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Speech File Draft Files
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71st American Legion Convention - Baltimore 9/7/89 [2]
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6
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
AUGUST 29, 1989 89 AUG 30 P2:27
INFORMATION
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH: CHRISS WINSTON
FROM: CURT SMITH as
SUBJECT: SEPTEMBER 7 AMERICAN LEGION ADDRESS
I. SUMMARY
On Thursday, September 7, at 10 A.M., at the Baltimore Convention
Center, you will address 8-9,000 American Legion members at their
annual convention. You last addressed this group one year ago to the
day. You will be introduced by the Legion's National Commander,
Justice H.F. "Sparky" Gierke.
II. DISCUSSION
The enclosed remarks (17 minutes) focus on what Franklin Roosevelt
called "Freedom from fear" -- in 1989, freedom from war abroad; freedom
from drugs and crime at home. They discuss the Administration's crime and
drug initiatives, and the importance of approving the Administration's
Defense Authorization Bill.
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Eight
August 29, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
BALTIMORE CONVENTION CENTER
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- as a fellow Legionnaire, let me
salute the first Viet Nam veteran to be selected National
Commander, And all of you who represent our Nation's largest and
fastest-growing veterans organization -- more than 3 million
members strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake 1 made last year when I referred to this date as
exactly I year ago
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that I can still
remumber then gasp from this audrence
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Events like this 71st national
convention of the American Legion, or the 200th birthday of the
Coast Guard. or the very first anniversary of the Department of
Veterans Affairs -- led by its Secretary and our good friend, Ed
Derwinski. A Department intent on serving you -- as you have
served your country.
Well, as you can imagine, these birthdays, in turn, got me
to thinking about another anniversary -- the 175th this year of
2
the "Star-Spangled Banner." And how your convention lies so near
its famous birthplace.
Tuesday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
un: que
A
America's honor. What Our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then the 28th President went on
?
to say, "It represents the experiences made by men and women, the
experiences of those who to do and live under that flag."
He meant, of course, that the flag -- like America --
represents many things. It represents self-expression and
opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving themselves, and often
their lives, to its protection. Storming the beaches of Okinawa.
Scaling the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named
Hamburger and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for seven decades the "exporiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
3
Story of America and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
island
lives. On the rugged hill called Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny
hand of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk,
waving the Stars and Stripes. For both encapsulate encapsule freedom. The
freedom to vote as we want, and pray when and where we choose.
The freedom to go about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
Fifty years ago this month, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted the evil
of fascism which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 50 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man by
preserving liberty without war. And thus secure what Franklin
Roosevelt called the "Four Freedoms": Freedom of speech, of
religion, freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
4
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. when we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to change the rules of the game dramatically.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. 76 No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
legal penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps
needed to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Criminals in this Nation must understand that if they commit a
crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted, And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first comprehensive national strategy to win the war on drugs.
5
Our drug program aims to stop drug use before it starts.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, through treatment, to help addicts who want
to get clean. With special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then,
there's the third part of our strategy -- getting drug dealers
off the streets and behind bars where they belong. And for their
ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life in prison, with no
parole. And, finally, working with other governments to help
crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, aided the National League
of Families, and spurred good government through programs like
Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs."
6
You know -- as I do -- that we're in this together. So let
us fight on any front, and every front. Supply and demand.
Education and rehabilitation. Interdiction and enforcement. In
the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippmann once wrote of a
"Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never surrender
to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our children
depends on it.
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Cassino. At
Amotogue
Bastogne Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure freedom in a world at peace. Today, ours remains a global
stage, and America remains its leading player. And we must use
our strength to maintain peace and freedom. For this we know
from World War II: The best way to protect that freedom and
ensure real peace is for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. The new breeze of freedom, which I have spoken of before,
is blowing in Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West.
Yet with even hopeful change comes uncertainty. And with
7
uncertainty comes the need for vigilance. This is no time to
declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
green Dride
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
male this
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
mar posting rheton
in a vacuum.
