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Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
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This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
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Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
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Speechwriting, White House Office of
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Speech File Draft Files
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13517-005
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POTUS Press Conference 1/24/90 [OA 4391]
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2
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
January 24, 1990
PRESS CONFERENCE
BY THE PRESIDENT
The Briefing Room
9:16 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning, good morning. Well, as you
know, I'll soon present my budget to the Congress. And as I prepare
to do so, it strikes me that our nation faces challenges on many
fronts, so let's give each the attention it deserves. Tomorrow I'm
going to announce the second phase of our strategy to fight drugs in
the schools and the streets of America. The future of this country
depends on whether we can give our children a chance to grow up drug
free.
And secondly, I will soon present our plan to restructure
America's defenses in the wake of the dramatic changes that are
taking place abroad. And I'm proposing a defense budget that begins
the transition to a restructured military. A new strategy that is
more flexible, more geared to contingencies outside of Europe while
continuing to meet our inescapable responsibility to NATO and to
maintaining the global balance.
And finally, Secretary Brady and Director Darman and
Chairman Boskin will put the details of our budget before the
American people. And as that occurs, other members of the
administration, the Cabinet, key agencies will provide an in-depth
outline of their efforts to address the many challenges of caring for
the afflicted and uplifting the poor, cleaning the environment,
educating our kids, as well as other important issues. All of this
is a preparatory to the State of the Union, one week from today, in
which I will speak to the broader issues that we face as a nation.
There are two items that I want to mention here today and
then take some questions. First, I've decided that the environmental
challenges that face America and the world are so important now that
they must be addressed from the highest level of our government. And
at the beginning of this century, President Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, helped pave the way for the establishment of the National
Park System. Twenty years ago, President Nixon established the EPA,
Environmental Protection Agency, by Executive Order. That is now one
of the largest and most important regulatory agencies in the
government. And today, I'd like to announce another step forward in
this important tradition of support for conservation and
environmental protection.
Many countries have environmental ministers with Cabinet
status. And I'm convinced that that Cabinet status will help
influence the world's environmental policies. So, with so many
difficult decisions ahead, I'll need Bill Riley's counsel; I'll need
him sitting at my side in the Cabinet, and I'm please to endorse the
elevation of the EPA to Cabinet status by creating a Department of
the Environment.
Senators Glen and Bill Roth, Chairman and ranking members
of the Senate Government Affairs Committee, have introduced
legislation that would create this department. Congressmen Conyers
and Horton are working on similar legislation, and I look forward to
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working with them and other interested members of the House and
Senate to enact legislation that would bring EPA to the Cabinet table
where it now belongs.
And now, I'd like to address one other issue that I know
is foremost on your minds. Every American should know -- I want to
take this opportunity to state this as strongly as I can -- that I
will not break faith with the Chinese students here. I've made that
very clear from the very beginning. And right after Tiananmen, I
moved to protect the Chinese students in this country. Not one was
sent back. They were safe then and they are safe now and they will
be safe in the future.
And when Congress passed the Pelosi bill last fall, I was
faced with a choice. If I signed the bill, the students would still
be safe, but China would retaliate and cut off future student
exchanged. You see, I think the exchanges have brought forward the
reforms that have taken place in China, if you look back over your
shoulders for a starting point and compare it to the Cultural
Revolution days. Some of the reforms have taken place, steps have
been taken forward, and regrettably Tiananmen was a step -- gigantic
step back. But I want to keep contact; I do not want isolation.
If I vetoed the bill, I could take action to provide the
students with even greater protection while keeping the door open for
more Chinese scholars to study here. And the price of the Pelosi
bill is lost opportunity for the Chinese scholars of tomorrow. And
people should understand that very, very clearly. The bill is
totally unnecessary, the long-term policy consequences are
potentially great, and Congress, in my view, will have only itself to
blame. I can understand their emotion, but we've got to look at
policy and we've got to be fair in what has already been accomplished
by the Executive Order. It's a strong message. I want it to be seen
exactly that way.
And now, I'd be delighted to take any questions.
Q
Mr. President, how serious a crisis is the
nationalist rebellion in Azerbaijan for President Gorbachev, and what
are the chances that he'll survive this test and the challenge from
the Baltics?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think the answer to your question
unfolds every day. We don't really know. And it is serious.
