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71st American Legion Convention - Baltimore 9/7/89 [3]
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Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
Boskin
GRAY
R
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
AUG 25 25 P2: 02
See Comment
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
AUG 25 '89 13:45 OFFICE OF DEPUTY SECRETARY DVA
P.2/4
Rell
FOR CONSIDERATION IN PRESIDENT'S SPEECH TO AMERICAN LEGION
ISSUE #1: ACCESS TO QUALITY HEALTH CARE SERVICES (through
establishment of a Realignment Commission):
ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT BENEFITS VETERANS EARNED IN SERVICE TO
THEIR COUNTRY IS MEDICAL CARE.
BUT ACCESS TO THAT CARE HAS BECOME UNEVEN AROUND THE COUNTRY,
AND IT HAS BECOME INCREASINGLY APPARENT IN RECENT MONTHS THAT
IMPROVEMENTS ARE NEEDED IN THE EXISTING VA MEDICAL SYSTEM.
THESE IMPROVEMENTS MUST INCLUDE ADAPTATIONS TO MEET NEW NEEDS
POSED BY THE INCREASINGLY AGING VETERAN POPULATION, AND CONTINUED
MODERNIZATION TO KEEP UP WITH RAPID CHANGES IN THE MEDICAL WORLD AT
LARGE.
TO RESPOND TO THESE PRESSURES, SECRETARY DERWINSKI SENT CONGRESS
(ON JULY 17) OUR PROPOSAL FOR A NATIONAL COMMISSION TO REVIEW THE
ALIGNMENT OF VA MEDICAL FACILITIES THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY.
THIS COMMISSION WILL PROVIDE RECOMMENDATIONS ABOUT THE FUTURE
STRUCTURE OF THE VA SYSTEM, INCLUDING ANY SUGGESTIONS FOR MISSION
CHANGES.
THE COMMISSION IS MODELED AFTER THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE BASE
CLOSURE COMMISSION WITH ONE IMPORTANT EXCEPTION -- THIS IS NOT A
CLOSING COMMISSION. OUR LEGISLATIVE INTENT IS THAT NO MEDICAL
CENTERS WILL BE CLOSED.
APPOINTING SUCH A BLUE RIBBON COMMISSION OF INDEPENDENT MEDICAL
EXPERTS WILL TAKE THE POLITICS OUT OF DETERMINING THE FUTURE OF VA
MEDICAL SERVICES.
WITH THE HELP OF THIS COMMISSION, THE VA HEALTH CARE SYSTEM OF
THE FUTURE WILL BE ABLE TO OFFER VETERANS BALANCED ACCESS TO CARE,
INCLUDING SPECIALIZED CENTERS OF EXCELLENCE, AMBULATORY CARE,
COMMUNITY-BASED CARE AND HOME HEALTH CARE PROGRAMS.
OUR VETERANS DESERVE NO LESS.
ISSUE #2: THE VALUE OF CABINET REPRESENTATION FOR VETERANS
I KNOW THIS MEETING MARKS SOME RATHER IMPOSING TRADITIONS -- THE
71ST NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE LEGION, AND THE 200TH ANNIVERSARY OF
THE COAST GUARD.
BUT I'D LIKE TO MENTION SOMETHING IN ITS FIRST YEAR -- SOMETHING
THAT WE ALL HOPE WILL ESTABLISH ITS OWN TRADITION OF POSITIVE
SERVICE.
AUG 25 '89 13:46 OFFICE OF DEPUTY SECRETARY DVA
P.3/4
-2-
I'M TALKING ABOUT THE INAUGURAL YEAR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF
VETERANS AFFAIRS.
I KNOW THE LEGION WAS ONE OF THE FOREMOST CHAMPIONS OF CABINET
REPRESENTATION FOR AMERICA'S VETERANS, AND I WANT YOU TO KNOW THAT
IT'S ALREADY BECOMING APPARENT HOW WORTHWHILE YOUR EFFORTS IN THIS
CONTEXT WERE.
FIRST, IT'S CLEAR THAT VA'S FREQUENT CONTACT WITH OTHER FEDERAL
PROGRAMS -- FOR EXAMPLE IN THE FIELDS OF EDUCATION, HEALTH CARE,
LABOR AND HOUSING -- ARE BECOMING MORE EFFECTIVE BY VIRTUE OF
WORKING AT THE SAME, CABINET LEVEL THAT THESE PROGRAMS ARE
ESTABLISHED AT IN THEIR RESPECTIVE DEPARTMENTS.
