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Residents of Leiden 7/17/89 [2]
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Residents of Leiden 7/17/89 [2]
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13495
Folder ID Number:
13495-017
Folder Title:
Residents of Leiden 7/17/89 [2]
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25
6
4
1
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
89 JUN 4 P6: 14
July 5, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR COMMUNICATIONS
FROM:
PATRICIA MACK BRYAN PMB
ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Pieterskerk, Leiden,
the Netherlands
Pursuant to James W. Cicconi's staffing memorandum of July 5,
1989, Counsel's Office has reviewed the above-referenced remarks.
Subject to the comments noted below, Counsel's Office has no
legal objection to these remarks.
Page 1, Paragraph 4, Sentence 2:
We recommend that the phrase "known as" be added before the
description of Grotius as "the father of modern international
law."
Page 3, Paragraph 4, Sentence 3:
We understand that your office has already changed the reference
to "The Treaty of Utrecht" to the correct reference which is to
"the Union of Utrecht."
CC: James W. Cicconi
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 5, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
From:
Jim Pinkertoug
Subject:
Pieterskerk Draft Speech
A fine speech with some beautiful images. The last two
pages end the draft with an eloquent, uplifting tone.
pg. 1, para. 4, line 3 The President can win some friends in
the audience by referring to Grotius first by the Dutch version
of his name, thus: "It was here in Leiden that Huig De Groot --
the father of modern international law, known to us as
Grotius
"
6,1,1
"Debt is a ticking time bomb that threatens growth
everywhere." This is too alarmist in tone. Besides, it blames
a symptom of a more fundamental problem, the lack of growth, the
answer to which is free markets. We suggest something like:
"Debt is a symptom of restraints on economic freedom --
restraints that threaten growth everywhere, not just in the
developed world."
6,2,2
"Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach -- and
poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea." These are
images are vivid, but contain fundamental flaws:
First, the conditions of the "New Breeze" have been created
in part because of economic deprivation, viz., in Central Europe.
Second, the places where statism has been least demoralized have
been in those countries where the conditions of prosperity and
freedom have allowed a misguided criticism of those very
68
conditions. Third, the image of barren soil for democracy
conflicts with the beginning image of the speech: the freedom
seeking pilgrims landing on the "rocky soil of New England.
It is more accurate to say that poverty cries all the more
for freedom (as in "Give me your tired, your poor..."). Thus we
suggest turning the image around to say something like: "Freedom
can nourish the barren soil of poverty. The pilgrims, having
left behind the lushness of Leiden, landed upon a desolate rock,
but they built a garden of liberty."
(more)
)
2-2-2
8,4,2
A stickler for accuracy might say that Grenada is an
example of a Marxist country that moved from dictatorship to
democracy. The usual formulation (from Hannah Arendt's
Totalitarianism) is that no totalitarian country has ever moved
peaceably to democracy. Thus, we would be on safer ground to
say: "Never in the history of the communist world has a nation
moved peaceably from dictatorship to democracy."
#
just as our own freedom s prosperity,
began with the
/ anded rests upon the
plymonth Roch.
6
ta he the rext step in solvingthe
And it's time we tackle the debt problem. Debt is the kind
of ticking time bomb that threatens growth everywhere -- not just
in the developing world.
The Brady Plan is
a good begining +
This is more than a matter of economic development.
the time to more forward
is now
and
Democracy is at stake. Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach
-- and poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea.
Freedom can nousish the barren soil of pounty. - just
and planted
as the Pilgrims landed upon a desolate roch + built
community
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
the seeds
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world. {Summit}
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
Eastern Europe. {Summit}]
The new world we seek is a world of free nations working in
concert -- a world where more nations live within the circle of
freedom.
Here in the pulpit at Pieterskerk, one year after armistice
brought peace to Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
DARMAN/GRADY INSERT
P.5 at ENV. section.
Insert
A
And let's talk about steps we can take
how.
[we must address the question of climate
change before global waving becomes global catastrophe.
global
We ask the nations of Europe to join is in
warming
an effort to understand our chaging limate better of
a maor research undertaking that can have the world
to a sound plicy veryons -
CFC
let us join together to ban CFC's,
which destroy the ozone layer
Let us clear the air - I have
just made a proposal or Dhis front, and I ask
"Clean
AIR"
our Eurgen pathers to iow is L reducing emissions
of sulfur disxide, ozonl-causing conponds, and
wtoroger ox ides.
het us help on neghlows to the East
with their environ mental challeges ad let
rephrase
is in with our neighbors to the SOUTL in
171
In strati mal to In all that economic arouth $
McGroarty/Dooley
July 14, 1989
3:00 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
Draft 2
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 17, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements
] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and the United Provinces were one of
the models our founders looked to in creating a nation from
thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden -- a city whose very name
signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for Americans,
too, Leiden is a special city, a place where we trace our
origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Huig de Groot -- known to the world as Grotius, [GRO-shus] the
father of modern international law -- studied, in the nation that
is today home to the International Court of Justice. It was here
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
2
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk [PETERS-KIRK], they found the freedom to
witness God -- openly and without fear. Here -- under the
ancient stones of the Peiterskerk -- the body of John Robinson,
the Pilgrims' spiritual leader, was laid to rest.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a- world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people around the
world. In the words of Victor Hugo: "No army can withstand the
strength of an idea whose time has come." And freedom's time has
come.
