIS SHIELD, THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE HAVE RISEN
FROM PRIVATION TO PROSPERITY -- ALL BECAUSE OF THE
STRENGTH AND RESOLVE OF FREE PEOPLES.
- 8 -
WITH A WESTERN EUROPE THAT IS NOW COMING TOGETHER,
WE RECOGNIZE THAT NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION MUST BE
DEVELOPED. WE APPLAUD THE DEFENSE COOPERATION
DEVELOPING IN THE REVITALIZED WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION,
WHOSE MEMBERS WORKED WITH US TO KEEP OPEN THE SEALANES
OF THE PERSIAN GULF. WE APPLAUD THE GROWING MILITARY
COOPERATION BETWEEN WEST GERMANY AND FRANCE. WE
WELCOME BRITISH AND FRENCH PROGRAMS TO MODERNIZE THEIR
DETERRENT CAPABILITY, AND THEIR MOVES TOWARD
COOPERATION IN THIS AREA. IT IS PERFECTLY RIGHT AND
PROPER THAT EUROPEANS INCREASINGLY SEE THEIR DEFENSE
COOPERATION AS AN INVESTMENT IN A SECURE FUTURE. BUT
WE DO HAVE A MAJOR CONCERN OF A DIFFERENT ORDER -- A
GROWING COMPLACENCY THROUGHOUT THE WEST.
OF COURSE, YOUR GENERATION CAN HARDLY BE EXPECTED
TO SHARE THE GRIP OF PAST ANXIETIES. WITH SUCH A LONG
PEACE, IT IS HARD TO IMAGINE HOW IT COULD BE OTHERWISE.
BUT OUR EXPECTATIONS IN THIS RAPIDLY CHANGING WORLD
CANNOT RACE so FAR AHEAD THAT WE FORGET WHAT IS AT
STAKE. THERE IS A GREAT IRONY HERE. WHILE AN
IDEOLOGICAL EARTHQUAKE IS SHAKING ASUNDER THE VERY
FOUNDATION OF COMMUNIST SOCIETIES, THE WEST IS BEING
TESTED BY COMPLACENCY.
- 9 -
WE MUST NEVER FORGET THAT TWICE IN THIS CENTURY,
AMERICAN BLOOD HAS BEEN SHED OVER CONFLICTS THAT BEGAN
IN EUROPE. WE SHARE THE FERVENT DESIRE OF EUROPEANS TO
RELEGATE WAR FOREVER TO THE PROVINCE OF DISTANT MEMORY.
BUT THAT IS WHY THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE IS SO CENTRAL TO
OUR FOREIGN POLICY. THAT IS WHY AMERICA REMAINS
COMMITTED TO THE ALLIANCE AND THE STRATEGY WHICH HAS
PRESERVED FREEDOM IN EUROPE. WE MUST NEVER FORGET THAT
TO KEEP THE PEACE IN EUROPE IS TO KEEP THE PEACE FOR
AMERICA.
NATO'S POLICY OF FLEXIBLE RESPONSE KEEPS THE
UNITED STATES LINKED TO EUROPE AND LETS ANY WOULD-BE
AGGRESSORS KNOW THAT THEY WILL BE MET WITH ANY LEVEL OF
FORCE NEEDED TO REPEL THEIR ATTACK AND FRUSTRATE THEIR
DESIGNS. OUR SHORT-RANGE DETERRENT FORCES BASED IN
EUROPE, AND KEPT UP-TO-DATE, DEMONSTRATE THAT AMERICA'S
VITAL INTERESTS ARE BOUND INEXTRICABLY TO WESTERN
EUROPE, AND THAT AN ATTACKER CAN NEVER GAMBLE ON A TEST
OF STRENGTH WITH JUST OUR CONVENTIONAL FORCES. THOUGH
HOPE IS NOW RUNNING HIGH FOR A MORE PEACEFUL CONTINENT,
THE HISTORY OF THIS CENTURY TEACHES AMERICANS AND
EUROPEANS TO REMAIN PREPARED.
- 10 -
AS WE SEARCH FOR A PEACE THAT IS ENDURING, I AM
GRATEFUL FOR THE STEPS THAT MR. GORBACHEV IS TAKING.
IF THE SOVIETS ADVANCE SOLID AND CONSTRUCTIVE PLANS FOR
PEACE, THEN WE SHOULD GIVE CREDIT WHERE CREDIT IS DUE.
WE ARE SEEING SWEEPING CHANGES IN THE SOVIET UNION THAT
SHOW PROMISE OF ENDURING, OF BECOMING INGRAINED. AT
THE SAME TIME, IN AN ERA OF EXTRAORDINARY CHANGE, WE
HAVE AN OBLIGATION TO TEMPER OPTIMISM WITH PRUDENCE.
FOR EXAMPLE, THE SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER INFORMED
THE WORLD LAST WEEK THAT HIS NATION'S COMMITMENT TO
DESTROY SS-23 MISSILES UNDER THE INF TREATY MAY BE
REVERSIBLE. THE SOVIETS MUST SURELY KNOW THE RESULTS
OF FAILURE TO COMPLY WITH THIS SOLEMN AGREEMENT:
PERHAPS THEIR PURPOSE WAS TO DIVIDE THE WEST ON OTHER
ISSUES. REGARDLESS, IT IS CLEAR THAT SOVIET "NEW
THINKING" HAS NOT YET TOTALLY OVERCOME THE OLD.