But On Defense policy
less
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
modernizing out
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, 1 renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union is deploying two mobile
systems. We have none. We need to move forward with our mobile
mobile be intolizing our rail
suptem 8 in environcy
programs. Not only to modernize our forces into the 21st
Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
Accordingly, our program calls for two systems: A new
single-warhead small ICBM missile and our Peacekeeper multi-
warhead ICBM. The small ICBM represents the future of our ICBM
force -- highly mobile with a single warhead -- the very essence
lihe't
of stability and deterrence. But it won't be ready until 1997.
so to fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds moheous to shift
sound millstrah be
existing Peacekeepers for Eo to rail cars -- providing survivability, at on
low cost, [to] to this very effective and proven system.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- employs absolutely revolutionary technology to make
certain that it can penetrate defenses and assure the credibility
of our deterrence. And here's how: the B-2 makes it impossible
by defeating Service
andepenses for st. negates the possibility twe touter
any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
leg Finally, 7the Triad wielnot heable TO continue To papress it
there's the last part of our defense equation --
mission
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. If that's not common sense, 1
don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and the small ICBM. We need the
9
no national for all Defere us
Peacekeeper, B-2, and SDI. And I have proposed to the Congress
an affordable budget to pay for them. It is a solid, well-
thought-out and essential program. The Congress should support
it and not try to substitute pet projects in place of a closely
integrated strategic program. For this, above all, we know:
When it comes to national defense, finishing second means
finishing last.
Twenty-seven years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war. "
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
# # # #
There are hopeful signs in the Soviet Union. Mr. Gorbachev
is taking some steps to reduce the threat posed by the massive
military machine that is the Soviet Armed Forces. We applaud
those moves. And hope there will be more -- many more.
But it is important that we encourage the Soviet Union on
the path of reducing its armed forces. We cannot do that by
unilaterally disarming ourselves. The changes we have seen thus
far have been brought about in part because America was strong.
Thus far, in strategic forces, Soviet rhetoric has not been
matched by actions cutting back on deployment of modernized
weapon systems. Our own strategic modernization program is
designed to deal with the fact of Soviet strength and to
encourage them to match their rhetoric with deeds and to work
with us to reduce the threat of nuclear war.
Thus it is that we have underway a vital modernization
program for all elements of our strategic triad.
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT Looking
PORTER 2315 -
stwe Fanar
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
GRAY
Bunt
2607
6757
5040 Blank
Becky
HAGIN
85
REMARKS:
AU
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25&
Thank you.
12:24
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Smith/Blessey)
1989
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C. Baltimore, Md.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
10:00 AM
bellow becomen,
as a memb
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
more than 3 million
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
menting
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
Veb
Sp
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner. " And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Tuesday.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
is
sits
Amen in about ver am for 3
< that
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
He
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, of Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
its protection
often of their lives Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
(sue 5dd
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill all at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
ate
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and we choose. The freedom to go
pray where when and
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
the
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil of
fascism which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
?
0
check
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove 1 man's humanity to man And by
and to
preserving liberty without war secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no legal
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
The
Every criminals in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first Comprehensive national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug buse before it start
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go get clean. With
through treatment,
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving getting drug dealers. the security of the
off the streets and
behind bars where
they belong.
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone: Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs.'
You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman, once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure freedom in a word at peace.
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
maintain Freedomand
for
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well
and conflicts
Protet that freedom and
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
real
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
The new breeze of freedom, I have spoken of before, is blowng new breese
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
7
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
is deploying
we have none
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to move forward WITH our mobile programs.
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
priorth
8
Our program calls for two systems.
A
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
small
Peacekeeper
warhead ^ ICBM missile the Midgetman and our MX multi-
THE small, maine ICBM REPRESENTS THE FUTURE OF OUR ICBM
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
force - highlymobile WITH a single washeed -- the very essense of stability and deterrance.
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
it
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
Peacekeepers
providing survivab. lity at low
MXS to mobile, less vulnerable rail carsx cars -- cost to this very effective and
proven estem.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
employe absolutely revolutionary technology to make certan that it can
Bomber can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
penetate defensees and assure the credibility of our deterrence.
missions. And here's the how kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
stet If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
the smallICBM.