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
3
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom, as the Dutch know well,
never comes without struggle -- and it can never be sustained by
people who forget that freedom is our most precious gift.
Both of our nations are partners in an alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We are part of the commonwealth of free nations. Almost two
months ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of our
alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At the
time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlift to besieged Berlin --
few would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting. Here in
the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people expected war to
come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era has
brought the longest period of peace Europe has known in all of
recorded history.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build an enduring
peace. Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now may have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations.
Thanks to NATO's steadiness of purpose, and its commitment
to maintain strong deterrent forces, the way is now open to real
4
reductions in the level of arms that have cast a shadow over this
continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. The revival of the Western European Union -- in
which the Netherlands played a vital role; the growing
cooperation on security issues between West Germany and France;
British and French resolve to modernize their own nuclear
systems: each of these developments is a sign that Europe sees
the wisdom of sustaining the collective strength that has kept
the peace.
The lesson of our post-war experience is this: Strength has
has kept us safe, and has created opportunities for change. And
strength will allow us to create from these opportunities a new
era of enduring peace.
Let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's the meaning of Europe 1992. That's why we look forward to
the single European market and a more integrated European
Community. The world's major industrial democracies must work
maintain an open trading system to preserve sustained economic
5
growth. The key is concerted action -- bringing the collective
strength of the West to bear on our common concerns.
We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
in developing a common approach to issues of global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
environment.
The United States will do its part. A month ago, I
announced a series of sweeping changes to our Clean Air Act --
changed meant to ensure that every American, in the space of one
generation, will breathe clean air.
Shortly after I return home, we will send our Clean Air
legislation to Congress. Last week in Poland and Hungary, I
announced initiatives to work with those two countries to combat
their pollution problems. Our European partners understand what
is at stake, and you're taking action. The next step is clear:
We've got to work together -- take concerted action to combat
this common problem, clean up our environment for ourselves and
for our children.
And the Summit underscored the fact that it's time we take
the next step in solving the debt problem -- to encourage
conditions for global growth that will benefit the industrialized
nations and developing world alike.
6
And this is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom can nourish the barren soil of
poverty -- just as the Pilgrims landed upon a desolate rock, and
laid the foundations of the freedom and prosperity we know today.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world.
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
Eastern Europe.
Let me explain the approach I take towards reform in Eastern
Europe. We will never compromise our principles. We will always
speak out for freedom. But we understand as well how vital a
carefully calibrated approach is in this time of change.
Just as we have nothing to fear from a stronger, more united
Europe -- the Soviet Union has nothing to fear from the reforms
now unfolding in some of the nations of Eastern Europe. We
support reform -- in Eastern Europe, and in the USSR. I've said
many times I want to see perestroika succeed. I want to see the
Soviet Union chart a course that brings it into the community of
nations.
We can play a constructive part in Eastern Europe's economic
development -- and in creating an international climate in which
7
reform can succeed. That is why America's relations with the
Soviet Union are so important. Improved relations with the USSR
reduces pressure on the nations of Eastern Europe -- especially
those on the cutting edge of reform.
The new world we seek is a commonwealth of free nations
working in concert -- a world where more nations live within the
circle of freedom.
Here in the pulpit at the Pieterskerk, one year after peace
was restored in Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill
said: "The great wheel has swung full circle." Europe stood at
the threshold of a new era -- an era whose hope Churchill
expressed in a single, simple phrase: "Let freedom reign. "
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- endured
four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
8
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
Our hope is that the unnatural division of Europe will now
come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will join its
neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Last week, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
in the post-war era. In Hungary, I addressed the students and
faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the lessons
of the free market are replacing the teachings of Das Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk, and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, tens of thousands of people filled the
streets -new voices, full of new hope. A sea of faces: the
faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on the horizon, on the
new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
governments have begun to reform has more to do with their
realization that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any
new-found love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not
9
motive. Democracy -- once set in motion -- takes on a momentum
of its own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation. Some of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in the Pieterskerk
-- behind these walls, above the rafters -- resistance fighters
and university students took refuge from the forces of
occupation, found safe haven in this church.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherlands' dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
words of Jan Campert [YAHN KAHM-PERT], poet of the Dutch
resistance, they acted because "the heart
could not do
otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
10
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
McGroarty/Dooley
July 15, 1989
12:30 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
Draft 3
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 17, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements.. ] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and the United Provinces were one of
the models our founders looked to in creating a nation from
thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden -- a city whose very name
signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for Americans,
too, Leiden is a special city, a place where we trace our
origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Hugo de Groot [U-go duh GROTE] -- known to the world as Grotius,
[GRO-shus] the father of modern international law -- studied, in
the nation that is today home to the International Court of
Justice. It was here that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and
created a world of beauty that moves us today.
2
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk [PETERS-KIRK], they found the freedom to
witness God -- openly and without fear. Here -- under the
ancient stones of the Peiterskerk -- the body of John Robinson,
the Pilgrims' spiritual leader, was laid to rest.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In their search for liberty, they took with them
lessons learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims
faced a dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope,
they arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge
of a wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a
new world -- a world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people around the
world. In the words of Victor Hugo: "No army can withstand the
strength of an idea whose time has come." " Ladies and gentlemen,
freedom's time has come.
We -- the people of the United States; the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
3
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and no struggle is without sacrifice. Americans and
the Dutch both know the cost of freedom is high.
