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Coast Guard Academy Commencement, 5/24/89 [3]
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Coast Guard Academy Commencement, 5/24/89 [3]
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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
2011-2184-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13488
Folder ID Number:
13488-005
Folder Title:
Coast Guard Academy Commencement, 5/24/89 [3]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
26
15
7
4
McGroarty/Dooley
May 23, 1989
11:30 pm
Draft 10
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
MAY 24, 1989
Thank you, Admiral. [Acknowledgments, Admiral Yost,
Secretary Skinner, Alex Haley, distinguished guests.] I
congratulate each member of this year's class on receiving your
commission into such a proud service.
Mention the Coast Guard, and most people think about lives
saved at sea, daring rescue operations. But those daily acts of
heroism are just one part of the vital work the Coast Guard
performs. Right now, in Prince William Sound, the Coast Guard
continues to work around the clock in a major environmental
clean-up effort. Let me commend Admiral Yost. Through his
personal committment, involvement, and leadership he has served
his country in the finest tradtions of the U.S. Coast Guard.
Right now, off the Florida coast, Coast Guard patrols are chasing
down drug smugglers -- and keeping drugs off our streets. That
may be "all in a day's work" for the Coast Guard -- but it's
absolutely vital to our national health, well-being and security.
I'm sure on that long first day of Swab Summer, you never
thought four years could pass so quickly. But they have. You've
worked hard, Billet Night has come and gone
You're ready --
"Semper Paratus" in the words of your motto -- ready to enter the
Coast Guard service, and the world. The truth is, that is what
2
commencement is all about. The world is yours, and today's
ceremony is really part of the change of command from one
generation to the next.
Today, our world -- your world -- is changing, East and
West. Today I want to speak to you about the world we want to
see, and what we can do to bring that new world into focus.
We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an idea:
the final chapter of the communist experiment. Communism is now
recognized -- even by many within the communist world itself --
as a failed system: One that promised economic prosperity but
failed to deliver the goods, a system that built a wall between
the people and their political aspirations.
But the eclipse of communism is only one half of the story
of our time. The other is the ascendancy of the democratic idea.
Never before has the idea of freedom so captured the
imaginations of men and women the world over. Never before has
the hope of freedom beckoned so many. Trade unionists in Warsaw.
The people of Panama. Rulers consulting the ruled in the Soviet
Union. And even as we speak, the world is transfixed by the
dramatic events in Tiananmen Square. Everywhere, those voices
are speaking the language of democracy and freedom. We hear
them; the world hears them; and America will do all it can to
encourage them.
So today, I want to speak about our security strategy for
the 1990s -- one that advances American ideals, and upholds
American aims.
3
Amidst the many challenges we'll face, there will be risks.
But let me assure you: we'll find more than our share of
opportunities. We and our allies are strong -- stronger than at
any point in the post-war period, and more capable than ever of
supporting the cause of freedom.
There's an opportunity before us to shape a new world.
What is it that we want to see? It's a growing community of
democracies anchoring international peace and stability, and a
dynamic free market system generating prosperity and progress on
a global scale. The economic foundation of this new era is the
proven success of the free market -- and nurturing that
foundation are the values rooted in freedom and democracy.
America was founded on these values; they give us the
confidence that flows from strength. So let's be clear about one
thing: America looks forward to the challenge of an emerging
global market. But these values are not ours alone; they are now
shared by our friends and allies around the globe.
The economic rise of Europe and the nations of the Pacific
Rim is the crowning success of our post-war policy.
This time is a time of tremendous opportunity and destiny
is in our own hands. To reach the world we want to see, we've
got hard work ahead of us.
O
We must resolve international trade problems that threaten
to pit friends and allies against one another.
4
We must combat misguided notions of economic nationalism
that tell us to close off our economies to foreign competition,
just when the global marketplace has become a fact of life.
O
We must open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe and
other socialist countries that embrace free market reforms.
And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with
debt, we must provide assistance and encourage the market reforms
that will set those nations on a path towards growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the century beyond will
be an era of unparalleled growth -- an era which sees the
flourishing of freedom, peace and prosperity around the world.
But this new era cannot unfold in a climate where conflict
and tormoil exist. Therefore, our goals must also include
security and stability: security for ourselves, our allies and
friends; stability in the international arena, and an end to
regional conflicts.
Such goals are constant, but the strategy we employ to reach
them can, and must, change as the world changes. Today, the need
for a dynamic and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must be
strong -- economically, diplomatically, and militarily -- to take
advantage of the opportunities open to us in a world of rapid
change.
And nowhere will the ultimate consequences of change have
more significance for world security than within the Soviet
Union.
5
What we're seeing now in the USSR is indeed dramatic. The
process is still ongoing, unfinished. But make no mistake: Our
policy is to seize every, and I mean every, opportunity to build
a better, more stable relationship with the Soviet Union -- just
as it is our policy to defend American interests in light of the
enduring reality of Soviet military power.
We want to see perestroika succeed. We want to see the
policies of glasnost and perestroika -- so far, a revolution
imposed from the top down -- institutionalized within the Soviet
Union. And we want to see perestroika extended as well. We want
to see a Soviet Union that restructures its relationship toward
the rest of the world
A Soviet Union that is a force for
constructive solutions to the world's problems.
The grand strategy of the West during the post-war period
has been based on the concept of containment: checking the
Soviet Union's expansionist aims, in the hope that the Soviet
system itself would one day be forced to confront its internal
contradictions. The ferment in the Soviet Union today affirms
the wisdom of this strategy. Now we have a precious opportunity
to move beyond containment.
Our goal -- integrating the Soviet Union into the community
of nations -- is every bit as ambitious as containment was in its
time. And it holds tremendous promise for international
stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will be a challenge of
the highest order. But the security challenges we face today do
6
not come from the East alone. The emergence of regional powers
is rapidly changing the strategic landscape.
In the Middle East, in South Asia, in our own hemisphere, a
growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly
destructive capabilities -- in some cases, weapons of mass
destruction, and the means to deliver them. And it is an
unfortunate fact that the world faces increasing threats from
armed insurgencies, terrorists, and (as you in the Coast Guard
are well aware) narcotics traffickers -- and, in some regions, an
unholy alliance of all three.
Our task is clear: we must curb the proliferation of
advanced weaponry; we must check the aggressive ambitions of
renegade regimes; and we must enhance the ability of our friends
to defend themselves. We have not yet mastered this complex
challenge. We and our allies must construct a common strategy
for stability in the developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these diverse challenges
depends on how well we understand the key elements of defense
strategy. Let me focus today on two points in particular.
O First, the need for an effective deterrent, one that
demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike American
strength and resolve;
O
Second, the need to maintain an approach to arms reduction
that promotes stability at the lowest feasible level of
armaments.
7
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key to
keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the cost of
aggression against us or our allies is simply unacceptable.
In today's world, nuclear forces are essential to
deterrence. Our challenge is to protect those deterrent systems
from attack. That's why we will move Peacekeeper ICBMs out of
fixed and vulnerable silos -- making them mobile and thus harder
to target.
Looking to the longer-term, we will also develop and deploy
a new highly mobile single-warhead missile, the Midgetman. With
only minutes of warning, these new missiles can relocate out of
harm's way. Any attack against systems like these will fail.
We are also researching -- and we are committed to deploy
when ready -- a more comprehensive defensive system, known as
SDI. Our premise is straight forward: defense against incoming
missiles endangers no person and no country.
We're also working to reduce the threat we face -- both
nuclear and conventional. The INF Treaty demonstrates that
willingness. In addition, in the past decade, NATO has
unilaterally removed 2400 shorter-range theater warheads. But
we must remeber that theater nuclear forces contribute to
stability, no less than strategic forces. It would be
irresponsible to depend solely on strategic nuclear forces to
deter conflict in Europe.
The conventional balance in Europe is just as important --
and is linked to -- the nuclear balance. For more than 40 years,
8
the Warsaw Pact's massive advantage in conventional forces has
cast a shadow over Europe.
The unilateral reductions President Gorbachev has promised
give us hope that we can now redress that imbalance. We welcome
those steps because -- if implemented -- they will help reduce
the threat of surprise attack. And they confirm what we've said
all along: that Soviet military power far exceeds the levels
needed to defend the legitimate security interests of the USSR.
And we must keep in mind that these reductions alone -- even if
implemented -- are not enough to eliminate the significant
numerical superiority the Soviets now enjoy.
Through negotiation, we can now transform the military
landscape of Europe. The issues are complex. The stakes are
high. But the Soviets are now being forthcoming, and we hope to
achieve the reductions we seek.
Let me emphasize: Our aim is nothing less than removing war
as an option in Europe.
The USSR has said it is willing to abandon its age-old
reliance on offensive strategy. It's time to begin. This should
mean a smaller force -- one less reliant on the tanks, artillery
and personnel carriers that provide the Soviets' offensive
striking power. A restructured Warsaw Pact -- one that mirrors
the defensive posture of NATO -- would make Europe and the world
more secure.
Peace can also be enhanced by movement toward more openness
in military activities. Two weeks ago, I proposed an "open
9
skies" initiative, to extend the concept of openness. That plan
for territorial overflights would increase our mutual security
against sudden and threatening military activities. In the same
spirit, let us extend this openness to military expenditures as
well. I call on the Soviets to do as we have always done. Let's
open the ledgers. Publish an accurate defense budget.
But as we move forward we must also be realistic.
Transformations of this magnitude will not happen overnight. If
we are to reach our goals, a great deal is required of us, our
allies -- and of the Soviet Union. But we can succeed.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a
particularly American ideal: freedom. I know there are those
who may think there's something presumptuous about that claim --
those who will think it boastful. But it's not, for one simple
reason:
Democracy isn't our creation -- it's our inheritance.
We can't take credit for democracy -- but we can take that
precious gift of freedom, preserve it and pass it on -- as my
generation does to you, and you, too, will do one day. And
perhaps -- provided we seize the opportunities open to us -- we
can help others attain the freedom we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I took this office,
"There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people."
As your Commander in Chief, let me call on this Coast Guard class
to reaffirm with me that American power will continue in its
service to the enduring ideals of democracy and freedom.
10
Thank you and God bless America.
###
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
MAY 24, 1989
THANK YOU, ADMIRAL. [ACKNOWLEDGMENTS, ADMIRAL
Yost, SECRETARY SKINNER, ALEX HALEY, DISTINGUISHED
GUESTS.] I CONGRATULATE EACH MEMBER OF THIS YEAR'S
CLASS ON RECEIVING YOUR COMMISSION INTO SUCH A PROUD
SERVICE.
- 2 -
MENTION THE COAST GUARD, AND MOST PEOPLE THINK
ABOUT LIVES SAVED AT SEA, DARING RESCUE OPERATIONS.
