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6
3
6
Davis/Martin
June 28, 1989
Draft: Five
Title: Campaign
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
JUNE 29, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. ((Acknowledgements)
((I have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving a speech
at this particular place
all those years of being told not
to speak out-loud in a library.) )
The Library of Congress has been called the diary of the
American people. In truth, it is a diary of the human race. And
in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth
is revealed above all others: That for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest achievement of all.
As I look around me, I see the best and the brightest of a
new generation. For you, this summer of independence is just a
sweet taste of adulthood. Trust me, freedom is not as far-off as
it seems. Whatever you do in Washington -- page or intern -- you
are apprentices in a noble profession -- public service.
We exalt public service because we do not exalt our
government. We keep government close, close to the people it is
meant to serve. And there is another fundamental. concept in our
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 28, 1989
INFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
MARK DAVIS
SUBJECT:
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS SPEECH
I. SUMMARY
On Thursday, June 29, 1989, you will address an audience of
400 congressional, executive and Administration interns at the
Library of Congress. The purpose of this speech is to announce
the new campaign finance reform package. You will speak for
approximately 15 to 20 minutes from a teleprompted text.
II. DISCUSSION
These remarks cover the topics of contributions limits by
PACs, political parties and individuals; the incumbency advantage
(including the use of excess campaign funds, and perpetuation of
incumbency through redistricting) ; soft money and the need for
full disclosure, and banning honoraria.
?
2
way of governing -- reform. Ours is not a perfect government.
It is a government constantly perfected.
A steadily improving government is the result of our open
political system. And in this system, elections are more than
the deadlines of democracy; they are the marketplace of ideas.
They are not just contests between individuals -- they are
contests between philosophies. When this sharp edge of
competition is dulled, democracy loses.
STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE PARTIES
In April, I proposed comprehensive ethics legislation for
all branches of government. Today, I call on Congress to pass
that package. But I also want to address other problems -- how
to free our electoral system from the grip of special interests,
how to spur the free competition of ideas.
You have often heard me speak of the necessity of
bipartisanship. And I do strongly believe we must work together
when dealing with the most difficult challenges facing our
country -- not as partisans -- but as Americans.
But we will not -- and should not -- cease to be Republicans
and Democrats. True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no role for
parties. Yet 200 years of political experience has shown their
value. Political parties clarify and sharpen debate. They shape
3
coalitions of like-minded people, giving millions of working
Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance
their candidates. Parties are the indispensable organizers of
democracy.
Yet times have changed. Today's special-interest Political
Action Committees and their $160 million warchest overshadow the
great parties of Thomas Jefferson and Abraham Lincoln. As the
strength of our parties erodes, so does the strength of our
political system. Distinctions between candidates become
muddled, and Congressional debate lacks coherence and discipline.
By necessity, Members of Congress engage in time-consuming and
often degrading appeals for money outside the party structure.
As vigorous competition between candidates, and between ideas,
wanes, the clear winner in the race for PAC dollars is
incumbency.
Some believe public financing is the best answer. I do not.
If we exclude individuals from the process, we exclude the
public. Ironically, this is the end result of public financing.
It also would force taxpayers to support extremist candidates
they abhor. It would be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already
in deficit, to campaign coffers. Public financing would do
nothing to strengthen the parties; if anything, it would
strengthen the status quo. We don't need more money in the
system. We need to offer the voters more choice.
4
Spending limits are not the answer either. If candidates
have equal resources, incumbents will hold a tremendous
advantage. Spending limits amount to an incumbent protection
plan.
The answer is reform. We need reforms that curtail the role
of special interests, enhance the role of the individual and
strengthen the parties. So today, I propose just that -- a
sweeping reform of our system. More than 90 percent of all PAC
contributions come from PACs sponsored by corporations, unions
and trade associations. So the cornerstone of our reform is the
elimination of all special-interest Political Action Committees.
*** I propose the elimination of Congressional leadership
PACs, through which Members of Congress bid for the loyalty of
their colleagues.
*** I propose to end a practice known as "bundling," where
business and unions encourage or coerce contributions from
employees or members, and then give these contributions as a
single donation.
As these reforms curtail special-interest money, we must
encourage the role of the parties. I propose to more than double
the amount of money parties may donate to congressional
5
campaigns. Increasing party donations to federal candidates will
allow legislators to spend more time legislating and less time
raising money. It will give challengers the means to compete
with incumbents. And it will allow all candidates to avoid
having to raise money from special interests.
Still, some PACs should remain because they are protected by
the First Amendment. These independent PACs account for about
ten percent of all contributions. But even these I would limit,
by halving their allowable contributions to federal candidates
from $5,000 to $2,500. And new laws must keep such PACs
unaffiliated and independent, so a business or labor group could
not use them as a backdoor means of influencing the process.
CLEANING UP THE SYSTEM
We must do more to truly clean up the system. The basic
strength of today's system is disclosure. Yet most money spent
in American elections is not disclosed. This little known area
of campaign finance law called "soft money" concerns dollars
spent on voter turnout efforts. I call on Congress to join me in
mandating full disclosure of all soft money contributions by the
political parties, as well as corporations, unions and trade
associations.
Other laws govern independent expenditure groups, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or defeat a candidate so long
6
as their activities are not coordinated with those of a
particular candidate. While some of these groups perform a
public service, too often they mask the motives of hidden
contributors, acting as mercenary character assassins. Often,
they deceive the public into thinking that they are a candidate's
campaign. Yet all independent expenditure groups -- the good and
the bad alike -- are protected by the Constitution. In order to
provide more information to the public, I propose that such
groups should be required to more clearly identify the person or
organization behind them.
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme Court's Beck
decision, so that no member of a union can be forced to
contribute dues to political activities he or she doesn't
support. To coerce political donations from working men and
women is unfair and un-American. This practice must stop.