Gorbachev has always indicated a desire to restrain -- for peaceful
change inside the Soviet Union -- and I refer to what he said on the
Baltics. He's faced with an ethnic problem here and an internal
problem of enormous dimensions. But I don't know, Terry. I can't
make predictions about that. But I know that I hope that he not only
survives, but stays strong. Because I think it is on our interest
that perestroika succeed and go forward.
Q
Could I just follow up on that? Do you think that
he's gone too far in the crackdown in Baku?
THE PRESIDENT: Anytime you have a use of force and the
loss of life, we are concerned. But I don't believe I can judge that
question right now.
Q Mr. President, you're very concerned with drugs, and
drugs are intimately connected now to guns. What do you tell your
grandchildren on why you would ban semiautomatic foreign-made guns
and not domestically produced? There were two students who were
killed in the last 10 days -- high school students here. Aren't you
deeply concerned? I mean, where's the lethal legal justification?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I am concerned, and I just don't
happen to believe that banning of weapons will take them out of the
hands of the criminals. And we've seen state law after state law
violated by the bad guys getting the weapons. And I believe that --
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so I don't want to go for more federal gun control. I'm not going to
do it. We've taken some steps that I think are helpful.
Q
Well, we are sending weapons, though, to Colombia
and so forth that are made in this country. How do you stop that?
THE PRESIDENT: To Colombia?
Q
And to other places where they're getting into --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, if they're going to the Columbian
government I wouldn't stop it; and if they're going to the bad guys
we would undergo -- follow every possible avenue to stop it.
Q Mr. President, back on China for a moment. It
appears your veto will be overridden in the House today. That would
require Senate actions for the job to be complete. I know you met
with Senate leaders this morning.
THE PRESIDENT: I did.
Q
Are you confident that just these remarks you've
made out here today and whatever else you may have said will be
enough, or do you really feel that the Chinese leadership, with whom
you've dealt with so long, kind of let you down here and didn't give
you a strong enough hand?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, what I did to try to. -- in talking
with the Senate leaders this morning, the Republicans, is to cite
certain things that -- steps that China has taken. They've accepted
the Peace Corps volunteers. You see, I think that's good. People
will say, well, in the face of Tiananmen that's not good. I think it
is good, because I think cultural contacts, educational contacts will
benefit, in the long run, democracy and reform in China.
They've accredited a VOA correspondent, as you know who
were kicked out. They've muted the hostile propaganda against
Americans and stopped harassing the U.S. Embassy. That's good.
That's important to me, as President, who feels a certain
responsibility for the people there. They've given some assurances
on missile sales. Want to see them follow up, but I think that's
positive. They've reopened the Fulbright exchanges. I think that's
good, and I think that's positive.
And I think if we let Congress have its head and do what
is emotionally popular, these things would be changed. They've
lifted martial law. I don't know a single member of Congress that if
I'd have said to them, look, we think by sending General Scowcroft
and Larry Eagleburger over there we can get martial law lifted, do
you think it's worth it, I think most would have said, sure, that
would be a good step. It happens and we see a lot of criticism of
it.
They've released 573 people that were detained after last
June's events.
You can argue about any one of these points, but I ask
the Senate and the House -- it may be a little late for that one --
the Senate to take a look at these things, and put it in the totality
of a policy. And, you see, I think there are some real reasons --
Asian reasons if you will, Cambodia and Japan -- that we should
retain relations with China. That doesn't mean we endorse the lack
of human rights. I tell you, one of the criticisms that gets to me a
little, and I vowed -- I didn't tell you my New Year's resolution was
not to let it get to me -- but is the idea I don't care about human
rights. That is absolutely ridiculous. I want to see China move
forward. And some think isolation, some think a railroad up there in
the Congress is going to do it. And I don't think SO. I think we're
handling it pretty well, Brit.
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Q
Just to follow up, Mr. President, did you in any way
convey to the Chinese leaders the idea that these steps taken so far
would be enough to head off this action taken by Congress, which they
must find as unfavorable às you?
THE PRESIDENT: No, we didn't give a timetable, but we've
encouraged in every way we can these and more. But I'm just asking
that people look at them. I have not seen them -- maybe it's my
fault -- one account on whatever media of these steps put together as
a packet. I haven't seen one. So I'd like to suggest to the
Congress that are debating this to take a hard look at this and see
whether it's progress, whether it adds up to anything, or, as some of
our critics would say, is pure boilerplate.