BUT THOSE DAILY ACTS OF HEROISM ARE JUST ONE PART OF
THE VITAL WORK THE COAST GUARD PERFORMS. RIGHT NOW, IN
PRINCE WILLIAM SOUND, THE COAST GUARD CONTINUES TO WORK
AROUND THE CLOCK IN A MAJOR ENVIRONMENTAL CLEAN-UP
EFFORT. RIGHT NOW, OFF THE FLORIDA COAST, COAST GUARD
PATROLS ARE CHASING DOWN DRUG SMUGGLERS -- AND KEEPING
DRUGS OFF OUR STREETS.
- 3 -
THAT MAY BE "ALL IN A DAY'S WORK" FOR THE COAST GUARD -
- BUT IT'S ABSOLUTELY VITAL TO OUR NATIONAL HEALTH,
WELL-BEING AND SECURITY.
I'M SURE ON THAT LONG FIRST DAY OF SWAB SUMMER, YOU
NEVER THOUGHT FOUR YEARS COULD PASS so QUICKLY. BUT
THEY HAVE. YOU'VE WORKED HARD, BILLET NIGHT HAS COME
AND GONE
YOU'RE READY -- "SEMPER PARATUS" IN THE
WORDS OF YOUR MOTTO -- READY TO ENTER THE COAST GUARD
SERVICE, AND THE WORLD.
- 4 -
THE TRUTH IS, THAT IS WHAT COMMENCEMENT IS ALL ABOUT.
THE WORLD IS YOURS, AND TODAY'S CEREMONY IS REALLY PART
OF THE CHANGE OF COMMAND FROM ONE GENERATION TO THE
NEXT.
TODAY, OUR WORLD -- YOUR WORLD -- IS CHANGING, EAST
AND WEST. TODAY I WANT TO SPEAK TO YOU ABOUT THE WORLD
WE WANT TO SEE, AND WHAT WE CAN DO TO BRING THAT NEW
WORLD INTO FOCUS.
- 5 -
WE LIVE IN A TIME WHEN WE ARE WITNESSING THE END OF
AN IDEA: THE FINAL CHAPTER OF THE COMMUNIST EXPERIMENT.
COMMUNISM IS NOW RECOGNIZED -- EVEN BY MANY WITHIN THE
COMMUNIST WORLD ITSELF -- AS A FAILED SYSTEM: ONE THAT
PROMISED ECONOMIC PROSPERITY BUT FAILED TO DELIVER THE
GOODS, A SYSTEM THAT BUILT A WALL BETWEEN THE PEOPLE
AND THEIR POLITICAL ASPIRATIONS.
BUT THE ECLIPSE OF COMMUNISM IS ONLY ONE HALF OF
THE STORY OF OUR TIME.
- 6 -
THE OTHER IS THE ASCENDANCY OF THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA.
NEVER BEFORE HAS THE IDEA OF FREEDOM SO CAPTURED THE
IMAGINATIONS OF MEN AND WOMEN THE WORLD OVER. NEVER
BEFORE HAS THE HOPE OF FREEDOM BECKONED so MANY. TRADE
UNIONISTS IN WARSAW. THE PEOPLE OF PANAMA. RULERS
CONSULTING THE RULED IN THE SOVIET UNION. AND EVEN AS
WE SPEAK, THE WORLD IS TRANSFIXED BY THE DRAMATIC
EVENTS IN TIANANMEN SQUARE. EVERYWHERE, THOSE VOICES
ARE SPEAKING THE LANGUAGE OF DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM.
- 7 -
WE HEAR THEM; THE WORLD HEARS THEM; AND AMERICA WILL DO
ALL IT CAN TO ENCOURAGE THEM.
So TODAY, I WANT TO SPEAK ABOUT OUR SECURITY
STRATEGY FOR THE 1990s -- ONE THAT ADVANCES AMERICAN
IDEALS, AND UPHOLDS AMERICAN AIMS.
AMIDST THE MANY CHALLENGES WE'LL FACE, THERE WILL
BE RISKS. BUT LET ME ASSURE YOU: WE'LL FIND MORE THAN
OUR SHARE OF OPPORTUNITIES.
- 8 -
WE AND OUR ALLIES ARE STRONG -- STRONGER THAN AT ANY
POINT IN THE POST-WAR PERIOD, AND MORE CAPABLE THAN
EVER OF SUPPORTING THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM.
THERE'S AN OPPORTUNITY BEFORE US TO SHAPE A NEW
WORLD.
WHAT IS IT THAT WE WANT TO SEE? It's A GROWING
COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRACIES ANCHORING INTERNATIONAL PEACE
AND STABILITY, AND A DYNAMIC FREE MARKET SYSTEM
GENERATING PROSPERITY AND PROGRESS ON A GLOBAL SCALE.
- 9 -
THE ECONOMIC FOUNDATION OF THIS NEW ERA IS THE PROVEN
SUCCESS OF THE FREE MARKET -- AND NURTURING THAT
FOUNDATION ARE THE VALUES ROOTED IN FREEDOM AND
DEMOCRACY.
AMERICA WAS FOUNDED ON THESE VALUES; THEY GIVE US
THE CONFIDENCE THAT FLOWS FROM STRENGTH. So LET'S BE
CLEAR ABOUT ONE THING: AMERICA LOOKS FORWARD TO THE
CHALLENGE OF AN EMERGING GLOBAL MARKET.
- 10 -
BUT THESE VALUES ARE NOT OURS ALONE; THEY ARE NOW
SHARED BY OUR FRIENDS AND ALLIES AROUND THE GLOBE.
THE ECONOMIC RISE OF EUROPE AND THE NATIONS OF THE
PACIFIC RIM IS THE CROWNING SUCCESS OF OUR POST-WAR
POLICY.
THIS TIME IS A TIME OF TREMENDOUS OPPORTUNITY --
AND DESTINY IS IN OUR OWN HANDS. To REACH THE WORLD WE
WANT TO SEE, WE'VE GOT HARD WORK AHEAD OF US.
- 11 -
0
WE MUST RESOLVE INTERNATIONAL TRADE PROBLEMS THAT
THREATEN TO PIT FRIENDS AND ALLIES AGAINST ONE ANOTHER.
0
WE MUST COMBAT MISGUIDED NOTIONS OF ECONOMIC
NATIONALISM THAT TELL US TO CLOSE OFF OUR ECONOMIES TO
FOREIGN COMPETITION, JUST WHEN THE GLOBAL MARKETPLACE
HAS BECOME A FACT OF LIFE.
0 WE MUST OPEN THE DOOR TO THE NATIONS OF EASTERN
EUROPE AND OTHER SOCIALIST COUNTRIES THAT EMBRACE FREE
MARKET REFORMS.
- 12 -
0 AND FINALLY, FOR DEVELOPING NATIONS HEAVILY
BURDENED WITH DEBT, WE MUST PROVIDE ASSISTANCE AND
ENCOURAGE THE MARKET REFORMS THAT WILL SET THOSE
NATIONS ON A PATH TOWARDS GROWTH.
IF WE SUCCEED, THE NEXT DECADE AND THE CENTURY
BEYOND WILL BE AN ERA OF UNPARALLELED GROWTH -- AN ERA
WHICH SEES THE FLOURISHING OF FREEDOM, PEACE AND
PROSPERITY AROUND THE WORLD.
- 13 -
BUT THIS NEW ERA CANNOT UNFOLD IN A CLIMATE WHERE
CONFLICT AND TORMOIL EXIST. THEREFORE, OUR GOALS MUST
ALSO INCLUDE SECURITY AND STABILITY: SECURITY FOR
OURSELVES, OUR ALLIES AND FRIENDS; STABILITY IN THE
INTERNATIONAL ARENA, AND AN END TO REGIONAL CONFLICTS.
SUCH GOALS ARE CONSTANT, BUT THE STRATEGY WE EMPLOY
TO REACH THEM CAN, AND MUST, CHANGE AS THE WORLD
CHANGES. TODAY, THE NEED FOR A DYNAMIC AND ADAPTABLE
STRATEGY IS IMPERATIVE.
- 14 -
WE MUST BE STRONG -- ECONOMICALLY, DIPLOMATICALLY, AND
MILITARILY -- TO TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THE OPPORTUNITIES
OPEN TO US IN A WORLD OF RAPID CHANGE.
AND NOWHERE WILL THE ULTIMATE CONSEQUENCES OF
CHANGE HAVE MORE SIGNIFICANCE FOR WORLD SECURITY THAN
WITHIN THE SOVIET UNION.
WHAT WE'RE SEEING NOW IN THE USSR IS INDEED
DRAMATIC. THE PROCESS IS STILL ONGOING, UNFINISHED.
- 15 -
BUT MAKE NO MISTAKE: OUR POLICY IS TO SEIZE EVERY, AND
I MEAN EVERY, OPPORTUNITY TO BUILD A BETTER, MORE
STABLE RELATIONSHIP WITH THE SOVIET UNION -- JUST AS IT
IS OUR POLICY TO DEFEND AMERICAN INTERESTS IN LIGHT OF
THE ENDURING REALITY OF SOVIET MILITARY POWER.
WE WANT TO SEE PERESTROIKA SUCCEED. WE WANT TO SEE
THE POLICIES OF GLASNOST AND PERESTROIKA -- SO FAR, A
REVOLUTION IMPOSED FROM THE TOP DOWN --
INSTITUTIONALIZED WITHIN THE SOVIET UNION.
- 16 -
AND WE WANT TO SEE PERESTROIKA EXTENDED AS WELL. WE
WANT TO SEE A SOVIET UNION THAT RESTRUCTURES ITS
RELATIONSHIP TOWARD THE REST OF THE WORLD
A
SOVIET UNION THAT IS A FORCE FOR CONSTRUCTIVE SOLUTIONS
TO THE WORLD'S PROBLEMS.
- 17 -
THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE WEST DURING THE POST-WAR
PERIOD HAS BEEN BASED ON THE CONCEPT OF CONTAINMENT:
CHECKING THE SOVIET UNION'S EXPANSIONIST AIMS, IN THE
HOPE THAT THE SOVIET SYSTEM ITSELF WOULD ONE DAY BE
FORCED TO CONFRONT ITS INTERNAL CONTRADICTIONS. THE
FERMENT IN THE SOVIET UNION TODAY AFFIRMS THE WISDOM OF
THIS STRATEGY. Now WE HAVE A PRECIOUS OPPORTUNITY TO
MOVE BEYOND CONTAINMENT.
- 18 -
OUR GOAL -- INTEGRATING THE SOVIET UNION INTO THE
COMMUNITY OF NATIONS -- IS EVERY BIT AS AMBITIOUS AS
CONTAINMENT WAS IN ITS TIME. AND IT HOLDS TREMENDOUS
PROMISE FOR INTERNATIONAL STABILITY.