- 11 -
I BELIEVE IN A DELIBERATE, STEP-BY-STEP APPROACH
TO EAST-WEST RELATIONS, BECAUSE RECURRING SIGNS SHOW
THAT WHILE CHANGE IN THE SOVIET UNION IS DRAMATIC, IT
IS NOT YET COMPLETE. THE WARSAW PACT RETAINS A NEARLY
12-TO-ONE ADVANTAGE OVER THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE IN
SHORT-RANGE MISSILE AND ROCKET LAUNCHERS CAPABLE OF
DELIVERING NUCLEAR WEAPONS; AND MORE THAN A TWO-TO-ONE
ADVANTAGE IN MAIN BATTLE TANKS. FOR THAT REASON, WE
WILL ALSO MAINTAIN, IN COOPERATION WITH OUR ALLIES,
GROUND AND AIR FORCES IN EUROPE AS LONG AS THEY ARE
WANTED AND NEEDED TO PRESERVE THE PEACE IN EUROPE. AT
THE SAME TIME, MY ADMINISTRATION WILL PLACE A HIGH AND
CONTINUING PRIORITY ON NEGOTIATING A LESS MILITARIZED
EUROPE, ONE WITH A SECURE CONVENTIONAL BALANCE AT LOWER
LEVELS OF FORCES. OUR HIGHEST ASPIRATION IS A PEACE OF
SHARED OPTIMISM, NOT OF ARMED CAMPS.
- 12 -
NINETEEN-NINETY-TWO IS THE FIVE HUNDREDTH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD. SO WE
HAVE FIVE CENTURIES TO CELEBRATE, NOTHING LESS THAN OUR
VERY CIVILIZATION -- THE AMERICAN BILL OF RIGHTS AND
THE FRENCH RIGHTS OF MAN, THE ANCIENT AND UNWRITTEN
CONSTITUTION OF GREAT BRITAIN, AND THE DEMOCRATIC
VISIONS OF KONRAD ADENAUER AND ALCIDE DE GASPERI [DAH
GAS-PARI].
AND IN ALL OUR CELEBRATIONS, WE OBSERVE ONE FACT
-- THIS TRULY IS A MORAL AND SPIRITUAL COMMUNITY. IT
IS OUR INHERITANCE. LET US PROTECT IT. LET US PROMOTE
IT. LET US TREASURE IT FOR OUR CHILDREN, FOR AMERICANS
AND EUROPEANS YET UNBORN.
THANK YOU. GOOD LUCK IN ALL THAT IS AHEAD, AND
GOD BLESS AMERICA.
###
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: BOSTON UNIVERSITY
NICKERSON FIELD
MAY 21, 1989/11 A.M.
THANK YOU, JOHN.
PRESIDENT AND MADAME MITTERRAND,
MAYOR FLYNN, CARDINAL
LAW, DR. METCALF AND DR. WIESEL
IT'S A PLEASURE TO BE BACK IN BOSTON. ((AND IT'S A
PLEASURE TO BE BACK IN ONE OF MY HOME STATES
I AM
DELIGHTED AND HONORED TO RECEIVE A DOCTOR OF LAWS FROM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY, ALONG WITH PRESIDENT MITTERRAND.
- 2 -
I HAVE JUST ONE QUESTION: DOES THIS NOW MAKE US A
COUPLE OF BOSTON LAWYERS?))
((CONGRATULATIONS, BARBARA, ON A B.U. DEGREE OF
YOUR VERY OWN. AND NOW THAT YOU'RE AN ALUMNA, TAKE
NOTE -- THIS KINDER AND GENTLER AMERICA I'M ALWAYS
SPEAKING OF DOESN'T INCLUDE THE TERRIERS
))
- 3 -
MY SINCEREST CONGRATULATIONS GO TO EVERY BOSTON
UNIVERSITY GRADUATE, AND TO EVERY PROUD PARENT. As
B.U. GRADS, YOU TAKE WITH YOU A DEGREE FROM A GREAT
INSTITUTION, AND SOMETHING MORE --KNOWLEDGE OF THE
PAST, AND RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE FUTURE. LOOK AT OUR
WORLD.
- 4 -
NATIONS ARE UNDERGOING CHANGE so RADICAL, THAT THE
INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM YOU WILL KNOW IN THE NEXT CENTURY
WILL BE AS DIFFERENT FROM TODAY'S, AS TODAY'S WORLD IS
FROM THE TIME OF WOODROW WILSON. How WILL AMERICA
PREPARE FOR THE CHALLENGES AHEAD?
- 5 -
IT IS WITH YOUR FUTURE IN MIND THAT, AFTER
DELIBERATION AND REVIEW, THAT WE ARE ADAPTING OUR
FOREIGN POLICIES TO MEET THIS TIME OF EXTRAORDINARY
CHANGE AND OPPORTUNITY. I HAVE OUTLINED HOW THIS
ADMINISTRATION WILL PROMOTE REFORM IN EASTERN EUROPE;
AND HOW WE WILL WORK WITH OUR FRIENDS IN LATIN AMERICA.
- 6 -
IN TEXAS, I SPOKE To ANOTHER GROUP OF GRADUATES OF OUR
NEW APPROACH TO THE SOVIET UNION, ONE OF MOVING BEYOND
CONTAINMENT, TO SEEK TO INTEGRATE THE SOVIETS INTO THE
COMMUNITY OF NATIONS, TO HELP THEM SHARE THE REWARDS OF
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION.