Q
Mr. President, in voting, in the House particularly
-- you seem to be conceding that that's gone for you -- do you think
that there's a problem of trust here with you? Are they saying they
don't trust you to go forward on this student thing? After all you
told them you weren't going to have high-level exchanges and while
you were telling them that you were sending a high-level delegation.
Do you have a credibility problem?
THE PRESIDENT: Where was the exchange in that? What the
exchange was, Lesley, was when the Secretary of Commerce was going to
go to China in an exchange visit arranged by their Commerce Minister.
That was cancelled.
Q
Yes, but they obviously thought it included
high-level contacts. The question is --
THE PRESIDENT: Who were they?
Q
-- do you think you have a problem with them not
trusting you because of that?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't think it's a question of
trust. I think the students have done a very good job presenting
their case to the Congress. I think there are some politics involved
-- crass politics. When you hear name-calling, when you hear people
saying "cowtow," that is not the kindest word to say we have an
honest policy difference with this President. And so there's some
politics involved in this as well.
But I think there's some genuine feeling that these
students have a very good case. And what I want to do is make the
case that the way to continue reforms and have reform go forward is
not through isolation and unilateral congressional action, but
through the kinds of contacts that I foresee, and encouraging the
kinds of steps that have already been taken.
Q
You talk about the lifting of martial law. What
about the situation as it exists without the gesture? Are you at all
disturbed that the repression goes on? Could you be --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I'm very much concerned about the
status quo. And I was terribly concerned at the time of the Cultural
Revolution when we made the original contact with China. And it was
a good thing we did, because you began, through contacts with the
West, to see China pull out of this middle kingdom syndrome and move
forward.
And I think I know enough about it that in China you get
a couple of steps forward and then somebody steps back. And a look
at Deng Xioaping's own history -- I think he was out three times and
in four. And some will argue, well, he's part of the problem -- he's
now retired -- but the reforms, particularly on the economic side,
that brought a new level of prosperity to the Chinese people really
was started by him.
So I'm not giving up -- I mean, I'm not accepting the
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status quo at all. And China knows my position on this. But I do
think that there's some indignation about students, there is some
feeling I'm talking about the Congress now -- there's a lot here
-- of empathy with the students right here. But I think there's also
a dose of political rhetoric up there that certainly has diminished
the other side. And I will readily concede maybe I could have done
better and sooner in presenting the facts of this case. The Attorney
General is doing a good job showing the differences between the
Pelosi bill and what we've already accomplished. I don't know where
we'll come out, but I'm going to keep on working the policy.
Q Mr. President, given the weakness of the dollar and
the turmoil in the financial markets and the recent poor economic
indicators, what are you going to do to calm the economy -- calm the
markets and keep the economy from sliding into a recession?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, one thing I'm not going to do is
comment on levels of the market, except to say that there's been a
substantial increase over the last year -- and some are reading the
recent couple of days as corrections, although I gather it recovered
a little bit yesterday. And the market has always been an indicator,
and it's been one that's been read quite positively. But I don't
want to get into market levels. What I do want to do is establish
sound policies. And I'm convinced that if we can get the cooperation
of Congress that we need on reducing the deficit that that will go a
long way not in market prices, but in terms of the fundamentals on
the economy.
It's slowed down a little; there's a lot of prediction
that it'll be slow for a while and then have a rather robust step up,
come summer. But I don't know. All I know is that we've got to not
bash anybody, but get out there and try to enact policies that will
help keep the longest recovery in modern history going.
Q
You've said that you felt that there was room for
further reduction of interest rates. Given the need to attract
foreign investment from overseas where rates are high, how do you
square that with your call for lower interest rates?
THE PRESIDENT: You mean, to attract --
2
Attract foreign investment to cover the U.S.
deficit, and yet, we're competing against the foreign investment --
THE PRESIDENT: I think people see the U.S. still,
regardless of what's temporary out there, as the safest haven for
investment anywhere in the world. And I want to conduct the fiscal
policies of this government so they will continue to see it that way.