That's why both of our nations are partners in an alliance
of free nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our
alliance, the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We are part of the commonwealth of free nations. Almost two
months ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of our
alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At the
time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlift to besieged Berlin --
few would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting. Here in
the Netherlands -- and elsewhere -- people expected war to come
again within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era has brought
the longest period of peace Europe has known in all of recorded
history.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build an enduring
peace. Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations.
Thanks to NATO's steadiness of purpose, and its commitment
to maintain strong deterrent forces, the way is now open to real
4
reductions in the level of arms -- nuclear and conventional --
that have cast a shadow over this continent, the most heavily
militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. The revival of the Western European Union -- in
which the Netherlands played a vital role; the growing
cooperation on security issues between West Germany and France;
British and French resolve to modernize their own nuclear
systems: each of these developments is a sign that Europe sees
the wisdom of sustaining the collective strength that has kept
the peace.
The lesson of our post-war experience is this: Strength has
kept us safe, and has created opportunities for change. And from
these opportunities, we can create a new era of enduring peace.
Let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America or the Soviet Union need fear.
For us, it is a development we welcome -- a natural evolution
within our Alliance -- the product of true partnership forty
years in the making.
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's why we look forward to the single European market and a
more integrated European Community. The world's major industrial
5
democracies must work to maintain an open trading system to
preserve sustained economic growth.
Our progress at the Economic Summit in Paris brought us
closer to a more coordinated and common approach across a wide
spectrum of critical global issues. The key is concerted action
-- bringing the collective strength of the West to bear on our
common concerns.
Concerns like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
environment.
The United States will do its part. A month ago, I
announced a series of sweeping changes to our Clean Air Act --
changed meant to ensure that every American, in the space of one
generation, will breathe clean air.
Shortly after I return home, we will send our Clean Air
legislation to Congress. Last week in Poland and Hungary, I
announced initiatives to work with those two countries to combat
their pollution problems. Our European partners understand what
is at stake, and you're taking action. The next step is clear:
We've got to work together -- take concerted action to combat
this common problem, clean up our environment for ourselves and
for our children.
6
And the Summit underscored the fact that it's time we take
the next step in solving the debt problem -- to encourage
conditions for global growth that will benefit the industrialized
nations and developing world alike. We must make progress on
this because it is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom can nourish the barren soil of
poverty -- just as the Pilgrims landed upon a desolate rock, and
laid the foundations of the freedom and prosperity we know today.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world.
And finally, there's Eastern Europe.
Let me explain the approach I take towards reform in Eastern
Europe. We will never compromise our principles. We will always
speak out for freedom. But we understand as well how vital a
carefully calibrated approach is in this time of change.
Just as we have nothing to fear from a stronger, more united
Europe -- the Soviet Union has nothing to fear from the reforms
now unfolding in some of the nations of Eastern Europe. We
support reform -- in Eastern Europe, and in the USSR. I've said
many times I want to see perestroika succeed. I want to see the
Soviet Union chart a course that brings it into the community of
nations.
7
We can play a constructive role in Eastern Europe's economic
development -- and in creating an international climate in which
reform can succeed. That is why America's relations with the
Soviet Union are so important. Improved relations with the USSR
reduces pressure on the nations of Eastern Europe -- especially
those on the cutting edge of reform.
The new world we seek is a commonwealth of free nations
working in concert -- a world where more and more nations enter a
widening circle of freedom.
Here in the pulpit at the Pieterskerk, one year after peace
was restored in Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill
said: "The great wheel has swung full circle." Europe stood at
the threshold of a new era -- an era whose hope Churchill
expressed in a single, simple phrase: "Let freedom reign."
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- endured
four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and fear.
8
Today, that "other Europe" is changing. The great wheel has
swung full circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope --
the hope that all of Europe can now know the freedom the
Netherlands has known, that America has known, that our allies
have known.
Our hope is that the unnatural division of Europe will now
come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will join its
neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Last week, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
in the post-war era. In Hungary, I addressed the students and
faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the lessons
of the free market are replacing the teachings of Das Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk, and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, tens of thousands of people filled the
streets -- new voices, full of new hope. Theirs were the faces
of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on the horizon, on the new
world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
governments have begun to reform has more to do with their
realization that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any
new-found love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not
motive. Democracy -- once set in motion -- takes on a momentum
of its own.
And ultimately, whatever the odds, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation, Some of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in the Pieterskerk
-- behind these walls, above the rafters -- resistance fighters
and university students took refuge from the forces of
occupation, found safe haven in this church.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherlands' dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
words of Jan Campert [YAHN KAHM-PERT], poet of the Dutch
resistance, they acted because "the heart
could not do
otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
10
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to discover the new world of Europe,
whole and free, a new world now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
DAN
McGroarty/Dooley
July 5, 1989
12:30 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 18, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements ] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and Holland's United Provinces was
one of the models our founders looked to in creating a nation
from thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden, the city that can rightly
claim to be the birthplace of the Netherlands -- a city whose
very name signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for
Americans, Leiden is a special city, a place where we too trace
our origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Huig de Groot
Grotius -- the father of modern international law -- studied, in
the nation that is today home to the World Court. It was here
2
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk, they found the freedom to witness God --
openly and without fear. Here -- under the ancient stones of
Peiterskerk -- lies the body of John Robinson, the Pilgrims'
spiritual leader.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
3
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people from Beijing to
Budapest who have yearned for generations to be free. In the
words of Victor Hugo: An invasion of armies can be resisted, but
not an idea whose time has come. And freedom's time has come.