COPING WITH A CHANGING SOVIET UNION WILL BE A
CHALLENGE OF THE HIGHEST ORDER. BUT THE SECURITY
CHALLENGES WE FACE TODAY DO NOT COME FROM THE EAST
ALONE. THE EMERGENCE OF REGIONAL POWERS IS RAPIDLY
CHANGING THE STRATEGIC LANDSCAPE.
- 19 -
IN THE MIDDLE EAST, IN SOUTH ASIA, IN OUR OWN
HEMISPHERE, A GROWING NUMBER OF NATIONS ARE ACQUIRING
ADVANCED AND HIGHLY DESTRUCTIVE CAPABILITIES -- IN SOME
CASES, WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION, AND THE MEANS TO
DELIVER THEM. AND IT IS AN UNFORTUNATE FACT THAT THE
WORLD FACES INCREASING THREATS FROM ARMED INSURGENCIES,
TERRORISTS, AND (AS YOU IN THE COAST GUARD ARE WELL
AWARE) NARCOTICS TRAFFICKERS -- AND, IN SOME REGIONS,
AN UNHOLY ALLIANCE OF ALL THREE.
- 20 -
OUR TASK IS CLEAR: WE MUST CURB THE PROLIFERATION
OF ADVANCED WEAPONRY; WE MUST CHECK THE AGGRESSIVE
AMBITIONS OF RENEGADE REGIMES; AND WE MUST ENHANCE THE
ABILITY OF OUR FRIENDS TO DEFEND THEMSELVES. WE HAVE
NOT YET MASTERED THIS COMPLEX CHALLENGE. WE AND OUR
ALLIES MUST CONSTRUCT A COMMON STRATEGY FOR STABILITY
IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD.
- 21 -
How WE AND OUR ALLIES DEAL WITH THESE DIVERSE
CHALLENGES DEPENDS ON HOW WELL WE UNDERSTAND THE KEY
ELEMENTS OF DEFENSE STRATEGY. LET ME FOCUS TODAY ON
TWO POINTS IN PARTICULAR.
O FIRST, THE NEED FOR AN EFFECTIVE DETERRENT, ONE THAT
DEMONSTRATES TO OUR ALLIES AND ADVERSARIES ALIKE
AMERICAN STRENGTH AND RESOLVE;
- 22 -
O SECOND, THE NEED TO MAINTAIN AN APPROACH TO ARMS
REDUCTION THAT PROMOTES STABILITY AT THE LOWEST
FEASIBLE LEVEL OF ARMAMENTS.
DETERRENCE IS CENTRAL TO OUR DEFENSE STRATEGY. THE
KEY TO KEEPING THE PEACE IS CONVINCING OUR ADVERSARIES
THAT THE COST OF AGGRESSION AGAINST US OR OUR ALLIES IS
SIMPLY UNACCEPTABLE.
IN TODAY'S WORLD, NUCLEAR FORCES ARE ESSENTIAL TO
DETERRENCE.
- 23 -
OUR CHALLENGE IS TO PROTECT THOSE DETERRENT SYSTEMS
FROM ATTACK. THAT'S WHY WE WILL MOVE PEACEKEEPER ICBMs
OUT OF FIXED AND VULNERABLE SILOS -- MAKING THEM MOBILE
AND THUS HARDER TO TARGET.
LOOKING TO THE LONGER-TERM, WE WILL ALSO DEVELOP
AND DEPLOY A NEW HIGHLY MOBILE SINGLE-WARHEAD MISSILE,
THE MIDGETMAN. WITH ONLY MINUTES OF WARNING, THESE NEW
MISSILES CAN RELOCATE OUT OF HARM'S WAY. ANY ATTACK
AGAINST SYSTEMS LIKE THESE WILL FAIL.
- 24 -
WE ARE ALSO RESEARCHING -- AND WE ARE COMMITTED TO
DEPLOY -- A MORE COMPREHENSIVE DEFENSIVE SYSTEM, KNOWN
AS SDI. OUR PREMISE IS STRAIGHT FORWARD: DEFENSE
AGAINST INCOMING MISSILES ENDANGERS NO PERSON AND NO
COUNTRY.
WE'RE ALSO WORKING TO REDUCE THE THREAT WE FACE --
BOTH NUCLEAR AND CONVENTIONAL. THE INF TREATY
DEMONSTRATES THAT WILLINGNESS.
- 25 -
IN ADDITION, IN THE PAST DECADE, NATO HAS UNILATERALLY
REMOVED 2400 SHORTER-RANGE THEATER WARHEADS. BUT
THEATER NUCLEAR FORCES CONTRIBUTE TO STABILITY, NO LESS
THAN STRATEGIC FORCES. IT WOULD BE IRRESPONSIBLE TO
DEPEND SOLELY ON STRATEGIC NUCLEAR FORCES TO DETER
CONFLICT IN EUROPE.
THE CONVENTIONAL BALANCE IN EUROPE IS JUST AS
IMPORTANT -- AND IS LINKED TO -- THE NUCLEAR BALANCE.
- 26 -
FOR MORE THAN 40 YEARS, THE WARSAW PACT'S MASSIVE
ADVANTAGE IN CONVENTIONAL FORCES HAS CAST A SHADOW OVER
EUROPE.
THE UNILATERAL REDUCTIONS PRESIDENT GORBACHEV HAS
PROMISED GIVE US HOPE THAT WE CAN NOW REDRESS THAT
IMBALANCE. WE WELCOME THOSE STEPS BECAUSE -- IF
IMPLEMENTED -- THEY WILL HELP REDUCE THE THREAT OF
SURPRISE ATTACK.
- 27 -
AND THEY CONFIRM WHAT WE'VE SAID ALL ALONG: THAT
SOVIET MILITARY POWER FAR EXCEEDS THE LEVELS NEEDED TO
DEFEND THE LEGITIMATE SECURITY INTERESTS OF THE USSR.
AND WE MUST KEEP IN MIND THAT THESE REDUCTIONS ALONE --
EVEN IF IMPLEMENTED -- ARE NOT ENOUGH TO ELIMINATE THE
SIGNIFICANT NUMERICAL SUPERIORITY THE SOVIETS NOW
ENJOY.
THROUGH NEGOTIATION, WE CAN NOW TRANSFORM THE
MILITARY LANDSCAPE OF EUROPE. THE ISSUES ARE COMPLEX.
- 28 -
THE STAKES ARE HIGH. BUT THE SOVIETS HAVE BEEN
FORTHCOMING, AND WE HOPE TO ACHIEVE THE REDUCTIONS WE
SEEK.
LET ME EMPHASIZE: OUR AIM IS NOTHING LESS THAN
REMOVING WAR AS AN OPTION IN EUROPE.
THE USSR HAS SAID IT IS WILLING TO ABANDON ITS AGE-
OLD RELIANCE ON OFFENSIVE STRATEGY. IT'S TIME TO
BEGIN.
- 29 -
THIS SHOULD MEAN A SMALLER FORCE -- ONE LESS RELIANT ON
THE TANKS, ARTILLERY AND PERSONNEL CARRIERS THAT
PROVIDE THE SOVIETS' OFFENSIVE STRIKING POWER. A
RESTRUCTURED WARSAW PACT -- ONE THAT MIRRORS THE
DEFENSIVE POSTURE OF NATO -- WOULD MAKE EUROPE AND THE
WORLD MORE SECURE.
PEACE CAN ALSO BE ENHANCED BY MOVEMENT TOWARD MORE
OPENNESS IN MILITARY ACTIVITIES.
- 30 -
Two WEEKS AGO, I PROPOSED AN "OPEN SKIES" INITIATIVE,
TO EXTEND THE CONCEPT OF OPENNESS. THAT PLAN FOR
TERRITORIAL OVERFLIGHTS WOULD INCREASE OUR MUTUAL
SECURITY AGAINST SUDDEN AND THREATENING MILITARY
ACTIVITIES. IN THE SAME SPIRIT, LET US EXTEND THIS
OPENNESS TO MILITARY EXPENDITURES AS WELL. I CALL ON
THE SOVIETS TO DO AS WE HAVE ALWAYS DONE. LET'S OPEN
THE LEDGERS. PUBLISH AN ACCURATE DEFENSE BUDGET.
- 31 -
BUT AS WE MOVE FORWARD WE MUST ALSO BE REALISTIC.
TRANSFORMATIONS OF THIS MAGNITUDE WILL NOT HAPPEN
OVERNIGHT. IF WE ARE TO REACH OUR GOALS, A GREAT DEAL
IS REQUIRED OF US, OUR ALLIES -- AND OF THE SOVIET
UNION. BUT WE CAN SUCCEED.
I BEGAN TODAY BY SPEAKING ABOUT THE TRIUMPH OF A
PARTICULARLY AMERICAN IDEAL: FREEDOM.
- 32 -
I KNOW THERE ARE THOSE WHO MAY THINK THERE'S SOMETHING
PRESUMPTUOUS ABOUT THAT CLAIM -- THOSE WHO WILL THINK
IT BOASTFUL. BUT IT'S NOT, FOR ONE SIMPLE REASON:
DEMOCRACY ISN'T OUR CREATION -- IT'S OUR
INHERITANCE.
WE CAN'T TAKE CREDIT FOR DEMOCRACY -- BUT WE CAN
TAKE THAT PRECIOUS GIFT OF FREEDOM, PRESERVE IT AND
PASS IT ON -- AS MY GENERATION DOES TO YOU, AND YOU,
Too, WILL DO ONE DAY.
- 33 -
AND PERHAPS -- PROVIDED WE SEIZE THE OPPORTUNITIES OPEN
TO US -- WE CAN HELP OTHERS ATTAIN THE FREEDOM WE
CHERISH.
As I SAID ON THE CAPITOL STEPS THE DAY I TOOK THIS
OFFICE, "THERE IS BUT ONE JUST USE OF POWER, AND IT IS
TO SERVE PEOPLE." As YOUR COMMANDER IN CHIEF, LET ME
CALL ON THIS COAST GUARD CLASS TO REAFFIRM WITH ME THAT
AMERICAN POWER WILL REMAIN ALWAYS IN SERVICE TO THE
ENDURING IDEALS OF DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM.
- 34 -
THANK YOU AND GOD BLESS AMERICA.
# # #
McGroarty/Dooley
May 23, 1989
11:30 pm
Draft 10
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
MAY 24, 1989
Thank you, Admiral. [Acknowledgments, Admiral Yost,
Secretary Skinner, Alex Haley, distinguished guests.] I
congratulate each member of this year's class on receiving your
commission into such a proud service.
Mention the Coast Guard, and most people think about lives
saved at sea, daring rescue operations. But those daily acts of
heroism are just one part of the vital work the Coast Guard
performs. Right now, in Prince William Sound, the Coast Guard
continues to work around the clock in a major environmental
clean-up effort. Right now, off the Florida coast, Coast Guard
patrols are chasing down drug smugglers -- and keeping drugs off
our streets. That may be "all in a day's work" for the Coast
Guard -- but it's absolutely vital to our national health, well-
being and security.