Q
Going back to the vote on the Chinese student visas,
you and your people have been trying to get that vote delayed. Is
that because you have some indication from the Chinese that they may
soon release Fang Lizhi?
THE PRESIDENT: No.
&
and if this vote goes against you, it could hurt
his chances?
THE PRESIDENT: No, it is not. But I don't think it will
help his chances. But I would love to see that step taken by the
Chinese. But it isn't -- there's not a -- I think we're reconciled
to the fact that the vote will go forward tomorrow in the Senate.
Q
When you try to defend your China policy, one thing
you never do is talk about the China card. You seem to hate that
expression, even though when Kissinger and Nixon were doing it, it
was considered a master stroke of foreign policy, playing the Chinese
off against the Soviets. If Gorbachev does fall from power and is
succeeded by men whose role model is Joe Stalin, aren't you going to
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have to play the China card, too?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't think you play a card. I think
that's gratuitously offensive to the Soviets and to the Chinese. But
one of the reasons I want to stay engaged is that there are
geopolitical reasons to have good relations or improved relations
even under these unsatisfactory conditions. And it's going to be
hard to do because of the human rights setback. But I want to have
some contact. I want to retain contact because, as you look around
the world -- take a look at Cambodia, take a look at Japan, take a
look at a lot of countries in the Pacific -- China is a key player.
And I'd like to think that our representations will have them move
forward on the human rights side so we can have a more normalized
relationship with them.
Q Mr. President, regarding the Soviet Union, have you
in the course of these events going on in Baku or any of your senior
people -- I see General Scowcroft is here -- been in touch with Mr.
Gorbachev or his people to discuss how severe it is?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we've had contact with him. I
don't remember when my last contact was with Mr. Gorbachev. But it
didn't relate specifically to the Baku.
Q Could I then follow, sir, to ask you to reconcile,
if you can, the position that you've taken that you say you want Mr.
Gorbachev to survive and succeed, and on the other hand, you have
areas of the Soviet Union, such as the Baltics, that you do not
recognize as being part of the Soviet Union, and where you say you
favor independent pursuit of their own destiny. Does he succeed of
the secede?
THE PRESIDENT: Again, at this juncture, the U.S.
position is well-known, and you've stated it correctly, that we have
not recognized the status of the Baltics. However, what I say that
we want to do is to encourage Mr. Gorbachev's stand that peaceful
change is the order of the day. And he's sorting out some very
difficult internal problems in these three Baltic countries. And I
don't think it helps facilitate things for us to fine-tune all that.
They know our position. I talked to him about this, incidentally, at
Malta, and the thing I think is that, in looking at the Soviet scene
there, that he is still adhering as best he can to the concept of
peaceful change in the Baltics. And that's got to dominate.
Q
Mr. President, President Jaruzelski of Poland
recently suggested that the four big powers reaffirm the frontiers of
Poland irrespective of whatever happens to Germany. Would the United
States join such a reconfirmation of the frontier?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we have recognized under Helsinki
existing borders, and I have no problem reiterating that. But
whether that requires some kind of an international action on it, I
just have no judgment on that.
Q Mr. President, Havel, of Czechoslovakia, proposed
yesterday a summit Prague between Mr. Gorbachev and you. Do you
think it's a good idea?
THE PRESIDENT: Listen, I respect him so much, and I
don't just give him the back of my hand, but we've got a summit set,
and we have a very critical agenda that I want to see met -- goals
that I want to see met. And so I think at this time that suggestion
is not going to work out the way he suggests. But I was rather moved
by the suggestion and by the conditions that make the suggestion
possible. Who would have dreamed this a year ago, that the
conditions inside Czechoslovakia would give them less than a -- would
give them the freedom to make this kind of suggestion and have it
rather -- I was rather moved by it. But I don't believe it's going
to work for this summit.
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Q Mr. President, you've opposed the Moynihan Social
Security bill strongly. Would you endorse, or work for, or support a
Republican alternative proposed by Congressman Porter that would take
the Social Security increases for this next year and allow people to
keep those tax increases and put them in a separate account?
THE PRESIDENT: The Porter proposal has some interesting
ingredients to it. I am not prepared to endorse it. We don't have
provision for that in our budget proposals. It's worthy, though, of
consideration, of some study. But I'm not prepared to endorse that;
no, I'm not.