- 7 -
BUT TODAY, I WANT TO DISCUSS THE FUTURE OF EUROPE,
THAT MOTHER OF NATIONS AND IDEAS THAT IS so MUCH A PART
OF AMERICA. IT IS FITTING THAT I SHARE THIS FORUM WITH
A SPECIAL FRIEND OF AMERICA
PRESIDENT MITTERRAND,
YOU HAVE THE WARM AFFECTION AND HIGH REGARD OF THE
AMERICAN PEOPLE.
- 8 -
I WELL REMEMBER WHEN I JOINED YOU IN YORKTOWN IN 1981,
TO CELEBRATE THE BICENTENNIAL OF THAT FIRST FRANCO-
AMERICAN FIGHT FOR FREEDOM. SOON, I WILL JOIN YOU IN
PARIS TO OBSERVE THE 200TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FRENCH
STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
- 9 -
THIS IS JUST ONE EXAMPLE OF A SPECIAL BOND BETWEEN
TWO CONTINENTS. BUT CONSIDER THIS CITY. FROM THE OLD
NORTH CHURCH, TO PAUL REVERE'S HOME NESTLED IN THE WARM
HEART OF THE ITALIAN NORTH END, TO YOUR FAMOUS SONG-
FILLED IRISH PUBS
THE OLD AND NEW WORLDS ARE
INSEPARABLE IN BOSTON. BUT AS WE LOOK BACK TO OLD
WORLD TRADITION, WE MUST LOOK AHEAD TO A NEW EUROPE.
- 10 -
HISTORIC CHANGES WILL SHAPE YOUR CAREERS AND YOUR VERY
LIVES.
THE CHANGES THAT ARE OCCURRING IN WESTERN EUROPE
ARE LESS DRAMATIC THAN THOSE TAKING PLACE IN THE EAST,
BUT THEY ARE NO LESS FUNDAMENTAL. THE POSTWAR ORDER
THAT BEGAN IN 1945 IS TRANSFORMING INTO SOMETHING VERY
DIFFERENT.
- 11 -
YET CERTAIN ESSENTIALS REMAIN, BECAUSE OUR ALLIANCE
WITH WESTERN EUROPE IS UTTERLY UNLIKE THE CYNICAL POWER
ALLIANCES OF THE PAST. IT IS BASED ON FAR MORE THAN
THE PERCEPTION OF A COMMON ENEMY. IT IS A TIE OF
CULTURE, KINSHIP AND SHARED VALUES.
- 12 -
As WE LOOK TOWARD THE 21st CENTURY, AMERICANS AND
EUROPEANS ALIKE SHOULD REMEMBER THE WORDS OF RAYMOND
ARON (A-ROHN), WHO CALLED THE ALLIANCE A "MORAL AND
SPIRITUAL COMMUNITY." OUR IDEALS ARE THOSE OF THE
AMERICAN BILL OF RIGHTS AND THE FRENCH DECLARATION OF
THE RIGHTS OF MAN.
- 13 -
AND IT IS PRECISELY BECAUSE THE IDEALS OF THIS
COMMUNITY ARE UNIVERSAL, THAT THE WORLD IS IN FERMENT
TODAY.
- 14 -
Now A NEW CENTURY HOLDS THE PROMISE OF A UNITED
EUROPE. As YOU KNOW, THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE ARE
ALREADY MOVING TOWARD GREATER ECONOMIC INTEGRATION,
WITH THE AMBITIOUS GOAL OF A SINGLE EUROPEAN MARKET IN
1992. THE UNITED STATES HAS OFTEN DECLARED IT SEEKS A
HEALING OF OLD ENMITIES, AN INTEGRATION OF EUROPE.
- 15 -
AT THE SAME TIME, THERE HAS BEEN AN HISTORICAL
AMBIVALENCE ON THE PART OF SOME AMERICANS TOWARD A MORE
UNITED EUROPE. To THIS AMBIVALENCE HAS BEEN ADDED
APPREHENSION AT THE PROSPECT OF 1992. BUT WHATEVER
OTHERS MAY THINK, THIS ADMINISTRATION IS OF ONE MIND.
WE BELIEVE A STRONG, UNITED EUROPE MEANS A STRONG
AMERICA.
- 16 -
WESTERN EUROPE HAS A GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT THAT IS
ROUGHLY EQUAL TO OUR OWN AND A POPULATION THAT EXCEEDS
OURS. EUROPEAN SCIENCE LEADS THE WORLD IN MANY FIELDS,
AND EUROPEAN WORKERS ARE HIGHLY EDUCATED AND HIGHLY
SKILLED.
THE UNITED STATES WELCOMES THE EMERGENCE OF EUROPE
AS A PARTNER IN WORLD LEADERSHIP.
- 17 -
WE ARE READY TO DEVELOP -- WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
AND ITS MEMBER STATES -- NEW MECHANISMS OF CONSULTATION
AND COOPERATION ON POLITICAL AND GLOBAL ISSUES, FROM
STRENGTHENING THE FORCES OF DEMOCRACY IN THE THIRD
WORLD, TO MANAGING REGIONAL TENSIONS, TO PUTTING AN END
TO THE DIVISION OF EUROPE.
- 18 -
A RESURGENT WESTERN EUROPE IS AN ECONOMIC MAGNET,
DRAWING EASTERN EUROPE CLOSER, TOWARD THE COMMONWEALTH
OF FREE NATIONS.