I'm sure on that long first day of Swab Summer, you never
thought four years could pass so quickly. But they have. You've
worked hard, Billet Night has come and gone
You're ready --
"Semper Paratus" in the words of your motto -- ready to enter the
Coast Guard service, and the world. The truth is, that is what
commencement is all about. The world is yours, and today's
ceremony is really part of the change of command from one
generation to the next.
2
Today, our world -- your world -- is changing, East and
West. Today I want to speak to you about the world we want to
see, and what we can do to bring that new world into focus.
We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an idea:
the final chapter of the communist experiment. Communism is now
recognized -- even by many within the communist world itself --
as a failed system: One that promised economic prosperity but
failed to deliver the goods, a system that built a wall between
the people and their political aspirations.
But the eclipse of communism is only one half of the story
of our time. The other is the ascendancy of the democratic idea.
Never before has the idea of freedom so captured the
imaginations of men and women the world over. Never before has
the hope of freedom beckoned so many. Trade unionists in Warsaw.
The people of Panama. Rulers consulting the ruled in the Soviet
Union. And even as we speak the world is transfixed by the
dramatic events in Tiananmen Square. Everywhere, those voices
are speaking the language of democracy and freedom.
So today, I want to speak about our security strategy for
the 1990s -- one that advances American ideals, and upholds
American aims.
Amidst the many challenges we'll face, there will be risks.
But let me assure you: we'll find more than our share of
opportunities. We and our allies are strong -- stronger than at
any point in the post-war period, and more capable than ever of
supporting the cause of freedom.
3
There's an opportunity before us to shape a new world.
What is it that we want to see? It's a growing community of
democracies anchoring international peace and stability, and a
dynamic free market system generating prosperity and progress on
a global scale. The economic foundation of this new era is the
proven success of the free market -- and nurturing that economic
foundation are the values rooted in freedom and democracy.
America was founded on these values; they give us the
confidence that flows from strength. So let's be clear about one
thing: America looks forward to the challenge of an emerging
global market. These values are not ours alone, they are now
shared by our friends and allies around the globe.
The economic rise of Europe and the nations of the Pacific
Rim is the crowning success of our post-war policy.
Our time is a time of tremendous opportunity -- and our
destiny is in our hands. To reach the world we want to see,
we've got hard work ahead of us.
O
We must resolve international trade problems that threaten
to pit friends and allies against one another.
We must combat misguided notions of economic nationalism
that tell us to close off our economies to foreign competition,
just when the global marketplace is a fact of life.
O
We must open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe and
other socialist countries that embrace free market reforms.
4
And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with
debt, we must provide assistance and encourage the market reforms
that will set those nations on a path towards growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the century beyond will
be an era of unparalleled growth -- an era which sees the
flourishing of freedom, peace and prosperity around the world.
But this new era cannot unfold in a climate where conflict
and instability exist. Therefore, our goals must also include
security and stability: security for ourselves, our allies and
friends; stability in the international arena, and an end to
regional conflicts.
Those goals don't change, but the strategy we employ to
reach those goals can, and must. Today, the need for a dynamic
and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must be strong --
economically, diplomatically, and militarily -- to take advantage
of the opportunities open to us in a world of rapid change.
But nowhere will the ultimate consequences of change have
more significance for world security than within the Soviet
Union.
What we're seeing now in the USSR is indeed dramatic. The
process is still ongoing, unfinished. But make no mistake: Our
policy is to seize every, and I mean every, opportunity to build
a better, more stable relationship with the Soviet Union -- just
as it is our policy to defend American interests in light of the
enduring reality of Soviet military power.
5
We want to see perestroika succeed. We want to see the
policies of glasnost and perestroika -- so far, a revolution
imposed from the top down -- institutionalized within the Soviet
Union. And we want to see perestroika extended as well. We want
to see a Soviet Union that restructures its relationship toward
the rest of the world
A Soviet Union that is a force for
constructive solutions to the world's problems.
The grand strategy of the West during the post-war period
has been based upon the concept of containment: checking the
Soviet Union's expansionist aims, in the hope that the Soviet
system itself would one day be forced to confront its internal
contradictions. The ferment in the Soviet Union today affirms
the wisdom of this strategy. Now we have a precious opportunity
to move beyond containment.
This goal -- integrating the Soviet Union into the community
of nations -- is every bit as ambitious as containment was in its
time. And it holds tremendous promise for international
stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will be a challenge of
the highest order. But the security challenges we face today do
not come from the East alone. The emergence of regional powers
is rapidly changing the strategic landscape.
In the Middle East, in South Asia, in our own hemisphere, a
growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly
destructive capabilities -- in some cases, weapons of mass
destruction, and the means to deliver them. And it is an
6
unfortunate fact that the world faces increasing threats from
armed insurgencies, terrorists, and (as you in the Coast Guard
are well aware) narcotics traffickers -- and, in some regions, an
unholy alliance of all three.
Our task is clear: we must curb the proliferation of
advanced weaponry; we must check the aggressive ambitions of
renegade regimes; and we must enhance the ability of our friends
to defend themselves. We have not yet mastered this complex
challenge. We and our allies must construct a common strategy
for stability in the developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these diverse challenges
depends on how well we understand the key elements of defense
strategy. Let me focus today on two points in particular.
O First, the need for an effective deterrent, one that
demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike American
strength and resolve;
O Second, we must maintain an approach to arms reduction that
promotes stability at the lowest feasible level of armaments.
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key to
keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the cost of
aggression against us or our allies is simply unacceptable.
In today's world, nuclear forces are essential to
deterrence. Our challenge is to protect those deterrent systems
from attack. That's why we will move Peacekeeper ICBMs out of
fixed and vulnerable silos -- making them mobile and thus harder
to target.
7
Looking to the longer-term, we will develop and deploy a new
highly mobile single-warhead missile, the Midgetman. With only
minutes of warning, these new missiles can relocate out of harm's
way. Any attack against systems like these will fail.
We are also researching -- and we are committed to deploy --
a more comprehensive defensive system, known as SDI. Our
premise is straight forward: defense against incoming missiles
endangers no person and no country.
We're also working to reduce the threat -- nuclear and
conventional. The INF Treaty demonstrates that willingness. In
addition, in the past decade, NATO has unilaterally removed 2400
shorter-range theater warheads. But theater nuclear forces
contribute to stability, no less than strategic forces. It would
be irresponsible to depend solely on strategic nuclear forces to
deter conflict in Europe.
The conventional balance in Europe is just as important --
and is linked to -- the nuclear balance. For more than 40 years,
the Warsaw Pact's massive advantage in conventional forces has
cast a shadow over Europe.
The unilateral reductions President Gorbachev has promised
give us hope that we can now redress that imbalance. We welcome
those steps because -- if implemented -- they will help reduce
the threat of surprise attack. And they confirm what we've said
all along: that Soviet military power far exceeds the levels
needed to defend the legitimate security interests of the USSR.
And we must keep in mind that these reductions alone -- even if
8
implemented -- are not enough to eliminate the significant
numerical superiority the Soviets now enjoy.
Through negotiation, we can now transform the military
landscape of Europe. The issues are complex. The stakes are
high. But the Soviets have been forthcoming, and we hope to
achieve the reductions we seek.
Let me emphasize: Our aim is nothing less than removing war
as an option in Europe.
The USSR has said it is willing to abandon its age-old
reliance on offensive strategy. It's time to begin. This should
mean a smaller force -- one less reliant on the tanks, artillery
and personnel carriers that provide the Soviets' offensive
striking power. A restructured Warsaw Pact -- one that mirrors
the defensive posture of NATO -- would make Europe and the world
more secure.
Peace can also be enhanced by movement toward more openness
in military activities. Two weeks ago, I proposed an "open
skies" initiative, to extend the concept of openness. That plan
for territorial overflights would increase our mutual security
against sudden and threatening military activities. In the same
spirit, let us extend this openness to military expenditures as
well. I call on the Soviets to do as we have always done. Let's
open the ledgers. Publish an accurate defense budget.
But we must be realistic. Transformations of this magnitude
will not happen overnight. If we are to reach our goals, a great
9
deal is required of us, our allies -- and of the Soviet Union.
But we can succeed.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a
particularly American ideal: freedom. I know there are those
who may think there's something presumptuous about that claim --
those who will think it boastful. But it's not, for one simple
reason:
Democracy isn't our creation -- it's our inheritance.
We can't take credit for democracy -- but we can take that
precious gift of freedom, preserve it and pass it on -- as my
generation does to you, and you, too, will do one day. And
perhaps -- provided we seize the opportunities open to us -- we
can help others attain the freedom we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I took this office,
"There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people."
As your Commander in Chief, let me call on this Coast Guard class
to reaffirm with me that American power will remain always in
service to the enduring ideals of democracy and freedom.
Thank you and God bless America.
# # #
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
May 19, 1989
MEMORANDUM
TO:
David F. Demarest, Assistant to the President
for Communications
FROM:
Edward L. Rowny, Special Advisor to the President
and Secretary of State for Arms Control Matters
SUBJECT:
President's Speech at the Coast Guard Academy
The Coast Guard Academy draft has good themes and good style.
Since this has been advertised in the media as a major speech on
national security strategy, however, I believe the President will
miss a golden opportunity if he does not have more "attention
getters." These could be more details on the Soviet threat and our
response through defense programs and arms control.
You also should factor in the fact that Paul Nitze will be
continuing his campaign against Bush arms control policies in a
National Press Club luncheon address the very day of the Coast Guard
Academy speech. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee yesterday, Nitze not only made his familiar arguments
against President Bush's policy on SNF, but he also revealed his
true opinion of the restraints he would like to put on SDI. He said
that while the narrow interpretation of the ABM Treaty cannot now
stand up legally, he would favor a new agreement with the Soviets
that unambiguously codified the narrow interpretation. He also
renewed his support for negotiating crippling limits on the SDI
technologies we are now researching. No one from the Administration
was on hand to respond.
Here are some specific suggestions for strengthening the speech:
--Challenge Gorbachev to make more unilateral cuts in
conventional arms. He can afford to make them because the Warsaw
Pact enjoys such a large margin of superiority in conventional
weapons over NATO.
--Strongly endorse SDI and challenge the Soviets on the missile
defense issue.
-Stress that SDI is as necessary as strategic offensive
modernization, and that the two should go hand-in-hand. Tower and
Cheney made this point emphatically earlier this year.
-Assure the public we will not cripple SDI through
compromises at the negotiating table.
-2-
-Point out that SDI would provide insurance against
violation of a START agreement and, moreover, insurance against
third-country or rogue ballistic missiles.