REDRESSING THE INCUMBENCY ADVANTAGE
The third, and final area of reform directly concerns the
powers of incumbency. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of
citizen-politicians, who suspended their careers in law, medicine
and agriculture to serve the nation. How far we've come from
that simple vision. Today, incumbents stay in office for
decades, amassing huge warchests to scare off strong challenges
in election after election.
7
This is not democracy in the spirit of Madison and
Jefferson. This is not the spirit of democracy at all. I renew
my proposal to end the "rollover" of campaign warchests,
requiring all excess campaign funds to be donated to the parties,
to a fund to retire the national debt or be given back to the
contributors.
Under our current law, 190 House Members in office in 1980
can also use their leftover campaign money as a personal
retirement fund -- pocketing hundreds of thousands -- even
millions -- of dollars when they leave office. Senators are
allowed to convert these funds for official use. Congress should
pack up this golden parachute.
Another advantage of incumbency arises from the way in which
Members of Congress use the public frank to pay for slick direct-
mail advertising. The cost to the taxpayers was more than $113
million in 1988. The cost to our democracy is incalculable. I
propose limiting the use of the frank by capping mass mailings
for Members to once a year -- on newsletters to be mailed only in
December, January or February.
Yet another area in need of reform is redistricting -- the
way in which parties in power ignore community boundaries and
draw district lines favorable to their candidates. This
8
gerrymandering is why many Congressional Districts look like
creatures my youngest grandchildren would draw.
The permanent majority that results from non-competitive
elections is rock solid. Despite the stark differences between
the two national parties, of the 435 seats in the House, 387 --
or 90 percent -- have not switched parties since 1982. Perhaps
California provides the best example, where only one seat in 135
elections changed parties in the 1980s. No single factor is more
basic to restoring competitive elections than ensuring fair
redistricting in 1990. I propose a new criteria for
redistricting, without favor to party, to respect community and
traditional lines. We must draw district lines that respect the
needs of the people, not tailor them to the political needs of
the parties.
Finally, in the next few days I will also send up
legislation to ban honoraria and to address certain aspects of
compensation for federal officials. This package will include a
25 percent pay increase for judges, which I have previously
recommended, a 25 percent increase for the Senior Executive
Service and senior level Presidential appointees, and a
substantial increase for a limited number of specialized
professionals -- such as nuclear scientists and surgeons -- where
the Executive Branch is not competitive. I will also work with
Congress on the development of details for increasing the pay of
9
those in the Congress, as well as the remainder of the Executive
Branch.
CONCLUSION
This year, as Congress observes its 200th anniversary.
Eleven thousand Americans have served in the House and Senate in
the history of our Republic. A few names on this roster are
infamous, associated with scandal or remembered as demagogues.
But the Bilbos and the McCarthys are few. Most have served in
the greater tradition of Russell and Rayburn, Dirksen and
Mansfield, Dole and Mitchell. Some day, you may follow this
path, the path to greatness and achievement through public
service. And if you do, I hope the laws that govern our
campaigns and our Congress are as just and honest as the majority
of those who serve the public.
This vast and honest majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said the noblest title in the world isn't
President, or Senator, or Congressman -- but "Honest Man."
Whatever you do in life, you can have no higher title than
that. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America.
#
#
#
Document No. 04841955
CLOSE HOLD
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
6/27/89
6/28/89 NOON
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
WRAY
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than NOON, Wednesday, June 28, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
CLOSE HOLD
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
1939 JUN 27 Fil 5:
June 26, 1989
Draft: Two
Title: Campaign
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
JUNE 29, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. ((Acknowledgements/Joke)
((I have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving a speech
at this particular place
...
all those years of being told not
to speak out-loud in a library.) )
The Library of Congress has been called the diary of the
American people. In truth, it is a diary of the human race. And
in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth
is revealed above all others: That for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest achievement of all.
As I look around me, I see the best and the brightest of a
new generation. Some of you are interns. And for you, this
summer of independence is just a sweet taste of adulthood. Trust
me, freedom is not as far-off as it seems. Others, I see, have
already embarked on the great adventure of a career. But
whatever you do in Washington -- page, intern or a Congressional
aide -- you are apprentices in a noble profession -- public
service.
2
We exalt public service precisely because we do not exalt
our government. We keep it close, close to the people it is
meant to serve. And there is another fundamental concept in our
way of governing -- reform. Ours is not a perfect government.
It is a government which is being constantly perfected.
Every abuse in our political system has been followed by
reform; and every cycle of reform has left the American political
process more honest, more democratic.
The reforms of the early seventies were a vast improvement
over the old system, bringing openness and accountability to
federal campaign finance and public ethics. But these reforms
have clearly not gone far enough. As a former Member of
Congress, I care deeply about protecting the reputation and
integrity of this institution. Recent events give us all cause
for concern.
Recent scandals are but symptoms of a pervasive disease --
the growing lack of competition within our political system. At
one time, as much as (twenty?) percent of Congressional
incumbents lost to challengers. Today, the re-election rate of
incumbents in the House of Representatives is better than 98
percent. A political body, like a river, must be in constant
flow to remain fresh and clean. But a permanent House with a
permanent majority is as unhealthy as a stagnant pond.
3
STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE PARTIES
There is yet another fundamental problem -- the erosion of
the political party as a force in American political life. You
have often heard me speak of the necessity of bipartisanship.
And I do strongly believe we must work together when dealing with
the most difficult challenges facing our country -- not as
partisans -- but as Americans.
But we will not -- and should not -- cease to be Republicans
and Democrats. True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no role for
parties. Yet 200 years of political experience has taught us
that parties are the indispensable organizers of democracy. Our
political parties clarify and sharpen debate. They shape
coalitions of like-minded people, giving millions of working
Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance
their candidates. A political party is a meeting house for the
nation.