SECOND, VA'S CHANGE TO CABINET STATUS IS BRINGING ADDITIONAL
CONTRIBUTIONS TO OUR SOCIETY AT LARGE.
WE'VE LONG KNOWN, OF COURSE, THAT VETERANS PROGRAMS HAVE A
BROAD, NATIONAL IMPACT IN OUR SOCIETY. BUT THE MECHANISM FOR
SHARING VA'S BASE OF KNOWLEDGE AND EXPERIENCE HAS BEEN IMPROVED.
NOW, FOR EXAMPLE, SECRETARY DERWINSKI CAN OFFER DR. SULLIVAN AT
HHS THE EXPERTISE VA HAS GAINED IN RUNNING THE NATION'S LARGEST
INDEPENDENT HEALTH CARE SYSTEM. IT'S CERTAINLY A FACT THAT VA HAS
DEVELOPED A POSITION OF WORLD LEADERSHIP IN SEVERAL MEDICAL
SPECIALTIES, SUCH AS GERIATRICS, PROSTHETICS AND SPINAL CORD
INJURY. CABINET STATUS IS HELPING VA SHARE THESE ASSETS.
AND THE NEW VA SECRETARY ALSO CAN DEAL DIRECTLY WITH ED BENNETT,
WHO HAS THE RESPONSIBILITY OF LEADING OUR WAR ON DRUGS, IN OFFERING
VA'S EXTENSIVE EXPERIENCE IN DRUG THERAPY PROGRAMS.
so CABINET REPRESENTATION IS WORKING FOR VETERANS; AND IT'S
WORKING FOR THE COUNTRY.
ISSUE #3: THE PRESIDENT'S SUPPORT OF VETERANS, AS REFLECTING IN
SUPPLEMENTAL FUNDING:
IT'S NO SECRET THAT THE NATIONAL BUDGET DEFICIT IS ONE OF THE
TOUGHEST PROBLEMS FACING THIS ADMINISTRATION AND THE CONGRESS. AND
SINCE I HAVE LEFT LITTLE DOUBT ABOUT WHERE I STAND ON NEW TAXES, I
BELIEVE THIS ADMINISTRATION HAS A FIRM MANDATE TO CONTINUE HOLDING
THE LINE ON FEDERAL SPENDING.
BUT WE'VE GOT TO ESTABLISH OUR PRIORITIES -- AND, AS FAR AS I'M
CONCERNED, THE MEN AND WOMEN WHO SERVED AND SACRIFICED FOR OUR
COUNTRY, HAVE EARNED CERTAIN THINGS FROM US. AND THAT'S A MANDATE,
TOO.
THAT'S WHY I STRONGLY SUPPORTED SECRETARY DERWINSKI'S REQUEST
FOR SUPPLEMENTAL FUNDING FOR THE VA FOR THIS FISCAL YEAR.
AUG 25 '89 13:46 OFFICE OF DEPUTY SECRETARY DVA
P.4/4
-3-
TO BE QUITE CANDID, THERE WAS A LOT OF PRESSURE AGAINST ANY
SUPPLEMENTAL FUNDING, PERIOD. AND IF IT BECAME POSSIBLE TO PERMIT
SOME ADDITIONAL FUNDS TO BE SPENT, I CAN TELL YOU THERE WAS SOME
VERY COMPELLING COMPETITION FOR THOSE LIMITED DOLLARS.
BUT ED DERWINSKI SAID OUR SUPPORT FOR VETERANS WAS WARRANTED AS
A TOP PRIORITY, AND I THINK HE MADE THE CASE. VETERANS DESERVE OUR
SUPPORT, AND THEY'RE GOING TO GET IT.
