Ask the Scholar
Document scope · 1 page
Scholar
Ask about this object, its catalog metadata, its source description, or the page inventory.
For page-specific OCR and visual context, open one of the page chats.
Scholar Source Context
Document identity
localId
323150894
label
Commonwealth Club 2/7/90 [OA 4391] [1]
core
doc
dtoType
document
citationUrl
pageCount
1
Source metadata
id
323150894
contentType
document
title
Commonwealth Club 2/7/90 [OA 4391] [1]
citationUrl
identifierLocal
13519-010
collections
Records of the White House Office of Speechwriting (George H. W. Bush Administration)
Speech Draft Files
imageCount
1
hasImages
yes
source
import
hasTranscription
no
Source extras
naId
323150894
levelOfDescription
fileUnit
recordType
description
ocrSource
nara-archive
Single page context
seq
1
pageIndex
0
type
document
mediaId
6cb0980583a61d51
ocrText
Originally Processed With FOIA(s):
FOIA Number:
S
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the George Bush Presidential
Library Staff.
Record Group/Collection:
George H.W. Bush Presidential Records
Collection/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting, White House Office of
Series:
Speech File Draft Files
Subseries:
Chron File, 1989-1993
OA/ID Number:
13519
Folder ID Number:
13519-010
Folder Title:
Commonwealth Club 2/7/90 [OA 4391] [1]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
G
25
6
7
4
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(San Francisco, California)
For Immediate Release
February 7, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN QUESTION AND ANSWER SESSION WITH
MEMBERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH CLUB
San Francisco Hilton Hotel
San Francisco, California
12:59 P.M. PST
!
Having reviewed SDI at Livermore Lab today, do you
support moving ahead with the project?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I do. And our budget calls for
that. And again, I would remind the critics that it is defensive;
that the science and technology from it will benefit not just this
concept of a reasonably-priced way of intercepting somebody else's
missile -- whether it's from a major power or from some renegade hand
-- but that the science will benefit, I believe, the environment -- I
believe it has enormous potential for other uses. I feel more
strongly about that then when I went to Livermore.
o Will the expected troop reductions bring about a
savings that can be used to offset the increased cost in strategic
arms?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. And I hope that there will not be a
greatly increased cost in strategic arms. The Soviets have
modernized. They've modernized their systems and we have not yet.
But I would hope that the resulting reductions in the strategic arms,
which I am pledged to and which I will work for, will have a
beneficial effect on -- and will result in savings.
You see, I am convinced that if politics of international
change are handled correctly and if things go more forward, we will
eventually have far lower levels of spending. But I've spelled out
for you here why I think that should be approached in a very prudent
manner.
0
With the recent events in Eastern Europe, do you
think we should now again prepare for a world economic struggle,
rather than be preparing unnecessarily for a military struggle?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I wouldn't necessarily shift
priorities. I've told you the priority I place on defense. But when
it comes to competitiveness of the United States, we should be
struggling with that on the front burner right now. And I think we
are. And that's one of the reasons I increased dramatically R&D
spending in our budget. It's one of the inevitable by-products of a
better education system. It's why we're putting more emphasis on
math and science. It's why I'm imposing on great scientists like
David Packard and others to give us the advice on how we can become
more competitive. It's why my trade negotiator, Carla Hills, and our
Secretary of Commerce are doing their level best to convince people
that if we are going to have free trade, that has to be fair trade.
And so this competition on the economic front is big;
it's going to get even bigger, in my view, and we've got an enormous
job to do. Not just the federal government; we can't do this. Many
businesses have already moved into much more -- in the sense of
quality product -- moved much more into the sense of automation and
MORE
- 2 -
modernisation. So it is a national goal that we be more competitive,
but it can't wait until we get our defense program in line. It's
right wow. It's urgent. (Applause.)
And let me just throw in one, Joe, on the success of the
Uruguay trade round, for those who are a little more
technically-oriented than some. The success of this Uruguay trade
round is very, very important to our ability to enhance the rest of
the world and ourselves by free trade. But we've got some big
barriers out there. We've got some problems we have to overcome.
Q
Can you pledge that a certain amount of dollars from
armament reduction be transferred as a reduction in the debt?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I can't pledge that, but I an pledged
to get the deficit down in accordance with the Gramm-Rudman targets.
We will have that, if we get our way with Congress -- which doesn't
exactly do things the way I want, I've found out -- (laughter) -- but
if we g t that done, I stated in my State of the Union message, that
that should be an objective. And to move right into it, the minute
we are in balance -- which would be in three years. Now, I expect
there will be & lot of pressure on. You hear pressure today on what
is referred to alluring as a peace dividend. And it appeals to me.
There are things that I'd love to be able to say, we can put a little
more in this research, or we can help this homeless person a little
more, or whatever it is. The pressures will be on, but I think that
it would be a very good thing to do -- because I have this -- as a
grandparent of 12 I must confess, like a lot of people here, you
feel that we are burdening the generations to come with a debt that
does nothing but click off at the beginning of each year an
enormously high and even higher rate of interest that we're pledged
-- interest account that we're pledged to pay on the national debt.
so, yes, as I said in the State of the Union, that's what I want to
do. (Applause.)
0
If the Soviet Union and others in the Warsaw Pact
substantially scale back their military commitment, doesn't the U.S.
run the risk of moving in the opposite direction of the world? Are
we prepared to stand alone?
THE PRESIDENT: No, because I think as I mentioned to you
earlier, and this is the truth, our allies want us involved. They
don't want to see us decouple or delink from Europe. They see the
changes and welcome them. All the allied leaders -- and I talk to
the leaders of NATO on a fairly regular basis -- they see and welcome
the change, but they do not want to see the United States pull back
into what would be perceived worldwide as some kind of a
neo-isolationist decoupling.
And I am not suggesting that we can't save money; indeed,
we will. If our proposal. the proposal that I put forward -- is
accepted by the Soviets, and we negotiate out all the details and get
a CFE, Conventional Force Agreement, as we are proposing, I think we
will see substantial savings in -- that are made by the -- what do
you call it? Suddenly gone blank -- in terms of when you bring a guy
back and he no longer is in the army -- (laughter) -- but it's not
just transferring, it's a question of having fewer troops on both
sides. And that will inouitshly.result in some savings.
So we're aware that there's a chance to save, but it is
not that we are going to be swimming against the tide with our
European allies. And as I said in the speech -- and I recognize his
question -- didn't indicate the guy that asked the question was
asleep, he probably wrote the question before the speech -- I hope.
(Laughter.) But what I also said is that I hope and believe that
many of the new fledgling democracies in Eastern Europe are going to
welcome a stabilizing presence on the part of the United States.
Now, some will say that's sacrificing. And I say, no, it is in our
interest because we provide a certain stability that wouldn't be
there if wa, the United States, weren't there.
0
Do you see the freedom of the communist country as a
MORE
- 3 -
threat to the globe? That is, if they all want the conforts we have,
will we use up the resources of our Earth at an even greater rate?
THE PRESIDENT: No. I think there's an environmental
awareness in the world today that is encouraging. I will readily
concede there are some in what is known as the Third World -- I'm not
thinking so much as the evolution of Eastern Europe into the arms of
democracy -- but I think there's a feeling in some Third World
countries, don't you big guys from the United States who have raped,
pillaged and plundered the environment now come and tell us what we
can't do. We understand that. But we've got to work with them and
share our tremendously advanced technology, existing technology, as
we work to find even greater technological breakthroughs to protect
the environment.
But I don't think you're going to necessarily see that is
because of the evolution of Iron Curtain countries into growing --
hopefully, growing democracies. I think there's an awareness now in
Europe about the need to have sound international environmental
practice -- based on science. Not on myth, but on science.
0
As Eastern Europe and the U.S.S.R. progress toward
democracy, do you see foresee any potential military alliances being
formed that could threaten the Free World, such as & united Germany
and Japan?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't. And I think everybody
that's interested in foreign affairs, I'm sure, has an opinion one
way or another as to what happens on the reunification of Germany.
But I think that can be -- well, let me recite just as background the
U.S. position, which is, self-determination -- and this is the NATO
position -- self-determination, and then when it comes to borders, I
believe Helsinki says no alteration in borders without agreement of
the parties. So that gives you a rather stable framework.
Now, you can read every day about the rapidity of change
and what might happen in terms of German reunification. But I think
it can be managed in such a way that it will not be a threat to
Western Europe or to what was termed in the question, I think, the
Free World. And when I hear both Mr. Genscher and Chancellor Kohl
talking about a Germany that remains tied into NATO in some way --
maybe not a NATO in exactly the same form it is -- but that's
encouraging. That's encouraging.
IC
In the past, smaller countries used to play the U.S.
versus the U.S.S.R. to get military and economic aid. Now that
relations have improved with the U.S.S.R., and if we can anticipate
continued improvement, what are the chances of the U.S. and the
U.S.S.R. working together to solve some of the world's problems, such
as the Middle-East?
THE PRESIDENT: Better, far better. And I think there's
certain things that the Soviet Union could do that would facilitate
their role as a catalyst for peace in the Middle East. One of them
would be to assist more, through transportation -- direct flights --
for Soviet Jews wishing to leave the Soviet Union to go to Israel. I
think that would send a sign that their presence -- their interest in
the Middle East is not just on the side of what heretofore has been
the side OF the more radical states in the area. So they can do
something like that. I'd like to see them normalize diplomatic
relations with the State of Israel. I think that would be helpful.
But I would think that, as the Soviet Union evolves in a more
democratic fashion, that some of the concerns we've had in the past
will be lessened.
So I wouldn't say that at some point they wouldn't have a
useful role. I've cited two areas where I think they can have a
useful role in building credibility, not just with the State of
Israel, but with other states as well. So let's hope that they can
do something. (Applause.)
8 How can we help Mr. Gorbachev in his quest for a
MORE
- 6 -
the scourge of narcotics. (Applause.)
0 There are claims that the removal of General Ortega
will improve our efforts at interdicting drug -- international drug
trafficking. Do you agree with this?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I do, because there's some symbolism
there and just as I think the extradition of Carlos Lehder and the
Colombians pursuit of the drug lord that was recently killed down
there in battle in Colombia -- Those things help, because if they see
major participants, traffickers going about their life without
threat, why, 1 just think it sends the wrong signal.
0 Since the Panama invasion, have our relations with
Mexico improved?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. And I'll tell you one thing that
was good. Our Secretary of the Treasury went down there maybe -- I
don't know whether you saw it on Sunday -- and signed with President
Salinas, the very fine young President of Mexico, an agreement on
Third World debt. I think that was a good sign. I -- look, I think
I know enough about this hemisphere to know that anytime a United
States force is used in Central America or wherever else in this
hemisphere, there are going to be concerns built on a foundation of
history that concern our friends and those who are less friendly to
us in this hemisphere. But I've explained as best I can, through
letter and by phone, to these leaders why we acted the way we did.
I will tell you that I am convinced not only will the
relation - is the relationship with Mexico good and is it strong, I
see nothing but making it even better. And I'm going to work at
that, because Mexico we must not take for granted the fact that we
have marvelously strong allies to our North and friends to our South.
Sometimes, blessed as we our by our own geography, we forget that.
And there could be an inclination to neglect our neighbors, and I
don't want to do that. And I can't tell you that there has been no
strains, but I think some of what you've been reading about South
American reaction has been overstated. And I base that on some
contact with the individual leaders in this hemisphere. But it's an
exciting hemisphere. This hemisphere can be, in the next couple of
years, totally democratic. We must not neglect it.
So if somebody disagrees with me on Panama and South
America or Central America, that just redoubles my desire to make it
right. Make them understand that the President of the United States
is going to protect American life. Make them understand that 92
percent of the people in Panama support what I did. Make them
understand that democracy now has a chance. And make them understand
that we're going to assist that democracy. Once I do a better job of
that, I think any last concerns about what happened there will be
laid to rest. (Applause.)
0 Why are we wasting time with Noriega when he cannot
possibly receive a constitutionally-fair trail without compromising
national security? why not send him to exile in a country willing to
take him? (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, the line is not very long for one
thing. And secondly (laughter.) Secondly, look -- I would just
disagree with the person writing the question that the given is he
can't get a fair trial. of course, he can get a fair trial. And
we've seen that over and over again in highly-controversial cases.
And so our justice system that bends over backwards to be fair will,
indeed, acquit itself well in this case.
! Is your administration --
THE PRESIDENT: And should. The man's entitled to a fair
trial.