Peacekeeper
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
and I proposed to the Congress an affordable budget to pay
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term term funding pain. But
for them. Itis a solid, well thought out and essen has program.
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible
The Congress should support it and not try to substitute pet
fiscally and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
projects in place of a close by integrated strategic program.
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
"
war.
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Nine
September 5, 1989
89 SEP 6 P4: 53
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
BALTIMORE CONVENTION CENTER
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
9:45 A.M.
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- as a fellow Legionnaire, let me
salute the first Viet Nam veteran to be selected National
Commander. And all of you who represent our Nation's largest and
fastest-growing veterans organization -- more than 3 million
members strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made exactly one year ago when I referred to this
date as Pearl Harbor Day. I can still remember the gasp from
this audience.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Events like this 71st national
convention of the American Legion, or the 200th birthday of the
Coast Guard. or the very first anniversary of the Department of
Veterans Affairs -- led by its Secretary and our good friend, Ed
Derwinski. A Department intent on serving you -- as you have
served your country.
Well, as you can imagine, these birthdays, in turn, got me
to thinking about another anniversary -- the 175th this year of
2
the "Star-Spangled Banner." And how your convention lies so near
its famous birthplace.
Tuesday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the unique
symbol of America's honor. Our flag is too sacred to be abused.
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then the 28th President went on
to say, "It represents the experiences made by men and women, the
experiences of those who do and live under that flag. "
He meant, of course, that the flag -- like America --
represents many things. It represents self-expression and
opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving themselves, and often
their lives, to its protection. Storming the beaches of Okinawa.
Scaling the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named
Hamburger and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for seven decades the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
3
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment. " It
lives. On the rugged island called Iwo Jima. It lifts. The
tiny hand of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk,
waving the Stars and Stripes. For both encapsulate freedom. The
freedom to vote as we want, and pray when and where we choose.
The freedom to go about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
Fifty years ago this month, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted the evil
of fascism which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 50 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man by
preserving liberty without war. And thus secure what Franklin
Roosevelt called the "Four Freedoms": Freedom of speech, of
religion, freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
4
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to change the rules of the game dramatically.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
legal penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps
needed to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Criminals in this Nation must understand that if they commit a
crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first comprehensive national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug use before it starts.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
5
school. And, second, through treatment, to help addicts who want
to get clean. With special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then,
there's the third part of our strategy -- getting drug dealers
off the streets and behind bars where they belong. And for the
ultimate drug violators -- the kingpins themselves -- they should
pay the ultimate price. Finally, we're going to work with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, aided the National League
of Families, and spurred good government through programs like
Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs."
You know -- as I do -- that we're in this together. So let
us fight on any front, and every front. Supply and demand.
Education and rehabilitation. Interdiction and enforcement. In
6
the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippmann once wrote of a
"Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never surrender
to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our children
depends on it.
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Cassino. At
Bastogne and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure freedom in a world at peace. Today, ours remains a global
stage, and America remains its leading player. And we must use
our strength to maintain peace and freedom. For this we know
from World War II: The best way to protect that freedom and
ensure real peace is for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. The new breeze of freedom, which I have spoken of before,
is blowing in Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West.
Yet with even hopeful change comes uncertainty. And with
uncertainty comes the need for vigilance. This is no time to
declare freedom's victory before the fact.
7
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available.
Here, there are hopeful signs. For Mr. Gorbachev is taking
some steps to reduce the threat posed by the massive military
machine that is the Soviet Armed Forces. We applaud those moves.
And we hope there will be more -- many more.
But at the same time, we cannot cause the Soviet Union to
reduce its forces by our unilaterally disarming. For progress
has been made precisely because we have been strong. So far, in
terms of cutting strategic modernized weapon systems, Soviet words have not
been matched by deeds. Our own strategic modernization program
must deal with deeds. And encourage the Soviet Union to work
with us in reducing the threat of nuclear war.
That is why we have begun a vital modernization program to midern
involving moderwize all elements of our strategic traid. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bombers.