A MORE MATURE PARTNERSHIP WITH WESTERN EUROPE WILL
POSE NEW CHALLENGES. THERE ARE CERTAIN TO BE CLASHES
AND CONTROVERSIES OVER ECONOMIC ISSUES. AMERICA WILL,
OF COURSE, DEFEND ITS INTERESTS.
- 19 -
BUT IT IS IMPORTANT TO DISTINGUISH ADVERSARIES FROM
ALLIES, AND ALLIES FROM ADVERSARIES. WHAT A TRAGEDY --
WHAT AN ABSURDITY -- IT WOULD BE IF FUTURE HISTORIANS
ATTRIBUTE THE DEMISE OF THE WESTERN ALLIANCE TO
DISPUTES OVER BEEF HORMONES, AND WARS OVER PASTA.
- 20 -
WE MUST ALL WORK HARD TO INSURE THAT THE EUROPE OF 1992
WILL ADOPT THE LOWER BARRIERS OF THE MODERN
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY, NOT THE HIGH WALLS AND MOATS OF
MEDIEVAL COMMERCE.
- 21 -
BUT OUR HOPES FOR THE FUTURE REST ULTIMATELY ON
KEEPING THE PEACE IN EUROPE. FORTY-TWO YEARS AGO, JUST
ACROSS THE CHARLES RIVER, SECRETARY OF STATE GEORGE
MARSHALL GAVE A COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS THAT OUTLINED A
PLAN TO HELP EUROPE RECOVER. WESTERN EUROPE RESPONDED
HEROICALLY, AND LATER JOINED WITH US IN A PARTNERSHIP
FOR THE COMMON DEFENSE -- A SHIELD WE CALL NATO.
- 22 -
THIS ALLIANCE HAS ALWAYS BEEN DRIVEN BY A SPIRITED
DEBATE OVER THE BEST WAY TO ACHIEVE PEACEFUL CHANGE.
BUT THE DEEPER TRUTH IS THAT THE ALLIANCE HAS ACHIEVED
AN HISTORIC PEACE BECAUSE IT IS UNITED BY A FUNDAMENTAL
PURPOSE. BEHIND THE NATO SHIELD, EUROPE HAS NOW
ENJOYED FORTY YEARS FREE OF CONFLICT, THE LONGEST
PERIOD OF PEACE THE CONTINENT HAS EVER KNOWN.
- 23 -
BEHIND THIS SHIELD, THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE HAVE
RISEN FROM PRIVATION TO PROSPERITY -- ALL BECAUSE OF
THE STRENGTH AND RESOLVE OF FREE PEOPLES.
WITH A WESTERN EUROPE THAT IS NOW COMING TOGETHER,
WE RECOGNIZE THAT NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION MUST BE
DEVELOPED.
- 24 -
WE APPLAUD THE DEFENSE COOPERATION DEVELOPING IN THE
REVITALIZED WESTERN EUROPEAN UNION, WHOSE MEMBERS
WORKED WITH US TO KEEP OPEN THE SEALANES OF THE PERSIAN
GULF. WE APPLAUD THE GROWING MILITARY COOPERATION
BETWEEN WEST GERMANY AND FRANCE.
- 25 -
WE WELCOME BRITISH AND FRENCH PROGRAMS TO MODERNIZE
THEIR DETERRENT CAPABILITY, AND THEIR MOVES TOWARD
COOPERATION IN THIS AREA. IT IS PERFECTLY RIGHT AND
PROPER THAT EUROPEANS INCREASINGLY SEE THEIR DEFENSE
COOPERATION AS AN INVESTMENT IN A SECURE FUTURE. BUT
WE DO HAVE A MAJOR CONCERN OF A DIFFERENT ORDER -- A
GROWING COMPLACENCY THROUGHOUT THE WEST.
- 26 -
OF COURSE, YOUR GENERATION CAN HARDLY BE EXPECTED
TO SHARE THE GRIP OF PAST ANXIETIES. WITH SUCH A LONG
PEACE, IT IS HARD TO IMAGINE HOW IT COULD BE OTHERWISE.
BUT OUR EXPECTATIONS IN THIS RAPIDLY CHANGING WORLD
CANNOT RACE SO FAR AHEAD THAT WE FORGET WHAT IS AT
STAKE. THERE IS A GREAT IRONY HERE.
- 27 -
WHILE AN IDEOLOGICAL EARTHQUAKE IS SHAKING ASUNDER THE
VERY FOUNDATION OF COMMUNIST SOCIETIES, THE WEST IS
BEING TESTED BY COMPLACENCY.
WE MUST NEVER FORGET THAT TWICE IN THIS CENTURY,
AMERICAN BLOOD HAS BEEN SHED OVER CONFLICTS THAT BEGAN
IN EUROPE. WE SHARE THE FERVENT DESIRE OF EUROPEANS TO
RELEGATE WAR FOREVER TO THE PROVINCE OF DISTANT MEMORY.
- 28 -
BUT THAT IS WHY THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE IS so CENTRAL To
OUR FOREIGN POLICY. THAT IS WHY AMERICA REMAINS
COMMITTED TO THE ALLIANCE AND THE STRATEGY WHICH HAS
PRESERVED FREEDOM IN EUROPE. WE MUST NEVER FORGET THAT
TO KEEP THE PEACE IN EUROPE IS TO KEEP THE PEACE FOR
AMERICA.