! Is your administration prepared to accept
governments you dislike, even if they carry their public support,
MORE
- 7 -
such as the Sandinistas in Nicaragua?
THE PRESIDENT: Please define acceptance. (Laughter.) I
mean, we are - By aspiration is to help and assist those countries
in this hemisphere that want to walk down democracy's road. Freedom.
Democracy. The very things that we see -- changes that we see coming
forward in Eastern Europe. Who would have thought we'd be talking
about trying to assist Czechoslovakia a year ago? Or Romania? or
some of these other countries? so I don't think we can dictate
exactly what kind of system somebody else has. It's not our
business, particularly if they have free and certifiably fair
elections. But I think one's inclination is to help those who have
the same reverence for democracy and freedom that we have.
0
You stated in your State of the Union Address that
you wish to improve education and to implement the goal of best by
2000 -- the year 2000. How do you plan to implement your goal of
having our graduates be the best by the year 2000?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we have a sound program, what I
call the Education Excellence Act, before the Congress today. It's
complex legislation, but I want to see it passed. Probably get
amended, probably get changed, but it challenges people to think
anew. We've gotten the governors together in a governors conference
that was more than just frill. What it did was set -- agree to set
national goals. And in the speech the other night, I spelled out
four of the national goals that the governors have agreed should be
national, and they, themselves, will get to work and redouble their
efforts in their states and try to encourage the localities to
implement the program that we've spelled out.
But let me be careful here, because it isn't the role of
the federal government to do this alone. It can't do it. Seven
percent of the educational spending in this country is federal. And
the rest, for very understandable, and I think, wonderful reasons,
belong at the state and local level -- or private educational
institution level.
And so, we can exhort; we can push for the kind of
legislation; we can push for implementation of the national goals
through the use of the bully-pulpit in the White House, and then,
we've got to encourage the governors and the local school boards and
our teachers when it comes to alternative certification, and all of
these things, to think anew. And we can do this. But we're trying
to set from Washington -- put some emphasis on things, like math and
science, so we can guarantee our ability to compete in the future.
But the federal government isn't going to do it alone. It wouldn't
be good, either, for the federal government to try to do it alone.
(Applause.)
Q President Bush, this is your last question, and
before I ask the question, I wish to remind our audience to please
remain seated until President Bush and Governor Deukmeijian have left
the room. This is a summary of many different questions that I've
received, President Bush, and that is, where is Mrs. Bush and how is
she? (Laughter and applause.)
Extended Dane 13,1
THE PRESIDENT: I know you'll never believe this, but I'm
getting a terrible inferiority complex. (Laughter.) She's fine.
And we both have something in common now -- the vision thing --
because she has this eye problem. But she is doing very well. There
is no hidden agenda to her health. And today, she is down as one of
the Thousand Points of Light, which she's been for a long time,
helping on literacy in Southern California. And I'll meet her
tonight in Omaha. But she's doing just great, and thank you for
asking about her. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
1:31 P.M. PST
COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
12 NOON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 7TH, 1990
THANK YOU DR. JOSEPH FINK, GOVERNOR DEUKMEIJIAN,
[YOUR GREAT SENATOR, PETE WILSON], AND COMMONWEALTH
CLUB PRESIDENT, JOSEPH PERRELLI. IT'S GREAT TO BE WITH
YOU TODAY.
((A FEW MINUTES AGO, I ASKED A 49ER FAN WHAT HE
THOUGHT WAS THE TURNING POINT IN THE SUPER BOWL. HE
SAID "THE NATIONAL ANTHEM. "))\\\
((OF COURSE, NOT ALL RECENT MEMORIES IN THE BAY
AREA HAVE BEEN PLEASANT ONES. I'M SURE YOU REMEMBER
THE LAST TIME I WAS HERE, AFTER THIS CITY SUFFERED A
TRAGEDY. I REMEMBER A CLUTTER OF CAR WRECKS, THAT
FLATTENED FREEWAY, AND A TERRIBLE BLACK CLOUD RISING
FROM THE MARINA DISTRICT. AND I KNOW SOME DAMAGE
REMAINS. BUT TODAY I'VE SEEN SOMETHING ELSE --
RENEWAL. THE PEOPLE OF THE BAY AREA HAVE STOOD UP,
DUSTED THEMSELVES OFF AND REBUILT. THE DEVASTATION AND
DANGER ARE PAST. BECAUSE YOU CAME TOGETHER, SAN
FRANCISCO IS AS BEAUTIFUL AS EVER\\ -- SAN FRANCISCO IS
BACK.))\\\
- 2 -
I HAVE COME BACK TO CALIFORNIA FOR ANOTHER REASON,
TO GIVE YOU -- NO-NONSENSE, HARDNOSED BUSINESSMEN AND
WOMEN THAT YOU ARE -- -- A STRAIGHTFORWARD AND HOPEFUL
MESSAGE ABOUT OUR NATIONAL SECURITY. YESTERDAY, AT
FORT IRWIN, I ALSO THANKED OUR MEN AND WOMEN IN UNIFORM
-- NOT JUST BECAUSE THEY KEEP AMERICA SAFE AND FREE. I
CAME TO THANK THEM BECAUSE THEY HELP TO MAKE POSSIBLE
THE WONDERFUL CHANGES THAT ARE SWEEPING THE WORLD.
AND AS THE THREATS TO AMERICAN SECURITY CHANGE, SO
TOO MUST OUR DEFENSE STRATEGY. IN 1986, DEFENSE
EXPENDITURES CONSUMED 6.3 PERCENT OF OUR GROSS NATIONAL
PRODUCT. AS YOU KNOW, I JUST SUBMITTED MY 1991 BUDGET
TO CONGRESS, WHICH HOLDS DOWN DEFENSE SPENDING FOR THE
FIFTH YEAR IN A ROW -- -- DOWN TO JUST ABOVE 5 PERCENT OF
GNP.
I AM SUBMITTING THIS BUDGET AT A TIME WHEN THE
POSTWAR WORLD WE HAVE KNOWN -- THE WORLD THAT BEGAN IN
1945 -- IS CHANGING BEFORE OUR VERY EYES. SO TO
UNDERSTAND WHERE WE ARE GOING, LET ME FIRST REVIEW
WHERE WE HAVE BEEN AND WHERE WE ARE TODAY.
- 3 -
THE FIRST GENERATION OF POSTWAR LEADERS HAD THE
CAUTIONARY EXAMPLE OF THEIR PREDECESSORS. THEY
REMEMBERED THAT THE GREAT WAR -- THE WAR TO END ALL
WARS -- WAS FOLLOWED BY CHAOS AND CONFLICT. THEY
REMEMBERED THAT VISIONARY STATESMEN, AFTER THE FIRST
WORLD WAR, HAD TRIED TO LIMIT LARGE NAVIES -- EVEN
OUTLAWED WAR ITSELF. BUT SOON THESE GREAT HOPES FADED
IN THE FACE OF UNCHECKED AGGRESSION. AND NO PACT COULD
PREVENT WORLD WAR TWO.
so BY 1945 OUR LEADERS HAD ACQUIRED A REALISM BORN
OF BLOODY EXPERIENCE, 11 A PRAGMATISM BORN OF A SOBER
APPRAISAL OF THE WORLD AS IT WAS. AND FROM HARRY
TRUMAN TO RONALD REAGAN, OUR STRENGTH BECAME THE
WORLD'S SHIELD; OUR IDEALS OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY,
THE WORLD'S HOPE. WE PAID DEARLY FOR THE DEFENSE OF
LIBERTY -- WITH OUR NATIONAL WEALTH, AND WITH MANY OF
OUR YOUNGEST AND BRAVEST.
- 4 -
AND so, OVER THE PAST 40 YEARS, OUR LEADERS
CONTINUED TO PROVIDE FOR WAR EVEN AS THEY SOUGHT PEACE.
IT WAS DURING THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION, IN THIS VERY
CITY, THAT MEN AND WOMEN OF GREAT VISION AND HIGH
IDEALS CAME FROM AROUND THE WORLD TO CREATE AN ASSEMBLY
OF NATIONS. AND so IT WAS IN SAN FRANCISCO, 45 YEARS
AGO, THAT THE UNITED NATIONS WAS BORN.
THEN, AS NOW, THE UNITED STATES STROVE TO BALANCE
ITS ROLE AS PEACE-KEEPER WITH THAT OF PEACE-MAKER. WE
HELPED CREATE THE UNITED NATIONS AND NATO; WE
ENCOURAGED SOVIET CHANGE EVEN AS WE THWARTED SOVIET
EXPANSION.
- 5 -
THOSE WHO CRAFTED THIS NEW POLICY CALLED IT
CONTAINMENT, AND PREDICTED THAT IF WE BLOCKED THE EASY
PATH OF EXPANSION, THE SOVIET UNION WOULD ONE DAY HAVE
TO CONFRONT THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ITS INHUMANE,
ILLOGICAL SYSTEM. THE PURPOSE OF CONTAINMENT WAS NOT
TO DEFEAT OR HUMILIATE THE SOVIETS. THE PURPOSE WAS TO
PRESERVE AND EXTEND LIBERTY. THE HOPE WAS SOMEDAY TO
SEE, AS GEORGE KENNAN PUT IT IN 1947, "THE GRADUAL
MELLOWING OF SOVIET POWER." IT TOOK NEARLY HALF A
CENTURY TO VINDICATE THIS STRATEGY, BUT WE CAN NOW SEE
THE RESULTS: TODAY, THE COLD WAR IS IN RETREAT. 111
THAT IS GOOD NEWS, FOR NO SANE MAN OR WOMAN IS
NOSTALGIC FOR THE COLD WAR. WE ARE INSPIRED BY THIS
REVOLUTION OF '89 -- HEARTENED, FOR EXAMPLE, TO SEE A
MAN OF LETTERS AND CONSCIENCE IN PRAGUE MOVE FROM
PRISON TO THE PRESIDENTIAL PALACE. WE ARE HEARTENED TO
SEE THE BERLIN WALL FALL, SETTING OFF A SHOCKWAVE THAT
UPENDED A TYRANT IN ROMANIA.
- 6 -
AND WE ARE GRATEFUL FOR SOMETHING MORE. NOW,
BECAUSE OF OUR STRENGTH AND THAT OF OUR ALLIES; NOW,
THANKS TO THE MARCH OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN
EUROPE -- AND EVEN IN THE SOVIET UNION ITSELF -- NOW
THE PROSPECTS FOR AN ENDURING PEACE ARE GREATER THAN
EVER BEFORE. WE CAN NOW ENVISION A NEW DESTINY FOR THE
NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT -- THAT OF A EUROPE TRULY
WHOLE AND FREE. III
WE ARE TAKING THE FIRST STEPS ACROSS A BRIDGE
BEGUN BY OTHERS LONG AGO. IT IS A BRIDGE THAT CAN LEAD
US FROM SEEMINGLY ENDLESS CONFLICT TO THE PROMISE OF A
LASTING PEACE. BUT NO MATTER HOW GREAT THE PROMISE, WE
MUST BE CERTAIN THE BRIDGE IS SECURE.
AS PRESIDENT, I RECEIVE AN INTELLIGENCE BRIEFING
EVERY MORNING. AND I RECEIVE THE BEST INFORMATION
AVAILABLE TO ANY WORLD LEADER TODAY. YET THE MORNING
NEWS IS OFTEN OVERTAKEN BY THE NEWS THAT VERY EVENING.
THE WORLD IS SIMPLY MOVING TOO FAST TO FORECAST WITH
ABSOLUTE CERTAINTY WHAT WILL HAPPEN NEXT. OUR
CHALLENGE IS TO MANAGE THIS PERIOD OF TRANSITION FROM
THE WORLD OF TODAY TO THE WORLD OF TOMORROW -- AND
SAFEGUARD THE SECURITY OF AMERICA IN THE PROCESS.
- 7 -
OUR PURSUIT OF THIS PROMISING FUTURE MUST START
WITH AN UNDERSTANDING OF TODAY'S REALITIES.
TAKE, FOR EXAMPLE, MY MOST RECENT PROPOSAL, WARMLY
RECEIVED BY OUR ALLIES AND PRESIDENT GORBACHEV. I
PROPOSED REDUCING THE TROOP LEVELS ON BOTH SIDES IN
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE TO 195,000 TROOPS. THAT'S
THE LESS THREATENING FUTURE WE ENVISION, AND IT HOLDS
GREAT PROMISE.