-Reaffirm the Reagan Administration policy that "SDI is
going to make possible a return to the commonsense view that
effective defenses, which threaten no one, contribute to peace and
stability.'
-Point out that the Soviet Union has never embraced the
mutual assured destruction concept. No nation is as strong a
proponent of strategic defenses as the Soviet Union, while no nation
is more strongly opposed to our SDI. Vice President Quayle put it
well in his recent Navy League speech:
"
despite some
encouraging changes within the Soviet Union, I know of nothing that
has occurred since 1983 that should change our thinking about
strategic defense. In fact, when it comes to deployed military
hardware -- the only tangible criterion by which to measure our
adversaries' purpose and intent -- the only changes I have seen have
reinforced the case for strategic defense."
If the President does not make strong, detailed declarations of
support for SDI soon, he could be accused of retreating from the
Republican Platform and his own campaign statements.
U.S. COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
DATE: MAY 24, 1989
TIME: 12:00 P.M.
LOCATION: U.S. COAST GUARD ACADEMY
FROM: DAVID DEMAREST
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
COMMUNICATIONS
I. PURPOSE
To deliver an address focusing primarily on nuclear strategy
and modernization questions, with some treatment of
conventional force balance.
II. BACKGROUND
Originally established by legislation in 1876, the U.S.
Coast Guard Academy had a fitful history until World War I,
when it received its present name. The Academy is the only
federal service academy that offers appointments on the
basis of a nationwide competition -- there are no
congressional nominations, state quotas or special
categories.
There are 835 cadets at the Academy: 120 women; and 715
men. Each graduate earns a Bachelor of Science degree, and
after commencement each ensign will be assigned aboard a
Coast Guard cutter. Their duties could involve drug or
alien interdiction, saving lives at sea, or the defense of
U.S. maritime regions.
Thirty-four members of the class of 1991 will be spending
their summer in Alaska, aiding in the Valdez oilspill clean-
up.
Alex Haley, author of Roots, will be receiving an honorary
degree at the ceremony. He was in the Coast Guard for
twenty years, and claims he does his best work aboard ship,
which is where he wrote his most recent book.
III. PARTICIPANTS
164 First Class Cadets (3 international cadets: two from
Costa Rica, one from Panama)
5200 Friends, Family and Faculty
(Please see attached diagram of those who will be seated on
stage.)
IV.
PRESS PLAN
Open Press
V.
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
Please see Advance Team Scenario.
TAB D
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
U.S. Coast Guard Academy
Commencement Ceremony
Dais Diagram
Wedenesday, May 24, 1989
Staff
Limo
Press Pool
Off-Stage
Announce
Faculty
Faculty
-
123456
7890112
Podium
Commissions
/
Staff
Viewing Area
-
1. Dr. Sanders
7. Rear Admiral Cueroni
Dean, USCGA
Superintendant, USCGA
2. Capt. Versaw
8. THE PRESIDENT
9. Mr. Alex Haley
12:15
Assit. Superintendant, USCGA
3. Prof. Gathy
10. Ambassador Juarez
Costa Rica
4. Como. Pratt
11. Capt. Ashworth
Comodore, USCG Auxiliary
Commandant of Cadets
5. Secretary Skinner
12. Capt. McCoy
6. Admiral Yost
Catholic Chaplain
KEY:
THE PRESIDENT
PRESS
GUESTS & STAFF
For indect in Coast Guard Speech
RECOMMENDED ADDITIONAL PARAGRAPH: Insert between panultimate and last
paragraph.
I applaud the patriotism and dedication to freedom and democracy
that each of you are demonstrating here today at this graduation. The
in Coast Guard plays critical roles not only in drug interdiction but also
- national defense and other programs important to our total
national security picture: the Maritime Defense Zone, Icebreaking, Low
Intensity Conflict, National Security Assistance and many others.
As the Coast Guard's newest officers, you are becoming & part of
this great national purpose.
456-2397
FROM:
David Bates
PO2
NOILVLHOSSNVHL ISO* Wat9:90 '90
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 19, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
SRR
FROM:
STEPHEN P. FARRAR
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Coast Guard Academy
Commencement
The Office of Policy Development recommends that the President's
reference to the international debt situation on page 4 be
modified as follows:
Delete:
"
we've got to provide debt relief and
"
Insert:
"
we've got to help reduce these burdens and
"
If the language were not changed, the President could be
misinterpreted as favoring additional USG resources to reduce
third-world debt levels. The Brady Initiative fits better within
the proposed language.
CC: Roger Porter
Bill Roper
Jim Cicconi
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 19, 1989
MEMORANDUM TO CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
JIM PINKERTON
P
SUBJECT:
Coast Guard Academy Commencement
This speech is missing a structure that involves:
1) the repetition of our previous themes when it speaks to the
same ideas as those themes, e.g. we speak of a "new world" and
"the ascendency of the democratic idea" but we do not mention
"the new breeze is blowing" or "The day of the dictator is over."
2) telling the audience up front that you will speak to these
themes and then lay them out. If we want people to believe we
have themes, we ought to speak in thematic terms. For example,
the dey themes i this speech are found in graf 5 at page 3 and
the first graf at page 6. I suggest that we articulate these
early, amplify them in the middle and re-emphasize in the
conclusion.
Pg. 2, para. 4, line 2 " evolution of the socialist
experiment." "Evolution" is too complementary a term to attach
to the decline of communism. The sentence would read better as
simply: "the final chapter of the communist experiment." Also,
we suggest using "communism" instead of "socialism" because we
presumably want to avoid offending the democratically-elected
socialist governments around the world.
3,2,2
The phrase "new world" is perfectly good, but why not
dwell upon "new breeze" which is reshaping the world, blowing
down tired institutions, and filling the sails of hope and
progress. There is a value in repetition of our most familiar
and effective themes.
3,7,1
"Hand-wringers" sounds rather Agnew-esque, i.e. a
little harsh, and un-presidential.
4,1 This excellent paragraph turns the "America in decline"
whiners on their heads.
(more)
2-2-2
4,4,1
We think that this is a shrewd way of making "economic
nationalism" into an epithet. We should do to this term what
was done to the formerly innocent term "appeasement."
We suggest that the President knock "economic nationalism"
even harder by breaking one long sentence into two shorter,
punchier sentences, i.e., "We've got to combat the misguided
notion of economic nationalism. Economic nationalism would have
us close off our economies to foreign competition, just when the
global marketplace has become a reality."
4,4,3
"Fact of life" sounds a bit smart-aleck, we suggest
something softer, e.g, "a reality [as above].'
4,5,2
We suggest: "embrace freedom and free market reforms."
We don't want to "open our door" to the East Bloc until we are
sure that they are politically as well as economically pacific.
4,6,2
We suggest "free market reforms. [emphasis added].
4,8
"Security" and "stability" do not have the ring of
grand themes; they seem a bit bland. Furthermore, in the next
graf, we go into an antithetical idea of "dynamism." We need a
formulation that we articulate early and come back to: perhaps,
security and stability as a foundation for dynamism; perhaps,
the idea that respect for law and human rights leads to
creativity and dynamism of the free exchange of goods and ideas.
5,4,1
"I want Perestroika to succeed." We believe this
sentence is the line that the press will seize upon. To ensure
maximum effect, the text should highlight and emphasize the
phrase. Better yet, say: "I hope perestroika succeeds, and I am
confident perestroika will succeed if the Soviet leadership
follows the will of the people."
The succession of "I want " in this paragraph sounds
petulant. We suggest casting it in terms of a vision. Instead
of "I want " the President should say "I hope " "I see
"
"I look forward to
If
6,1 In the spirit of vision and themes, the President should
refer, in this paragraph on "containment", to his Texas A & M
speech on the same subject. If this is the heart of the message,
it should be moved up in the body of the speech and incorporated
into the structure, as noted in point 2) on the previous page.
7,8,6
This is a lame endorsement of SDI which will not go
unnoticed on the Right.
9,3,8
We suggest "real stability, not to mention real
equality, to the nations of Europe.' [emphasis added]
#
Document No.
037765
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
5/19/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
5:00 TODAY
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
PINKERTON
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston's office with an information copy to my office by
5:00 TODAY, FRIDAY, MAY 19. Thank you
RESPONSE:
See changes
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Dooley
May 19, 1989
1053 MAY 19 MUSC
9:00 am
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
MAY 24, 1989
Thank you, Admiral. I congratulate each member of this
year's class on receiving your commission into such a proud
service.
Mention the Coast Guard, and most people think about lives
saved at sea, daring rescue operations. But those daily acts of
heroism are just one part of vital work the Coast Guard performs.
Right now, in Prince William Sound, the Coast Guard is working
around the clock in a major environmental clean-up effort -- and
I know that some of you receiving commissions will soon be
joining the Coast Guard team in Alaska. Right now, off the
Florida coast, Coast Guard patrols are chasing down drug
smugglers -- and keeping drugs off our streets. That may be "all
in a day's work" for the Coast Guard -- but it's absolutely vital
to our national health, well-being and security.
((I spoke to your Superintendent earlier about what I'd be
saying here today, and he asked me one favor. He said:
"Whatever you do, please don't throw a scare into these new
Ensigns by telling them the world is theirs."))
The truth is, that is what commencement is all about. The
world is yours, and today's ceremony is really part of the change
of command from one generation to the next. I'm sure on that
long first day of Swab Summer, you never thought four years could
2
pass so quickly. But they have. You've worked hard, Billet
Night has come and gone
You're ready -- "Semper Paratus" in
the words of your motto -- ready to enter the Coast Guard
service, and the world.
And today, our world -- your world -- is changing. The
signs are everywhere. Look east across the Atlantic. The
nations of Western Europe are expanding their economic ties,
uniting into a truly common market beginning in 1992. Look west,
to the nations of the Pacific Rim -- to Japan's emergence as a
world-class economic power, and to a half-dozen other Asian
countries moving quickly into the global economy's front ranks.
And changes in the socialist world are even more profound.
We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an idea:
the final chapter in the evolution of the socialist experiment.
Socialism is now recognized -- even by many within the socialist
world itself -- as a failed system: One that promised economic
prosperity but failed to deliver the goods, a system that built a
wall between the people and their political aspirations.
But the eclipse of socialism is only one half of the story
of our time. The other is the ascendancy of the democratic idea.
Never before has the idea of freedom so captured the
imaginations of men and women the world over. Never before has
the hope of freedom beckoned so many -- students in Tiananmen
Square. Trade unionists in Warsaw. The people of Panama.
Millions throughout the Soviet Union, given a voice and vote.
3
Everywhere, those voices are speaking the language of democracy
and freedom.
Today I want to speak to you about the world we want to see,
and what we can do to bring that new world into existence. My
national security team has now completed a series of systematic
reviews that will help us chart that course. I want to speak
about our security strategy for the 1990s -- one that advances
American aims, and upholds American ideals.