Yet the great parties of Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln
have been overshadowed by the emergence of special interest PACs,
armed with a $160 billion warchest. As parties are weakened,
distinctions between candidates become muddled, and Congressional
policy lacks coherence. Members of Congress are forced to engage
in time-consuming and often degrading appeals for money. And
4
vigorous competition between candidates, and between ideas,
becomes muted.
Some believe public financing is the best answer. I do not.
Public financing would do nothing to strengthen the parties,
while directly involving government in the political process. It
would force taxpayers to support extremist candidates they abhor.
And it would be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already in
deficit, to campaign coffers. Such a public-finance regime could
be too easily subverted, dangerous to democracy.
What, then, is the answer? Today, I propose a sweeping
reform of our system. And the cornerstone of this reform is
nothing less than the elimination of all business, union and
trade association Political Action Committees.
Some PACs will still exist because they are protected by the
First Amendment. These free-standing or ideological PACs, like
the Sierra Club or ((the National Taxpayers Union)), account for
about ten percent of all contributions. But even these I would
limit, by halving their contributions to federal candidates from
$5,000 to $2,500. And new laws must keep such PACs unaffiliated
and independent, so a business or labor group could not use them
as a backdoor means of influencing the process.
5
I also propose the elimination of Congressional leadership
PACs, through which Members of Congress bid for the loyalty of
their colleagues. In addition, all transfers between PACs must
be eliminated, and each candidate or incumbent must have only one
PAC.
We must especially eliminate a dishonest practice known as
"bundling," where business and unions encourage or coerce
contributions from employees or members, and then give these
contributions as a single donation.
contu butions from
groups
As these reforms stem special-interest public finance, we
must allow the parties to make the difference. Because their
financial contributions come from many sources, parties donate
funds free of the taint of special interest. I propose to more
than double the amount of money parties may donate to
congressional campaigns, and liberalize the restrictions on party
contributions. Political parties must not be treated as if they
were mere special-interest PACs. They should resume their
fundamental role in American democracy.
CLEANING UP THE SYSTEM
But the elimination of special interest PACs still does not
go far enough in cleaning up our system of financing federal
campaigns. The basic strength of today's system is disclosure.
Why not open the books for all to see?
6
In a post-PAC era, corporations, unions and trade
associations will need an open way to participate in our
democracy. Our proposal would allow organizations to participate
in get-out-the-vote activities -- provided they make a full
disclosure of their contributions and activities.
This brings me to a little known and shadowy area of finance
law called "soft money," concerning dollars spent on voter
turnout efforts. Full disclosure is the premise behind our
federal campaign finance law. Yet most money spent in American
elections is not disclosed. I call on Congress to join me in
mandating full disclosure of all soft money contributions,
including voter registration and get-out-the vote activities.
Other laws govern independent expenditure groups, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or defeat a candidate so long
as their activities are not coordinated with those of a
particular candidate. While some of these groups perform a
public service, too often they mask the motives of hidden
contributors, acting as mercenary character assassins. Yet all
independent expenditure groups -- the good and the bad alike --
are protected by a Supreme Court ruling.
If there are to be such independent expenditure groups, at
least they should have to disclose all their expenditures. Such
7
groups should also be required to more clearly identify the
person or organization behind them. And those candidates who
believe they are victims of an illegal collusion between an
independent expenditure group and another campaign should be
guaranteed a hearing before the Federal Election Commission
within three days. At the very least, we can allow victims of
such attacks a public forum to respond.
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme Court's Beck
mempany?
decision, so that no member of a union can be forced to
contribute dues to political activities he or she doesn't
support. To coerce political donations from working men and
women is unfair and un-American. This practice must stop.
The package I have outlined is comprehensive. If it is to
become law, all the major provisions must be passed -- otherwise,
our reforms, like so many of the past, will spawn further
unintended abuses.
REDRESSING THE INCUMBENCY ADVANTAGE
The third and final area of reform directly concerns
Congressional conduct. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of
citizen-politicians, who suspended their careers in law, medicine
and agriculture to serve the nation. How far we've come from
that simple vision. Today, incumbents stay in office for
8
decades, amassing huge warchests to scare off strong challenges
in election after election.
This is not democracy in the spirit of Madison and
Jefferson. This is not the spirit of democracy at all. I renew
my proposal to end these "rollovers," requiring all excess
campaign funds to be donated to the parties, to a fund to retire
the national debt or be given back to the contributors.
Under our current law, 190 House Members who were elected
before 1980 can also use their leftover campaign money as a
personal retirement fund -- pocketing hundreds of thousands --
even millions -- of dollars when they leave office. Senators
elected before 1980 are allowed to convert these funds for
official use. Congress should bag this golden parachute.
I also propose to solve the most egregious wrong in American
public life. As it stands, members of Congress can supplement
their incomes by as much as 40 percent by making speeches before
special-interest groups. I said on April 12 I would support a
pay raise for Members of Congress. I have consulted with
Congress on such a raise. And now that I recommend a pay raise
for the executive, judicial and legislative branches, I also call
for phase out of honoraria.
$
9
Finally, allow me to turn your attention toward
redistricting -- the way in which parties in power ignore
community boundaries and draw district lines favorable to their
candidates. This gerrymandering (GARY-mandering) is why many
Congressional Districts look like something my youngest
grandchildren would draw.
Elections are nothing less than the marketplace of ideas
from which the people choose. They are not just contests between
individuals -- they are contests between philosophies. When this
sharp edge of competition is dulled, democracy loses. No single
factor is more basic to this competition than ensuring fair
redistricting in 1990. I propose a new criteria for
redistricting, without favor to party, to respect community and
traditional lines. We must draw district lines that are tailored
to the needs of the people, not to the political needs of
parties.
CONCLUSION
This year, as Congress observes its 200th anniversary.
((Number)) thousand Americans have served in the House and Senate
in the history of our Republic. A few names on this roster are
infamous, associated with scandal or remembered as demagogues.