- 29 -
NATO's POLICY OF FLEXIBLE RESPONSE KEEPS THE UNITED
STATES LINKED TO EUROPE AND LETS ANY WOULD-BE
AGGRESSORS KNOW THAT THEY WILL BE MET WITH ANY LEVEL OF
FORCE NEEDED TO REPEL THEIR ATTACK AND FRUSTRATE THEIR
DESIGNS.
- 30 -
OUR SHORT-RANGE DETERRENT FORCES BASED IN EUROPE, AND
KEPT UP-TO-DATE, DEMONSTRATE THAT AMERICA'S VITAL
INTERESTS ARE BOUND INEXTRICABLY TO WESTERN EUROPE, AND
THAT AN ATTACKER CAN NEVER GAMBLE ON A TEST OF STRENGTH
WITH JUST OUR CONVENTIONAL FORCES.
- 31 -
THOUGH HOPE IS NOW RUNNING HIGH FOR A MORE PEACEFUL
CONTINENT, THE HISTORY OF THIS CENTURY TEACHES
AMERICANS AND EUROPEANS TO REMAIN PREPARED.
As WE SEARCH FOR A PEACE THAT IS ENDURING, I AM
GRATEFUL FOR THE STEPS THAT MR. GORBACHEV IS TAKING.
- 32 -
IF THE SOVIETS ADVANCE SOLID AND CONSTRUCTIVE PLANS FOR
PEACE, THEN WE SHOULD GIVE CREDIT WHERE CREDIT IS DUE.
WE ARE SEEING SWEEPING CHANGES IN THE SOVIET UNION THAT
SHOW PROMISE OF ENDURING, OF BECOMING INGRAINED. AT
THE SAME TIME, IN AN ERA OF EXTRAORDINARY CHANGE, WE
HAVE AN OBLIGATION TO TEMPER OPTIMISM WITH PRUDENCE.
- 33 -
FOR EXAMPLE, THE SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER INFORMED
THE WORLD LAST WEEK THAT HIS NATION'S COMMITMENT TO
DESTROY SS-23 MISSILES UNDER THE INF TREATY MAY BE
REVERSIBLE. THE SOVIETS MUST SURELY KNOW THE RESULTS
OF FAILURE TO COMPLY WITH THIS SOLEMN AGREEMENT:
PERHAPS THEIR PURPOSE WAS TO DIVIDE THE WEST ON OTHER
ISSUES.
- 34 -
REGARDLESS, IT IS CLEAR THAT SOVIET "NEW THINKING" HAS
NOT YET TOTALLY OVERCOME THE OLD.
I BELIEVE IN A DELIBERATE, STEP-BY-STEP APPROACH TO
EAST-WEST RELATIONS, BECAUSE RECURRING SIGNS SHOW THAT
WHILE CHANGE IN THE SOVIET UNION IS DRAMATIC, IT IS NOT
YET COMPLETE.
- 35 -
THE WARSAW PACT RETAINS A NEARLY 12-TO-ONE ADVANTAGE
OVER THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE IN SHORT-RANGE MISSILE AND
ROCKET LAUNCHERS CAPABLE OF DELIVERING NUCLEAR WEAPONS;
AND MORE THAN A TWO-TO-ONE ADVANTAGE IN MAIN BATTLE
TANKS.
- 36 -
FOR THAT REASON, WE WILL ALSO MAINTAIN, IN COOPERATION
WITH OUR ALLIES, GROUND AND AIR FORCES IN EUROPE AS
LONG AS THEY ARE WANTED AND NEEDED TO PRESERVE THE
PEACE IN EUROPE. AT THE SAME TIME, MY ADMINISTRATION
WILL PLACE A HIGH AND CONTINUING PRIORITY ON
NEGOTIATING A LESS MILITARIZED EUROPE, ONE WITH A
SECURE CONVENTIONAL BALANCE AT LOWER LEVELS OF FORCES.
- 37 -
OUR HIGHEST ASPIRATION IS A PEACE OF SHARED OPTIMISM,
NOT OF ARMED CAMPS.
NINETEEN-NINETY-TWO IS THE FIVE HUNDREDTH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE NEW WORLD.
- 38 -
So WE HAVE FIVE CENTURIES TO CELEBRATE, NOTHING LESS
THAN OUR VERY CIVILIZATION -- THE AMERICAN BILL OF
RIGHTS AND THE FRENCH RIGHTS OF MAN, THE ANCIENT AND
UNWRITTEN CONSTITUTION OF GREAT BRITAIN, AND THE
DEMOCRATIC VISIONS OF KONRAD ADENAUER AND ALCIDE DE
GASPERI [DAH GAS-PARI].
- 39 -
AND IN ALL OUR CELEBRATIONS, WE OBSERVE ONE FACT --
THIS TRULY IS A MORAL AND SPIRITUAL COMMUNITY. IT IS
OUR INHERITANCE. LET US PROTECT IT. LET US PROMOTE
IT. LET US TREASURE IT FOR OUR CHILDREN, FOR AMERICANS
AND EUROPEANS YET UNBORN.
THANK YOU. GOOD LUCK IN ALL THAT IS AHEAD, AND GOD
BLESS AMERICA.
# # #
April 12, 1989
Dear Dr. Silber:
On behalf of the President, I wish to acknowledge and thank you for
your kind invitation to address the commencement ceremony. He also
asked that I extend his gratitude for being awarded an honorary degree
from your fine institution.