Aug 25,89 11:18 SECDEF CABLE DIVISION, PENTAGON, WASH DC, 202-697-8151
P.01
TO DEFENSE 30
OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20301-1400
25 AUG 1989
SECURITY
PUBLIC AFFAIRS
Ref: 89-3890
MEMORANDUM FOR ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF DEFENSE (PA)
SUBJECT: Review of Presidential Remarks, American Legion
submitted for consideration:
Subject speech has been reviewed, and the following items are
- page 1: typo: Star-Spangled Banner
- page 2: encapsule should be encapsulate
- page 3: "Fifty years ago last Friday" would have been
September 1, 1939. On that day Hitler invaded Poland. That
and country was not then our ally. On September 3 that year, England
France declared war on Germany, as they had promised to
words last Friday should be stricken.
intervene in case of German aggression in Poland. Accordingly, the
- page 3: there's some dispute among historians as to the
loss of lives in WWII. "more than 55 million" is a high estimate;
"approximately 55 million."
"more than 50 million" is better (i.e., defensible), as is
- page 3: the four freedoms are: Freedom (singular)
- page 4: prosecutors don't convict; judges/juries do.
- page 4: every criminal ... if he commits ... etc.
- page 7: "other Nations' ... abilities
...
W. M. McDonald
Director
Freedom of Information
and Security Review
*
PAGE 2- "STORMING THE BEACHES OF ANZIO." SNOULD
BE CHANGED (STORMINE THE BEACHES OF IWO JIMA, ETC).
ANZIO WAS AN UNCONTESTED AMPHIBIOUS LANDING.
(Smith/Blessey)
1969 AUG 23
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
- Michael Jackson - W.H. (2800)
- Rich Pell - See attached.
- Veterans Spending may want to
mention - Dec suggestions.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game dramatically
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can --- and will --- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's a
comprehensive.
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its starts.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." " And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
8
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
éxisting threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding pain. But
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war.
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
RESEAR CH ACTION
FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER 2315 -
stave Fanar
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
Boskin
Franc.,NIC
France
NCC
GRAY
5040
backy
Blank
HAGIN
8.
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 2522
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Smith/Blessey)
1339
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
BALTIMORE, MD
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
10:00 AM
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong. more than 3 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
follow
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
notoute
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies SO near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, Tuesday you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
volcano/mountain
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone: Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
8
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding pain. But
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war.
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
August 25, 1989
Memorandum to Chriss Winston
RBP
by
From:
Roger B. Porter
Jim Pinkerton
Subject:
American Legion Draft Speech
Comments on the present draft appear below. These aside, we
wish to raise a major philosophical question about the
opportunity that this speech presents: We believe that the
subject of the speech should be Poland.
We defer to the NSC as to the usefulness of broaching this
issue, but in the absence of major financial aid or some dramatic
policy initiative, it seems to us that eloquence is the only
thing we have that will put the President out in front at this
truly historic moment of change. Therefore, unless the more
knowlegeable offices think otherwise, we believe that this
address affords an ideal opportunity for the President to scotch
the critics who said he did not say enough at the time of
Tienanmen Square by forthrightly speaking about his position on
the larger significance of Poland and the world.
In particular, we suggest that any comments on Poland should
make the following points:
89
That the President has come back from Kennebunkport having
reflected on the situation in Poland. His vision of the
world situation has grown in his time away from Washington.
He has been marvelling at the power of people being in
control of their own destiny -- Polish people working
together to solve problems.
In these remarks, the President should refer back to his
previous trip to Poland. He should also refer to the new
Prime Minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki.
(more)
2-2-2
pg. 1, para. 4, line 2 To keep the image symmetrical with the
structures of the Pentagon and Fort McHenry, we suggest using
"The Capitol," instead of "The Congress.
3,1,3
"
liberty confronted an evil which -- even now --
defines hell on earth. " What "evil" refers to here is left a
little ambiguous. Is it the Nazis, or, in a larger sense,
fascism, or, in a still larger sense, totalitarianism? The
latter is the preferable meaning because it is so particularly
relevant to today and to Poland.
The point would be somewhat clearer if we said, " liberty
confronted the evil of its adversaries -- adversaries who, in
sometimes different circumstances and under sometimes different
names, have persisted to this day, and will always be with us.
But those adversaries will never prevail as long as the friends
of liberty are vigilant -- and prepared, like the people in this
room were, to sacrifice in her defense."
3,2,2
While the parallelism of "man's inhumanity to man" with
"man's humanity to man" has a nice ring, nevertheless the basic
phrase is a well-worn cliche. We suggest drawing a comparable
lesson from World War II that is consist with the strong defense
theme of the speech, e.g., the importance of preparedness in
preserving freedom.