But the Bilbos and the McCarthys are few. Most have served in
the greater tradition of Clay and Webster, Dirksen and Mansfield,
Dole and Mitchell. Some day, you may follow this path, the path
5
10
to greatness and glory through public service. And when you do,
I hope the laws that govern our campaigns and our Congress are as
just and honest as the majority of those who serve the public.
This vast and honest majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said the noblest title in the world isn't
President, or Senator, or Congressman -- but "Honest Man."
Whatever you do in life, you can have no higher title than
that. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America.
#
#
#
Document No. 04841955
CLOSE HOLD
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
6/27/89
6/28/89 NOON
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN N/C phone
STUDDERT
BATES N/C
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS N/C phone
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
WRAY
FITZWATER
NO
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than NOON, Wednesday, June 28, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
P.Secision
CLOSE HOLD
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
on pay raise to be
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
needs made. for
Document No. 04841955
CLOSE HOLD
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
6/27/89
6/28/89 NOON
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
SUBJECT: PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
WRAY
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than NOON, Wednesday, June 28, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
89 JUN 2 P12: 25
RESPONSE:
CLOSE HOLD
James W, Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
June 26, 1989
1939
21
Draft: Two
Title: Campaign
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
JUNE 29, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. ((Acknowledgements/Joke))
((I have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving a speech
at this particular place
all those years of being told not
to speak out-loud in a library.) )
The Library of Congress has been called the diary of the
American people. In truth, it is a diary of the human race. And
in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth
is revealed above all others: That for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest achievement of all.
As I look around me, I see the best and the brightest of a
new generation. Some of you are interns. And for you, this
summer of independence is just a sweet taste of adulthood. Trust
me, freedom is not as far-off as it seems. Others, I see, have
already embarked on the great adventure of a career. But
whatever you do in Washington -- page, intern or a Congressional
aide -- you are apprentices in a noble profession -- public
service.
2
We exalt public service precisely because we do not exalt
our government. We keep it close, close to the people it is
meant to serve. And there is another fundamental concept in our
way of governing -- reform. Ours is not a perfect government.
It is a government which is being constantly perfected.
Every abuse in our political system has been followed by
reform; and every cycle of reform has left the American political
process more honest, more democratic.
The reforms of the early seventies were a vast improvement
over the old system, bringing openness and accountability to
federal campaign finance and public ethics. But these reforms
have clearly not gone far enough. As a former Member of
Congress, I care deeply about protecting the reputation and
integrity of this institution. Recent events give us all cause
for concern.
Recent scandals are but symptoms of a pervasive disease --
the growing lack of competition within our political system. At
one time, as much as (twenty?) percent of Congressional
incumbents lost to challengers. Today, the re-election rate of
incumbents in the House of Representatives is better than 98
percent. A political body, like a river, must be in constant
flow to remain fresh and clean. But a permanent House with a
permanent majority is as unhealthy as a stagnant pond.
3
STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE PARTIES
There is yet another fundamental problem -- the erosion of
the political party as a force in American political life. You
have often heard me speak of the necessity of bipartisanship.
And I do strongly believe we must work together when dealing with
the most difficult challenges facing our country -- not as
partisans -- but as Americans.
But we will not -- and should not -- cease to be Republicans
and Democrats. True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no role for
parties. Yet 200 years of political experience has taught us
that parties are the indispensable organizers of democracy. Our
political parties clarify and sharpen debate. They shape
coalitions of like-minded people, giving millions of working
Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance
their candidates. A political party is a meeting house for the
nation.
Yet the great parties of Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln
have been overshadowed by the emergence of special interest PACs,
armed with a $160 billion warchest. As parties are weakened,
distinctions between candidates become muddled, and Congressional
policy lacks coherence. Members of Congress are forced to engage
in time-consuming and often degrading appeals for money. And
4
vigorous competition between candidates, and between ideas,
becomes muted.
Some believe public financing is the best answer. I do not.
Public financing would do nothing to strengthen the parties,
while directly involving government in the political process. It
would force taxpayers to support extremist candidates they abhor.
And it would be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already in
deficit, to campaign coffers. Such a public-finance regime could
Grad
be too easily subverted, dangerous to democracy.
L
No
4844
What, then, is the answer? Today, I propose a sweeping
reform of our system. And the cornerstone of this reform is
nothing less than the elimination of all business, union and
trade association Political Action Committees.
Some PACs will still exist because they are protected by the
First Amendment. These free-standing or ideological PACs, like
the Sierra Club or ((the National Taxpayers Union)), account for
about ten percent of all contributions. But even these I would
limit, by halving their contributions to federal candidates from
$5,000 to $2,500. And new laws must keep such PACs unaffiliated
and independent, so a business or labor group could not use them
as a backdoor means of influencing the process.
5
I also propose the elimination of Congressional leadership
PACs, through which Members of Congress bid for the loyalty of
their colleagues. In addition, all transfers between PACs must
be eliminated, and each candidate or incumbent must have only one
PAC.
We must especially eliminate a dishonest practice known as
"bundling," where business and unions encourage or coerce
contributions from employees or members, and then give these
contributions as a single donation.
As these reforms stem (contribution) special-interest public finance, we
Grady
4844
must allow the parties to make the difference. Because their
financial contributions come from many sources, parties donate
funds free of the taint of special interest. I propose to more
than double the amount of money parties may donate to
congressional campaigns, and liberalize the restrictions on party
contributions. Political parties must not be treated as if they
were mere special-interest PACs. They should resume their
fundamental role in American democracy.
CLEANING UP THE SYSTEM
But the elimination of special interest PACs still does not
go far enough in cleaning up our system of financing federal
campaigns. The basic strength of today's system is disclosure.
Why not open the books for all to see?
6
In a post-PAC era, corporations, unions and trade
associations will need an open way to participate in our
democracy. Our proposal would allow organizations to participate
in get-out-the-vote activities -- provided they make a full
disclosure of their contributions and activities.