The President is pleased to accept. This has been entered on his
schedule for May 21st, and nearer the date Mr. John G. Keller, Jr.,
Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of Advance will contact
you about the President's acceptance of your invitation.
The President's acceptance of this invitation should not be announced to
anyone until official notification is given by the White House Press Office,
and any public announcement of this event must be coordinated with that
office.
You should be aware that certain physical facility requirements exist for
any Presidential appearance. The costs associated with these
requirements are generally the responsibility of the host and are
summarized on the attached list.
If you wish to alter the current plans for this event in any way, such as
changing any part of the format, the location, or the participants, please
direct your request for the proposed change to the Office of Presidential
Appointments and Scheduling.
With best wishes.
Sincerely,
JOSEPH W. HAGIN II
Deputy Assistant to the President
for Appointments and Scheduling
Dr. John Silber
President
Boston University
147 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215
CC to Helen Donaldson 182, OEOB
CC and Incoming to Speechwriting Office
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Tony,
Here's the
February 13, 1989
file
Letter Live
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commence
Dear Dr. Silber:
Thank you for your invitation for the President to deliver the
Commencement address, as well as receive a Doctor of Laws
honoris causa degree, at Boston University on May 21, 1989.
We appreciate your extending this opportunity to the President.
Although we are unable to make a commitment at this time, we
are making a special note of this date. Your invitation will
be carefully reviewed as the President's schedule develops, and
we will be back in touch with you closer to the time about the
possibility of his acceptance.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
JOSEPH W. HAGIN II
Deputy Assistant to the President
for Appointments and Scheduling
COPY
Dr. John Silber
President
from ORM
Boston University
147 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215
CC and incoming to many
JWH: JAJ: jfcf3
JWH-13
CONDITO BOSTONERS
Office of the President
Boston University
147 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215
January 23, 1989
The President
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20501
Dear Mr. President:
This year marks the Sesquicentennial of Boston University,
during which we shall be celebrating 150 years of service to the
American ideal-of self-betterment and social progress through
education.
On this occasion we would be honored-to confer upon you our
degree, Doctor of Laws honoris causa, and to have you deliver the
principal commencement address. At the University Commencement,
which will be held on Sunday, May 21, 1989, at 11:00 a.m., we
anticipate an attendance of 20,000 to 25,000 people, including the
graduating class, their parents and other family members, our
faculty and staff.
By separate letter I have invited Mrs. Bush to attend the
Commencement, where we should like to award her Boston University's
honorary degree in recognition of her leadership in the struggle to
eradicate adult illiteracy.
In light of your own commitment to the importance of education
in promoting the general welfare, keeping us strong in defense and
enhancing our competitiveness in the world market, we hope that you
will consider using the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the
founding of one of America's great independent universities to
re-emphasize our national dedication to educational opportunity.
In allowing us to honor you and Mrs. Bush, you would confer an
exceptional honor on our university. The Trustees join with me in
hoping you will accept this invitation.
Yours sincerely,
Miller John Silber
Office of the President
glidNO
MEMBERSHIP
Boston University
147 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215
January 23, 1989
Mrs. Bush
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20500
Dear Mrs. Bush:
On behalf of the Trustees of Boston University, I should like to
invite you to deliver the Baccalaureate Address and to attend the
University Commencement on Sunday, May 21, 1989. On that occasion,
we wish to confer on you our degree, Doctor of Humane Letters
honoris causa.
The degree will be awarded in recognition of your dedication to
the cause of adult literacy, and your leadership in the effort to
give every American an opportunity to learn to read and write. We
are especially grateful for the support you have given to Boston
University's programs in adult literacy.
I have also written to the President to invite him to attend
these ceremonies, to receive our honorary degree, and to deliver the
Commencement Address.
This year marks the 150th anniversary of the founding of Boston
University, and the Commencement exercises in May will be the
highlight of our Sesquicentennial. Throughout 1989, the University
will celebrate and reaffirm its commitment to the American ideal of
self-betterment and social progress through education. I hope you
will make the Baccalaureate Address to our graduating class on this
occasion. Your sense of civic responsibility and social concern,
I am confident, will be an enduring example for them in their
careers and lives.
It would be an extraordinary honor for us to be able to honor
you and the President at our Sesquicentennial Commencement. The
Trustees join with me in hoping you will accept.
Yours sincerely,
John Silber Siller
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THANKS FOR YOUR INVITATION FOR THE PRESIDENT
TO DELIVER THE COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS AS WELL
AS RECEIVE A DOCTOR OF LAWS HONORIS CAUSA
DEGREE, AT BOSTON UNIVERSITY ON MAY 21 89
THANKS FOR YOUR INVITATION FOR MRS. BUSH TO
DELIVER THE BACCALAUREATE ADDRESS AND TO
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BOSTONIZED
Reg. # 25
CONDITY
Office of the President
Boston University
147 Bay State Road
Boston, Massachusetts 02215
January 23, 1989
The President
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20501
Dear Mr. President:
This year marks the Sesquicentennial of Boston University,
during which we shall be celebrating 150 years of service to the
American ideal of self-betterment and social progress through
education.
On this occasion we would be honored to confer upon you our
degree, Doctor of Laws honoris causa, and to have you deliver the
principal commencement address. At the University Commencement,
which will be held on Sunday, May 21, 1989, at 11:00 a.m., we
anticipate an attendance of 20,000 to 25,000 people, including the
graduating class, their parents and other family members, our
faculty and staff.