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and it can never be sustained by people who forget
that freedom is our most precious gift.
Both of our nations are partners in an alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We speak the common language of the Declaration of
Independence. The Rights of Man -- whose truths ring true today
as they did two hundred years ago. The Treaty of Utrecht, and
the traditions of union and liberty built over centuries here in
the Netherlands.
4
Seven weeks ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of
our alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At
the time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlifts to beseiged
Berlin -- few would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting.
Here in the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people expected
war to come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era
has brought the longest period of peace Europe has known in the
modern age.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build a more enduring
peace.
Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations. Thanks to NATO's steadiness
of purpose, the way is now open to real reductions in the level
of arms -- conventional and nuclear -- that have cast a shadow
over this continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. Close cooperation is the key. The revival of the
Western European Union -- of which the Netherlands is a charter
member; the growing cooperation on security issues between West
concern.
5
Germany and France; British and French resolve to modernize
their deterrent forces: each is a sign that Europe is determined
to sustain the collective strength that has kept the peace.
And let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
concerted Stungth West
being brought to hear on
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's the meaning of Europe 1992 -- and it's the principle
reason the world's major industrial democracies must work
together to maintain conditions for sustained economic growth.
coucer
[We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
action
in developing a common approach to issues of common concern -- of
global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
enviroment. {Summit}
10pp.
6
And it's time we tackle the debt problem. Debt is the kind
of ticking time bomb that threatens growth everywhere -- not just
in the developing world.
This is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach
-- and poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world. {Summit}
When J get home, J'll
be sending
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
CAAt
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
add
Eastern Europe. {Summit}]
flegidates
hers
The new world we seek is a world of free nations working in
concert -- a world where more nations live within the circle of
freedom.
Here in the pulpit at the Pieterskerk, one year after peace
was restored in Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
7
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill saw
a Europe on the threshold of a new era. "The great wheel, " he
said, "has swung full circle." Churchill chose the motto of the
great University of Leiden to give voice to his hope: "Let
freedom reign. "
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- lived
through four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and
fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
8
Our hope is the hope that the unnatural division of Europe
will now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will
join its neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
One week ago, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
since the days of Stalin. In Hungary, I addressed the students
and faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the
lessons of the free market have replaced the teachings of Das
Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, hundreds of thousands of people filled
the streets -- new voices, full of new hope for democracy.
A sea of faces: the faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on
the horizon, on the new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
regimes have begun to reform has more to do with the realization
that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any new-found
love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not motive.
Democracy takes on a momentum of its own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation. Many of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in Pieterskerk,
behind the wall of this great church organ, a small group of
university students -- sympathetic to the cause of resistance --
lived out the occupation in hiding.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherland's dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
10
words of Jan Campert, poet of the Dutch resistance, they acted
because "the heart could not do otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
strength that got no here
get us home
Strength will see us though.
URGENT
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ZELIKOW
89 JUL 5 P 3:30
SYSTEM LOG NUMBER: 5300
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Prepare Memo for Hughes
Prepare Memo SCOWCROFT
to WINSTON w/cc. CICCON!
CONCURRENCES/COMMENTS*
PHONE* to action officer at ext. 5732
FYI
with
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Basora
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Rademaker
Beers
Leach
Reiss
Blackwill
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Rice
Briggs
Lewis
Rodman
Brooks
Mahley
Rostow
Charles
Mandel
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Coulson
McCue
Snider
Deal
Melby
Tilley
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Miller
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Grant
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Jackson
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INFORMATION
Hughes
Gates (advance)
Exec. Sec. Desk
Scowcroft (advance)
Secretariat
SITTMANN
COMMENTS
CRW: 8905126
Logged By WJR
URGENT
Return to Secretariat
Document No. 050582
5300
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
7/5/89
7/5/89 6:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK, LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 6:00 PM, TODAY, Wednesday, July 5,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cleconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
McGroarty/Dooley
July 5, 1989
12:30 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 18, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements... ] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and Holland's United Provinces was
one of the models our founders looked to in creating a nation
from thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden, the city that can rightly
claim to be the birthplace of the Netherlands -- a city whose
very name signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for
Americans, Leiden is a special city, a place where we too trace
our origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Grotius -- the father of modern international law -- studied, in
International Court of Justice
the nation that is today home to the World Court. It was here
2
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
(English Puritans, who in our history are the known Pilgrims, as
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk, they found the freedom to witness God --
openly and without fear. Here -- under the ancient stones of
geiterskerk -- lies the body of John Robinson, the Pilgrims'
spiritual leader.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
3
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people from Beijing to
Budapest who have yearned for generations to be free. In the
words of Victor Hugo: An invasion of armies can be resisted, but
not an idea whose time has come. And freedom's time has come.
as you know from your own history,
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and it can never be sustained by people who forget
that freedom is our most precious gift.
partners in a moral and spiritual community
Both of our nations are partners at alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents
unites a
hemisphete.
But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture. We
are part of the commonwealth of free nations.
We speak the common language of the Declaration of
Independence. The Rights of Man -- whose truths ring truè today
as they did two hundred years ago. The Treaty Union of Utrecht, and
the traditions of union and liberty Built over centuries here in
the Netherlands.
4
Seven weeks ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of
our alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At
the time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlifts to beseiged
Berlin -- few would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting.