Preparedness, though it, too, is not a new message, seems
particularly relevant in view of the reference to Poland -- in
that the circumstances there both today and 50 years ago would
be different if the West had been prepared in the late '30s.
And it is relevant because the President is making the point in
this speech that we need the new defense systems he supports.
5,3,6
"
housed the National League of Families
"
Unless
we mean that the Legion literally housed the National League of
Families, we suggest instead: "housed needy parents and their
children through the National League of Families."
6,3,5
"
this we know from World War II " To cite only
WWII as teaching that peace is ensured through strength may
suggest to the non-WWII veterans that such was not the case in
Korea and Vietnam. Therefore, we suggest saying something like:
"
this we know from the experience that shows in the faces of
my fellow Legionnaires: The best way to ensure peace
"
(more)
3-3-3
Incidentally, we suggest that somewhere in the speech the
President mention or refer to the fact that he is a member of
this organization, even if that is well-known to the audience,
and obvious from the Legionnaire's cap he will wear. The
standard practice, of course, is to do so in the introduction.
6,4,3
Strictly speaking, liberty has not swept Poland and
Hungary SO much as the idea of liberty. In other words, we do
not want to imply that liberty has been completely achieved in
these countries. Rather, the "New Breeze" phrase more accurately
conveys the sense that the forces of liberty are taking hold.
Thus, we suggest using, instead of liberty per se, "the New
Breeze of freedom and democracy."
###
6662
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
August 25, 1989
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
G. PHILIP HUGHES
SUBJECT:
Suggested Revisions of the President's American
Legion Speech
Attached for the use of the President's speechwriters are
revisions which the NSC staff proposes making in the President's
speech to the American Legion on September 7.
Attachment
Tab A
Suggested Revisions of the President's American
Legion Speech
CC: Jim Cicconi
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
89 AUG28 28
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
A
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
92
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
Boskin
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Smith/Blessey)
1989
AUG
Draft Seven
33
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
Insert, Page 2
The flag embodies a profound commitment by to every man and
woman who wears the uniform of our armed forces: that we will do
our utmost to resolve the pressing humanitarian issue of our
POW/MIAS in Southeast Asia -- and to attain the fullest possible
accounting for our missing men.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Insert
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
to
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
legal
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
to stat
Every criminalsin this Nation must understand that if they commit
be stat
he stat
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
to Day
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
and the casual user
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought --- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone: Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
secure Freedom in a world at peace.
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
(freedomand)
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
(protect freedom and ensure
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
on the march
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
lote:
arityis
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union is deployeding has two mobile systems. And
We have none.
We need to develop and deploy ours. more prward with nrcwn mobile
(wo need to match then. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
and
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
have proposed
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
I am certain of Congressional
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
Support For ours.
comparable to the Soviets.
8
Our program calls for two systems :
A
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
small
Peace keeper
warhead ICBM missile the Midgetman and our MX multi-
The small mobile ICBM represents the future of our ICBM force
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
highly mobile with a single washead the very essence of stability and deterrence.
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
it
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
Peace keepers to
MXs to móbile, less vulnerable rail cars
providing survivabi lity at low cost
to this very effective and proven system.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
employs absolutely revolutionary technology tomake certain that it can
Bomber can avoid radar. how Its range is perfect for long range penetrate
defenses
missions And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible and assure
the future
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles. of the
manned
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
bomber.
erectibility
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
facer
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
determine
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
?
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed,
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
the small ICBM,
(Peace keeper)
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short term funding pain. But
AndI proposed to The Congress an affordable budget to pay for them.
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last
It is a solid, well thought. Cut and exertial
me place 8
program. The Corress should seppert car at
integrated strategic program.
and not try to substitute pet projects for eloseby
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war.
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
B. action Blank RSS
ac
JT
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
Boskin
GRAY
HAGIN
89 AUG 2
68
REMARKS:
AUG
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25.
Thank you.
A8:
IS
RESPONSE:
No comments--çalled in by Becky Blank--8/25
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Smith/Blessey)
1989 AUG 23
Draft Seven
2
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For, anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
Any"
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
HR3072
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
5 jr au 94
Cone. 19.3 billin Is
of Ed anticle- Dub Choney-
it
profested shaft
2930
Hre: kep alive.