This brings me to a little known and shadowy area of finance
law called "soft money," concerning dollars spent on voter
turnout efforts. Full disclosure is the premise behind our
federal campaign finance law. Yet most money spent in American
elections is not disclosed. I call on Congress to join me in
mandating full disclosure of all soft money и contributions,
including voter registration and get-out-the vote activities.
Other laws govern independent expenditure groups, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or defeat a candidate so long
as their activities are not coordinated with those of a
particular candidate. While some of these groups perform a
public service, too often they mask the motives of hidden
contributors, acting as mercenary character assassins. Yet all
independent expenditure groups -- the good and the bad alike --
are protected by a Supreme Court ruling.
If there are to be such independent expenditure groups, at
least they should have to disclose all their expenditures. Such
7
groups should also be required to more clearly identify the
person or organization behind them. And those candidates who
believe they are victims of an illegal collusion between an
independent expenditure group and another campaign should be
guaranteed a hearing before the Federal Election Commission
within three days. At the very least, we can allow victims of
such attacks a public forum to respond.
Grady
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme Court's Beck
4844
decision, so that no member of a union/can be forced to
contribute dues to political activities he or she doesn't
support. To coerce political donations from working men and
women is unfair and un-American. This practice must stop.
The package I have outlined is comprehensive. If it is to
become law, all the major provisions must be passed -- otherwise,
our reforms, like so many of the past, will spawn further
unintended abuses.
REDRESSING THE INCUMBENCY ADVANTAGE
The third, and final area of reform directly concerns
Congressional conduct. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of
citizen-politicians, who suspended their careers in law, medicine
and agriculture to serve the nation. How far we've come from
that simple vision. Today, incumbents stay in office for
8
decades, amassing huge warchests to scare off strong challenges
in election after election.
This is not democracy in the spirit of Madison and
Jefferson. This is not the spirit of democracy at all. I renew
my proposal to end these "rollovers," requiring all excess
campaign funds to be donated to the parties, to a fund to retire
the national debt or be given back to the contributors.
Grady
Under our current law, 190 House Members who were elected
before 1980 can also use their leftover campaign money as a
(This
will
personal retirement fund -- pocketing hundreds of thousands --
really
even millions -- of dollars when they leave office. Senators
elected before 1980 are allowed to convert these funds for
them
official use. Congress should bag this golden parachute.
off))
I also propose to solve the most egregious wrong in American
public life. As it stands, members of Congress can supplement
their incomes by as much as 40 percent by making speeches before
special-interest groups. I said on April 12 I would support a
pay raise for Members of Congress. I have consulted with
Congress on such a raise. And now that I recommend a pay raise
for the executive, judicial and legislative branches, I also call
for phase out of honoraria.
9
Finally, allow me to turn your attention toward
redistricting -- the way in which parties in power ignore
community boundaries and draw district lines favorable to their
candidates. This gerrymandering (GARY-mandering) is why many
Congressional Districts look like something my youngest
grandchildren would draw.
Elections are nothing less than the marketplace of ideas
from which the people choose. They are not just contests between
individuals -- they are contests between philosophies. When this
sharp edge of competition is dulled, democracy loses. No single
factor is more basic to this competition than ensuring fair
redistricting in 1990. I propose a new criteria for
redistricting, without favor to party, to respect community and
traditional lines. We must draw district lines that are tailored
to the needs of the people, not to the political needs of
parties.
CONCLUSION
This year, as Congress observes its 200th anniversary.
((Number)) thousand Americans have served in the House and Senate
in the history of our Republic. A few names on this roster are
infamous, associated with scandal or remembered as demagogues.
But the Bilbos and the McCarthys are few. Most have served in
the greater tradition of Clay and Webster, Dirksen and Mansfield,
Dole and Mitchell. Some day, you may follow this path, the path
10
to greatness and glory through public service. And when you do,
I hope the laws that govern our campaigns and our Congress are as
just and honest as the majority of those who serve the public.
This vast and honest majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said the noblest title in the world isn't
President, or Senator, or Congressman -- but "Honest Man. "
Whatever you do in life, you can have no higher title than
that. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America.
#
#
#
PRESIDENT THE OF THE OFFICE UNITED OFFICE STATE as HOMELY STATES
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20503
NOTICE:
Enclosed are comments from staff members of the Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) Such comments do not necessarily
represent the official position of the Director of OMB or of the
Office of Management and Budget. If you wish to have the
Director's personal comments, please let me know -- and contact
me if you have any questions.
David J. Haun
Executive Assistant
to the Director
89 JUN 28 P12 17
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 04841955
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
6/27/89
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
6/28/89 NOON
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
WRAY
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than NOON, Wednesday, June 28, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
Aee comments
CLOSE HOLD
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
1939 JUN 27 Fil 5:
June 26, 1989
Draft: Two
Title: Campaign
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
JUNE 29, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. ((Acknowledgements/Joke))
((I have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving a speech
at this particular place
all those years of being told not
to speak out-loud in a library.) )
The Library of Congress has been called the diary of the
American people. In truth, it is a diary of the human race. And
in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth
is revealed above all others: That for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest achievement of all.
As I look around me, I see the best and the brightest of a
new generation. Some of you are interns. And for you, this
summer of independence is just a sweet taste of adulthood. Trust
me, freedom is not as far-off as it seems. Others, I see, have
already embarked on the great adventure of a career. But
whatever you do in Washington -- page, intern or a Congressional
aide -- you are apprentices in a noble profession -- public
service.
2
We exalt public service precisely because we do not exalt
our government. We keep it close, close to the people it is
meant to serve. And there is another fundamental concept in our
way of governing -- reform. Ours is not a perfect government.
It is a government which is being constantly perfected.