BUT RIGHT NOW THE SOVIETS STILL HAVE MORE THAN
560,000 MEN UNDER ARMS IN CENTRAL EUROPE.
ON THE ISSUE OF STRATEGIC WEAPONS WE HAVE MADE
PROGRESS IN THE START NEGOTIATIONS. WE NOW HOPE TO
SLASH dramatically THE NUMBER OF STRATEGIC WEAPONS ON BOTH SIDES IN
HALF. IT IS THESE IMPORTANT REDUCTIONS THAT SECRETARY
BAKER IS SEEKING THIS VERY DAY IN MOSCOW. THAT'S THE
FUTURE WE ENVISION, AND IT TOO HOLDS GREAT PROMISE.
- 8 -
BUT LET US NOT FORGET THAT RIGHT NOW THE SOVIETS
STILL HAVE MORE THAN 10,000 STRATEGIC WEAPONS. THEY
ARE MODERNIZING THEM; THEY HAVE DEPLOYED TWO NEW MOBILE
ICBMS, AND THEIR SPENDING ON THEIR STRATEGIC DEFENSE
INITIATIVE IS COMPARABLE TO THEIR SPENDING ON STRATEGIC
OFFENSIVE FORCES.
AS PRESIDENT, I AM THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. I AM
BOUND BY THE CONSTITUTION TO DEFEND AND PROTECT THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. SOME WOULD HAVE ME PREDICATE
THE DEFENSE OF OUR PEOPLE ON PROMISING, BUT AS YET
UNFULFILLED, HOPES FOR THE FUTURE. I WILL NOT. I AM
DETERMINED TO SEEK FROM THE SOVIETS THE COLLATERAL TO
IMPLEMENT A NEW PEACE. IN INTERNATIONAL TERMS,
COLLATERAL MEANS: SOLDIERS DISCHARGED, TANKS
DISMANTLED, NUCLEAR MISSILES DEMOLISHED, AND CHEMICAL
WEAPONS BANNED FROM THE FACE OF THE EARTH.\\\
- 9 -
SOME SEE OUR MEASURED APPROACH AS ENDANGERING THE
PROCESS OF CHANGE. I SEE OUR APPROACH AS ESSENTIAL TO
CHANGE, ESSENTIAL TO THE SECURITY OF THIS NATION AND AS
THE ONLY WAY TO A LASTING PEACE. WE HAVE SHOWN THAT
AMERICAN RESOLVE CAN HELP FURTHER SOVIET REFORM. WE
HAVE SHOWN THAT AMERICAN STRENGTH IS THE CATALYST FOR
ARMS CONTROL. WE HAVE SHOWN THAT THE IDEA CALLED
AMERICA CAN INSPIRE CHANGE. NOW WE MUST NOT LET
IMPATIENCE, BORN OF EUPHORIA, JEOPARDIZE ALL WE HAVE
ACHIEVED so FAR, AND ALL WE CAN ACHIEVE IN THE FUTURE.
NO MATTER HOW URGENTLY WE WANT TO CROSS THAT
BRIDGE BETWEEN NATIONS, TO CROSS TO A NEW AND MORE
PROMISING WORLD, WE SHOULD NOT, IN OUR HASTE, ABANDON
THE PATH THAT BROUGHT US TO THIS MOMENT.
- 10 -
FIRST, AS AMERICANS HAVE ALWAYS BELIEVED, OUR
FOREMOST GOAL IS TO PREVENT ANOTHER WORLD WAR. TO DO
so, WE WILL STILL NEED TO MAINTAIN THE GLOBAL BALANCE
OF POWER. EUROPEAN SECURITY, STABILITY AND FREEDOM --
SO TIED TO OUR OWN -- REQUIRES AN AMERICAN PRESENCE.
WE MUST REMAIN THERE AS LONG AS WE ARE NEEDED AND
WANTED. THE PROSPECT OF GLOBAL PEACE, THEREFORE,
DEPENDS ON AN AMERICAN FORWARD PRESENCE -- WITH GLOBAL
REACH.
SECOND, WE WILL, OF COURSE, CONTINUE TO REDUCE THE
LIKELIHOOD OF A NUCLEAR WAR. AND THAT IS WHY I WILL
VIGOROUSLY PURSUE OUR START TALKS WITH THE SOVIET
UNION. BUT ARMS CONTROL AND STRATEGIC MODERNIZATION
ARE NOT COMPETING STRATEGIES. RATHER, THEY CAN WORK
TOGETHER TO MAKE THE WORLD A SAFER PLACE.
- 11 -
JUST THIS MORNING, I VISITED LAWRENCE LIVERMORE
LABS AND MET THOSE VISIONARY MEN AND WOMEN WHO STRIVE
TO MAKE A NUCLEAR STRIKE ON OUR COUNTRY -- WHETHER FROM
A NUCLEAR SUPERPOWER, OR RENEGADE NATION, OR TERRORIST
GROUP -- EVEN MORE UNLIKELY THAT IT IS TODAY. IF THE
TECHNOLOGY I HAVE SEEN TODAY PROVES FEASIBLE -- AND IT
LOOKS VERY PROMISING -- NO AGGRESSOR COULD BE CONFIDENT
OF THE SUCCESS OF A BALLISTIC MISSILE ATTACK. THAT'S
WHAT DETERRENCE IS ALL ABOUT. WHEN SOME COMPLAIN OF
THE COST OF DEVELOPING SUCH TECHNOLOGIES, THEY SHOULD
FIRST CONSIDER THE COST OF NOT DOING ALL WE CAN TO
DETER CONFLICT AND PROTECT THE CITIES AND CITIZENS OF
AMERICA. THAT IS WHY I WILL SEEK TO PERSUADE THE
SOVIETS, THROUGH OUR DEFENSE AND SPACE TALKS, THAT, IN
FACT, GREATER RELIANCE ON STRATEGIC DEFENSES WILL
CONTRIBUTE TO A SAFER WORLD.
LET ME NOW TELL YOU SOMETHING ABOUT THE STRATEGY
BEHIND OUR 1991 DEFENSE BUDGET:
- 12 -
FIRST, NEW THREATS ARE EMERGING BEYOND THE
TRADITIONAL EAST-WEST ANTAGONISM OF THE PAST 45 YEARS.
THESE CONTINGENCIES MUST LOOM LARGER IN OUR DEFENSE
PLANNING. REMEMBER THE THREATS OF LIBYAN AND IRANIAN
TERRORISM? REMEMBER OUR LIBERATION OF GRENADA AND
PANAMA? AND REMEMBER THE DEDICATION OF THE U.S. S. NAVY
our American Servicemen
ON DUTY IN THE PERSIAN GULF TWO YEARS AGO, SAFEGUARDING
THE FLOW OF OIL TO THE INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACIES?
REMEMBER, Too, THAT THERE ARE MORE THAN 15
COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD THAT WILL HAVE DEVELOPED
BALLISTIC MISSILES BY THE END OF THE DECADE -- MANY
WITH CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL CAPABILITIES. NUCLEAR
WEAPONS CAPABILITIES ARE PROLIFERATING AS WELL. AND
INEVITABLY HIGH-TECH WEAPONS WILL FALL INTO THE HANDS
OF THOSE WHOSE HATRED OF AMERICA, AND CONTEMPT FOR
CIVILIZED NORMS, IS WELL KNOWN. WE WILL WORK HARD TO
PREVENT THIS DANGEROUS PROLIFERATION. BUT ONE THING IS
CERTAIN: WE MUST BE READY FOR ITS CONSEQUENCES. AND WE
WILL BE READY.
- 13 -
THEN THERE ARE THE NARCO-GANGSTERS -- ALREADY A
THREAT TO OUR NATIONAL HEALTH AND SPIRIT. NOW THEY ARE
TAKING ON THE PRETENSIONS OF A GEOPOLITICAL FORCE. AND
THEY MUST BE DEALT WITH AS SUCH -- BY OUR MILITARY --
IN THE AIR, ON THE LAND, AND ON THE SEAS. III
CLEARLY, IN THE FUTURE, WE WILL NEED TO BE ABLE TO
STOP AGGRESSION, REPEL A MISSILE, PROTECT A SEALANE OR
stop
ARREST A DRUG LORD. WE WILL NEED FORCES ADAPTABLE TO
CONDITIONS ANYWHERE IN THE WORLD. WE WILL NEED
AGILITY, READINESS, SUSTAINABILITY. WE WILL NEED SPEED
AND STEALTH. AND WE WILL NEED LEADERSHIP.
IN SHORT, WE MUST CONTINUE TO DETER BOTH A GLOBAL
WAR AND LIMITED CONFLICTS IN NEW CONDITIONS. AND FOR
THIS REASON, WE DOUBLY NEED TO CONTINUE THE
MODERNIZATION OF OUR FORCES. I PRAY, IT WILL NOT BE MY
SAD DUTY TO COMMIT AMERICAN FIGHTING MEN AGAIN TO
COMBAT. BUT IF I DO, WITH THE SECURITY OF THIS NATION
ON MY WATCH, THE LIVES OF AMERICAN FIGHTING MEN WON'T
BE SHORT-CHANGED.
- 14 -
AS I MENTIONED, JUST YESTERDAY, I VISITED THE
NATIONAL TRAINING CENTER AT FORT IRWIN, NEAR BARSTOW,
WHERE OUR FIGHTING FORCES PREPARE FOR ACTION. IT WAS
AT THIS VERY BASE THAT WE TRAINED MANY OF OUR TROOPS
WHO FOUGHT WITH SUCH DISTINCTION IN PANAMA. AND THEY
WERE COURAGEOUS. BUT BEING PREPARED IS ALSO THE BEST
WAY TO ENSURE THAT WARS ARE PREVENTED. AND AFTER
SEEING OUR MEN AND WOMEN AGAIN, TALKING WITH THEM --
THEY'RE INDEED UP TO THE CHALLENGES OF THE FUTURE.
((YOU KNOW, I READ THAT KHRUSHCHEV ONCE SPOKE TO
THE COMMONWEALTH CLUB FOR THREE HOURS. III PERHAPS HE
BEGAN HIS SPEECH WITH THESE WORDS: "LET ME MAKE JUST A
FEW BRIEF OBSERVATIONS
.))\\\
SO I'LL GET TO MY FINAL CONCERN -- HOW ALL THIS
CHANGE IN OUR DEFENSE BUDGET AFFECTS US AT HOME. MANY
SPEAK OF THE PEACE DIVIDEND. FEW DISCUSS THE SHORT-
TERM COST OF PEACE. THERE WILL BE COSTS AS WE CROSS
THE BRIDGE TO A BETTER FUTURE -- FOR DISLOCATED
INDUSTRIES AND WORKERS, FOR COMMUNITIES -- PAINFUL
PERSONAL ADJUSTMENTS TO BE MADE.
- 15 -
BUT AMERICA HAS ALWAYS BEEN WILLING TO PAY THE
PRICE OF PEACE. I KNOW THAT SOME OF THE BASES THAT
HAVE BEEN PROPOSED FOR CUTBACKS ARE IN THIS AREA. BUT
LET ME STATE RIGHT HERE AND NOW: THERE HAVE BEEN NO
POLITICS IN THESE PROPOSALS. SOME TALK ABOUT BASES IN
DEMOCRATIC DISTRICTS HERE -- WELL, THEY ARE ALSO IN THE
SAME STATE AS A REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR. I ASK CONGRESS TO
JOIN ME IN A SPIRIT OF FAIRNESS. LONGSTANDING CRITICS
OF DEFENSE SPENDING SHOULD NOT TURN AROUND AND BLOCK
THE CLOSING OF A BASE IN THEIR HOME DISTRICT. I CANNOT
AND WILL NOT ACCEPT THAT. THE TAXPAYER DESERVES
BETTER, AND SO DO THOSE AFFECTED BY OUR DECISIONS. LET
ME ASSURE YOU: IF A BASE CLOSES, IT DOESN'T CLOSE
FEDERAL CONCERN AND COMMITMENT. 11
- 16 -
CIVILIANS WHO ARE LAID OFF WILL RECEIVE TOP
PRIORITY FOR PLACEMENT IN OTHER DOD POSITIONS. THE
HOMEOWNER'S ASSISTANCE PROGRAM WILL PROTECT MILITARY
AND CIVILIAN PERSONNEL FROM FALLING REAL ESTATE PRICES.