8
I have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union is deploying two mobile
systems. We have none. We need to move forward with our mobile
programs. Not only to modernize our forces into the 21st
Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is. "
ICBM
Accordingly, our program calls for BEWO systems: A new
single-warhead small ICBM missile and our Peacekeeper multi-
warhead ICBM. The small ICBM represents the future of our ICBM
force -- highly mobile with a single warhead -- the very essence
of stability and deterrence. But it won't be ready until 1997.
So to fill the void I have asked Congress for funds to make our
existing Peacekeepers mobile by utilizing our rail system in an
emergency -- providing survivability, at low cost, for this very
effective and proven system.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- employs absolutely revolutionary technology to make
certain that it can penetrate defenses and assure the credibility
of our deterrence. And here's how: By deflecting Soviet massive
air defenses, it negates the possibility that the bomber leg of
the triad will be unable to continue to perform its mission.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
9
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. If that's not common sense, I
don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and the small ICBM. We need the
Peacekeeper, B-2, and SDI. And I have proposed to the Congress
an affordable budget to pay for them. It is a solid, well-
thought-out and essential program. The Congress should support
it and not try to substitute pet projects in place of a closely
integrated strategic program. For this, above all, we know:
When it comes to national defense, finishing second means
finishing last.
Twenty-seven years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war. "
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
10
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land, of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
# # # #
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Nine
September 6, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
BALTIMORE CONVENTION CENTER
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
9:45 A.M.
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- as a fellow Legionnaire, let me
salute the first Viet Nam veteran to be selected National
Commander. And all of you who represent our Nation's largest and
fastest-growing veterans organization -- more than 3 million
members strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made exactly one year ago when I referred to this
date as Pearl Harbor Day. I can still remember the gasp from
this audience.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Events like this 71st national
convention of the American Legion, or the 200th birthday of the
Coast Guard. Or the very first anniversary of the Department of
Veterans Affairs -- led by its Secretary and our good friend, Ed
Derwinski. A Department intent on serving you -- as you have
served your country.
Well, as you can imagine, these birthdays, in turn, got me
to thinking about another anniversary -- the 175th this year of
2
the "Star-Spangled Banner. " And how your convention lies so near
its famous birthplace.
Tuesday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the unique
symbol of America's honor. Our flag is too sacred to be abused.
The flag -- like America -- represents many things. It
represents self-expression and opportunity. And democracy for
all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving themselves, and often
their lives, to its protection. Storming the beaches of Okinawa.
Scaling the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named
Hamburger and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for seven decades the American Legion --
X
its
men and women
--
have helped write the Story of America and
the story of our flag. And today -- in peacetime as in wartime
-
- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than sentiment.
It
lives on the rugged island called Iwo Jima. It lifts the tiny
hand of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk,
waving the Stars and Stripes. For both encapsulate freedom. The
3
freedom to vote as we want, and pray when and where we choose.
The freedom to go about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
Fifty years ago this month, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted the evil
of fascism which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 50 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man by
preserving liberty without war. And thus secure what Franklin
Roosevelt called the "Four Freedoms": Freedom of speech, of
religion, freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
4
That is why two nights ago, I announced America's first
comprehensive national strategy to win the war on drugs and crime
which plague the United States.
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
Our crime proposals are based on these principles.
Criminals in this Nation must understand that if they commit a
crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
In short, we propose to change the rules of the game
dramatically. Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals
when criminals use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you
remember my promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement
officer -- no legal penalty is too tough. We want Congress to
enact the steps needed to implement the death penalty.
Now, over the last few days there's been a lot of talk about
our strategy. Some, incredibly, say it's not tough enough --
this from the very people who oppose the death penalty. Well,
it's that kind of thinking that's lost too many battles already.
Let's not let these critics lose the war. So I ask you to
support our crime plan. And also the other parts of our national
strategy.
5
This strategy aims to stop drug use before it starts.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, third, through treatment, to help addicts who want
to get clean. With special emphasis on expectant mothers.
Finally, we're going to work with other governments to help crack
international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, aided the National League
of Families, and spurred good government through programs like
Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs."