Q
Is that not the first step to privatizing Social
Security?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I don't think he would say that
that's the inevitable goal, but it has certain aspects there. But
the people are concerned about Social Security. So when you have
innovative thinking of that nature, I don't want to just gun it down.
I am not going to support it.
Q
Mr. President, over the last few years there have
been large increases in the Social Security tax. And even though
it's a regressive tax, people supported it, or swallowed it because
they were told that that was necessary to make the system solvent for
the next generation. But now everyone is finding out that, in fact,
that money isn't there any longer, that it's been used for debt
reduction. Given the fact that people are now realizing that this is
happening, do you think it's fair to ask them to continue to pay this
inceased tax for even one month longer?
THE PRESIDENT: The commission that reformed Social
Security was well aware of what you've just talked about. They
considered it. I think the commission included Mr. Moynihan -- I may
be mistaken, but I think it did. And they considered this point.
And we will have some innovative suggestions as we go along here as
to how to compensate for this understandable concern on the part of
some. But I would -- for now, for this year, we will not alter the
recommendations of that bipartisan commission.
Q Could I just briefly -- do you feel that this
increase was sold to people under false premises?
THE PRESIDENT: No, because I think these were
intelligent people wrestling with a very, very difficult problem and
I can't accuse them of selling the commission conclusions as under
false cover.
Q
Well, as you know, the budget deficit has been
coming down over the past few years solely because the Social
Security surplus has been rising. In fact, your own budget
projections show $200 billion a year deficits in the indefinite
future when you remove the Social Security surplus. Given the fact
that you have such a large deficit in every other program, when will
you and the Congress stop both bickering and accountant gimmicks and
deal with this problem that the American public has said for a decade
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you for the endorsement of our
approach, Owen. We would urge that we stop bickering and go forward
with the proposal that we come out with that I think will begin to
address itself to Maureen's question that is very sound. And
nobody's trying to conceal the fact that the Social Security Trust
Fund is operating at a surplus, that's not the -- there wasn't any
concealment by the Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill and others, that
entered into this bipartisan agreement.
Q Well wait, if I could follow, sir. Your own budget
proposal that you will unveil on Monday, which shows a $64 billion
deficit, in fact, if you remove Social Security would be closer to
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$150 billion. Is that not correct?
THE PRESIDENT: But you're making the argument of taking
-- the old argument of taking the Social Security Trust Fund off
budget. And at this juncture were not prepared to do that. But wait
until you see the detail and I hope you'll see == the American people
will see something here that begins to address itself to these
fundamentals that I think are properly being asked about.
Q Mr. President, could you confirm this week's
published report that there are divisions within your own immediate
family on the issue of abortion? And, in particular, could you
confirm the widely held view that your own wife supports abortion
rights
THE PRESIDENT: No, I couldn't confirm that. And I can't
-- and the meeting that I read about in one of the most respected
publications, was pure, unadulterated -- (laughter) -- malarkey, is
the word I like to use. It just wasn't there.
Q Mr. President, if I could follow up. As I
understand your position, you now say that the question of abortion
is one of personal choice, one on which Republicans can have diverse
views and still be good Republicans?
THE PRESIDENT: I've always said that. I've campaigned
for people that disagree with me on abortion.
Q
But my question is, you say it's an issue of
personal choice and a question of conscience, and yet you support a
constitutional amendment which would remove that choice for all
Americans. How do you reconcile those two?
THE PRESIDENT: I reconcile that I was elected to try to
fulfill the platform and the programs that I believe in. And SO
that's my personal choice, but that doesn't mean I have lack of
respect for others and that I'm going to go out and not campaign for
people that disagree with me on this issue, on foreign policy, or
whatever it is. And so that's how I explain it.
Q
Mr. President, last time you took questions here you
were claiming success for the capture of Noriega and also that you
had protected American lives in Panama. But what do you have to say
to the Panamanians about more than 200 civilian Panamanians that were
killed as a result of this invasion? And also, in your aid package
to Panama, which hasn't been announced yet, do you plan to offer any
compensation to the families of these people?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I'm not sure of the details on the
aid package because we haven't -- I haven't signed off on it yet.