AND THE OFFICE OF ECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT WILL WORK WITH
COMMUNITIES TO DEVELOP POWERFUL NEW ECONOMIC ASSETS,
NEW WAYS TO USE OLD BASES. THE BIBLE SPEAKS OF BEATING
SWORDS INTO PLOWSHARES. WE ARE TRANSFORMING MILITARY
RUNWAYS INTO MUNICIPAL AIRPORTS; MILITARY BASES INTO
INDUSTRIAL PARKS AND COMMUNITY COLLEGES; AND MISSILE
HANGARS INTO FACTORIES.
I KNOW THE AMERICAN PEOPLE WILL SUPPORT THESE
MEASURES FOR A CONTINUED STRONG DEFENSE. MY TRAVELS
AROUND THIS COUNTRY TELL ME THAT. BUT TO HAVE THE
MEANS TO NEGOTIATE REDUCTIONS AND ENSURE THE PEACE, I
WILL NEED THE SUPPORT, COOPERATION AND CONSULTATION OF
CONGRESS.
WE CAN NOW ENVISION A TIME WHEN THE WORLD IS MORE
SECURE THAN EVER; WHEN ALL THE COMPETITIVE INSTINCTS OF
MODERN MAN WILL BE DIVERTED TO COMMERCE\\
EVEN TO
FOOTBALL.
- 17 -
YOU KNOW, I STARTED BY JOKING ABOUT THE 49ERS
WINNING THE SUPER BOWL DURING THE NATIONAL ANTHEM. BUT
IT'S NOT HOW MANY PASSES JOE MONTANA COMPLETED. IT'S
THAT HE KNEW BETTER THAN TO REST ON HIS LAURELS AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE FOURTH QUARTER. SO SHOULD WE. I WILL
WORK WITH CONGRESS TO BUILD THAT BRIDGE TO A MORE
SECURE WORLD. AND IF WE WORK TOGETHER, THEN PEACE
ITSELF WILL BE THE GREATEST DIVIDEND OF ALL.
THANK YOU FOR INVITING ME TO SAN FRANCISCO. GOD
BLESS YOU, AND GOD BLESS AMERICA.
#
#
#
master
COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
12 NOON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 7TH, 1990
THANK YOU DR. JOSEPH FINK, GOVERNOR DEUKMEIJIAN,
[YOUR GREAT SENATOR, PETE WILSON], AND COMMONWEALTH
CLUB PRÉSIDENT, JOSEPH PERRELLI. IT'S GREAT TO BE WITH
YOU TODAY.
((A FEW MINUTES AGO, I ASKED A 49ER FAN WHAT HE
THOUGHT WAS THE TURNING POINT IN THE SUPER BOWL. HE
SAID "THE NATIONAL ANTHEM. "))\\\
((OF COURSE, NOT ALL RECENT MEMORIES IN THE BAY
AREA HAVE BEEN PLEASANT ONES. I'M SURE YOU REMEMBER
THE LAST TIME I WAS HERE, AFTER THIS CITY SUFFERED A
TRAGEDY. I REMEMBER A CLUTTER OF CAR WRECKS, THAT
FLATTENED FREEWAY, AND A TERRIBLE BLACK CLOUD RISING
FROM THE MARINA DISTRICT. AND I KNOW SOME DAMAGE
REMAINS. BUT TODAY I'VE SEEN SOMETHING ELSE --
RENEWAL. THE PEOPLE OF THE BAY AREA HAVE STOOD UP,
DUSTED THEMSELVES OFF AND REBUILT. THE DEVASTATION AND
DANGER ARE PAST. BECAUSE YOU CAME TOGETHER, SAN
FRANCISCO IS AS BEAUTIFUL AS EVER\\ -- SAN FRANCISCO IS
BACK.))\\\
- 2 -
BACK
I HAVE COME TO CALIFORNIA FOR ANOTHER REASON, TO GIVE YOU
-- NO-NONSENSE, HARDNOSED BUSINESSMEN AND WOMEN THAT YOU ARE --
A STRAIGHTFORWARD AND HOPEFUL MESSAGE ABOUT OUR NATIONAL SECURITY.
YESTERDAY, AT FORT IRWIN, I ALSO THANKED OUR MEN AND WOMEN IN
UNIFORM -- NOT JUST BECAUSE THEY KEEP AMERICA SAFE AND FREE. I
CAME TO THANK THEM BECAUSE THEY HELP TO MAKE POSSIBLE THE
WONDERFUL CHANGES THAT ARE SWEEPING THE WORLD.
I WISH ALL OF YOU COULD HAVE BEEN WITH ME AS I TALKED TO THE
YOUNG TROOPS. IT IS VERY CLEAR WHY OUR JOINT CHIEFS KEEP TELLING
ME OUR SERVICES ALL HAVE THE FINEST, MOST DEDICATED YOUNG MEN
AND WOMEN TO EVER SERVE IN UNIFORM.
AS THE THREATS TO AMERICAN SECURITY CHANGE, SO TOO MUST OUR
DEFENSE STRATEGY. IN 1986, DEFENSE EXPENDITURES CONSUMED 6.3
PERCENT OF OUR GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT. AS YOU KNOW, I JUST
SUBMITTED MY 1991 BUDGET TO CONGRESS, WHICH HOLDS DOWN DEFENSE
SPENDING FOR THE FIFTH YEAR IN A ROW -- DOWN TO JUST ABOVE 5
PERCENT OF GNP.
I AM SUBMITTING THIS BUDGET AT A TIME WHEN THE POSTWAR WORLD
WE HAVE KNOWN -- THE WORLD THAT BEGAN IN 1945 -- IS CHANGING
BEFORE OUR VERY EYES. SO TO UNDERSTAND WHERE WE ARE GOING, LET
ME FIRST REVIEW WHERE WE HAVE BEEN AND WHERE WE ARE TODAY.
- 3 -
FREE WORLD'S
THE FIRST GENERATION OF POSTWAR LEADERS HAD THE
CAUTIONARY EXAMPLE OF THEIR PREDECESSORS. THEY
REMEMBERED THAT THE GREAT WAR -- THE WAR TO END ALL
WARS -- WAS FOLLOWED BY CHAOS AND CONFLICT. THEY
REMEMBERED THAT VISIONARY STATESMEN, AFTER THE FIRST
WORLD WAR, HAD TRIED TO LIMIT LARGE NAVIES -- EVEN
OUTLAWED WAR ITSELF. BUT SOON THESE GREAT HOPES FADED
IN THE FACE OF UNCHECKED AGGRESSION. AND NO PACT COULD
PREVENT WORLD WAR TWO.
so BY 1945 OUR LEADERS HAD ACQUIRED A REALISM BORN
OF BLOODY EXPERIENCE, 11 A PRAGMATISM BORN OF A SOBER
APPRAISAL OF THE WORLD AS IT WAS. AND FROM HARRY
TRUMAN TO RONALD REAGAN, OUR STRENGTH BECAME THE
WORLD'S SHIELD; OUR IDEALS OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY,
THE WORLD'S HOPE. WE PAID DEARLY FOR THE DEFENSE OF
LIBERTY -- WITH OUR NATIONAL WEALTH, AND WITH MANY OF
OUR YOUNGEST AND BRAVEST.
- 4 -
AND so, OVER THE PAST 40 YEARS, OUR LEADERS
CONTINUED TO PROVIDE FOR WAR EVEN AS THEY SOUGHT PEACE.
IT WAS DURING THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION, IN THIS VERY
CITY, THAT MEN AND WOMEN OF GREAT VISION AND HIGH
IDEALS CAME FROM AROUND THE WORLD TO CREATE AN ASSEMBLY
OF NATIONS. AND SO IT WAS IN SAN FRANCISCO, 45 YEARS
AGO, THAT THE UNITED NATIONS WAS BORN.
THEN, AS NOW, THE UNITED STATES STROVE TO BALANCE
ITS ROLE AS PEACE-KEEPER WITH THAT OF PEACE-MAKER. WE
HELPED CREATE THE UNITED NATIONS AND NATO; WE
ENCOURAGED SOVIET CHANGE EVEN AS WE THWARTED SOVIET
EXPANSION.
- 5 -
THOSE WHO CRAFTED THIS NEW POLICY CALLED IT
CONTAINMENT, AND PREDICTED THAT IF WE BLOCKED THE EASY
PATH OF EXPANSION, THE SOVIET UNION WOULD ONE DAY HAVE
TO CONFRONT THE CONTRADICTIONS OF ITS INHUMANE,
ILLOGICAL SYSTEM. THE PURPOSE OF CONTAINMENT WAS NOT
TO DEFEAT OR HUMILIATE THE SOVIETS. THE PURPOSE WAS TO
PRESERVE AND EXTEND LIBERTY. THE HOPE WAS SOMEDAY TO
SEE, AS GEORGE KENNAN PUT IT IN 1947, "THE GRADUAL
MELLOWING OF SOVIET POWER." IT TOOK NEARLY HALF A
CENTURY TO VINDICATE THIS STRATEGY, BUT WE CAN NOW SEE
THE RESULTS: TODAY, THE COLD WAR IS IN RETREAT. 111
THAT IS GOOD NEWS, FOR NO SANE MAN OR WOMAN IS
NOSTALGIC FOR THE COLD WAR. WE ARE INSPIRED BY THIS
REVOLUTION OF '89 -- HEARTENED, FOR EXAMPLE, TO SEE A
MAN OF LETTERS AND CONSCIENCE IN PRAGUE MOVE FROM
PRISON TO THE PRESIDENTIAL PALACE. WE ARE HEARTENED TO
SEE THE BERLIN WALL FALL, SETTING OFF A SHOCKWAVE THAT
UPENDED A TYRANT IN ROMANIA.
- 6 -
AND WE ARE GRATEFUL FOR SOMETHING MORE. NOW,
BECAUSE OF OUR STRENGTH AND THAT OF OUR ALLIES; NOW,
THANKS TO THE MARCH OF FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN
EUROPE AND EVEN IN THE SOVIET UNION ITSELF -: NOW
THE PROSPECTS FOR AN ENDURING PEACE ARE GREATER THAN
EVER BEFORE. WE CAN NOW ENVISION A NEW DESTINY FOR THE
NATIONS OF THE CONTINENT -- THAT OF A EUROPE TRULY
WHOLE AND FREE. III
WE ARE TAKING THE FIRST STEPS ACROSS A BRIDGE
BEGUN BY OTHERS LONG AGO. IT IS A BRIDGE THAT CAN LEAD
US FROM SEEMINGLY ENDLESS CONFLICT TO THE PROMISE OF A
LASTING PEACE. BUT NO MATTER HOW GREAT THE PROMISE, WE
MUST BE CERTAIN THE BRIDGE IS SECURE.
AS PRESIDENT, I RECEIVE AN INTELLIGENCE BRIEFING
EVERY MORNING. AND I RECEIVE THE BEST INFORMATION
AVAILABLE TO ANY WORLD LEADER TODAY. YET THE MORNING
NEWS IS OFTEN OVERTAKEN BY THE NEWS THAT VERY EVENING.
THE WORLD IS SIMPLY MOVING TOO FAST TO FORECAST WITH
ABSOLUTE CERTAINTY WHAT WILL HAPPEN NEXT. OUR
CHALLENGE IS TO MANAGE THIS PERIOD OF TRANSITION FROM
THE WORLD OF TODAY TO THE WORLD OF TOMORROW -- AND
SAFEGUARD THE SECURITY OF AMERICA IN THE PROCESS.
When it comes to the security of this country, I would
rather be called cantions than reckless.
- 7 -
OUR PURSUIT OF THIS PROMISING FUTURE MUST START
WITH AN UNDERSTANDING OF TODAY'S REALITIES.
our
TAKE, FOR EXAMPLE, MOST RECENT PROPOSAL, WARMLY
RECEIVED BY OUR ALLIES AND PRESIDENT GORBACHEV. I
PROPOSED REDUCING THE TROOP LEVELS ON BOTH SIDES IN
CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE TO 195,000 TROOPS. THAT
balance
encourages
THE LESS THREATENING FUTURE WE ENVISION, AND IT HOLDS
GREAT PROMISE.
BUT RIGHT NOW THE SOVIETS STILL HAVE MORE THAN
560,000 MEN UNDER ARMS IN CENTRAL EUROPE.
ON THE ISSUE OF STRATEGIC WEAPONS WE HAVE MADE
PROGRESS IN THE START NEGOTIATIONS. WE NOW HOPE TO
SLASH DRAMATICALLY THE NUMBER OF STRATEGIC WEAPONS ON
BOTH SIDES. IT IS THESE IMPORTANT REDUCTIONS THAT
SECRETARY BAKER IS SEEKING THIS VERY DAY IN MOSCOW.