OK by OMB
Howe Monison has already dodoct thes
Krintin (Km)
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
8
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding pain. But
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war.
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
SENT BY:The TICKET CENTER
; 8-24-89 ; 9:02AM ; LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRS-
2024566221;#15
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE: 8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks, American Legion
ACTION FYI
TION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURG
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
-
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
\
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
R
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
A
FITZWATER
Boskin
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25.
Thank you.
None
RESPONSE:
Nick Calio
OLA
89 AUG 25 89 25 A9:35 A9: 35
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Document No. 066158
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
8/23/89
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2:00 8/25/89
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks; American Legion
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
STUDDERT
BATES
UNTERMEYER
BREEDEN
PINKERTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
Bennett
FITZWATER
Boskin
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chris Winston's
office with an info copy to my office by 2:00 Friday, August 25.
Thank you.
RESPONSE:
See comments
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
(Smith/Blessey)
1330
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
men
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
3060
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
X
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that business,
moen
announcement I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
X3060
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
moein
1
What Wilson meant, of course, [was] that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving [of themselves, and
more
x3060
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today
in
moen
X3060
peacetime as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment. " It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man And by
preserving liberty without war, to secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign ---- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plague the
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game.
main x 3060
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will --- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start.
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to go clean. With
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
5
slammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they'll get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
is also
main
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
X3060
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
It is
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
Malin
A
X3060
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is." "
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Marrison + 4734
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress approve makes our level
these
comparable to the Soviets programs:
8
Such parity can be ensured in two ways Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
Morrison
our Bomber force, will be
X4734
streatengh diy The third part of our deterrent triad , -- the B-2, or Stealth,
Bomber 1 can which avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the.B-2 makes impossible
a Bomber force moderning it by
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
will be
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding pain. But
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
should read
The third part of our deterrent triad, our Bomberforce,
will be strengthened by the B-2 or Stealth Bomber,
which can avoid radar.
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
"
war.
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon. the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
#
#
#
#
DUeFRINOON FILE
BENNETT
(Smith/Blessey)
COMMENSS
Draft Seven
August 23, 1989
LEGION
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: AMERICAN LEGION
WASHINGTON, D.C.
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1989
Justice Gierke [GER-kee] -- and let me salute the first Viet
Nam veteran to be selected National Commander. And all of you
who represent our Nation's largest and fastest-growing veterans
organization -- now 2.8 million strong.
As always, it is a great privilege to join you. And a deep
personal pleasure to renew old ties. And to greet new friends.
Today is September 7th -- and I'm determined not to repeat
the mistake I made last year when I referred to this date as
Pearl Harbor Day. Now that I've dispensed with that
announcement, I want to wish all of you a happy Thanksgiving.
Not surprisingly, anniversaries were on my mind as I
traveled here from Washington. Past the Pentagon. The Congress.
And then Fort McHenry. And it got me to thinking how 1989 marks
the 175th anniversary of the "Star-Bangled Banner." And how your
convention lies so near its famous birthplace.
Yesterday, you did something that would have pleased Francis
Scott Key -- and for which I thank you. For by supporting a
Constitutional Amendment making it illegal to desecrate the
American flag, you joined the crusade to protect the symbol of
America's honor. What our flag embodies is too sacred to be
abused.
2
Woodrow Wilson once called the flag "the embodiment, not of
sentiment, but of history." And then he went on to say, "It
represents the experiences made by men and women, the experiences
of those who do and live under that flag."
What Wilson meant, of course, was that the flag -- like
America -- represents many things. It represents self-expression
and opportunity. And democracy for all.
Like America, too, Old Glory reflects the values -- moral
and intellectual, economic and military -- that have made, and
keep, us strong.
And like America, the flag symbolizes the gallantry of
veterans who love their country -- giving of themselves, and
often of their lives. Storming the beaches of Anzio. Scaling
the cliffs of Normandy. Taking shell-torn hills named Hamburger
and Arrowhead.
Fellow veterans, for 71 years the "experiences" of the
American Legion -- its "men and women" -- have helped write the
Story of America -- and the story of our flag. And today -- in
peacetime, as in wartime -- you write their stories still.