Here in the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people expected
war to come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era
all of
has brought the longest period of peace Europe has known in the
modern ago. recorded history.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
an
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build a more enduring
Blackwell
peace. While the very foundations of communist society are ending in the East,
debete
this is no time for US to be complacent.
Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations. Thanks to NATO's steadiness
Land the maintenance of needed deterrent forces, me
of purpose, the way is now open to real reductions in the level
on this continent
of arms and Audleat that have cast a shadow
We hope
finally to
remove
over this continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
the presence of
the shadow which massive Soriet conventional forces have cast over Western Europe
since 1945.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. Close cooperation is the key. The revival of the
Western European Union -- of which the Netherlands is a charter
member; the growing cooperation on security issues between West
Blachwell delete
and their moves toward corperation in this area
5
Germany and France; British and French resolve to modernize
own nuclear systems:
of these developments
their deterrent forces: each is a sign that Europe is determined
to sustain the collective strength that has kept the peace.
And let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
forward to the Single
European Market
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to and a more
integrated
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now European
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation. community.
That is why we ace bok
That's the meaning of Europe 1992. and it's the
maintain as
The the world's major industrial democracies must work
open
trading together systam to haintain preserve
sustained
economic
growth.
This
is a lesson which the Dutch people have understood for generations.
[We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
in developing a common approach to issues of common concern -- of
global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
enviroment. {Summit}
6
And it's time we tackle the debt problem. Debt is the kind
of ticking time bomb that threatens growth everywhere -- not just
in the developing world.
This is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach
-- and poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world. {Summit}
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
Eastern Europe. {Summit}]
commonwealth
The new world we seek is a of free nations working in
concert -- a world where more nations live within the circle of
freedom.
Here in the pulpit at Pieterskerk, one year after armistice
brought peace to Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
7
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill saw
a Europe on the threshold of a new era. "The great wheel, he
said, "has swung full circle." Churchill chose the motto of the
great University of Leiden to give voice to his hope: "Let
freedom reign."
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- lived
through four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and
fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
8
Our hope is the hope that the unnatural division of Europe
will now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will
join its neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
One week ago, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
in more than forty
since the days yearstalin. In Hungary, I addressed the students
and faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the
lessons of the free market have replaced the teachings of Das
Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, hundreds of thousands of people filled
the streets -- new voices, full of new hope for democracy.
A sea of faces: the faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on
the horizon, on the new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
their
regimes have begun to reform has more to do with the realization
that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any new-found
love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not motive.
Democracy takes on a momentum of its own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation. Many of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in Pieterskerk,
behind the wall of this great church organ, a small group of
university students -- sympathetic to the cause of resistance --
lived out the occupation in hiding.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherland dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
10
words of Jan Campert, poet of the Dutch resistance, they acted
because "the heart could not do otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe:
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
RESEARCH
McGroarty/Dooley
July 5, 1989
12:30 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
THE
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 18, 1989
3:00 PM
17
[Introductory acknowledgements ] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the Dutch the
were
X
the American Constitution -- and Holland S United Provinces was
one of the models our founders looked to in creating a nation
from thirteen sovereign states.
X
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden, the city that can rightly
X
claim to be the birthplace of the Netherlands -- a city whose
very name signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for
Americans, Leiden is a special city, a place where we too trace
our origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Grotius -- the father of modern international law -- studied, in
X
the nation that is today home to the World Court. It was here
Stet
2
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
[PETERS - KIRK]
of the Pieterskerk, they found the freedom to witness God --
openly and without fear. Here -- under the ancient stones of the
Peiterskerk -- lies the body of John Robinson, the Pilgrims'
spiritual leader was laid to rest
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
3
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people from Beijing to
Budapest who have yearned for generations to be free. In the
No army can withstand the strength
words of Victor Hugo: An invasion of armies can be resisted, but
of an idea whose time has come.
not an idea whose time has come. And freedom's time has come.
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and it can never be sustained by people who forget
that freedom is our most precious gift.
Both of our nations are partners in an alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We speak the common language of the Declaration of
Independence. The Rights of Man -- whose truths ring true today
Union
[YOU - TRECIE
as they did two hundred years ago. The Treaty of Utrecht, and
the traditions of union and liberty built over centuries here in
the Netherlands.
4
Almost two months
X
Seven weeks ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the fruits of
our alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and freedom. At
the time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlifts to beseiged
Berlin -- few would have predicted a peace so strong and lasting.
Here in the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people expected
war to come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the NATO era
has brought the longest period of peace Europe has known in the
modern age.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build a more enduring
peace.
Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations. Thanks to NATO's steadiness
of purpose, the way is now open to real reductions in the level
of arms -- conventional and nuclear -- that have cast a shadow
over this continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. Close cooperation is the key. The revival of the
played avital role
Western European Union -- of which the Netherlands is a charter
member; the growing cooperation on security issues between West
5
Germany and France; British and French resolve to modernize
their deterrent forces: each is a sign that Europe is determined
to sustain the collective strength that has kept the peace.
And let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's the meaning of Europe 1992 -- and it's the principle
reason the world's major industrial democracies must work
together to maintain conditions for sustained economic growth.
[We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
in developing a common approach to issues of common concern -- of
global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
enviroment. {Summit}
6
And it's time we tackle the debt problem. Debt is the kind
of ticking time bomb that threatens growth everywhere -- not just
in the developing world.