THAT'S THE FUTURE WE ENVISION, AND IT TOO HOLDS GREAT
PROMISE.
- 8 -
BUT LET US NOT FORGET THAT RIGHT NOW THE SOVIETS
STILL HAVE MORE THAN 10,000 STRATEGIC WEAPONS. THEY
ARE MODERNIZING THEM; THEY HAVE DEPLOYED TWO NEW MOBILE
ICBMS, AND THEIR SPENDING ON STRATEGIC DEFENSE.
IS COMPARABLE TO THEIR SPENDING ON STRATEGIC OFFENSIVE
FORCES.
The
is
AS PRESIDENT AM THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF, I AM
BOUND BY THE CONSTITUTION TO DEFEND AND PROTECT THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. SOME WOULD HAVE ME PREDICATE
THE DEFENSE OF OUR PEOPLE ON PROMISING, BUT AS YET
UNFULFILLED, HOPES FOR THE FUTURE. I WILL NOT. I AM
with
DETERMINED TO SEEK FROM THE SOVIETS THE COLLATERAL TO
IMPLEMENT A NEW PEACE. IN INTERNATIONAL TERMS,
COLLATERAL MEANS: SOLDIERS DISCHARGED, TANKS
DISMANTLED, NUCLEAR MISSILES DEMOLISHED, AND CHEMICAL
WEAPONS BANNED FROM THE FACE OF THE EARTH. III
- 9 -
SOME SEE OUR MEASURED APPROACH AS ENDANGERING THE
PROCESS OF CHANGE. I SEE OUR APPROACH AS ESSENTIAL TO
CHANGE, ESSENTIAL TO THE SECURITY OF THIS NATION AND AS
THE ONLY WAY TO A LASTING PEACE. WE HAVE SHOWN. THAT
AMERICAN RESOLVE CAN HELP FURTHER SOVIET REFORM. WE
HAVE SHOWN THAT AMERICAN STRENGTH IS THE CATALYST FOR
ARMS CONTROL. WE HAVE SHOWN THAT THE IDEA CALLED
AMERICA CAN INSPIRE CHANGE. NOW WE MUST NOT LET
hope to
IMPATIENCE, BORN OF EUPHORIA, JEOPARDIZE ALL WE HAVE
ACHIEVE SO FAR, AND ALL WE CAN ACHIEVE IN THE FUTURE.
e
NO MATTER HOW ORGENTLY WE WANT TO CROSS THAT
BRIDGE BETWEEN NATIONS, TO CROSS TO A NEW AND MORE
PROMISING WORLD, WE SHOULD NOT, IN OUR HASTE, ABANDON
THE PATH THAT BROUGHT US TO THIS MOMENT.
- 10 -
FIRST, AS AMERICANS HAVE ALWAYS BELIEVED, OUR
FOREMOST GOAL IS TO PREVENT ANOTHER WORLD WAR. TO DO
remain fully engaged.
so, WE WILL STILL NEED TO MAINTAIN THE GLOBAL BALANCE
OF POWER. EUROPEAN SECURITY, STABILITY AND FREEDOM --
SO TIED TO OUR OWN -- REQUIRES AN AMERICAN PRESENCE.
F
WE MUST REMAIN inEurope THERE AS LONG AS WE ARE NEEDED AND
WANTED. THE PROSPECT OF GLOBAL PEACE, THEREFORE,
DEPENDS ON AN AMERICAN FORWARD PRESENCE. WITH GLOBAL
REACH?
SECOND, WE WILL, OF COURSE, CONTINUE TO REDUCE THE
LIKELIHOOD OF A NUCLEAR WAR. AND THAT IS WHY I WILL
VIGOROUSLY PURSUE OUR START TALKS WITH THE SOVIET
UNION. BUT ARMS CONTROL AND STRATEGIC MODERNIZATION
ARE NOT COMPETING STRATEGIES. RATHER, THEY CAN WORK
TOGETHER TO MAKE THE WORLD A SAFER PLACE.
Western Europeans all want us to stay there want
us to avoid pulling back into an uninvolved isolation.
I have the feeling that when the dust settles the
new democracies of Eastern Europe will feel the
same way.
- 11 -
JUST THIS MORNING, I VISITED LAWRENCE LIVERMORE
LABS AND MET THOSE VISIONARY MEN AND WOMEN WHO STRIVE
TO MAKE A NUCLEAR STRIKE ON OUR COUNTRY -- WHETHER FROM
A NUCLEAR SUPERPOWER, OR RENEGADE NATION, OR TERRORIST
GROUP -- EVEN MORE UNLIKELY THAT IT IS TODAY. IF THE
TECHNOLOGY I HAVE SEEN TODAY PROVES FEASIBLE -- AND IT
LOOKS VERY PROMISING -- NO AGGRESSOR COULD BE CONFIDENT
OF THE SUCCESS OF A BALLISTIC MISSILE ATTACK. THAT'S
GT
WHAT DETERRENCE IS ALL ABOUT.
WHEN SOME COMPLAIN OF
THE COST OF DEVELOPING SUCH TECHNOLOGIES, THEY SHOULD
FIRST CONSIDER THE COST OF NOT DOING ALL WE CAN TO
DETER CONFLICT AND PROTECT THE CITIES AND CITIZENS OF
AMERICA. THAT IS WHY I WILL SEEK TO PERSUADE THE
SOVIETS, THROUGH OUR DEFENSE AND SPACE TALKS, THAT, IN
FACT, GREATER RELIANCE ON STRATEGIC DEFENSES WILL
CONTRIBUTE TO A SAFER WORLD.
LET ME NOW TELL YOU SOMETHING ABOUT THE STRATEGY
BEHIND OUR 1991 DEFENSE BUDGET
And let's be clear: this purely
defensive concept doesn't threaten a single
person anywhere in the world. God forbid, if it
ever had to be used, it would used ageinst
missiles, not against people.
- 12 -
FIRST, NEW THREATS ARE EMERGING BEYOND THE
TRADITIONAL EAST-WEST ANTAGONISM OF THE PAST 45 YEARS.
THESE CONTINGENCIES MUST LOOM LARGER IN OUR DEFENSE
PLANNING. REMEMBER THE THREATS OF LIBYAN AND IRANIAN
TERRORISM
REMEMBER OUR LIBERATION OF GRENADA AND
PANAMA
AND REMEMBER THE DEDICATION OF OUR AMERICAN
SERVICEMEN ON DUTY IN THE PERSIAN GULF TWO YEARS AGO,
SAFEGUARDING THE FLOW OF OIL, TO THE INDUSTRIAL
Stet
DEMOCRACIES
And, indeed, welcomed by many small idepentation
Constries
nations who were afraid that the Isan- Iraq was would adversely
affect their freedom.
REMEMBER, Too, THAT THERE ARE MORE THAN 15
COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD THAT WILL HAVE DEVELOPED
BALLISTIC MISSILES BY THE END OF THE DECADE -- MANY
WITH CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL CAPABILITIES. NUCLEAR
WEAPONS CAPABILITIES ARE PROLIFERATING AS WELL. AND
INEVITABLY HIGH-TECH WEAPONS WILL FALL INTO THE HANDS
OF THOSE WHOSE HATRED OF AMERICA, AND CONTEMPT FOR
contime to
CIVILIZED NORMS, IS WELL KNOWN. WE WILL WORK HARD TO
PREVENT THIS DANGEROUS PROLIFERATION. BUT ONE THING IS
CERTAIN: WE MUST BE READY FOR ITS CONSEQUENCES. AND WE
WILL BE READY. 11
- 13 -
THEN THERE ARE THE NARCO-GANGSTERS -- ALREADY A
THREAT TO OUR NATIONAL HEALTH AND SPIRIT. NOW THEY ARE
TAKING ON THE PRETENSIONS OF A GEOPOLITICAL FORCE. AND
THEY MUST BE DEALT WITH AS SUCH -- BY OUR MILITARY --
IN THE AIR, ON THE LAND, AND ON THE SEAS. 111
CLEARLY, IN THE FUTURE, WE WILL NEED TO BE ABLE TO
STOP AGGRESSION, REPEL A MISSILE, PROTECT A SEALANE OR
STOP A DRUG LORD. WE WILL NEED FORCES ADAPTABLE TO
CONDITIONS ANYWHERE IN THE WORLD. WE WILL NEED
AGILITY, READINESS, SUSTAINABILITY. WE WILL NEED SPEED
AND STEALTH. AND WE WILL NEED LEADERSHIP.
IN SHORT, WE MUST CONTINUE TO DETER BOTH A GLOBAL
WAR AND LIMITED CONFLICTS IN NEW CONDITIONS. AND FOR
THIS REASON, WE DOUBLY NEED TO CONTINUE THE
MODERNIZATION OF OUR FORCES. I PRAY, IT WILL NOT BE MY
SAD DUTY TO COMMIT AMERICAN FIGHTING MEN AGAIN TO
COMBAT. BUT IF I DO, ON MY WATCH, THE LIVES OF
AMERICAN FIGHTING MEN WON'T BE SHORT-CHANGED. 11
- 14 -
AS I MENTIONED, JUST YESTERDAY, I VISITED THE
NATIONAL TRAINING CENTER AT FORT IRWIN, NEAR BARSTOW,
WHERE OUR FIGHTING FORCES PREPARE FOR ACTION. IT WAS
AT THIS VERY BASE THAT WE TRAINED MANY OF OUR TROOPS
WHO FOUGHT WITH SUCH DISTINCTION IN PANAMA. AND THEY
WERE COURAGEOUS. BUT BEING PREPARED IS ALSO THE BEST
WAY TO ENSURE THAT WARS ARE PREVENTED. AND AFTER
SEEING OUR MEN AND WOMEN AGAIN, TALKING WITH THEM --
THEY'RE INDEED UP TO THE CHALLENGES OF THE FUTURE. 11
((YOU KNOW, I READ THAT KHRUSHCHEV ONCE SPOKE TO
THE COMMONWEALTH CLUB FOR THREE HOURS. 111 PERHAPS HE
BEGAN HIS SPEECH WITH THESE WORDS: "LET ME MAKE JUST A
FEW BRIEF OBSERVATIONS
.))\\\
SO I'LL GET TO MY FINAL CONCERN -- HOW ALL THIS
CHANGE IN OUR DEFENSE BUDGET AFFECTS US AT HOME. MANY
SPEAK OF THE PEACE DIVIDEND. FEW DISCUSS THE SHORT-
TERM COST OF PEACE. THERE WILL BE COSTS AS WE CROSS
THE BRIDGE TO A BETTER FUTURE -- FOR DISLOCATED
INDUSTRIES AND WORKERS, FOR COMMUNITIES -- PAINFUL
PERSONAL ADJUSTMENTS TO BE MADE.
- 15 -
BUT AMERICA HAS ALWAYS BEEN WILLING TO PAY THE
PRICE OF PEACE. I KNOW THAT SOME OF THE BASES THAT
HAVE BEEN PROPOSED FOR CUTBACKS ARE IN THIS AREA. BUT
LET ME STATE RIGHT HERE AND NOW: THERE HAVE BEEN NO
POLITICS IN THESE PROPOSALS. SOME TALK ABOUT BASES IN
DEMOCRATIC DISTRICTS HERE -- WELL, THEY ARE ALSO IN THE
SAME STATE AS A REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR. I ASK CONGRESS TO
JOIN ME IN A SPIRIT OF FAIRNESS. LONGSTANDING CRITICS
OF DEFENSE SPENDING SHOULD NOT TURN AROUND AND BLOCK
FT
THE CLOSING OF A BASE IN THEIR HOME DISTRICT. I
CANNOT
AND WILL NOT ACCEPT THAT. THE TAXPAYER DESERVES
BETTER, AND SO DO THOSE AFFECTED BY OUR DECISIONS. LET
ME ASSURE YOU: IF A BASE CLOSES, IT DOESN'T CLOSE
FEDERAL CONCERN AND COMMITMENT.
There is something a
little ironic about certain
members of Congress whose
philosophy seems to be "make
deep cuts, " but cnt somewhere
else."
- 16 -
CIVILIANS WHO ARE LAID OFF WILL RECEIVE TOP
PRIORITY FOR PLACEMENT IN OTHER DOD POSITIONS. THE
HOMEOWNER'S ASSISTANCE PROGRAM WILL PROTECT MILITARY
AND CIVILIAN PERSONNEL FROM FALLING REAL ESTATE. PRICES.