For the flag, like America, is more than "sentiment." It
lives. On a rugged hill at Iwo Jima. It lifts. The tiny hand
of the little girl I saw on a street corner in Gdansk, waving the
Stars and Stripes. For both encapsule freedom. The freedom to
vote as we want, and pray where we choose. The freedom to go
about our daily lives without tyranny or fear.
3
Fifty years ago last Friday, our allies went to war to
protect this freedom. For as panzer tanks crossed the Polish
frontier, and bombers savaged Warsaw, liberty confronted an evil
which -- even now -- defines hell on earth.
In the end, that conflict took more than 55 million lives.
And underscored, as few things have, man's inhumanity to man.
Our challenge today is to prove man's humanity to man. And by
preserving liberty without war, secure what Franklin Roosevelt
called the "Four Freedoms": Freedoms of speech, of religion,
freedom from want and fear.
Today, I want to focus on one of those freedoms -- freedom
from fear. The fear of war abroad. The fear of drugs and crime
at home.
To win that freedom -- to build a better, safer life -- will
require the bravery, and sacrifice, that Americans have shown
before. And must again. Already we have done much. Now, we
must do more. And achieve real peace -- both domestic and
foreign -- the kind of peace which lasts.
First, our mission at home -- to free our country from the
fear of drugs and crime. When we ask what kind of society the
American people deserve, our answer is -- and must be -- a Nation
in which law-abiding citizens are safe and feel safe.
That is why we have sent a comprehensive battle plan to
Congress to put an end to the crime and drugs which plaguesthe
United States.
4
First, our plan seeks to rid America of violent criminals
with an attack on four fronts. New laws -- to punish them. New
agents -- to arrest them. New prosecutors -- to convict them.
And new prisons -- to hold them.
We propose to dramatically change the rules of the game.
Mandatory time for firearms offenses. No deals when criminals
use a gun. And for the most heinous crimes -- you remember my
promise. For anyone who kills a law enforcement officer -- no
penalty is too tough. We want Congress to enact the steps needed
to implement the death penalty.
In short, our crime proposals are based on three principles.
Every criminal in this Nation must understand that if they commit
a crime, they will be caught. And if caught, they will be
prosecuted. And if convicted, they will do time. By taking
hoods off the streets, we can -- and will -- take back the
streets.
I ask you to support our crime plan. And yet it's only one
part of the answer. So, two nights ago, I announced America's
comprehensive
first national strategy to win the war on drugs.
Our drug program aims to stop drug abuse before its start S
Through education and prevention -- from grade school to graduate
school. And, second, to help addicts who want to get go clean. With
Through thru treatment
^
special emphasis on expectant mothers. Then, there's the third
part of our strategy -- giving drug dealers the security of the
getting
off the streets
and behindbars where
they belong.
5
lammer. And for their ultimate bosses -- the drug lords -- life
in prison, with no parole. And, finally, working with other
governments to help crack international drug rings.
As veterans, you know how battles are often fought -- house-
by-house, block-by-block. Well, we'll win this battle the same
way. Winning kid-by-kid, neighborhood-by-neighborhood.
For years now, drugs have written a sad chapter in the
American story. This morning, I ask you to help write an ending
all of us can be proud of. Cops can't do it alone. Teachers
can't do it alone. The addict weary of abuse can't do it alone.
They need your help. And I know they' 11 get it -- just as you've
helped handicapped kids, donated blood, housed the National
League of Families, and spurred good government through programs
like Boys State and Girls State.
Today, for instance, Post Number 65 in Rosemont, Minnesota,
runs the program "Drug Talk." And in Russelville, Arkansas, I
especially like Post Number 20's giveaway of thousands of rulers.
Their message says it all. "You really measure up when you say
'No' to drugs." You know -- as I do -- that we're in this
together. So let us fight on any front, and every front. Supply
and demand. Education and rehabiliation. Interdiction and
enforcement. In the cities, and the towns. Walter Lippman once
wrote of a "Nation at the mercy of violence." America must never
surrender to the violence of drugs and crime -- the future of our
children depends on it.
6
This morning, I have talked about our mission to secure
freedom from fear at home. But we also have another mission -- a
global mission -- to free America from the fear of war.
Half-a-century ago, Ike, and Nimitz, and Jimmy Doolittle,
and millions of unsung heroes -- like many here today -- fought
to end a war. You fought at Guadalcanal and Monte Casino. At
Remagen and Bataan. You fought to rid the world of
totalitarianism and tyranny.