But what I say to them is, look, you lost some Panamanian lives,
innocent life was lost. And yet, 92 percent of the people in Panama
strongly supported the action of the United States. Isn't that
significant? And I mourn the loss of innocent civilians in Panama or
anywhere else, and certainly mourn the loss of Americans. But you
have to feel concerned about that, but you have to look at the broad
picture and then you have to -- and I'm very pleased with the strong
support from the Panamanian people -- and then you've got to do
what's right. You have to try to help -- repair the wounds, repair
the damage.
We've got to go to the -- I know most of you are very
anxious to be at the arrival ceremony out there. And I have to be
there.
Q
Mr. President, another question that's been raised
about the Moynihan proposal is the fairness of the tax system. Over
the past decade, even as income tax has come down for high-paid
people, Social Security taxes have gone up, mostly for lower and
middle income people. Do you think that's fair?
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THE PRESIDENT: Well, look, if we were all starting over
I think we could fine-tune the entire tax system. We're not starting
over. And I think that system has been, in and out over the years,
basically a pretty fair system. And while I'm here, don't think I've
lost because of some arguments, political arguments on the Hill that
capital gains reduction is only for the rich. I support it. But the
reason I do is that in my view it increases jobs for people. So you
have to look at what individual -- somebody has an idea that some
individual deduction that encourages, say, drilling, when we are in
an increasingly negative oil supply situation. And some would say,
hey, that favors those who go out and drill, and I say, wait a
minute. That's true, and that may not be fair to some taxpayer here,
but the national interest is best served by the encouragement and
development of domestic resources. We're all fat, dumb and happy
about our energy situation today. And I'm not.
So there's all kinds of provisions that some will argue
are fair or unfair.
Q
But, sir, some of your favorite economists in think
tanks say that the Social Security tax acts as a great disincentive
to work and to employing people.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q
Doesn't that serve the same end?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think that's a legitimate
complaint about some of it, and that's one of the reasons I favor
holding the line on taxes. And one of the reasons I oppose Moynihan
is I think it's a disguise for increased taxes around the corner.
And I don't want to see the benefits of Social Security cut. It is
odd that a Republican President, often accused by political opponents
in an election year, is the one that is protecting the sanctity of
the Social Security benefits. And I would say to those out around
the country, take a hard look now; don't let that rabbit be pulled
out of the hat by one hand and 25 other rabbits dumped on you in
another. This is a very complicated situation and this is a
slight-of-hand operation here. And the very day Moynihan proposed
it, or the next day, what do we get? We get the call from another
prominent, respected Democratic Senator saying raise the sales tax on
everybody.
Before we go making a lot of changes, let's know exactly
where everybody's coming from in this. And I think Mr. Moynihan of a
few years back ought to go out and discuss it with Mr. Moynihan of
today, because he was a part, I believe, of a Social Security
compromise that didn't correct some of the injustices, it made --
hey, listen, I've got to be out there looking very strict here at
10:00 a.m. And you guys have to be there.
END
9:48 A.M. EST
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
1/23/90
6:00 TODAY
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
DRAFT STATEMENT FOR PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
WINSTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chriss Winston's
office with an information copy to my office by 6:00 pm TODAY Tuesday,
January 23. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Press Conference
Jan. 23, 1990
Draft: One
PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE: THE WHITE HOUSE
9:15 a.m., Wed., Jan. 24, 1990
Good morning.
As you know, I will soon present my budget to Congress. And
as I prepare to do so, it strikes me that our nation faces many
challenges on many fronts. So let us give each the attention it
deserves.
On Thursday, I will announce the second phase of our
strategy to fight drugs in the schools and streets of America.
The future of this country depends on whether we can give our
children a chance to grow up drug-free. That is what my drug
strategy is about.
((On Friday, I will present our plan to restructure
America's defenses in the wake of dramatic change abroad. So I'm
proposing a defense budget that begins the transition to a
restructured military -- a new strategy that is more flexible,
more geared to contingencies outside of Europe, while continuing
to meet our inescapable responsibility to NATO, and to
maintaining the global balance. In short, America must be ready
to lead in the new century to come.) )
On Monday, Secretary Brady, Director Darman and Chairman
Boskin will put the details of our budget before the American
2
people. Also on Monday, other members of this Administration --
the Cabinet and key agencies -- will provide an indepth outline
of their efforts to address the challenges of caring for the
afflicted, uplifting the poor, cleaning the environment and
educating our children, as well as other important issues.