Amidst the many challenges we'll face, there will be risks.
But let me assure you: we'll find more than our share of
opportunities. We and our allies are strong -- stronger than at
any point in the post-war period, and capable of advancing the
cause of freedom.
And the world we can help shape is cause for optimism.
Its outlines are clear: A growing community of democracies
anchoring international peace and stability, a dynamic free
market system generating prosperity and progress on a global
scale. The economic foundation of this new era is the free
market -- and developing that economic foundation is central to
our security strategy.
And let's be clear about one thing: the emergence of a
global market is a challenge America looks forward to -- not a
threat to our status as a world power.
We all know there are hand-wringers out there, talking about
an "America in decline." I can't explain how some people mistake
the triumph of American ideas as a sign of defeat and decline
4
The plain truth is: the economic rise of Europe and the nations
of the Pacific Rim isn't proof of American decline at all -- it
is the crowning success of our post-war alliance policy.
So the hand-wringers are wrong. Our time is a time of
tremendous opportunity -- and our destiny is in our hands. To
reach the world I just spoke of, we've got hard work ahead of us.
We've got to resolve international trade problems that
threaten to pit friends and allies against one another.
We've got to combat misguided notions of economic
nationalism that tell us to close off our economies to foreign
competition, just when the global marketplace is a fact of life.
We've got to open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe
and other socialist countries that embrace free market reforms.
And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with
debt, we've got to provide debt relief and encourage the market
reforms that will set those nations on a path towards growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the new century beyond
will be an era of unparalleled growth -- an era which sees the
flourishing of freedom, peace and prosperity around the globe.
But this new era cannot unfold in a climate where conflict
and instability prevail. Our goals must also include security
and stability: security for ourselves, our allies and friends;
stability in the international arena, and an end to regional
conflicts.
Those goals don't change, but the strategy we employ to
reach those goals can, and must. Today, the need for a dynamic
5
and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must use all the means
at our disposal -- economic, diplomatic, and military -- to take
advantage of the opportunities open to us in a world of rapid
change.
Nowhere is change more evident than in the Soviet Union, and
nowhere are the ultimate consequences of change more important
for world security.
I firmly believe that what we're seeing now in the USSR is
significant and far-reaching. I also know that the process is
still ongoing and unfinished. It is the policy of this
Administration to seize every opportunity to build a better, more
stable relationship with the Soviet Union -- just as it is our
policy to defend American interests in light of the enduring
reality of Soviet military power. Socialism may no longer be a
moral force in the world, but it is still -- in the Soviet Union
-- a military force of considerable power.
I want to see perestroika succeed. I want to see the
policies of glasnost and perestroika -- so far, a revolution
imposed from the top down -- institutionalized into the Soviet
system. And I want to see perestroika extended as well. I want
to see a Soviet Union that restructures its relationship within
the community of nations
A Soviet Union that is a force for
constructive solutions to the world's problems -- not a power
that seeks to exploit and create international conflict to
further its own ends.
6
The grand strategy of the West during the post-war period
has centered on the concept of containment: checking the Soviet
Union's expansionist aims, in the hope that the Soviet system
itself would one day be forced to confront its internal
contradictions. The fact that that is happening today spells the
ultimate success of our strategy -- and creates an opportunity to
move beyond containment.
The goal we've now set for ourselves -- integrating the
Soviet Union into the community of nations -- is every bit as
ambitious as containment was in its time. And it is a goal that
holds tremendous promise for international stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will be a challenge of
the highest order. But the security challenges we face today do
not come from the East alone. The emergence of regional powers
is rapidly changing the strategic landscape.
In the Middle East, in South Asia, in Latin America, a
growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly
destructive capabilities -- in some cases, weapons of mass
destruction, and the means to deliver them. And it is an
unfortunate fact that the world faces increasing threats from
armed insurgencies, terrorists, and (as you in the Coast Guard
are well aware) narcotics traffickers -- and, in some regions, an
unholy alliance of all three.
Our task is clear: We must curb the proliferation of
advanced weaponry, check the aggressive ambitions of renegade
regimes, and build up -- by means of economic and security
7
assistance -- the ability of friendly nations to defend
Du Sault
4770
themselves. Our review shows that we have not yet mastered this
complex challenge that We and our allies must construct a
common strategy for stability in the developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these diverse challenges
depends on how well we understand the key elements of defense
strategy. Let me focus today on three points in particular.
First, the need for an effective deterrent, one that
demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike American
strength and resolve;
Second, the need for a dynamic and durable alliance structure;
Third, we must maintain an approach to arms reduction that
promotes stability at lower levels of armaments.
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key to
keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the costs of
aggression against us are simply unacceptable.
Conventional capability is crucial. We must be able to
defend our interests well forward of our own shores, and to
project power when and where we need to, to protect American
citizens and interests.
Howard
But our nuclear forces remain our ultimate deterrent.
My
4624
decision to move ahead on a rail-mobile MX force -- and beyond
small CBM
that to develop and deploy the mobile single-warhead Midgetman
missile -- will provide the survivable land-based deterrent that
will help us keep the peace well into the next century. And
maintaining a credible deterrent means moving forward on SDI as
Howard
so that in the future 8 we can rely
well, to strengthen our deterrent by relying increasingly on
defense, and less on the threat of retaliation.
In addition to an effective deterrent, our defense strategy
depends upon strong alliances. Coalition defense has been the
cornerstone of our security strategy for the past four decades.
With the growing trend towards economic interdependence, now is
no time for the U.S. to adopt a "go it alone" security policy.
But let me make equally clear that we view our alliances as
true partnerships. The United States expects its alliance
partners -- many now major economic powers in their own right --
to contribute their fair share to our common defense.
Those who think we've outgrown our alliance system are
wrong. A strong security partnership among the democracies of
the world will be the key to peace in the 21st Century.
But as our alliances mature, we must make sure our
expectations remain realistic. Alliances of sovereign democratic
nations will never be free of controversy. But we must never
forget that disagreements between democracies are "family
quarrels" -- differences that don't obscure the common aims and
enduring interests we share.
Finally, we must seek to strengthen our security through
significant arms reductions, both nuclear and conventional.
But reductions alone are not enough. Even deep reductions
in strategic nuclear arsenals would leave the U.S. and USSR with
enormous destructive power. Our aim must be strategic stability:
a balance in which neither side can hope to destroy the forces of
9
the other without bringing destruction on itself. Any agreement
that fails to pass that test is not in our national interest.
Next month, our negotiators will be back at the table in
Geneva, working to hammer out a treaty that achieves real
reductions, ensures stability -- and allows us to know with
confidence that any agreement we sign is honored and observed.
In the area of conventional arms reductions, the U.S. and
its NATO allies seek stability at lower levels of armaments --
and an agreement that eliminates the massive conventional
superiority of the Warsaw Pact forces. President Gorbachev's
promise to make a unilateral cut in Soviet conventional forces is
a welcome first step -- but it's still a long way from the deep
reductions in tanks, artillery and troop strength that will bring
real stability to the nations of Europe.
The complex calculations and analysis that are constant
factors in setting our course should not obscure the plain truths
that guide our defense strategy:
If we remain strong, we remain safe. If we work in concert
with our allies, we add their strengths to our own. If we seek
stability as well as real reductions in the weapons of war, we
make ourselves and our allies more secure.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a
particularly American idea: freedom. I know there will be
people who think there's something presumptuous about that --
people who will think it boastful to talk about that triumph.
But it's not, for one simple reason:
10
Democracy isn't our creation -- it's our inheritance.
We can't take credit for democracy -- but we can take the
precious gift of freedom, preserve it and pass it on -- as my
generation does to you, and you, too, will do one day. And
perhaps -- provided we seize the opportunities open to us -- we
can help others attain the freedom we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I took this office,
"There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people."
As your Commander in Chief, let me call on today's class to
reaffirm with me that American power will remain always in
service to the enduring ideals of democracy and freedom.
Document No.
037165
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
5/19/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
5:00 TODAY
DATE:
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
PINKERTON
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
BOSKIN
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chriss
Winston's office with an information copy to my office by
5:00 TODAY, FRIDAY, MAY 19. Thank you
RESPONSE:
on GRRW
5/m
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE house
washington
May 19, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
BRENT O. HATCH Bot
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Coast Guard Academy
Commencement
I have reviewed the above draft, and the Counsel's office has no
comments.
CC: James W. Cicconi
McGroarty/Dooley
May 19, 1989
9:00 am
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT
NEW LONDON, CONNECTICUT
MAY 24, 1989
Thank you, Admiral. I congratulate each member of this
year's class on receiving your commission into such a proud
service.
Mention the Coast Guard, and most people think about lives
saved at sea, daring rescue operations. But those daily acts of
heroism are just one part of vital work the Coast Guard performs.
Right now, in Prince William Sound, the Coast Guard is working
around the clock in a major environmental clean-up effort -- and
I know that some of you receiving commissions will soon be
joining the Coast Guard team in Alaska. Right now, off the
Florida coast, Coast Guard patrols are chasing down drug
smugglers -- and keeping drugs off our streets. That may be "all
in a day's work" for the Coast Guard -- but it's absolutely vital
to our national health, well-being and security.
((I spoke to your Superintendent earlier about what I'd be
saying here today, and he asked me one favor. He said:
"Whatever you do, please don't throw a scare into these new
Ensigns by telling them the world is theirs. "))
The truth is, that is what commencement is all about. The
world is yours, and today's ceremony is really part of the change
of command from one generation to the next. I'm sure on that
long first day of Swab Summer, you never thought four years could
2
pass so quickly. But they have. You've worked hard, Billet
Night has come and gone
You're ready -- "Semper Paratus" in
the words of your motto -- ready to enter the Coast Guard
service, and the world.
And today, our world -- your world -- is changing. The
signs are everywhere. Look east across the Atlantic. The
nations of Western Europe are expanding their economic ties,
uniting into a truly common market beginning in 1992. Look west,
to the nations of the Pacific Rim -- to Japan's emergence as a
world-class economic power, and to a half-dozen other Asian
countries moving quickly into the global economy's front ranks.
And changes in the socialist world are even more profound.
We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an idea:
the final chapter in the evolution of the socialist experiment.
Socialism is now recognized -- even by many within the socialist
world itself -- as a failed system: One that promised economic
prosperity but failed to deliver the goods, a system that built a
wall between the people and their political aspirations.
But the eclipse of socialism is only one half of the story
of our time. The other is the ascendancy of the democratic idea.
Never before has the idea of freedom so captured the
imaginations of men and women the world over. Never before has
the hope of freedom beckoned SO many -- students in Tiananmen
Square. Trade unionists in Warsaw. The people of Panama.
Millions throughout the Soviet Union, given a voice and vote.
3
Everywhere, those voices are speaking the language of democracy
and freedom.