Our challenge may be less dramatic, but just as vital: To
make fragile peace strong, and temporary peace permanent. Today,
ours remains a global stage, and America remains its leading
player. And we must use our strength to keep the peace. Well,
this we know from World War II: The best way to ensure peace is
for America to be militarily strong.
Thankfully, America today is strong. And our strength has
helped democracy's tide run in -- even as tyranny's tide runs
out. In Poland and Hungary, in countries East and West, liberty
is sweeping the globe. Yet with even hopeful change comes
uncertainty. And with uncertainty comes the need for vigilance.
This is no time to declare freedom's victory before the fact.
That is why we need a national defense that ensures a strong
and secure America. And why I'm pleased that the Senate largely
agrees. This week, our defense authorization bill moves to
House-Senate conference committee. There's just one problem:
The House version is unacceptable. It continues unneeded
programs costing nearly $20 billion from 1990-94. Holding our
7
defense budget hostage to pork-barrel projects that will strip
money from programs crucial to strategic modernization.
This modernization is vital -- vital because America must
base its procurement decisions not on perestroika and glasnost --
but on the future capacity -- the actual weapons -- that any
Soviet leader might have available. As decades change, so do the
weapons needed to deter other Nations' first-strike ability.
This President -- any President -- would betray his office if --
yielding to today's headlines -- he viewed America's deterrence
in a vacuum.
I don't -- and won't. For we we must maintain America's
defense by strengthening its deterrent triad. And by that I
mean: Submarines, missiles, and the B-2 bomber.
We have called for two Trident submarines to be funded in
1990 and 1991. Today, I renew that call. And reaffirm my
commitment to the second part of our triad: strategic land-based
missiles. Already, the Soviet Union has two mobile systems. And
we need to match them. Not only to modernize our forces into the
21st Century. But to gain leverage for arms control.
What we're talking about is simple logic. Or as Sam Rayburn
said, "If a man has common sense, he has all the sense there is."
We want to ban all mobile missiles in the Strategic Arms
Reduction Talks. But common sense tells us: We won't be in a
bargaining position to ban any until the Congress makes our level
comparable to the Soviets.
8
Such parity can be ensured in two ways: Our new single-
warhead ICBM missile -- the Midgetman -- and our MX multi-
warhead ICBM. When deployed, the Midgetman will require more
than one enemy missile to take out a single warhead. And that
makes sense. But the Midgetman won't be ready until 1997. So to
fill the void, I have asked Congress for funds to shift existing
MXs to mobile, less vulnerable rail cars.
The third part of our deterrent triad -- the B-2 or Stealth
Bomber -- can avoid radar. Its range is perfect for long-range
missions. And here's the kicker: the B-2 makes it impossible
for any country to destroy a mixed force of bombers and missiles.
Finally, there's the last part of our defense equation --
the Strategic Defense Initiative. SDI will begin the movement
from offensive to defensive deterrence. And deter not merely
existing threats but also Nations on the verge of possessing
nuclear and chemical missiles. And in an attack, it will put
would-be aggressors in the dark about what targets are destroyed.
If that's not common sense, I don't like fishing.
Fellow veterans, real peace is not an accident. So, let us
modernize our strategic forces. And, thus, encourage arms
control. We need the Trident and Midgetman. We need the MX, B-
2, and SDI. Yes, each involves short-term funding pain. But
each is crucial to a defense posture that is responsible --
fiscally -- and cohesive -- strategically. We know that when it
comes to national defense, finishing second means finishing last.
9
Thirty-four years ago, Douglas MacArthur returned to the
Plain at West Point, where he gave a speech to the cadets. "The
soldier," he told them, "above all other people, prays for peace
-- for he must suffer and bear the deepest wounds and scars of
war.
"
Each of us knows the truth of General MacArthur's words.
Yes, at times, war has been inevitable -- at times, even
necessary. But not here. Not now. Not if we summon the heart
and will to build a more secure and peaceful world.
We can have an America free from war, free from drugs and
crime. An America free from fear. What a wonderful legacy --
for this and generations of children to come.
Some might call it only a dream. I say: America is the
land of dreams -- dreams that come true. God bless you all, and
God bless the United States of America.
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