By separate letter I have invited Mrs. Bush to attend the
Commencement, where we should like to award her Boston University's
honorary degree in recognition of her leadership in the struggle to
eradicate adult illiteracy.
In light of your own commitment to the importance of education
in promoting the general welfare, keeping us strong in defense and
enhancing our competitiveness in the world market, we hope that you
will consider using the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the
founding of one of America's great independent universities to
re-emphasize our national dedication to educational opportunity.
In allowing us to honor you and Mrs. Bush, you would confer an
exceptional honor on our university. The Trustees join with me in
hoping you will accept this invitation.
Yours sincerely,
John Silber
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Draft: Eight
Title: B: Buspch
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS:
BOSTON UNIVERSITY/Nickerson Field
May 21, 1989/11 a.m.
Thank you, John. President and Madame Mitterrand, Mayor
Flynn, Cardinal Law, Dr. Metcalf and Dr. Wiesel
It's a
pleasure to be back in Boston. ( (And it's a pleasure to be back
in one of my home states
I am delighted and honored to
receive a Doctor of Laws from Boston University, along with
President Mitterrand. I have just one question: Does this now
make us a couple of Boston lawyers?) )
( (Congratulations, Barbara, on a B.U. degree of your very
own. And now that you're an alumna, take note -- this kinder and
gentler America I'm always speaking of doesn't include the
Terriers ))
My sincerest congratulations go to every Boston University
graduate, and to every proud parent. As B.U. grads, you take
with you a degree from a great institution, and something more --
knowledge of the past, and responsibility for the future. Look
at the world. Nations are undergoing change so radical, that the
international system you will know in the next century will be as
different from today's, as today's world is from the time of
Woodrow Wilson. How will America prepare for the challenges
ahead?
2
It is with your future in mind that, after deliberation and
review, that we are adopting new foreign policies to meet this
time of extraordinary change and opportunity. On April 17, I
went to Michigan to outline how my Administration will promote
reform in Eastern Europe. And last Wednesday, I was pleased
that Poland legalized the Roman Catholic Church for the first
time under Communist rule
On May 2, I addressed the
Council of the Americas on my policies toward Latin America. A
few days ago, in Texas, I spoke to another group of graduates
about our new approach to the Soviet Union, one of moving beyond
containment, to seek to integrate the Soviet Union into the
community of nations, to help them share the rewards of
international cooperation.
But today, I want to discuss the future of Europe, that
mother of nations and ideas that is so much a part of America.
It is fitting that I share this forum with a special friend of
America
President Mitterrand, you have the warm affection
and high regard of the American people. I well remember when I
joined you in Yorktown in 1981, to celebrate the bicentennial of
that first Franco-American fight for freedom. Soon, I will join
you in Paris to observe the 200th anniversary of the French
struggle for liberty and equality.
This is just one example of a special bond between two
3
continents. But consider this city. From the Old North Church,
to Paul Revere's home nestled in the warm heart of the Italian
North End, to your famous song-filled Irish pubs
the Old
and New Worlds are inseparable in Boston. But as we look back to
Old World tradition, we must look ahead to a new Europe.
Historic changes will shape your careers and your very lives.
Can America keep up with the brisk pace of change around the
world? More importantly, can we help shape those changes?
Absolutely.
Let me share my vision of how the West, and all nations, can
join together. It is not limited by the accidents of mere
geography. It is, instead, a kinship rooted in common values, in
shared ideals for the way people should live. It is a vision
without boundaries, of an Alliance that Raymond Aron (a-ROHN)
called a "moral and spiritual community." I see our community as
the founding members of a global commonwealth of free nations --
open to all who share the principles of democracy, openness, and
respect for human rights and private endeavor.
The new century holds the promise of a united Europe. As
you know, the nations of Western Europe are already moving toward
greater economic integration, with the ambitious goal of a single
European market in 1992. The United States has often declared it
seeks a healing of old enmities, an integration of Europe. Now
that the day is almost upon us, some express ambivalence about
4
the prospect of a stronger Europe with economic power near equal
to our own. Perhaps it is a fear that Europe could become an
economic fortress, shutting out others. Perhaps it is a simple
fear of change. But I am here today to tell you that this debate
is over. This government is of one mind -- We believe a strong
Europe means a strong America.
We may be witnessing nothing less than the awakening of a
giant in world affairs. Western Europe has a gross domestic
product that is roughly equal to our own; and a population that
exceeds ours by about fifty million. European science still
leads the world in many fields, and European workers are highly
educated and highly skilled. Western Europe is the nascent
superpower of the 21st century.
How should we approach an emerging center of world
leadership? Without hesitation, the United States welcomes a
more mature relationship with Europe. We certainly welcome the
growing political role of the European Community, as it has
become more active in coordinating the policies of its member
states. We are ready to develop -- in partnership with the EC
and its member states -- new mechanisms of consultation and
cooperation on political and global issues, from strengthening
the forces of democracy in the Third World, to managing regional
tensions, to putting an end to the division of Europe. A
resurgent West is an economic magnet, drawing Eastern Europe
5
closer, toward the commonwealth of free nations.
We will also step up our dialogue with the European
Community to find new ways to cooperate in the economic
transition to 1992. I ask the leaders of the Community to work
with us to develop regular, high-level meetings -- meetings to
anticipate problems and to take advantage of opportunities.