This is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach
-- and poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world. {Summit}
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
Eastern Europe. {Summit}]
The new world we seek is a world of free nations working in
concert -- a world where more nations live within the circle of
freedom.
the
Here in the pulpit at Pieterskerk, one year after armistice
was restoud un on
brought peače to Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
7
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill saw
a Europe on the threshold of a new era. "The great wheel, " he
said, "has swung full circle." Churchill chose the motto of the
great University of Leiden to give voice to his hope:
"Let
freedom reign."
?
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- lived
through four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and
fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
8
Our hope is the hope that the unnatural division of Europe
will now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will
join its neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Last week
One week ago, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
since the days of Stalin.
In Hungary, I addressed the students
and faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the
lessons of the free market have replaced the teachings of Das
Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, hundreds of thousands of people filled
the streets -- new voices, full of new hope for democracy.
A sea of faces: the faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on
the horizon, on the new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
regimes have begun to reform has more to do with the realization
that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any new-found
love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not motive.
once set In motion -
Democracy takes on a momentum of its own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well.
The Netherlands will
Some
x
never forget the nightmare of occupation.
Many of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
the
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in Pieterskerk,
and above the rafter S
behind the wal of this great church organ, a small group of
university students -- sympathetic to the cause of resistance --
lived out the occupation in hiding. university students + Resistance
fighters hid different times of the occupation some even
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherland's dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
[YAHN RAHM PART]
10
words of Jan Campert, poet of the Dutch resistance, they acted
because "the heart could not do otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
Document No. 050582
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
7/5/89
7/5/89 6:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK, LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 6:00 PM, TODAY, Wednesday, July 5,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
GBW
JUN P4: 39
7/5
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Document No. 050582
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
7/5/89
7/5/89 6:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK, LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Wins ton, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 6:00 PM, TODAY, Wednesday July 5,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
JUN P5: 36
No Comments 7/5/89
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Document No. 050582
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
7/5/89
7/5/89 6:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK, LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
PINKERTON
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 6:00 PM, TODAY, Wednesday, July 5,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
Docomment Typo page 5
89JJN4 89 JUN P5:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 7, 1989
INFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH: CHRISS WINSTON
cw
FROM:
DANIEL MCGROARTY Mary
SUBJECT: REMARKS AT THE PIETERSKERK IN LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
I. SUMMARY
On Monday, July 17, at 3:00 pm, you will speak at the
Pieterskerk in Leiden, the Netherlands. The Pilgrims lived
in the town of Leiden for eleven years before sailing to the
New World. Although they lived near the Pieterskerk, the
Pilgrims did not worship at the Pieterskerk.
This is a preliminary draft, which does not include NSC or
any other comments from the staffing process.
II. DISCUSSION
The speech serves as a framework for both of your European
trips. It discusses the ever-growing ideal of freedom: how
it served as a basis for the common values of Western Europe
and the United States. The Pieterskerk is the perfect
setting to discuss the future of freedom and democracy at a
time when we -- like the Pilgrims of Leiden -- stand on the
threshold of a new world.
The remarks will also discuss the accomplishments of the
Paris Economic Summit.
###
McGroarty/Dooley
July 7, 1989
6:00 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 17, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements ] Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and the United Provinces were one of
the models our founders looked to in creating a nation from
thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden -- a city whose very name
signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for Americans,
too, Leiden is a special city, a place where we trace our
origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Grotius -- the father of modern international law -- studied, in
the nation that is today home to the World Court. It was here
2
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk [PETERS-KIRK], they found the freedom to
witness God -- openly and without fear. Here -- under the
ancient stones of the Peiterskerk -- the body of John Robinson,
the Pilgrims' spiritual leader, was laid to rest.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
3
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people from Beijing to
Budapest who have yearned for generations to be free. In the
words of Victor Hugo: "No army can withstand the strength of an
idea whose time has come." And freedom's time has come.
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and it can never be sustained by people who forget
that freedom is our most precious gift.
Both of our nations are partners in an alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We speak the common language of the Declaration of
Independence. The Rights of Man -- whose truths ring true today
as they did two hundred years ago. The Union of Utrecht [YOU-
TRECT], and the tradition of liberty built over centuries here in
the Netherlands.
4
Almost two months ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the
fruits of our alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and
freedom. At the time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlifts to
beseiged Berlin -- few would have predicted a peace so strong and
lasting. Here in the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people
expected war to come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the
NATO era has brought the longest period of peace Europe has known
in the modern age.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build a more enduring
peace.
Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations. Thanks to NATO's steadiness
of purpose, the way is now open to real reductions in the level
of arms -- conventional and nuclear -- that have cast a shadow
over this continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. Close cooperation is the key. The revival of the
Western European Union -- in which the Netherlands played a vital
role; the growing cooperation on security issues between West
5
Germany and France; British and French resolve to modernize
their deterrent forces: each is a sign that Europe is determined
to sustain the collective strength that has kept the peace.
And let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's the meaning of Europe 1992 -- and it's the principle
reason the world's major industrial democracies must work
together to maintain conditions for sustained economic growth.
[We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
in developing a common approach to issues of common concern -- of
global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
environment. {Summit}
DAVE
McGroarty/Dooley
July 7, 1989
6:00 p.m.
[LEIDEN]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: THE PIETERSKERK
LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
JULY 17, 1989
3:00 PM
[Introductory acknowledgements
]
Barbara and I thank Her
Majesty Queen Beatrix and the people of the Netherlands for the
warm welcome you have given us.