Every abuse in our political system has been followed by
reform; and every cycle of reform has left the American political
process more honest, more democratic.
molin
brought about
x3.60
The reforms of the early seventies were a vast improvement
they brought
over the old system, bringing openness and accountability to
federal campaign finance and public ethics. But these reforms
have clearly not gone far enough. As a former Member of
Congress, I care deeply about protecting the reputation and
integrity of this institution. Recent events give us all cause
for concern.
main X3060 AND these X
Recent scandals are but symptoms of a pervasive disease --
the growing lack of competition within our political system. At
one time, as much many as (twenty?) percent of Congressional
incumbents lost to challengers. Today, the re-election rate of
incumbents in the House of Representatives is better than 98
percent. A political body, like a river, must be in constant
flow to remain fresh and clean. But a permanent House with a
permanent majority is as unhealthy as a stagnant pond.
3
STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE PARTIES
There is yet another fundamental problem -- the erosion of
the political party as a force in American political life. You
have often heard me speak of the necessity of bipartisanship.
And I do strongly believe we must work together when dealing with
the most difficult challenges facing our country -- not as
partisans -- but as Americans.
But we will not -- and should not -- cease to be Republicans
and Democrats. True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no role for
Moun
But
parties. Yet 200 years of political experience has taught us
that parties are the indispensable organizers of democracy. Our
political parties clarify and sharpen debate. They shape
coalitions of like-minded people, giving millions of working
Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance
their candidates. A political party is a meeting house for the
nation.
Yet the great parties of Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln
have been overshadowed by the emergence of special interest PACs,
armed with a $160 billion warchest. As parties are weakened,
distinctions between candidates become muddled, and Congressional
policy lacks coherence. Members of Congress are forced to engage
in time-consuming and often degrading appeals for money. And
4
vigorous competition between candidates, and between ideas,
becomes muted.
Some believe public financing is the best answer. I do not.
Public financing would do nothing to strengthen the parties,
while directly involving government in the political process. It
would force taxpayers to support extremist candidates they abhor.
And it would be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already in
deficit, to campaign coffers. Such a public-finance regime could
be too easily subverted -- dangerous to democracy.
What, then, is the answer? Today, I propose a sweeping
reform of our system. And the cornerstone of this reform is
nothing less than the elimination of all business, union and
trade association Political Action Committees.
Some PACs will still exist because they are protected by the
First Amendment. These free-standing or ideological PACs, like
the Sierra Club or ((the National Taxpayers Union)) account for
about ten percent of all contributions. But even these I would
limit, by halving their contributions to federal candidates from
$5,000 to $2,500. And new laws must keep such PACs unaffiliated
and independent, so a business or labor group could not use them
as a backdoor means of influencing the process.
5
I also propose the elimination of Congressional leadership
PACs, through which Members of Congress bid for the loyalty of
their colleagues. In addition, all transfers between PACs must
be eliminated, and each candidate or incumbent must have only one
PAC.
We must especially eliminate a dishonest practice known as
"bundling," where business and unions encourage or coerce
contributions from employees or members, and then give these
contributions as a single donation.
As these reforms stem special-interest public finance, we
must allow the parties to make the difference. Because their
financial contributions come from many sources, parties donate
funds free of the taint of special interest. I propose to more
than double the amount of money parties may donate to
congressional campaigns, and liberalize the restrictions on party
contributions. Political parties must not be treated as if they
were mere special-interest PACs. They should resume their
fundamental role in American democracy.
CLEANING UP THE SYSTEM
But the elimination of special interest PACs still does not
go far enough in cleaning up our system of financing federal
campaigns. The basic strength of today's system is disclosure.
Why not open the books for all to see?
6
In a post-PAC era, corporations, unions and trade
associations will need an open way to participate in our
democracy. Our proposal would allow organizations to participate
in get-out-the-vote activities -- provided they make a full
disclosure of their contributions and activities.
This brings me to a little known and shadowy area of finance
law called "soft money," concerning dollars spent on voter
turnout efforts. Full disclosure is the premise behind our
federal campaign finance law. Yet most money spent in American
elections is not disclosed. I call on Congress to join me in
"
Mollin
mandating full disclosure of all soft money contributions,
x3060
including voter registration and get-out-the vote activities.
Other laws govern independent expenditure groups, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or defeat a candidate so long
as their activities are not coordinated with those of a
particular candidate. While some of these groups perform a
public service, too often they mask the motives of hidden
contributors, acting as mercenary character assassins. Yet all
independent expenditure groups -- the good and the bad alike --
are protected by a Supreme Court ruling.
If there are to be such independent expenditure groups, at
least they should have to disclose all their expenditures. Such
7
groups should also be required to more clearly identify the
person or organization behind them. And those candidates who
believe they are victims of an illegal collusion between an
independent expenditure group and another campaign should be
guaranteed a hearing before the Federal Election Commission
within three days. At the very least, we can allow victims of
such attacks a public forum to respond.
underline
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme Court's Beck
molling
X3060
decision, so that no member of a union can be forced to
contribute dues to political activities he or she doesn't
support. To coerce political donations from working men and
women is unfair and un-American. This practice must stop.
The package I have outlined is comprehensive. If it is to
become law, all the major provisions must be passed -- otherwise,
our reforms, like so many of the past, will spawn further
unintended abuses.
REDRESSING THE INCUMBENCY ADVANTAGE
The third and final area of reform directly concerns
Congressional conduct. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of
citizen-politicians, who suspended their careers in law, medicine
and agriculture to serve the nation. How far we've come from
that simple vision. Today, incumbents stay in office for
8
decades, amassing huge warchests to scare off strong challenges
in election after election.
This is not democracy in the spirit of Madison and
Jefferson. This is not the spirit of democracy at all. I renew
my proposal to end these "rollovers," requiring all excess
campaign funds to be donated to the parties, to a fund to retire
the national debt or be given back to the contributors.