Today I want to speak to you about the world we want to see,
and what we can do to bring that new world into existence. My
national security team has now completed a series of systematic
reviews that will help us chart that course. I want to speak
about our security strategy for the 1990s -- one that advances
American aims, and upholds American ideals.
Amidst the many challenges we'll face, there will be risks.
But let me assure you: we'll find more than our share of
opportunities. We and our allies are strong -- stronger than at
any point in the post-war period, and capable of advancing the
cause of freedom.
And the world we can help shape is cause for optimism.
Its outlines are clear: A growing community of democracies
anchoring international peace and stability, a dynamic free
market system generating prosperity and progress on a global
scale. The economic foundation of this new era is the free
market -- and developing that economic foundation is central to
our security strategy.
And let's be clear about one thing: the emergence of a
global market is a challenge America looks forward to -- not a
threat to our status as a world power.
We all know there are hand-wringers out there, talking about
an "America in decline." I can't explain how some people mistake
the triumph of American ideas as a sign of defeat and decline
4
The plain truth is: the economic rise of Europe and the nations
of the Pacific Rim isn't proof of American decline at all -- it
is the crowning success of our post-war alliance policy.
So the hand-wringers are wrong. Our time is a time of
tremendous opportunity -- and our destiny is in our hands. To
reach the world I just spoke of, we've got hard work ahead of us.
We've got to resolve international trade problems that
threaten to pit friends and allies against one another.
We've got to combat misguided notions of economic
nationalism that tell us to close off our economies to foreign
competition, just when the global marketplace is a fact of life.
We've got to open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe
and other socialist countries that embrace free market reforms.
And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with
debt, we've got to provide debt relief and encourage the market
reforms that will set those nations on a path towards growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the new century beyond
will be an era of unparalleled growth -- an era which sees the
flourishing of freedom, peace and prosperity around the globe.
But this new era cannot unfold in a climate where conflict
and instability prevail. Our goals must also include security
and stability: security for ourselves, our allies and friends;
stability in the international arena, and an end to regional
conflicts.
Those goals don't change, but the strategy we employ to
reach those goals can, and must. Today, the need for a dynamic
5
and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must use all the means
at our disposal -- economic, diplomatic, and military -- to take
advantage of the opportunities open to us in a world of rapid
change.
Nowhere is change more evident than in the Soviet Union, and
nowhere are the ultimate consequences of change more important
for world security.
I firmly believe- that what we're seeing now in the USSR is
significant and far-reaching. I also know that the process is
still ongoing and unfinished. It is the policy of this
Administration to seize every opportunity to build a better, more
stable relationship with the Soviet Union -- just as it is our
policy to defend American interests in light of the enduring
reality of Soviet military power. Socialism may no longer be a
moral force in the world, but it is still -- in the Soviet Union
-- a military force of considerable power.
I want to see perestroika succeed. I want to see the
policies of glasnost and perestroika -- so far, a revolution
imposed from the top down -- institutionalized into the Soviet
system. And I want to see perestroika extended as well. I want
to see a Soviet Union that restructures its relationship within
the community of nations
A Soviet Union that is a force for
constructive solutions to the world's problems -- not a power
that seeks to exploit and create international conflict to
further its own ends.
6
The grand strategy of the West during the post-war period
has centered on the concept of containment: checking the Soviet
Union's expansionist aims, in the hope that the Soviet system
itself would one day be forced to confront its internal
contradictions. The fact that that is happening today spells the
ultimate success of our strategy -- and creates an opportunity to
move beyond containment.
The goal we've now set for ourselves -- integrating the
Soviet Union into the community of nations -- is every bit as
ambitious as containment was in its time. And it is a goal that
holds tremendous promise for international stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will be a challenge of
the highest order. But the security challenges we face today do
not come from the East alone. The emergence of regional powers
is rapidly changing the strategic landscape.
In the Middle East, in South Asia, in Latin America, a
growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly
destructive capabilities -- in some cases, weapons of mass
destruction, and the means to deliver them. And it is an
unfortunate fact that the world faces increasing threats from
armed insurgencies, terrorists, and (as you in the Coast Guard
are well aware) narcotics traffickers -- and, in some regions, an
unholy alliance of all three.
Our task is clear: We must curb the proliferation of
advanced weaponry, check the aggressive ambitions of renegade
regimes, and build up -- by means of economic and security
7
assistance -- the ability of friendly nations to defend
themselves. Our review shows that we have not yet mastered this
complex challenge -- that we and our allies must construct a
common strategy for stability in the developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these diverse challenges
depends on how well we understand the key elements of defense
strategy. Let me focus today on three points in particular.
First, the need for an effective deterrent, one that
demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike American
strength and resolve;
Second, the need for a dynamic and durable alliance structure;
Third, we must maintain an approach to arms reduction that
promotes stability at lower levels of armaments.
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key to
keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the costs of
aggression against us are simply unacceptable.
Conventional capability is crucial. We must be able to
defend our interests well forward of our own shores, and to
project power when and where we need to, to protect American
citizens and interests.
But our nuclear forces remain our ultimate deterrent.
My
decision to move ahead on a rail-mobile MX force -- and beyond
that to develop and deploy the mobile single-warhead Midgetman
missile -- will provide the survivable land-based deterrent that
will help us keep the peace well into the next century. And
maintaining a credible deterrent means moving forward on SDI as
8
well, to strengthen our deterrent by relying increasingly on
defense, and less on the threat of retaliation.
In addition to an effective deterrent, our defense strategy
depends upon strong alliances. Coalition defense has been the
cornerstone of our security strategy for the past four decades.
With the growing trend towards economic interdependence, now is
no time for the U.S. to adopt a "go it alone" security policy.
But let me make equally clear that we view our alliances as
true partnerships. The United States expects its alliance
partners -- many now major economic powers in their own right --
to contribute their fair share to our common defense.
Those who think we've outgrown our alliance system are
wrong. A strong security partnership among the democracies of
the world will be the key to peace in the 21st Century.
But as our alliances mature, we must make sure our
expectations remain realistic. Alliances of sovereign democratic
nations will never be free of controversy. But we must never
forget that disagreements between democracies are "family
quarrels" -- differences that don't obscure the common aims and
enduring interests we share.
Finally, we must seek to strengthen our security through
significant arms reductions, both nuclear and conventional.
But reductions alone are not enough. Even deep reductions
in strategic nuclear arsenals would leave the U.S. and USSR with
enormous destructive power. Our aim must be strategic stability:
a balance in which neither side can hope to destroy the forces of
9
the other without bringing destruction on itself. Any agreement
that fails to pass that test is not in our national interest.
Next month, our negotiators will be back at the table in
Geneva, working to hammer out a treaty that achieves real
reductions, ensures stability -- and allows us to know with
confidence that any agreement we sign is honored and observed.
In the area of conventional arms reductions, the U.S. and
its NATO allies seek stability at lower levels of armaments --
and an agreement that eliminates the massive conventional
superiority of the Warsaw Pact forces. President Gorbachev's
promise to make a unilateral cut in Soviet conventional forces is
a welcome first step -- but it's still a long way from the deep
reductions in tanks, artillery and troop strength that will bring
real stability to the nations of Europe.
The complex calculations and analysis that are constant
factors in setting our course should not obscure the plain truths
that guide our defense strategy:
If we remain strong, we remain safe. If we work in concert
with our allies, we add their strengths to our own. If we seek
stability as well as real reductions in the weapons of war, we
make ourselves and our allies more secure.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a
particularly American idea: freedom. I know there will be
people who think there's something presumptuous about that --
people who will think it boastful to talk about that triumph.
But it's not, for one simple reason:
10
Democracy isn't our creation -- it's our inheritance.
We can't take credit for democracy -- but we can take the
precious gift of freedom, preserve it and pass it on -- as my
generation does to you, and you, too, will do one day. And
perhaps -- provided we seize the opportunities open to us -- we
can help others attain the freedom we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I took this office,
"There is but one just use of power, and it is to serve people."
As your Commander in Chief, let me call on today's class to
reaffirm with me that American power will remain always in
service to the enduring ideals of democracy and freedom.
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
U.S. COAST GUARD ACADEMY COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS
DATE: MAY 24, 1989
TIME: 12:00 P.M.
LOCATION: U.S. COAST GUARD ACADEMY
FROM: DAVID DEMAREST
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR
COMMUNICATIONS
I. PURPOSE
To deliver an address focusing primarily on nuclear strategy
and modernization questions, with some treatment of
conventional force balance.
II. BACKGROUND
Originally established by legislation in 1876, the U.S.
Coast Guard Academy had a fitful history until World War I,
when it received its present name. The Academy is the only
federal service academy that offers appointments on the
basis of a nationwide competition -- there are no
congressional nominations, state quotas or special
categories.
There are 835 cadets at the Academy: 120 women; and 715
men. Each graduate earns a Bachelor of Science degree, and
after commencement each ensign will be assigned aboard a
Coast Guard cutter. Their duties could involve drug or
alien interdiction, saving lives at sea, or the defense of
U.S. maritime regions.
Thirty-four members of the class of 1991 will be spending
their summer in Alaska, aiding in the Valdez oilspill clean-
up.
Alex Haley, author of Roots, will be receiving an honorary
degree at the ceremony. He was in the Coast Guard for
twenty years, and claims he does his best work aboard ship,
which is where he wrote his most recent book.
III. PARTICIPANTS
The President
164 First Class Cadets (3 international cadets: two from
Costa Rica, one from Panama)
5200 Friends, Family and Faculty
Rear Admiral Cueroni, Superintendant, USCGA
Secretary Skinner
Admiral Yost
Ambassador Juarez, Costa Rica
Alex Haley
Dr. Sanders, Dean, USCGA
Captain Versaw, Assistant Superintendant, USCGA
Professor Gethy
Commodore Pratt, Commodore, USCG Auxiliary
Captain Ashworth, Commandant of Cadets
Captain McCoy, Catholic Chaplain
IV. PRESS PLAN
Open Press
V.
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS
Please see Advance Team Scenario.
#672
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(New London, Connecticut)
For Immediate Release
May 24, 1989
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT THE COAST GUARD ACADEMY
GRADUATION CEREMONY
Nitchman Field
Coast Guard Academy
New London, Connecticut
12:13 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. And, Mr.
Superintendent, my friend, Rick, thank you for inviting me here.
Thank all of the -- particularly those in the white uniforms who are
fixing to move on for that warm welcome. To Admiral Yost, the
Commandant and Secretary Skinner, Dr. Alex Haley, and all the
distinguished, broke but happy parents sitting over here --
(laughter) -- this is a special day. I want to single out Admiral
Cueroni for -- who will be leaving the service, that he has served so
well. And it was my pleasure as Vice President of the United States
to work directly with him when he headed the south Florida effort
fighting narcotics. And he showed us a lot of class then and he
showed the country a lot of class for his many years in service to
the Coast Guard. (Applause.)