The Netherlands is an old friend and honored ally of the
United States. The friendship between our nations is older than
the American Constitution -- and the United Provinces were one of
the models our founders looked to in creating a nation from
thirteen sovereign states.
It is a pleasure to visit Leiden -- a city whose very name
signifies Dutch resolve and determination. And for Americans,
too, Leiden is a special city, a place where we trace our
origins.
So many of the individuals who shaped the modern world
walked the cobbled streets of Leiden. It was here in Leiden that
Grotius -- the father of modern international law -- studied, in
the nation that is today home to the World Court. It was here
2
that Rembrandt lived and worked -- and created a world of beauty
that moves us today.
It was here to Leiden that the Pilgrims came to escape
persecution -- to live, work and worship in peace. In the shadow
of the Pieterskerk [PETERS-KIRK], they found the freedom to
witness God -- openly and without fear. Here -- under the
ancient stones of the Peiterskerk -- the body of John Robinson,
the Pilgrims' spiritual leader, was laid to rest.
And it was from this place the Pilgrims set their course for
a new world. In search of liberty, they took with them lessons
learned here of freedom and tolerance. The Pilgrims faced a
dangerous passage. But, carried on the winds of hope, they
arrived. On the rocky coast of New England -- at the edge of a
wild and unsettled continent -- they planted the seeds of a new
world -- a. world that became America.
Today, as when the Pilgrims left this city, a new world lies
within our reach.
Our time is a time of great hope -- and a time of dangerous
passage. The new world we seek is shaped by an idea -- an idea
of universal appeal and undeniable force. That idea is
democracy.
3
The power of the democratic idea is evident everywhere -- in
the halls of government, in the hearts of people from Beijing to
Budapest who have yearned for generations to be free. In the
words of Victor Hugo: "No army can withstand the strength of an
idea whose time has come." And freedom's time has come.
We -- the people of the United States, the people of the
Netherlands -- are fortunate. The freedoms others are struggling
for are freedoms we enjoy. But freedom never comes without
struggle -- and it can never be sustained by people who forget
that freedom is our most precious gift.
Both of our nations are partners in an alliance of free
nations that spans the ocean the Pilgrims crossed. Our alliance,
the NATO alliance, connects two continents -- unites a
hemisphere. But what connects us isn't merely a fact of
geography. Ours is an alliance forged on common values -- rooted
in a shared history and heritage, a common kinship and culture.
We speak the common language of the Declaration of
Independence. The Rights of Man -- whose truths ring true today
as they did two hundred years ago. The Union of Utrecht [YOU-
TRECT], and the tradition of liberty built over centuries here in
the Netherlands.
4
Almost two months ago, I came to Europe to celebrate the
fruits of our alliance: four decades of peace, prosperity and
freedom. At the time of NATO's founding -- amid the airlifts to
beseiged Berlin -- few would have predicted a peace so strong and
lasting. Here in the Netherlands -- and not only here -- people
expected war to come again within their lifetimes. Instead, the
NATO era has brought the longest period of peace Europe has known
in the modern age.
And today, the Atlantic Alliance -- formed to contain the
threat of Soviet expansionism -- is creating new opportunities to
ease tensions -- to build a new world, to build a more enduring
peace.
1
Thanks to NATO's strength and unity, we now have the
opportunity to move beyond containment -- to integrate the Soviet
Union into the community of nations. Thanks to NATO's steadiness
of purpose, the way is now open to real reductions in the level
of arms -- conventional and nuclear -- that have cast a shadow
over this continent, the most heavily militarized on earth.
Seizing these opportunities -- reaching that new world --
depends on NATO's unity and strength -- not on the actions of one
nation alone. Close cooperation is the key. The revival of the
Western European Union -- in which the Netherlands played a vital
role; the growing cooperation on security issues between West
5
Germany and France; British and French resolve to modernize
their deterrent forces: each is a sign that Europe is determined
to sustain the collective strength that has kept the peace.
And let me say clearly: A stronger Europe -- a more united
or the VSSR?
Europe -- is not something America must fear. It is a
development we welcome -- a natural evolution within our Alliance
-- the product of true partnership forty years in the making.
This trend towards closer cooperation isn't limited to
collective security alone. Around the world, countries are now
recognizing that no nation can prosper in economic isolation.
That's the meaning of Europe 1992 -- and it's the principle
reason the world's major industrial democracies must work
together to maintain conditions for sustained economic growth.
[We made progress at the Economic Summit in Paris. Progress
in developing a common approach to issues of common concern -- of
global concern.
Issues like the environment. Global warming, the
destruction of our forests, and pollution of the world's oceans -
- these are problems that know no borders, that no line on a map
has the power to stop. Pollution crosses continents and oceans.
It's time for nations to join forces in common defense of our
environment. {Summit}
6
And it's time we tackle the debt problem. Debt is the kind
of ticking time bomb that threatens growth everywhere -- not just
in the developing world.
This is more than a matter of economic development.
Democracy is at stake. Freedom is no match for a hungry stomach
-- and poverty is barren soil for the democratic idea.
Economic development opens the door to a new world of
democratic development -- and we must open that door for millions
of people around the world. The steps we've taken towards a
common strategy on debt will sustain a favorable climate for
growth -- and for the flourishing of democracy in the developing
world. {Summit}
And finally, we made progress in a collective effort to
encourage the movement towards greater freedom now underway in
Eastern Europe. {Summit}]
The new world we seek is a world of free nations working in
concert -- a world where more nations live within the circle of
freedom.