AND THE OFFICE OF ECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT WILL WORK WITH
COMMUNITIES TO DEVELOP POWERFUL NEW ECONOMIC ASSETS,
NEW WAYS TO USE OLD BASES. THE BIBLE SPEAKS OF BEATING
SWORDS INTO PLOWSHARES. WE ARE TRANSFORMING MILITARY
RUNWAYS INTO MUNICIPAL AIRPORTS; MILITARY BASES INTO
INDUSTRIAL PARKS AND COMMUNITY COLLEGES; AND MISSILE
HANGARS INTO FACTORIES.
I KNOW THE AMERICAN PEOPLE WILL SUPPORT THESE
MEASURES FOR A CONTINUED STRONG DEFENSE. MY TRAVELS
AROUND THIS COUNTRY TELL ME THAT. BUT TO HAVE THE
MEANS TO NEGOTIATE REDUCTIONS AND ENSURE THE PEACE, I
WILL NEED THE SUPPORT, COOPERATION AND CONSULTATION OF
CONGRESS.
WE CAN NOW ENVISION A TIME WHEN THE WORLD IS MORE
SECURE THAN EVER; WHEN ALL THE COMPETITIVE INSTINCTS OF
MODERN MAN WILL BE DIVERTED TO COMMERCE\\
EVEN TO
FOOTBALL.
- 17 -
YOU KNOW, I STARTED BY JOKING ABOUT THE 49ERS
WINNING THE SUPER BOWL DURING THE NATIONAL ANTHEM. BUT
IT'S NOT HOW MANY PASSES JOE MONTANA COMPLETED. IT'S
THAT HE KNEW BETTER THAN TO REST ON HIS LAURELS AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE FOURTH QUARTER. so SHOULD WE. I WILL
WORK WITH CONGRESS TO BUILD THAT BRIDGE TO A MORE
SECURE WORLD. AND IF WE WORK TOGETHER, THEN PEACE
ITSELF WILL BE THE GREATEST DIVIDEND OF ALL. III
THANK YOU FOR INVITING ME TO SAN FRANCISCO. GOD
BLESS YOU, AND GOD BLESS AMERICA.
#
#
#
Document No. 110556SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
2/5/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2/5/90 4:00 PM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 4:00 PM TODAY, Monday, February 5, with a
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
N/C 2/5/90
pp 6 v 9-03-106 9 06
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
January 29, 1990
Title: SF
1990 FEB - -5 PM 12: 15
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS:
COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
Noon, Wednesday, February 7th, 1990
( (Acknowledgements to come.) )
(A few minutes ago, I asked a 49er fan what he thought was
the turning point in the Super Bowl. He said "the National
Anthem. ) 1111
((Of course, not all recent memories in the Bay Area have
been pleasant ones. I'm sure you remember the last time I was
here, after this city suffered a tragedy and found renewal. I
remember a clutter of car wrecks, collapsed buildings, flattened
freeways\\ and a terrible black cloud rising from the Marina
District. Some damage remains. But today I've seen something
else -- the people of the Bay Area have stood up, dusted
themselves off and rebuilt. The devastation and danger are past.
Because you came together, San Francisco is as beautiful as
ever\\ -- San Francisco is back. ) )
I have come back to California for another reason, to give
you -- no-nonsense, hardnosed businessmen and women that you are
-- a straightforward, but hopeful, message about our national
security. Yesterday, at Fort Irwin, I also thanked our men and
women in uniform -- not just because they keep America safe and
2
free. I came to thank them because they help to make possible
the wonderful changes that are sweeping the world.
And as the threats to American security change, so too must
our defense strategy. In 1986, defense expenditures consumed 6.5
percent of our Gross National Product. As you know, I just
submitted my 1991 budget to Congress, which cuts defense for the
fifth year in a row -- to almost 5 percent of GNP.
I am submitting this budget at a time when the postwar world
we know -- the world that began in 1945 -- is changing before our
very eyes. So to understand where we are going, let me first
review where we have been and where we are today.
The first generation of postwar leaders had the cautionary
example of their predecessors. They remembered that visionary
statesmen, after the First World War, had outlawed large navies.
They remembered that their predecessors had even outlawed war
itself. But no pact prevented World War Two.
So by 1945 our leaders had acquired a patience, a
pragmatism, 11 born of a sober appraisal of the world as it was.
And from Harry Truman, to John F. Kennedy, to Ronald Reagan, we
paid any price, we bore any burden, in the defense of liberty.
We paid with part of our national wealth. And many brave
Americans paid with their very lives.
Yet over the past 40 years, our leaders continued to seek
peace even as they provided for war. It was during the Truman
Administration, in this very city, that men and women of great
vision and high ideals came from around the world to create a
3
parliament of nations. And so it was in San Francisco, 45 years
ago, that the United Nations was born.
Then, as now, the United States strove to balance its role
as peace-keeper with that of peace-maker. We helped create the
United Nations and NATO; we encouraged Soviet reform even as we
rebuffed Soviet expansion.
Those who crafted this new policy, and called it
containment, predicted that if we blocked the easy path of
expansion, then the Soviet Union would one day have to confront
its inhumane, illogical system. The purpose of this
confrontation was not to defeat or to humiliate the Soviets. The
purpose was to lead to a "mellowing of the Soviet Union." It
took a half a century to vindicate this strategy, and at long
last we can say it works: And that is why the Cold War today is
in retreat.
That is good news, for no sane man or woman is nostalgic for
the Cold War. We are inspired by the Revolution of '89 --
delighted to see a man of letters and conscience in Prague move
from prison to the presidential palace. We are heartened to see
the Berlin Wall fall, setting off a shockwave that upended a
tyrant in Romania.
And we are grateful for something more. The likelihood of a
war with the Soviets has always been small, because of our
strength and that of our Allies. Now, thanks to the courageous
reforms of a dynamic Soviet leader, the threat of war is smaller
than ever before. Like Harold MacMillian before him,
4
President Gorbachev freely acknowledges that empire is a burden,
more problem than protection. And so now "the winds of change"
are shaping a new destiny for the nations of the Continent --
that of a Europe whole and free.
We are taking the first steps across a bridge begun by
others long ago. It is a bridge that can lead us from seemingly
endless conflict to the promise of a lasting peace. But no
matter how great the promise, a bridge between nations must be
reinforced with realism.
As President, I receive a briefing every morning from the
Central Intelligence Agency. And I get from the CIA the best
intelligence available to any world leader today. Yet I often
find that the events reported to me by the CIA in the morning are
overcome by the news in the evening. The world is simply moving
too fast for any person or organization to forecast what will
happen next. With so much that is unpredictable, the promising
future we seek must be weighed against the realities of today.
My most recent proposal, warmly received by President
Gorbachev, was to reduce land forces on both sides in Central
Europe to 195,000 troops. That's the prospect for change, and it
holds great promise.
But the reality? -- The Soviets still have almost 600,000
men under arms in Central Europe today.
Another example: Because of the new openness in Moscow, we
hope to slash the number of strategic weapons on both sides to
5
6,000. That's the prospect for change, and it too holds great
promise.
But the reality? -- the Soviets still have ((number))
strategic weapons. And they are still developing, at a furious
pace, two new mobile strategic weapons systems and a strategic
defense initiative.
I am your Commander-in-Chief. I am bound by the
Constitution to defend and protect the United States of America.
And I cannot, as some would have me do, predicate our defense on
promising, but as of yet unfulfilled, hopes for the future. Our
national defense strategy must not be a response to the professed
intentions of other nations, but to the weapons they hold in
their hands.\ That's the reality we face.
You certainly don't do business on the basis of a promise.
The banks you do business with expect collateral. And I will
seek from the Soviets the collateral to implement a new peace.
In international terms, collateral means: soldiers
decommissioned, tanks dismantled, and nuclear missiles
demolished.
Some see our measured approach as endangering the process of
change. I see our approach as essential to change, as the only
way to a lasting peace. We have shown that American resolve
leads to Soviet reform. We have shown that American strength is
the catalyst for arms control. We are all excited by change in
the East, but we must not let impatience, born of euphoria, ruin
all we have achieved.
6
No matter how urgently we want to cross that bridge between
nations, to cross to a new and more promising world, we should
not, in our haste, abandon the path that brought us to this
moment.
First, as Americans have always done, our foremost goal is
to prevent another world war. To do so, we will still need what
the people in the Pentagon call a forward defense. Let me tell
you what a forward defense means. America spans a continent, but
in strategic terms, we are an island nation. And an island
nation must defend itself before a threat can reach its shores.
And that is why we will continue to have a forward presence --
fighting forces\\ and American troops\\ with global reach.
Second, we will, of course, continue to reduce the
likelihood of a nuclear war. And that is why I will aggressively
pursue Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union.
But arms control and strategic modernization are not competing
strategies. Rather, they can work together to make the world a
safer place.
Just this morning, I visited Lawrence Livermore Labs and met
those visionary men and women who strive to make an all-out
nuclear strike on our country, or a limited strike from a madman,
even more unlikely than it is today. Of course, some complain of
the cost of developing such technologies. They should first
consider the cost of not doing all we can to protect the cities
and citizens of America. That is why I will seek to persuade the
7
Soviets, through our Defense and Space talks, to use SDI to help
us all make a transition to safer world.
Let me now tell you the ways in which our 1991 defense
strategy is a dramatic departure from the military strategies of
the past.
First, new threats are emerging outside the traditional
East-West antagonism of the past 45 years. Ever since the
Mayaguez incident, most conflicts involving U.S. forces -- like
our actions in Libya or Panama -- have had nothing to do with
Soviet expansionism. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the
Persian Gulf two years ago, where only the U.S. Navy could secure
the flow of oil to the industrial democracies.
Even worse, there are 15 countries in the world that are
developing ballistic missile technology, many with chemical and
biological weapons. Despite our best efforts, nuclear weapons
are proliferating. And inevitably high-tech weapons will fall
into the hands of leaders whose hatred of America is well known.
We must be ready.
Then there are the narco-gangsters -- already a threat to
our national health and spirit. Now they are taking on the
dimensions of a geopolitical force. And they must be dealt with
as such -- by our military -- in the air and on the seas.
Clearly, in the future, we will need to be able to repel a
missile, arrest a drug lord or protect a sealane. We will need
forces adaptable to conditions anywhere in the world. We need
8
will agility, readiness, sustainability. We will need speed and
stealth.
In short, we must now deter both a global war and limited
conflicts with sophisticated new powers. And for this reason, we
doubly need to continue the modernization of our forces. It is
my duty, 'and mine alone, to commit American fighting men to
combat. And while the security of this nation is on my watch,
the lives of American fighting men won't be traded for dollars.
Just yesterday, I visited at the National Training Center at
Fort Irwin, near Barstow, where our fighting forces are preparing
for combat. It was at this very base that we trained many of our
troops who fought with such distinction in Panama. As other
threats emerge on the horizon, we must be ready to fight under
any conditions anywhere in the world.
((You know, I read that Khrushchev once spoke to the
Commonwealth Club from lunch until 11 p.m.\\\ Perhaps he began
his speech with these words: "Let me make just a few brief
observations ) )
So I'll get to my final concern -- how all this change in
our defense budget affects us at home. Many speak of the peace
dividend. Few discuss the short-term cost of peace. There will
be costs as we cross the bridge to a better future -- for
dislocated industries and workers, for disappointed men and women
in the Armed Services who will return to civilian life, for whole
communities.
9
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment.
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
( (NSC Insert))
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
We can now envision a time when military competition is
past; when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand.
10
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don't care how many
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
February 6, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Commonwealth Club
The draft remarks are fine, but we strongly recommend
deleting the National Security Council insert.
CC: James W. Cicconi
$ 071.00
Document No. 110556SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
2/5/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2/5/90 4:00 PM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 4:00 PM TODAY, Monday, February 5, with a
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
ok, except for NSC insert
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
January 29, 1990
Title: SF
1990 FEB -5 PM 12: 15
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
Noon, Wednesday, February 7th, 1990
( (Acknowledgements to come. ))
( (A few minutes ago, I asked a 49er fan what he thought was
the turning point in the Super Bowl. He said "the National
Anthem. ) 1111
( (Of course, not all recent memories in the Bay Area have
been pleasant ones. I'm sure you remember the last time I was
here, after this city suffered a tragedy and found renewal. I
remember a clutter of car wrecks, collapsed buildings, flattened
freeways\\ and a terrible black cloud rising from the Marina
District. Some damage remains. But today I've seen something
else -- the people of the Bay Area have stood up, dusted
themselves off and rebuilt. The devastation and danger are past.