Of course, a more mature partnership with Western Europe
will pose new challenges. There are certain to be clashes and
controversies over trade. But it is important to distinguish
adversaries from allies, and allies from adversaries. what a
tragedy -- what an absurdity -- it would be if future historians
attribute the demise of the Western Alliance to disputes over
beef hormones, and wars over pasta.
We must all work hard to insure that the Europe of 1992 will
adopt the lower barriers of the modern international economy, not
the high walls and moats of medieval commerce. We hope to see
what President Kennedy referred to as an "outward-looking"
Europe, a vision I know is shared by President Mitterrand.
But our hopes for the future rest on preserving a Europe at
peace. Forty-two years ago, just across the Charles River,
Secretary of State George Marshall gave a commencement address
that outlined a plan to help Europe recover. Western Europe
6
responded heroically, and later joined with us in a partnership
for the common defense -- a shield we call NATO. Of course,
partners occasionally disagree -- as befits our charter and
democratic character. Some say the Alliance is in crisis, and it
may be true that like democracy itself, it has always been driven
by the spirit of crisis. But the deeper truth is that the
Alliance has achieved a historic peace because it is united by a
fundamental purpose. Behind the NATO shield, Europe has now
enjoyed forty years of peace, the longest period of peace the
continent has ever known. Behind this shield, the nations of
Western Europe have risen from privation to prosperity -- all
because of the strength and resolve of free peoples.
Western European defense cooperation is part of this
maturing partnership. We applaud the work of the revitalized
Western European Union, which worked with us to keep open the
sealanes of the Persian Gulf. We applaud the growing military
cooperation between West Germany and France. We will continue to
support British and French programs to modernize their deterrent
capability, and their continuing dialogue toward cooperation in
this area. Some worry our allies may seek more strategic
independence. But it is perfectly right and proper that
Europeans increasingly see their defense as their province.
Rather, we have a different concern -- a growing complacency
throughout the West.
7
Of course, your generation can hardly be expected to share
the grip of past anxieties. I understand that with a long peace,
it is hard to remember how it could be otherwise. But our
expectations cannot race so far ahead of reality that we lose a
sense of what we have to lose. There is a great irony here.
While an ideological earthquake is shaking asunder the very
foundation of Communist societies, the West is being tested by
complacency.
We must remember that twice in this century, American blood
has been shed over conflicts that began in Europe. We must never
forget that to keep the peace in Europe is to keep the peace for
America. We share the fervent desire of Europeans to relegate
war forever to the province of distant memory. That is why the
trans-Atlantic relationship is so central to our foreign policy.
That is why America remains committed to the agreed Alliance
strategy for preserving freedom in Europe called flexible
response. I know President Mitterrand agrees.
Our policy of flexible response keeps the United States
linked to Europe and lets any would-be aggressors know that they
will be met with any level of force needed to repel their attack
and frustrate their designs. Our deterrent forces based in
Europe, and kept up-to-date, symbolize that America's vital
interests are bound inextricably to Western Europe, and that an
attacker can never gamble on a test of strength with just our
000 WHITE HOUSE.
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'89 5-19 16:52
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8
conventional forces. Faced with such choices, there is only one
option for all -- peace.
In our search for a peace that is lasting, I am grateful
that Mr. Gorbachev has shown an eagerness to respond. If the
Soviets advance a bold, solid and constructive plan for peace,
then I say give credit where credit is due. But understand one
thing -- we welcome Soviet commitments, but we welcome Soviet
implementation of their commitments even more. A lasting peace
must be built on deeds that are concrete, not cosmetic, deeds
that are remembered after today's news. Our goal is to make
headway, not headlines.
In Texas, I said that promises are never enough. And as if
to prove my point, the Soviet Foreign Minister informed the world
last week that his nation's commitment to remove intermediate-
range nuclear missiles from Europe is now conditional. In other
words, the Soviets are threatening to violate a solemn vow, a
treaty to eliminate thousands of nuclear weapons in Europe. Is
this an example of "new thinking"? Or is it the same old party
line? Whatever it is, it is not helpful.
Yes, I am deliberate. Yes, I am careful. I am guarded
because the Warsaw Pact retains, and will retain, a massive
nuclear and conventional advantage over the Alliance. For that
reason, we will also maintain, in cooperation with our allies,
will
PT
9
ground and air forces in Europe as long as they are wanted and
needed to preserve the peace in Europe. And I will reject
legislative attempts to unilaterally withdraw U.S. troops from
Europe. At the same time, my Administration will place a high
and continuing priority on negotiating a less militarized Europe,
with a secure conventional balance at lower levels of forces.
Our highest aspiration is a peace by choice over a peace by
compulsion.
Nineteen-ninety-two is the five hundredth anniversary of the
discovery of the New World. So we have five centuries to
celebrate, nothing less than our very civilization -- the
American Bill of Rights and the French Rights of Man, the ancient
and unwritten Constitution of Great Britain, and the democratic
visions of Konrad Adenauer and Alcide de Gasperi (Dah Gas-Pari).
And in all our celebrations, we observe one fact -- this
truly is a moral and spiritual community. It is our inheritance.
Let us protect it. Let us promote it. Let us treasure it for
our children, for Americans and Europeans yet unborn.
Thank you. Good luck in all that is ahead, and God bless
America.
#
#
#