You know -- as I do -- that we're in this together. So let
us fight on any front, and every front. Supply and demand.
Education and rehabilitation. Interdiction and enforcement. In
the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippmann once wrote of a
6
"Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never surrender
to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our children
depends on it.
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Cassino. At
Bastogne and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure freedom in a world at peace. Today, ours remains a global
stage, and America remains its leading player. And we must use
our strength to maintain peace and freedom. For this we know
from World War II: The best way to protect that freedom and
ensure real peace is for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. The new breeze of freedom, which I have spoken of before,
is blowing in Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West.
Yet with even hopeful change comes uncertainty. And with
uncertainty comes the need for vigilance. This is no time to
declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
7
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
defense budget hostage to projects that will strip money from
programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions on the future capacity -- the
actual weapons -- that any Soviet leader might have available.
Here, there are hopeful signs. For Mr. Gorbachev is taking
some steps to reduce the threat posed by the massive military
machine that is the Soviet Armed Forces. We applaud those moves.
And we hope there will be more -- many more.
But at the same time, we cannot cause the Soviet Union to
reduce its forces by unilaterally disarming ourselves. Progress
has been made precisely because we have been strong. So far, in
terms of cutting strategic weapon systems, Soviet words have not
been matched by deeds. Our own strategic modernization program
must deal with deeds. And encourage the Soviet Union to work
with us in reducing the threat of nuclear war.
That is why we have begun a vital program to modernize our
strategic traid. And by that I mean: Submarines, missiles, and
X
-bhe bombers.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
8
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union is deploying two mobile
systems. We have none. We need to move forward with our mobile
programs. Not only to modernize our forces into the 21st
Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
Accordingly, our ICBM program calls for a new single-warhead
small ICBM missile and our Peacekeeper multi-warhead ICBM. The
small ICBM represents the future of our ICBM force -- highly
mobile with a single warhead -- the very essence of stability and
deterrence. But it won't be ready until 1997. So I have asked
Congress for funds to make our existing Peacekeepers mobile by
utilizing our rail system in an emergency -- providing
survivability, at low cost, for this very effective and proven
system.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- employs absolutely revolutionary technology to make
certain that it can penetrate defenses and assure the credibility
of our deterrence.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. If that's not common sense, I
don't like fishing.
9
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control.
We need the Trident and the small ICBM. We need the
Peacekeeper, B-2, and SDI. And I have proposed to the Congress
an affordable budget to pay for them. It is a solid, well-
thought-out and essential program. The Congress should support
it and not try to substitute pet projects in place of a closely
integrated strategic program. For this, above all, we know:
When it comes to national defense, finishing second means
finishing last.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
(Smith/Blessey)
Draft Nine
September 5, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
BALTIMORE CONVENTION CENTER
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
9:45 A.M.
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- as a fellow Legionnaire, let me
salute the first Viet Nam veteran to be selected National
Commander. And all of you who represent our Nation's largest and
fastest-growing veterans organization -- more than 3 million
members strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made exactly one year ago when I referred to this
date as Pearl Harbor Day. I can still remember the gasp from
this audience.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Events like this 71st national
convention of the American Legion, or the 200th birthday of the
Coast Guard. or the very first anniversary of the Department of
Veterans Affairs -- led by its Secretary and our good friend, Ed
Derwinski. A Department intent on serving you -- as you have
served your country.
Well, as you can imagine, these birthdays, in turn, got me
to thinking about another anniversary -- the 175th this year of
2
the "Star-Spangled Banner. " And how your convention lies so near
its famous birthplace.
Tuesday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the unique
symbol of America's honor. Our flag is too sacred to be abused.
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then the 28th President went on
to say, "It represents the experiences made by men and women, the
experiences of those who do and live under that flag. "
He meant, of course, that the flag -- like America --
represents many things. It represents self-expression and
opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving themselves, and often
their lives, to its protection. Storming the beaches of Okinawa.
Scaling the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named
Hamburger and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for seven decades the ences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
3
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment. " It
lives, On the rugged island called Iwo Jima. It lifts. The
tiny hand of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk,
waving the Stars and Stripes. For both encapsulate freedom. The
freedom to vote as we want, and pray when and where we choose.