Because you came together, San Francisco is as beautiful as
ever\\ -- San Francisco is back. ) )
I have come back to California for another reason, to give
you -- no-nonsense, hardnosed businessmen and women that you are
-- a straightforward, but hopeful, message about our national
security. Yesterday, at Fort Irwin, I also thanked our men and
women in uniform -- not just because they keep America safe and
2
free. I came to thank them because they help to make possible
the wonderful changes that are sweeping the world.
And as the threats to American security change, so too must
our defense strategy. In 1986, defense expenditures consumed 6.5
percent of our Gross National Product. As you know, I just
submitted my 1991 budget to Congress, which cuts defense for the
fifth year in a row -- to almost 5 percent of GNP.
I am submitting this budget at a time when the postwar world
we know -- the world that began in 1945 -- is changing before our
very eyes. So to understand where we are going, let me first
review where we have been and where we are today.
The first generation of postwar leaders had the cautionary
example of their predecessors. They remembered that visionary
statesmen, after the First World War, had outlawed large navies.
They remembered that their predecessors had even outlawed war
itself. But no pact prevented World War Two.
So by 1945 our leaders had acquired a patience, a
pragmatism, 11 born of a sober appraisal of the world as it was.
And from Harry Truman, to John F. Kennedy, to Ronald Reagan, we
paid any price, we bore any burden, in the defense of liberty.
We paid with part of our national wealth. And many brave
Americans paid with their very lives.
Yet over the past 40 years, our leaders continued to seek
peace even as they provided for war. It was during the Truman
Administration, in this very city, that men and women of great
vision and high ideals came from around the world to create a
3
parliament of nations. And so it was in San Francisco, 45 years
ago, that the United Nations was born.
Then, as now, the United States strove to balance its role
as peace-keeper with that of peace-maker. We helped create the
United Nations and NATO; we encouraged Soviet reform even as we
rebuffed Soviet expansion.
Those who crafted this new policy, and called it
containment, predicted that if we blocked the easy path of
expansion, then the Soviet Union would one day have to confront
its inhumane, illogical system. The purpose of this
confrontation was not to defeat or to humiliate the Soviets. The
purpose was to lead to a "mellowing of the Soviet Union." It
took a half a century to vindicate this strategy, and at long
last we can say it works: And that is why the Cold War today is
in retreat.
That is good news, for no sane man or woman is nostalgic for
the Cold War. We are inspired by the Revolution of '89 --
delighted to see a man of letters and conscience in Prague move
from prison to the presidential palace. We are heartened to see
the Berlin Wall fall, setting off a shockwave that upended a
tyrant in Romania.
And we are grateful for something more. The likelihood of a
war with the Soviets has always been small, because of our
strength and that of our Allies. Now, thanks to the courageous
reforms of a dynamic Soviet leader, the threat of war is smaller
than ever before. Like Harold MacMillian before him,
4
President Gorbachev freely acknowledges that empire is a burden,
more problem than protection. And so now "the winds of change"
are shaping a new destiny for the nations of the Continent --
that of a Europe whole and free.
We are taking the first steps across a bridge begun by
others long ago. It is a bridge that can lead us from seemingly
endless conflict to the promise of a lasting peace. But no
matter how great the promise, a bridge between nations must be
reinforced with realism.
As President, I receive a briefing every morning from the
Central Intelligence Agency. And I get from the CIA the best
intelligence available to any world leader today. Yet I often
find that the events reported to me by the CIA in the morning are
overcome by the news in the evening. The world is simply moving
too fast for any person or organization to forecast what will
happen next. With so much that is unpredictable, the promising
future we seek must be weighed against the realities of today.
My most recent proposal, warmly received by President
Gorbachev, was to reduce land forces on both sides in Central
Europe to 195,000 troops. That's the prospect for change, and it
holds great promise.
But the reality? -- The Soviets still have almost 600,000
men under arms in Central Europe today.
Another example: Because of the new openness in Moscow, we
hope to slash the number of strategic weapons on both sides to
5
6,000. That's the prospect for change, and it too holds great
promise.
But the reality? -- the Soviets still have ( (number))
strategic weapons. And they are still developing, at a furious
pace, two new mobile strategic weapons systems and a strategic
defense initiative.
I am your Commander-in-Chief. I am bound by the
Constitution to defend and protect the United States of America.
And I cannot, as some would have me do, predicate our defense on
promising, but as of yet unfulfilled, hopes for the future. Our
national defense strategy must not be a response to the professed
intentions of other nations, but to the weapons they hold in
their hands.\ That's the reality we face.
You certainly don't do business on the basis of a promise.
The banks you do business with expect collateral. And I will
seek from the Soviets the collateral to implement a new peace.
In international terms, collateral means: soldiers
decommissioned, tanks dismantled, and nuclear missiles
demolished.
Some see our measured approach as endangering the process of
change. I see our approach as essential to change, as the only
way to a lasting peace. We have shown that American resolve
leads to Soviet reform. We have shown that American strength is
the catalyst for arms control. We are all excited by change in
the East, but we must not let impatience, born of euphoria, ruin
all we have achieved.
6
No matter how urgently we want to cross that bridge between
nations, to cross to a new and more promising world, we should
not, in our haste, abandon the path that brought us to this
moment.
First, as Americans have always done, our foremost goal is
to prevent another world war. To do so, we will still need what
the people in the Pentagon call a forward defense. Let me tell
you what a forward defense means. America spans a continent, but
in strategic terms, we are an island nation. And an island
nation must defend itself before a threat can reach its shores.
And that is why we will continue to have a forward presence --
fighting forces\\ and American troops\\ with global reach.
Second, we will, of course, continue to reduce the
likelihood of a nuclear war. And that is why I will aggressively
pursue Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union.
But arms control and strategic modernization are not competing
strategies. Rather, they can work together to make the world a
safer place.
Just this morning, I visited Lawrence Livermore Labs and met
those visionary men and women who strive to make an all-out
nuclear strike on our country, or a limited strike from a madman,
even more unlikely than it is today. Of course, some complain of
the cost of developing such technologies. They should first
consider the cost of not doing all we can to protect the cities
and citizens of America. That is why I will seek to persuade the
7
Soviets, through our Defense and Space talks, to use SDI to help
us all make a transition to safer world.
Let me now tell you the ways in which our 1991 defense
strategy is a dramatic departure from the military strategies of
the past.
First, new threats are emerging outside the traditional
East-West antagonism of the past 45 years. Ever since the
Mayaguez incident, most conflicts involving U.S. forces -- like
our actions in Libya or Panama -- have had nothing to do with
Soviet expansionism. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the
Persian Gulf two years ago, where only the U.S. Navy could secure
the flow of oil to the industrial democracies.
Even worse, there are 15 countries in the world that are
developing ballistic missile technology, many with chemical and
biological weapons. Despite our best efforts, nuclear weapons
are proliferating. And inevitably high-tech weapons will fall
into the hands of leaders whose hatred of America is well known.
We must be ready.
Then there are the narco-gangsters -- already a threat to
our national health and spirit. Now they are taking on the
dimensions of a geopolitical force. And they must be dealt with
as such -- by our military -- in the air and on the seas.
Clearly, in the future, we will need to be able to repel a
missile, arrest a drug lord or protect a sealane. We will need
forces adaptable to conditions anywhere in the world. We need
8
will agility, readiness, sustainability. We will need speed and
stealth.
In short, we must now deter both a global war and limited
conflicts with sophisticated new powers. And for this reason, we
doubly need to continue the modernization of our forces. It is
my duty, and mine alone, to commit American fighting men to
combat. And while the security of this nation is on my watch,
the lives of American fighting men won't be traded for dollars.)
Just yesterday, I visited at the National Training Center at
Fort Irwin, near Barstow, where our fighting forces are preparing
for combat. It was at this very base that we trained many of our
troops who fought with such distinction in Panama. As other
threats emerge on the horizon, we must be ready to fight under
any conditions anywhere in the world.
( (You know, I read that Khrushchev once spoke to the
Commonwealth Club from lunch until 11 p.m.\\\ Perhaps he began
his speech with these words: "Let me make just a few brief
observations ) )
So I'll get to my final concern -- how all this change in
our defense budget affects us at home. Many speak of the peace
dividend. Few discuss the short-term cost of peace. There will
be costs as we cross the bridge to a better future -- for
dislocated industries and workers, for disappointed men and women
in the Armed Services who will return to civilian life, for whole
communities.
9
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment. 11
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
( (NSC Insert))
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
We can now envision a time when military competition is
past; when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand.
10
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don't care how many
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
9
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment \\
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
( (That still leaves a lot of decommissioned soldiers,
sailors, airmen and Marines. So I am here today to propose a way
they can make a contribution to our national security after they
have left the service. They have, after all, what many Americans
lack -- a strong background in math and the sciences. So let us
challenge these men and women to educate yet another generation
of American children.
( (I propose an exemption of 50 percent of military retired
pay from federal taxes for those who enter full time into the
teaching of elementary and secondary school youth\
and a
100 percent exemption for those who teach in the classrooms of
the inner city. Some will be alternatively certified. For
10
those men and women still in the military, I propose that they be
allowed to acquire the necessary teaching credentials at reduced
cost prior to retirement.
( (This is as much an investment in our national security as
any other defense program. I began my Presidency by saying that
the purpose of power is to help people. Let us allow these men
and women of our Armed Forces to keep the American people
competitive in the 21st century.) )
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
We can now envision a time when military competition is
past; when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand.
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don't care how many
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
MASTER AP
Document No. 110556SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
2/5/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2/5/90 4:00 PM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES N/C
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 4:00 PM TODAY, Monday, February 5, with a
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
January 29, 1990
Title: SF
1990 FEB - 5 PM 12: 15
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
Noon, Wednesday, February 7th, 1990
( (Acknowledgements to come. ) )
(A few minutes ago, I asked a 49er fan what he thought was
the turning point in the Super Bowl. He said "the National
Anthem. ) )
((Of course, not all recent memories in the Bay Area have
been pleasant ones. I'm sure you remember the last time I was
here, after this city suffered a tragedy and found renewal. I
some
a
remember a clutter of car wrecks, collapsed buildings, flattened
freeways\\ and a terrible black cloud rising from the Marina
District. Some damage remains. But today I've seen something
renewal
else the people of the Bay Area have stood up, dusted
themselves off and rebuilt. The devastation and danger are past.
Because you came together, San Francisco is as beautiful as
ever\\ -- San Francisco is back. ))\\\
I have come back to California for another reason, to give
you -- no-nonsense, hardnosed businessmen and women that you are
and
-- a straightforward & but hopeful E message about our national
security. Yesterday, at Fort Irwin, I also thanked our men and
women in uniform -- not just because they keep America safe and
2
free. I came to thank them because they help to make possible
the wonderful changes that are sweeping the world.
And as the threats to American security change, so too must
our defense strategy. In 1986, defense expenditures consumed 6.5
isentance
percent of our Gross National Product. As you know, I just
submitted my 1991 budget to Congress, which cuts defense for the
Taborat
down just above
fifth year in a row to almost 5 percent of GNP.
I am submitting this budget at a time when the postwar world
have
wen known the world that began in 1945 -- is changing before our
very eyes. So to understand where we are going, let me first
review where we have been and where we are today.
The first generation of postwar leaders had the cautionary
They remembered the Great war - the war to end all wars- was followed
example of their predecessors. A They remembered that visionary conflict.
by chaos and
tried to hmit
statesmen, after the First World War, had outlawed large navies - -
They remembered that their predecessors had even outlawed war
But soon these great hopes faded in the face of unchecked agression.
itself But no pact prevented World War Two.
So And 1945 could realism born of a bloody experience
by our leaders had acquired a patience, 11
a pragmatism born of a sober appraisal of the world as it was.
our strength
And from Harry Truman, to John F. Kennedy to Ronald Reagan, we
became the world's shield our ideals of freedom and democracy, the world's hope.
paid any price, we bore any burden, in the defense of liberty.
We paid with part of our national wealth, And many bravest and
dearlyfor the defense of liberty
with ofour
youngest.
Americans paid with their very lives.