Then, one week from today, I will go to the House chamber to
have a heart to heart talk with the American people and their
elected representatives. This is the time to frame the important
challenges facing us as we move toward the 21st century.
Therefore, I will speak of the broad issues we face as a people,
not the line-items we debate as politicians. 11
But today I do want to make two specific announcements.
First, I propose an aid package for the brave people of
Panama. ((Rest to come.) )
Second, I have decided that the environmental challenges
that face America -- and the world -- are so important that they
must be addressed from the highest level of our government.
At the beginning of this century, President Theodore
Roosevelt helped pave the way for the establishment of the
National Park System. Twenty years ago, President Nixon
established the Environmental Protection Agency by executive
order. EPA is now one of the largest and most important
regulatory agencies in the government. Today, I would like to
take another step forward in this important tradition of support
for conservation and environmental protection.
3
With so many difficult decisions ahead, I will need Bill
Reilly's counsel. I will need him sitting at my side, in my
Cabinet. So I am pleased to endorse the elevation of the EPA to
Cabinet status by creating a Department of the Environment. 11
Senators John Glenn and Bill Roth, the Chairman and Ranking
Members of the Senate Government Affairs Committee, have
introduced legislation that would create this new department.
Congressman Conyers and Horton are working on similar
legislation. I look forward to working with them and other
interested Members of the House and Senate to enact legislation
that would bring EPA to the Cabinet table, where it belongs.
Protecting the environment is one of the most important goals of
this Administration, and the elevation of EPA to the Cabinet
would reflect the priority I place on its missions and programs.
And now I'd be happy to take your questions.
#
#
#
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
1/23/90
6:00 TODAY
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
DRAFT STATEMENT FOR PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
1
SUNUNU
A
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
R
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
WINSTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
P
1
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chriss Winston's
office with an information copy to my office by 6:00 pm TODAY Tuesday,
January 23. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
see changes
15:98 8203023
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Press Conference
Jan. 23, 1990
Draft: One
PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE: THE WHITE HOUSE
9:15 a.m., Wed., Jan. 24, 1990
Good morning.
As you know, I will soon present my budget to Congress. And
as I prepare to do so, it strikes me that our nation faces many
challenges on many fronts. So let us give each challenge the attention it
deserves
was
considerable
As troversy
ther
On Thursday, I will announce the second phase of our
whether the
strategy to fight drugs in the schools and streets of America.
oFNantrol iona
The future of this country depends on whether we can give our
Dal
,rug should
X308
children a chance to grow up drug-free. That is what my drug
strategy is about.
not, be Ca should or be
policy status 45178 thendorsing binet
((On Friday, I will present our plan to restructure
dis drugs in ssed
America's defenses in the wake of dramatic change abroad. So I'm
proposing a defense budget that begins the transition to a
moreable to
EPA in spee ch Cobinet
restructured military -- a new strategy that is more flexible, capablate
meeting Deside
more geared to contingencies outside of Europe, while continuing Howard
is
Holen
to meet our inescapable responsibility to NATO, and to
maintaining the global balance. In short, America must be ready
1
to lead in the new century to come. ) )
On Monday, Secretary Brady, Director Darman and Chairman
Boskin will put the details of our budget before the American
2
people. Also on Monday, other members of this Administration --
the Cabinet and key agencies -- will provide an indepth outline
of their efforts to address the challenges of caring for the
afflicted, uplifting the poor, cleaning the environment and
educating our children, as well as other important issues.
Then, one week from today, I will go to the House chamber to
have a heart to heart talk with the American people and their
elected representatives. This is the time to frame the important
challenges facing us as we move toward the 21st Century.
Therefore, I will speak of the broad issues we face as a people,
not the line-items we debate as politicians. 11
But today I do want to make two specific announcements.
First, I propose an aid package for the brave people of
Panama. ((Rest to come.))
Second, I have decided that the environmental challenges
that face America -- and the world -- are so important that they
must be addressed from the highest level of our government.
At the beginning of this century, President Theodore
Roosevelt helped pave the way for the establishment of the
National Park System. Twenty years ago, President Nixon
established the Environmental Protection Agency by executive
order. EPA is now one of the largest and most important
regulatory agencies in the government. Today, I would like to
take another step forward in this important tradition of support
for conservation and environmental protection.