Here in the pulpit at the Pieterskerk, one year after peace
was restored in Europe, Winston Churchill spoke to the people of
7
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill
said: "The great wheel has swung full circle." Europe stood at
the threshold of a new era -- an era whose hope Churchill
expressed in a single, simple phrase: "Let freedom reign."
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- lived
through four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and
fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
8
Our hope is the hope that the unnatural division of Europe
will now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will
join its neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Last week, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
since the days of Stalin. In Hungary, I addressed the students
and faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the
lessons of the free market have replaced the teachings of Das
Kapital.
are replacing?
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, thousands of people filled the streets --
new voices, full of new hope for democracy. A sea of faces: the
new
faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on the horizon, on the
new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
regimes have begun to reform has more to do with the realization
that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any new-found
love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not motive.
Democracy -- once set in motion -- takes on a momentum of its
own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation. Some of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in the Pieterskerk
-- behind these walls, above the rafters -- resistance fighters
and university students took refuge from the forces of
occupation, found safe haven in this church.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherland's dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
10
words of Jan Campert [YAHN KAHM-PERT], poet of the Dutch
resistance, they acted because "the heart
could not do
otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #
Document No. 050582
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
7/5/89
7/5/89 6:00 PM
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: PIETERSKERK, LEIDEN, THE NETHERLANDS
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
ROGERS
BREEDEN
CARD
WINSTON
CICCONI
PINKERTON
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY 7803
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm.
122, x2930, no later than 6:00 PM, TODAY, Wednesday, July 5,
with an info copy to my office. Thank you.
07
NSC
RESPONSE:
GRADY INSERT
PORTER PINK suggeshim/Brady Plan)
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
7
Leiden. The allies had triumphed over tyranny. The occupation
was over. After six years of war and devastation, Churchill
said: "The great wheel has swung full circle." Europe stood at
the threshold of a new era -- an era whose hope Churchill
expressed in a single, simple phrase: "Let freedom reign.'
We all know what followed. Half of Europe entered that new
era -- and half of Europe found its path blocked, walled off by
barriers of brick and barbed wire.
The half of Europe that was free dug out from the rubble,
recovered from the war -- and laid the foundations of free
government and free enterprise that brought unparalleled
prosperity, and a life in peace and freedom.
The "other Europe" -- the Europe behind the wall -- lived
through four decades of privation and hardship, persecution and
fear.
Today, all that is changing. The great wheel has swung full
circle once more. Our time is a time of new hope -- the hope
that all of Europe can now know the freedom the Netherlands has
known, that America has known, that our allies have known.
8
Our hope is the hope that the unnatural division of Europe
will now come to an end -- that the Europe behind the wall will
join its neighbors to the West, prosperous and free.
Last week, I visited Poland and Hungary -- two countries
that have travelled far these past twelve months, farther than
any of us would have thought possible. In Warsaw, I spoke to the
new Polish Parliament that includes 100 freely-elected Senators -
- elected to office in Eastern Europe's first truly free election
since the days of Stalin. In Hungary, I addressed the students
and faculty of Karl Marx University -- a university where the
lessons of the free market have replaced the teachings of Das
Kapital.
At the shipyards of Gdansk and at the statue of the great
Hungarian hero Kossuth, thousands of people filled the streets --
new voices, full of new hope for democracy. A sea of faces: the
faces of Pilgrims on a journey -- fixed on the horizon, on the
new world coming into view.
In Poland, in Hungary -- and of course in the Soviet Union -
- we're witnessing truly remarkable events. Never in the history
of the communist world has a nation moved from dictatorship to
democracy.
9
But we're realistic. We know that the fact that these
regimes have begun to reform has more to do with the realization
that communism is a dead-end doctrine than with any new-found
love of freedom. But what matters is movement, not motive.
Democracy -- once set in motion -- takes on a momentum of its
own.
And whatever the odds, ultimately, freedom will succeed.
That's a lesson the world has learned several times this
century -- a lesson the Dutch know well. The Netherlands will
never forget the nightmare of occupation. Some of you here today
suffered through those five long years.
And even then -- freedom endured. Here in the Pieterskerk
-- behind these walls, above the rafters -- resistance fighters
and university students took refuge from the forces of
occupation, found safe haven in this church.
Daily acts of heroism -- the church sexton who brought them
food, the neighborhood grocer who collected extra ration stamps -
- kept them alive -- kept the spirit of dignity and human decency
alive through the Netherland's dark night.
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
10
Why? Why would people endanger themselves to save others?
They did it for the simplest, most human of reasons. In the
words of Jan Campert [YAHN KAHM-PERT], poet of the Dutch
resistance, they acted because "the heart
could not do
otherwise."
Freedom can never be extinguished -- not then, not now.
Even in the Europe behind the wall, the dream of freedom for all
Europe has never died. It's alive today -- in Warsaw and Gdansk,
in Budapest and across the Soviet Union, and in every corner of
the closed societies of Eastern Europe.
The challenge we face is clear: we must work together
toward the day when all of Europe -- East and West -- is free of
discord, free of division. A day when freedom and the democratic
ideals we share find a common home in every city and town across
this continent.
Here in Leiden, where the Pilgrims dreamed their new world,
let us pledge our effort to secure our own new world -- the new
Europe, whole and free, that is now within our reach.
Once again, thank you. God bless the Netherlands, God bless
the United States of America, and the friends of freedom
everywhere.
# # #