I want to congratulate each member of this year's class
on receiving your commission into such a proud service. You mention
the Coast Guard amd most people think about lives saved at sea,
daring rescue operations. But those daily acts of heroism are just
one part of the vital work that this Coast Guard performs. Right
now, in Prince William Sound, the Coast Guard continues to work
around the clock in a major environmental clean-up. And let me at
this point, on behalf of a grateful nation, commend Admiral Yost.
Through his personal commitment, his involvement, and the leadership
that he has shown, he has served his country in the finest tradition
of the United States Coast Guard.
And those of us who care about the environment -- and
that is 250 million Americans at a minimum -- he's showing us the
way. And your service -- backing him up in every way, and I am very
proud of what Paul Yost has done. (Applause.)
Right now, off the Florida coast, Coast Guard patrols are
chasing down drug smugglers -- helping to keep the drugs off the
streets. And that may be all in a day's work for the Coast Guard --
but it is absolutely vital to our national health, our well-being and
our security.
I'm sure on that long first day of Swab Summer that you
never thought four years could pass so quickly. But they have. And
you've worked hard -- Billet Night has come and gone -- (laughter) --
and you're ready -- Semper Paratus in the words of your motto --
ready to enter the Coast Guard service, enter the world. And the
truth is, that's what commencement is all about. The world is yours,
and today's ceremony is really part of the change of command from one
generation to the next.
Today our world -- your world -- is changing, East and
West. And today I want to speak to you about the world we want to
see, and what we can do to bring that new world into clear focus.
MORE
- 2 -
We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an
idea the final chapter of the communist experiment. Communism is
now recognized -- even by many within the communist world itself --
as a failed system -- one that promised economic prosperity but
failed to deliver the goods, a system that built a wall between the
people and their political aspirations.
But the eclipse of communism is only one half of the
story of our time. The other is the ascendancy of the democratic
idea. Never before has the idea of freedom so captured the
imaginations of men and women the world over. And never before has
the hope of freedom beckoned so many. Trade unionists in Warsaw.
The people of Panama. Rulers consulting the ruled in the Soviet
Union. And even as we speak today, the world is transfixed by the
dramatic events in Tiananmen Square. Everywhere those voices are
speaking the language of democracy and freedom, and we hear them and
the world hears them, and America will do all it can to encourage
them.
So today I want to speak about our security strategy for
the 1990's -- one that advances American ideals and upholds American
aims.
Amidst the many challenges we'll face, there will be
risks. But let me assure you -- we'll find more than our share of
opportunities. We and our allies are strong -- stronger really than
at any point in the post-war period, and more capable than ever of
supporting the cause of freedom
There's an opportunity before us to shape a new world.
What is it that we want to see? It is a growing
community of democracies anchoring international peace and stability,
and a dynamic free market system generating prosperity and progress
on a global scale. The economic foundation of this new era is the
proven success of the free market -- and nurturing that foundation
are the values rooted in freedom and democracy.
Our country, America, was founded on these values and
they gave us the confidence that flows from strength. So let's be
clear about one thing: America looks forward to the challenge of an
emerging global market. But these values are not ours alone; they
are now shared by our friends and allies around the globe.
The economic rise of Europe and the nations of the
Pacific Rim is the growing success of our post-war policy. This time
is a time of tremendous opportunity -- and destiny is in our own
hands. To reach the world we want to see, we've got to work, and
work hard. There's a lot of work ahead of us.
We must resolve international trade problems that
threaten to pit friends and allies against one another. We must
combat misguided notions of economic nationalism that will tell us to
close off our economies to foreign competition, just when the global
marketplace has become a fact of life.
We must open the door to the nations of Eastern Europe
and other socialist countries that embrace free market reforms.
And finally, for developing nations heavily burdened with
debt, we must provide assistance and encourage the market reforms
that will set those nations on a path towards growth.
If we succeed, the next decade and the century beyond
will be an era of unparalleled growth -- an era which sees the
flourishing of freedom, peace and prosperity around the world.
But this new era cannot unfold in a climate where
conflict and turmoil exist. And therefore, our goals must also
include security and stability: security for ourselves and our
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allies and our friends; stability in the international arena, and an
end to regional conflicts.
Such goals are constant, but the strategy we employ to
reach them can, and must, change as the world changes. Today, the
need for a dynamic and adaptable strategy is imperative. We must be
strong -- economically, diplomatically, and, as you know, militarily
-- to take advantage of the opportunities open to us in a world of
rapid change. And nowhere will the ultimate consequences of change
have more significance for world security than within the Soviet
Union itself.
What we're seeing now in the Soviet Union is indeed
dramatic. The process is still ongoing, unfinished. But make no
mistake -- our policy is to seize every, and I mean every,
opportunity to build a better, more stable relationship with the
Soviet Union -- just as it is our policy to defend American interests
in light of the enduring reality of Soviet military power.
We want to see perestroika succeed. And we want to see
the policies of glasnost and perestroika -- so far, a revolution
imposed from top down -- institutionalized within the Soviet Union.
And we want to see perestroika extended as well. We want to see a
Soviet Union that restructures its relationship toward the rest of
the world a Soviet Union that is a force for constructive
solutions to the world's problems.
The grand strategy of the West during the post-war period
has been based on the concept of containment: checking the Soviet
Union's expansionist aims, in the hope that the Soviet system itself
would one day be forced to confront its internal contradictions. The
ferment in the Soviet Union today affirms the wisdom of this
strategy. And now we have a precious opportunity to move beyond
containment. You're graduating into an exciting world, where the
opportunity for peace -- world peace, lasting peace -- has never been
better.
Our goal -- integrating the Soviet Union into the
community of nations -- is every bit as ambitious as containment was
at its time. And it holds tremendous promise for international
stability.
Coping with a changing Soviet Union will be a challenge
of the highest order. But the security challenges we face today do
not come from the East alone. The emergence of regional powers is
rapidly changing the strategic landscape.
In the Middle East, in South Asia, in our own hemisphere,
a growing number of nations are acquiring advanced and highly
destructive capabilities -- in some cases, weapons of mass
destruction, and the means to deliver them. And it is an unfortunate
fact that the world faces increasing threat from armed insurgencies,
terrorists, and as you in the Coast Guard are well aware, narcotics
traffickers -- and, in some regions, an unholy alliance of all three.
Our task is clear: we must curb the proliferation of
advanced weaponry; we must check the aggressive ambitions of renegade
regimes; and we must enhance the ability of our friends to defend
themselves. We have not yet mastered the complex challenge. We and
our allies must construct a common strategy for stability in the
developing world.
How we and our allies deal with these diverse challenges
depends on how well we understand the key elements of defense
strategy. And so let me just mention today two points in particular.
First, the need for an effective deterrent, one that
demonstrates to our allies and adversaries alike American strength,
American resolve;
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And second, the need to maintain an approach to arms
reduction that promotes stability at the lowest feasible level of
armaments.
Deterrence is central to our defense strategy. The key
to keeping the peace is convincing our adversaries that the cost of
aggression against us or our allies is simply unacceptable.
In today's world, nuclear forces are esssential to
deterrence. Our challenge is to protect those deterrent systems from
attack. And that's why we'll move Peacekeeper ICBMs out of fixed and
vulnerable silos -- making them mobile and thus harder to target.
Looking to the longer-term, we will also develop and deploy a new
highly mobile single-warhead missile, the Midgetman. With only
minutes of warnings, these new missiles can relocate out of harm's
way. Any attack against systems like this will fail.
We are also researching -- and we are committed to deploy
when ready -- a more comprehensive defensive system, known as SDI.
Our premise is straightforward: defense against incoming missiles
endangers no person, endangers no country.
We're also working to reduce the threat we face -- both
nuclear and conventional. The INF Treaty demonstrates that
willingness. In addition, in the past decade, NATO has unilaterally
removed 2400 shorter-range theater warheads. But theater nuclear
forces contribute to stability, no less than strategic forces, and
thus it would be irresponsible to depend solely on strategic nuclear
forces to deter conflict in Europe.
The conventional balance in Europe is just as important,
and is linked to the nuclear balance. For more than 40 years -- and
look at your history books to see how pronounced this accomplishment
is -- for more than 40 years, the Warsaw Pact's massive advantage in
conventional forces has cast a shadow over Europe.
The unilateral reductions that President Gorbachev has
promised give us hope that we can now redress that imbalance. We
welcome those steps because, if implemented, they will help reduce
the threat of surprise attack. And they confirm what we've said all
along -- that Soviet military power far exceeds the levels needed to
defend the legitimate security interests of the USSR. And we must
keep in mind that these reductions alone -- even if implememted --
are not enough to eliminate the significant numerical superiority
that the Soviet Union enjoys right now.
Through negotiation, we can now transform the military
landscape of Europe. The issues are complex, stakes are very high.
But the Soviets are now being forthcoming, and we hope to achieve the
reductions that we seek.
Let me emphasize -- our aim is nothing less than removing
war as an option in Europe.
The USSR has said that it is willing to abandon its
age-old reliance on offensive strategy. It's time to begin. This
should mean a smaller force -- one less reliant on tanks and
artillery and personnel carriers that provide the Soviets' offensive
striking power. A restructured Warsaw Pact -- one that mirrors the
defensive posture of NATO -- would make Europe and the world more
secure.
Peace can also be enhanced by movement towards more
openness in military activities. And two weeks ago, I proposed an
"open skies" initiative, to extend the concept of openness. That
plan for territorial overflights would increase our mutual security
against sudden and threatening military activities. In the same
spirit, let us extend this openness to military expenditures as well.
I call on the Soviets to do as we have always done. Let's open the
ledgers. Publish an accurate defense budget.
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But as we move forward we must be realistic.
Transformations of this magnitude will not happen overnight. If we
are to reach our goals, a great deal is required of us, our allies --
and of the Soviet Union. But we can succeed.
I began today by speaking about the triumph of a
particular, peculiar, very special American ideal -- freedom. And I
know there are those who may think there's something presumptuous
about that claim -- those who will think it's boastful. But it is
not, for one simple reason: Democracy isn't our creation -- it is
our inheritance.
And we can't take credit for democracy -- but we can take
that precious gift of freedom, preserve it and pass it on -- as my
generation does to you, and you, too, will do one day. And perhaps
-- provided we seize the opportunities open to us -- we can help
others attain the freedom that we cherish.
As I said on the Capitol steps the day I took this
office, as President of the United States, "There is but one just use
of power, and it is to serve people." As your Commander in Chief,
let me call on this Coast Guard class to reaffirm with me that
American power will continue in its service to the enduring ideals of
democracy and freedom.
Congratulations to each and every one of you. Thank you
and God bless the United States of America. Thank you all very much.
(Applause.)
END
12:32 P.M. EDT