Under our current law, 190 House Members who were elected
before 1980 can also use their leftover campaign money as a
personal retirement fund -- pocketing hundreds of thousands --
even millions -- of dollars when they leave office. Senators
elected before 1980 are allowed to convert these funds for
official use. Congress should bag this golden parachute.
a
little
I also propose to solve the most egregious wrong in American
strong
melin
public life. As it stands, members of Congress can supplement
X3060
their incomes by as much as 40 percent by making speeches before
special-interest groups. I said on April 12ᵗʰ I would support a
pay raise for Members of Congress. I have consulted with
Congress on such a raise. And now that I recommend a pay raise
for the executive, judicial and legislative branches, I also call
for phase out of honoraria.
9
Finally, allow me to turn your attention toward
redistricting -- the way in which parties in power ignore
community boundaries and draw district lines favorable to their
JERRY
mallin
candidates. This gerrymandering (GARY-mandering) is why many
x3060
Congressional Districts look like something my youngest
grandchildren would draw.
Elections are nothing less than the marketplace of ideas
from which the people choose. They are not just contests between
individuals -- they are contests between philosophies. When this
sharp edge of competition is dulled, democracy loses. No single
factor is more basic to this competition than ensuring fair
redistricting in 1990. I propose a new criteria for
redistricting, without favor to party, to respect community and
traditional lines. We must draw district lines that are tailored
to the needs of the people, not to the political needs of
parties.
CONCLUSION
This year, as Congress observes its 200th anniversary.
((Number)) thousand Americans have served in the House and Senate
in the history of our Republic. A few names on this roster are
infamous, associated with scandal or remembered as demagogues.
But the Bilbos and the McCarthys are few. Most have served in
the greater tradition of Clay and Webster, Dirksen and Mansfield,
Dole and Mitchell. Some day, you may follow this path, the path
10
to greatness and glory through public service. And when you do,
I hope the laws that govern our campaigns and our Congress are as
just and honest as the majority of those who serve the public.
This vast and honest majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said the noblest title in the world isn't
President, or Senator, or Congressman -- but "Honest Man. "
Whatever you do in life, you can have no higher title than
that. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America.
#
#
#
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 04841955
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
6/27/89
6/28/89 NOON
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES N/C
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
ROGERS
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
WRAY
68
FITZWATER
GRAY
82
HAGIN
:00lv
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston Rm.
122, x2930, no later than NOON, Wednesday, June 28, 1989,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
P.Secision
CLOSE HOLD
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
on pay raise to be
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
need made. for
Davis/Martin
June 26, 1989
1939 21
Draft: Two
Title: Campaign
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
JUNE 29, 1989/2 p.m.
Thank you. ((Acknowledgements/Joke))
((I have to admit, I feel a little awkward giving a speech
at this particular place
all those years of being told not
to speak out-loud in a library.) )
The Library of Congress has been called the diary of the
American people. In truth, it is a diary of the human race. And
in the million stories of achievement it has to tell, one truth
is revealed above all others: That for all its blemishes,
government of the people is the greatest achievement of all.
As I look around me, I see the best and the brightest of a
new generation. Some of you are interns. And for you, this
summer of independence is just a sweet taste of adulthood. Trust
me, freedom is not as far-off as it seems. Others, I see, have
already embarked on the great adventure of a career. But
whatever you do in Washington --- page, intern or a Congressional
aide -- you are apprentices in a noble profession -- public
service.
2
We exalt public service precisely because we do not exalt
our government. We keep it close, close to the people it is
meant to serve. And there is another fundamental concept in our
way of governing -- reform. Ours is not a perfect government.
It is a government which is being constantly perfected.
Every abuse in our political system has been followed by
reform; and every cycle of reform has left the American political
process more honest, more democratic.
The reforms of the early seventies were a vast improvement
over the old system, bringing openness and accountability to
federal campaign finance and public ethics. But these reforms
have clearly not gone far enough. As a former Member of
Congress, I care deeply about protecting the reputation and
integrity of this institution. Recent events give us all cause
for concern.
Recent scandals are but symptoms of a pervasive disease --
the growing lack of competition within our political system. At
one time, as much as (twenty?) percent of Congressional
incumbents lost to challengers. Today, the re-election rate of
incumbents in the House of Representatives is better than 98
percent. A political body, like a river, must be in constant
flow to remain fresh and clean. But a permanent House with a
permanent majority is as unhealthy as a stagnant pond.
3
STRENGTHENING THE ROLE OF THE PARTIES
There is yet another fundamental problem -- the erosion of
the political party as a force in American political life. You
have often heard me speak of the necessity of bipartisanship.
And I do strongly believe we must work together when dealing with
the most difficult challenges facing our country -- not as
partisans -- but as Americans.
But we will not -- and should not -- cease to be Republicans
and Democrats. True, the Founding Fathers envisioned no role for
parties. Yet 200 years of political experience has taught us
that parties are the indispensable organizers of democracy. Our
political parties clarify and sharpen debate. They shape
coalitions of like-minded people, giving millions of working
Americans an effective way to support their beliefs and advance
their candidates. A political party is a meeting house for the
nation.
Yet the great parties of Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln
have been overshadowed by the emergence of special interest PACs,
armed with a $160 billion warchest. As parties are weakened,
distinctions between candidates become muddled, and Congressional
policy lacks coherence. Members of Congress are forced to engage
in time-consuming and often degrading appeals for money. And
4
vigorous competition between candidates, and between ideas,
becomes muted.
Some believe public financing is the best answer. I do not.
Public financing would do nothing to strengthen the parties,
while directly involving government in the political process. It
would force taxpayers to support extremist candidates they abhor.
And it would be a siphon from the U.S. Treasury, already in
deficit, to campaign coffers. Such a public-finance regime could
be too easily subverted -- dangerous to democracy.