We support the Glenn-Roth
3
approach to elevating EPA
H adsoll
With so many difficult decisions ahead, I will need Bill
X 6190
Reilly's counsel. I will need him sitting at my side, in my
Cabinet. So I am pleased to endorse the elevation of the EPA to
Cabinet status by creating a Department of the Environment.
11
Senators John Glenn and Bill Roth, the Chairman and Ranking
Members of the Senate Government Affairs Committee, have
introduced legislation that would create this new department.
who head the House Don't 0 ps Cmto
Dale
Congressman Conyers and Horton are working on similar
X 3080
have introduced
legislation. I look forward to working with them and other
interested Members of the House and Senate to enact legislation
that would bring EPA to the Cabinet table, where it belongs.
Protecting the environment is one of the most important goals of
this Administration, and the elevation of EPA to the Cabinet
would reflect the priority I place on its missions and programs.
And now I'd be happy to take your questions.
#
#
#
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
1/23/90
6:00 TODAY
DATE:
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
DRAFT STATEMENT FOR PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
WINSTON
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
DEMAREST
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please provide your comments/recommendations directly to Chriss Winston's
office with an information copy to my office by 6:00 pm TODAY Tuesday,
January 23. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
N/C
1/23/90
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Press Conference
Jan. 23, 1990
Draft: One
PRESIDENTIAL PRESS CONFERENCE: THE WHITE HOUSE
9:15 a.m., Wed., Jan. 24, 1990
Good morning.
As you know, I will soon present my budget to Congress. And
as I prepare to do so, it strikes me that our nation faces many
challenges on many fronts. So let us give each the attention it
deserves.
On Thursday, I will announce the second phase of our
strategy to fight drugs in the schools and streets of America.
The future of this country depends on whether we can give our
children a chance to grow up drug-free. That is what my drug
strategy is about.
( (On Friday, I will present our plan to restructure
America's defenses in the wake of dramatic change abroad. So I'm
proposing a defense budget that begins the transition to a
restructured military -- a new strategy that is more flexible,
more geared to contingencies outside of Europe, while continuing
to meet our inescapable responsibility to NATO, and to
maintaining the global balance. In short, America must be ready
to lead in the new century to come. ) )
On Monday, Secretary Brady, Director Darman and Chairman
Boskin will put the details of our budget before the American
2
people. Also on Monday, other members of this Administration --
the Cabinet and key agencies -- will provide an indepth outline
of their efforts to address the challenges of caring for the
afflicted, uplifting the poor, cleaning the environment and
educating our children, as well as other important issues.
Then, one week from today, I will go to the House chamber to
have a heart to heart talk with the American people and their
elected representatives. This is the time to frame the important
challenges facing us as we move toward the 21st century.
Therefore, I will speak of the broad issues we face as a people,
not the line-items we debate as politicians. 11
But today I do want to make two specific announcements.
First, I propose an aid package for the brave people of
Panama. ( (Rest to come. ) )
Second, I have decided that the environmental challenges
that face America -- and the world -- are so important that they
must be addressed from the highest level of our government.
At the beginning of this century, President Theodore
Roosevelt helped pave the way for the establishment of the
National Park System. Twenty years ago, President Nixon
established the Environmental Protection Agency by executive
order. EPA is now one of the largest and most important
regulatory agencies in the government. Today, I would like to
take another step forward in this important tradition of support
for conservation and environmental protection.
3
With so many difficult decisions ahead, I will need Bill
Reilly's counsel. I will need him sitting at my side, in my
Cabinet. So I am pleased to endorse the elevation of the EPA to
Cabinet status by creating a Department of the Environment. 11
Senators John Glenn and Bill Roth, the Chairman and Ranking
Members of the Senate Government Affairs Committee, have
introduced legislation that would create this new department.
Congressman Conyers and Horton are working on similar
legislation. I look forward to working with them and other
interested Members of the House and Senate to enact legislation
that would bring EPA to the Cabinet table, where it belongs.
Protecting the environment is one of the most important goals of
this Administration, and the elevation of EPA to the Cabinet
would reflect the priority I place on its missions and programs.
And now I'd be happy to take your questions.
#
#
#