The freedom to go about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
Fifty years ago this month, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted the evil
of fascism which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 50 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man by
preserving liberty without war. And thus secure what Franklin
Roosevelt called the "Four Freedoms": Freedom of speech, of
religion, freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
4
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why two nights ago, I announced America's first
comprehensive national strategy to win the war on drugs and crime
which plague the United States.
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
Our crime proposals are based on these principles.
Criminals in this Nation must understand that if they commit a
crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
In short, we propose to change the rules of the game
dramatically. Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals
when criminals use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you
remember my promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement
officer -- no legal penalty is too tough. We want Congress to
enact the steps needed to implement the death penalty.
Now, over the last few days there's been a lot of talk about
our strategy. Some, incredibly, say it's not tough enough --
this from the very people who oppose the death penalty. Well,
it's that kind of thinking that's lost too many battles already.
Let's not let these critics lose the war. So I ask you to
5
mational
support our crime plan. And also the other part of our, strategy
the war against drugs
This
Our strategy aims to stop drug use before it starts.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, third, through treatment, to help addicts who want
to get clean. With special emphasis on expectant mothers.
Finally, we're going to work with other governments to help crack
international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, aided the National League
of Families, and spurred good government through programs like
Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs."
You know -- as I do -- that we're in this together. So let
us fight on any front, and every front. Supply and demand.
6
Education and rehabilitation. Interdiction and enforcement. In
the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippmann once wrote of a
"Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never surrender
to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our children
depends on it.
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Cassino. At
Bastogne and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure freedom in a world at peace. Today, ours remains a global
stage, and America remains its leading player. And we must use
our strength to maintain peace and freedom. For this we know
from World War II: The best way to protect that freedom and
ensure real peace is for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. The new breeze of freedom, which I have spoken of before,
is blowing in Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West.
Yet with even hopeful change comes uncertainty. And with
uncertainty comes the need for vigilance. This is no time to
declare freedom's victory before the fact.
7
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
defense budget hostage to pork barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available.
Here, there are hopeful signs. For Mr. Gorbachev is taking
some steps to reduce the threat posed by the massive military
machine that is the Soviet Armed Forces. We applaud those moves.
And we hope there will be more -- many more.
But at the same time, we cannot cause the Soviet Union to
reduce its forces by unilaterally disarming ourselves.
For
progress has been made precisely because we have been strong. So
strategic
far, in terms of cutting modernized weapon systems, Soviet words
have not been matched by deeds. Our own strategic modernization
program must deal with deeds. And encourage the Soviet Union to
work with us in reducing the threat of nuclear war.
That is why we have begun a vital modernization program to
modernize
involving all elements of our strategic traid. And by that I
S
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber
8
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union is deploying two mobile
systems. We have none. We need to move forward with our mobile
programs. Not only to modernize our forces into the 21st
Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is. "
ICBM
Accordingly, our program calls for two systems A new
single-warhead small ICBM missile and our Peacekeeper multi-
warhead ICBM. The small ICBM represents the future of our ICBM
force -- highly mobile with a single warhead -- the very essence
of stability and deterrence. But it won't be ready until 1997.
So to fill the void I have asked Congress for funds to make our
existing Peacekeepers mobile by utilizing our rail system in an
emergency -- providing survivability, at low cost, for this very
effective and proven system.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- employs absolutely revolutionary technology to make
certain that it can penetrate defenses and assure the credibility
of our deterrence. And here's how: By deflecting Soviet massive
air defenses, it negates the possibility that the bomber leg of
the triad will be unable to continue to perform its mission
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
9
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. If that's not common sense, I
don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and the small ICBM. We need the
Peacekeeper, B-2, and SDI. And I have proposed to the Congress
an affordable budget to pay for them. It is a solid, well-
thought-out and essential program. The Congress should support
it and not try to substitute pet projects in place of a closely
integrated strategic program. For this, above all, we know:
When it comes to national defense, finishing second means
finishing last.
Twenty-seven years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war."
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
10
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
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