What, then, is the answer? Today, I propose a sweeping
reform of our system. And the cornerstone of this reform is
nothing less than the elimination of all business, union and
trade association Political Action Committees.
Some PACs will still exist because they are protected by the
First Amendment. These free-standing or ideological PACs, like
the Sierra Club or ((the National Taxpayers Union) ) account for
about ten percent of all contributions. But even these I would
limit, by halving their contributions to federal candidates from
$5,000 to $2,500. And new laws must keep such PACs unaffiliated
and independent, so a business or labor group could not use them
as a backdoor means of influencing the process.
5
I also propose the elimination of Congressional leadership
PACs, through which Members of Congress bid for the loyalty of
their colleagues. In addition, all transfers between PACs must
be eliminated, and each candidate or incumbent must have only one
PAC.
We must especially eliminate a dishonest practice known as
"bundling," where business and unions encourage or coerce
contributions from employees or members, and then give these
contributions as a single donation.
As these reforms stem special-interest public finance, we
must allow the parties to make the difference. Because their
financial contributions come from many sources, parties donate
funds free of the taint of special interest. I propose to more
than double the amount of money parties may donate to
congressional campaigns, and liberalize the restrictions on party
contributions. Political parties must not be, treated as if they
were mere special-interest PACs. They should resume their
fundamental role in American democracy.
CLEANING UP THE SYSTEM
But the elimination of special interest PACs still does not
go far enough in cleaning up our system of financing federal
campaigns. The basic strength of today's system is disclosure.
Why not open the books for all to see?
6
In a post-PAC era, corporations, unions and trade
associations will need an open way to participate in our
democracy. Our proposal would allow organizations to participate
in get-out-the-vote activities -- provided they make a full
disclosure of their contributions and activities.
This brings me to a little known and shadowy area of finance
law called "soft money," concerning dollars spent on voter
turnout efforts. Full disclosure is the premise behind our
federal campaign finance law. Yet most money spent in American
elections is not disclosed. I call on Congress to join me in
mandating full disclosure of all soft money contributions,
including voter registration and get-out-the vote activities.
Other laws govern independent expenditure groups, which can
spend any amount of money to elect or defeat a candidate so long
as their activities are not coordinated with those of a
particular candidate. While some of these groups perform a
public service, too often they mask the motives of hidden
contributors, acting as mercenary character assassins. Yet all
independent expenditure groups -- the good and the bad alike --
are protected by a Supreme Court ruling.
If there are to be such independent expenditure groups, at
least they should have to disclose all their expenditures. Such
7
groups should also be required to more clearly identify the
person or organization behind them. And those candidates who
believe they are victims of an illegal collusion between an
independent expenditure group and another campaign should be
guaranteed a hearing before the Federal Election Commission
within three days. At the very least, we can allow victims of
such attacks a public forum to respond.
I also propose to strengthen the Supreme Court's Beck
decision, so that no member of a union can be forced to
contribute dues to political activities he or she doesn't
support. To coerce political donations from working men and
women is unfair and un-American. This practice must stop.
The package I have outlined is comprehensive. If it is to
become law, all the major provisions must be passed -- otherwise,
our reforms, like so many of the past, will spawn further
unintended abuses.
REDRESSING THE INCUMBENCY ADVANTAGE
The third, and final area of reform directly concerns
Congressional conduct. Jefferson envisioned a Congress of
citizen-politicians, who suspended their careers in law, medicine
and agriculture to serve the nation. How far we've come from
that simple vision. Today, incumbents stay in office for
8
decades, amassing huge warchests to scare off strong challenges
in election after election.
This is not democracy in the spirit of Madison and
Jefferson. This is not the spirit of democracy at all. I renew
my proposal to end these "rollovers," requiring all excess
campaign funds to be donated to the parties, to a fund to retire
the national debt or be given back to the contributors.
Under our current law, 190 House Members who were elected
before 1980 can also use their leftover campaign money as a
personal retirement fund -- pocketing hundreds of thousands --
even millions -- of dollars when they leave office. Senators
elected before 1980 are allowed to convert these funds for
official use. Congress should bag this golden parachute.
I also propose to solve the most egregious wrong in American
public life. As it stands, members of Congress can supplement
their incomes by as much as 40 percent by making speeches before
special-interest groups. I said on April 12 I would support a
pay raise for Members of Congress. I have consulted with
Congress on such a raise. And now that I recommend a pay raise
for the executive, judicial and legislative branches, I also call
for phase out of honoraria.
9
Finally, allow me to turn your attention toward
redistricting -- the way in which parties in power ignore
community boundaries and draw district lines favorable to their
candidates. This gerrymandering (GARY-mandering) is why many
Congressional Districts look like something my youngest
grandchildren would draw.
Elections are nothing less than the marketplace of ideas
from which the people choose. They are not just contests between
individuals -- they are contests between philosophies. When this
sharp edge of competition is dulled, democracy loses. No single
factor is more basic to this competition than ensuring fair
redistricting in 1990. I propose a new criteria for
redistricting, without favor to party, to respect community and
traditional lines. We must draw district lines that are tailored
to the needs of the people, not to the political needs of
parties.
CONCLUSION
This year, as Congress observes its 200th anniversary.
( (Number)) thousand Americans have served in the House and Senate
in the history of our Republic. A few names on this roster are
infamous, associated with scandal or remembered as demagogues.
But the Bilbos and the McCarthys are few. Most have served in
the greater tradition of Clay and Webster, Dirksen and Mansfield,
Dole and Mitchell. Some day, you may follow this path, the path
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to greatness and glory through public service. And when you do,
I hope the laws that govern our campaigns and our Congress are as
just and honest as the majority of those who serve the public.
This vast and honest majority in Congress live the words of
George Washington, who said the noblest title in the world isn't
President, or Senator, or Congressman -- but "Honest Man."
Whatever you do in life, you can have no higher title than
that. Thank you, God bless you and God bless America.
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