Andso Yet over the past 40 years, our leaders continued to seek provide war for
Sought peace.
peace even as they provided for war. It was during the Truman
Administration, in this very city, that men and women of great
vision and high ideals came from around the world to create an
2909
1
3
assembly
parliament of nations. And so it was in San Francisco, 45 years
ago, that the United Nations was born.
Then, as now, the United States strove to balance its role
as peace-keeper with that of peace-maker. We helped create the
United Nations and NATO; we encouraged Soviet reform change even as we
thworted
rebuffed Soviet expansion.
Those who crafted this new policy and called it
and
containment predicted that if we blocked the easy path of
expansion, then the Soviet Union would one day have to confront
the contraductions of
entend?
its inhumane, illogical system. The purpose of this
containment
The purpose to preserve was
confrontation was not to defeat or to humiliate the Soviets. n The
liberty
was someday to see, as George Kennan put it in 1947, "the gradual
(hope
purpose was to lead to a "mellowing of the Soviet Union." power It
took nearly A ^ half a century to vindicate this strategy, and but at long
now see the results
last we can, say it works: And that is why the Cold War today is
in retreat. III
That is good news, for no sane man or woman is nostalgic for
this
the Cold War. We are inspired by the Revolution of '89 --
heartened delighted to see a man of letters and conscience in Prague move
for example,
from prison to the presidential palace. We are heartened to see
the Berlin Wall fall, setting off a shockwave that upended a
tyrant in Romania.
And we are grateful for something more. The likelihood of a
war with the Soviets has always been small, Now, because of our
marchof freedom
strength and that of our Allies, Now, thanks to the courageous
democracy Eastern
reforms of a dynamic Soviet leader, the threat of war is smaller Geople
and
than ever before III Like Harold MacMillian before him
even in
the soriet
umor stself-
now the prospects for an enduring peace are
greater than ever before.
4
President Gorbachev freely acknowledges that empire is a burden,
more problem than protection. And so now "the winds of change"
we can now envision
are shaping a new destiny for the nations of the Continent --
Twly
that of a Europe whole and free. III
We are taking the first steps across a bridge begun by
others long ago. It is a bridge that can lead us from seemingly
endless conflict to the promise of a lasting peace. But no
we
matter how great the promise, a bridge between nations must be
certain the bridge is secure.
reinforced with realism.
an intelligence
As President, I receive X briefing every morning from the
receive
Central Intelligence Agency. And I get from the CIA the best
intelligence information available to any world leader today. Yet I often
news is
find that the events reported to me by the CIA in the morning are
often
overcome taken by the news in the evening. The world is simply moving
that very
with absolute certainty.
too fast for any person or organization to forecast what will
TPour pursuit of
Our
is
happen next. With so much that is unpredictable, the promising
challenge
senod to manay This from
Start. with an understanding of today 's'
future, we seek must be weighed against the realities. of today.
from day
Take for example,
our allies and
transition
tomorrown Gorbachev, was to reduce land forces on both sides in Central and Eastern
My most recent proposal, warmly received by President
the
world In
I proposed reducing the troop levels
the
satesual
less threatening future we envision
of
Europe to 195,000 troops. That's the prospect for change, and it
Imeica nd Process the security of in
holds great promise.
right now
over 560
But the reality? The Soviets still have almost 600,000
men
under Entrecorce arms in of strategic Central Europe. weapons, today. we have made progress in the start regotiation
Another example: Because of the new openness in Moscow, We now
hope to slash the number of strategic weapons on both sides to in half.
Mention on
5
PA the vary in Xr Pors
6,000. That's the prospect for change, and it too holds 13 great
future we envision
the
promise.
a
But the reality the Soviets still have (number)
right now justhat
over 10,000
modernizensthem; they have deployed
strategic weapons. And they are still developing, at a furious
Two
pace, two new mobile strategic weapons systems and a strategic
ICBM'S, and their strategic defense spending is congrawly
to their spending on staategic offensive forces.
defense initiative.
As
President
am your the Commander-in-Chief. I am bound by the
1
Constitution to defend and protect the United States of America.
will not
the
And I cannot, as Some would have me der predicate our defense on
af ow people
I will not.
promising, but as of yet unfulfilled, hopes for the future. Our
national defense strategy must not be a response to the professed
intentions of other nations, but to the weapons they hold in
their hands. That's the reality we face.
You certainly don't do business on the basis of a promise.
andetermined
The banks you do business with expect collateral. And I will
to seek from the Soviets the collateral to implement a new peace.
In international terms, collateral means: soldiers
decommissioned, discharged tanks dismantled, and nuclear missiles
demolished. III
Some see our measured approach as endangering the process of
essential to the security of this nation and
change. I see our approach as essential to change, as the only
way to a lasting peace. We have shown that American resolve can helpfurther
leads to Soviet reform. We have shown that American strength is
the catalyst for arms control. We are all excited by change
We have shown that the idea called Ameucacan in change. mame
the East, Now but we must not let impatience, born of euphoria, ruin jeopardyl
all we have achieved so for, and all we can achieve in the future.
6
No matter how urgently we want to cross that bridge between
nations, to cross to a new and more promising world, we should
not, in our haste, abandon the path that brought us to this
moment.
STRAT?
believed
First, as Americans have always done, our foremost goal is
to prevent another world war. To do so, we will still need what
to maintain the global balance of power. European security, stability and
the people in the Pentagon call a forward defense. Let me tell we must
freedoment so tud to our own requires an American presence. remain
you what a forward defense means. America spans a continent, but -
there as
long as wanted are needed and wanted.
in strategic terms, we are an island nation. And an island
nation must defend itself before a threat can reach its shores.
The prospect of global peace, therefore, depends upon an American
?
??
And that is why we will continue to have a forward presence --
fighting forces\\ and American troops\ with global reach.
Second, we will, of course, continue to reduce the
likelihood of a nuclear war. And that is why I will aggressively visorously
pursue Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union. III
But arms control and strategic modernization are not competing
strategies. Rather, they can work together to make the world a
safer place.
Just this morning, I visited Lawrence Livermore Labs and met
those visionary men and women who strive to make an all out
whether from a muclear superport or nation
a
nuclear strike on our country'^ or a limited strike from a madman,
group,
when
even more unlikely than it is today.
0f course, some complain of
the cost of developing such technologies, they should first
leter confluct and
consider the cost of not doing all we can to, protect the cities
and citizens of America. That is why I will seek to persuade the
If the technology I have seen today proves feasible - and it loohs
very promising no aggressor could be confident of the success of a
ballistic missile attack. That's what deterience is all about.
7
that infact, greater
descuss how strategic Eleferes
Soviets, through our Defense and Space talks, to use SDI to help
can lead a releave on strategic defenses will contribute to a
us all make a transition to safer world.
something about the strategy behand on
Let me now tell you the ways in which our 1991 defense budget :
strategy is a dramatic departure from the military strategies of
the past.
First, new threats are emerging outside beyond the traditional
These cont insencies must loon
East-West antagonism of the past 45 years. ^ Ever since the langer in
our planning. defense
Mayaguez incident, mest conflicts involving U.S. forces -- like
Remenser the theats of Wyan and dranian tenorism Remenber our liberation
our actions in Libya or Panama -- have had nothing to do with
Kelso atu? insert
of orenada ad Panama. And remember the deducation 2f the U.S. Navy on duty
Soviet expansionism. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the
sateguarding
Persian Gulf two years ago, where only the U.S. Navy could secure
the flow of oil to the industrial democracies.
Remember too hat
Even worse, there are 15 countries in the world that will
morethan
have
^ additional
developing ballistic missiles technology, many with chemical and
by the end of tedecade-
biological weapons. Despite our best efforts, nuclear weapons capabilities
as well.
are proliferating, And inevitably high-tech weapons will fall
into the hands of those leaders whose hatred of America 1 is well known.
and contenpt for curlyed norms
we will work hand to prevent this dangerous profliferation But one
thin certain: is.
We for must its conseguences. be readyx And we will be ready.
Then there are the narco-gangsters -- already a threat to
our national health and spirit. Now they are taking on the pretension
dimensions of a geopolitical force. And they must be dealt with
on the land
as such -- by our military -- in the air and on the seas. III
stopaggression,
Clearly, in the future, we will need to be able to repel a
missile, arrest or a drug lord or protect a sealane We will need
forces adaptable to conditions anywhere in the world. We will need
8
will agility, readiness, sustainability. We will need speed and
stealth. and we will need leadership.
continue to
In short, we must now deter both a global war and limited
in new conditions
conflicts with sophisticated new powers. And for this reason, we
I pray it will not be
doubly need to continue the modernization of our forces. It is my sad
again
my duty, and mine alone, to commit American fighting men to
But if I do, with
combat. And while the security of this nation is on my watch,
short changed.
the lives of American fighting men won't be traded for dollars. 11
As I mentioned, Just yesterday, I visited the National Training Center at
Fort Irwin, near Barstow, where our fighting forces are preparing
action.
form
for
combat. It was at this very base that we trained many of our
terrific Beins prepared is
troops who fought with such distinction in Panama As other
also the best way to ensure that was are prevented. And after seeins our
threats emerge on the horizon, we must be ready to fight under
men and women again, talking with then - they're indeed up to the
any conditions anywhere in the world.
challenges of the future
((You know, I read that Khrushchev once spoke to the
Commonwealth Club from lunch until 11 p.m.\\\ Perhaps he began
his speech with these words: "Let me make just a few brief
observations ))\\\
So I'll get to my final concern -- how all this change in
our defense budget affects us at home. Many speak of the peace
dividend. Few discuss the short-term cost of peace. There will
be costs as we cross the bridge to a better future -- for
dislocated industries and workers, for disappointed men and women adjustment
for communities, and painful personal
to be
in the Armed Services who will return to civilian life, for whole made.
communities.
*
and
and
9
???
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment.
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
(NSC Insert))
know
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
thiscountry
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
the world is more secure than ever
We can now envision a time when military competition is
when freedom things
past; when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
or football:
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
B
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand
10
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
it's not how
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don care how many
It's that
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels, at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
I may personale
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.\\\ \\\
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Inealise I that some
MASTER AP
Document No. 110556SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
2/5/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2/5/90 4:00 PM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES N/C
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 4:00 PM TODAY, Monday, February 5, with a
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
Adm. Supere Altrantic FRANK Allied KElso came.
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
January 29, 1990
Title: SF
1990 FEB.-5 PM 12: 15
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS:
COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
Noon, Wednesday, February 7th, 1990
( (Acknowledgements to come. ) )
( (A few minutes ago, I asked a 49er fan what he thought was
the turning point in the Super Bowl. He said "the National
Anthem."))\\\\
( (Of course, not all recent memories in the Bay Area have
been pleasant ones. I'm sure you remember the last time I was
overatuted
here, after this city suffered a tragedy and found renewal. I
remember a clutter of car wrecks, collapsed buildings, flattened
freeways\ and a terrible black cloud rising from the Marina
District. Some damage remains. But today I've seen something
renewal
else the people of the Bay Area have stood up, dusted
themselves off and rebuilt. The devastation and danger are past.
Because you came together, San Francisco is as beautiful as
ever\\ -- San Francisco is back. ) )
I have come back to California for another reason, to give
you -- no-nonsense, hardnosed businessmen and women that you are
and
-- a straightforward E but hopeful E message about our national
security. Yesterday, at Fort Irwin, I also thanked our men and
women in uniform -- not just because they keep America safe and
2
free. I came to thank them because they help to make possible
the wonderful changes that are sweeping the world.
And as the threats to American security change, so too must
our defense strategy. In 1986, defense expenditures consumed 6.5
3/5
percent of our Gross National Product. As you know, I just
claims
submitted my 1991 budget to Congress, which cuts, defense for the
down just above
fifth year in a row to almost 5 percent of GNP.
held 294
I am submitting this budget at a time when the postwar world
have
wen known the world that began in 1945 -- is changing before our
very eyes. So to understand where we are going, let me first
review where we have been and where we are today.
The first generation of postwar leaders had the cautionary
They remembered Great war - the war to and all wars- was. followed
example of their predecessors. ^ They remembered that visionary conflict.
by chaos and
tried to hmit
statesmen, after the First World War, had outlawed large navies -
They remembered that their predecessors had even outlawed war
But soon these great hopes faded in the tace of unchecked agression.
itself % But And no pact could prevented World War Two.
realism born of bloody experience
So by 1945 our leaders had acquired a patience, 11 a
a
pragmatism # born of a sober appraisal of the world as it was.
our strength
And from Harry Truman to John E. Kennedy to Ronald Reagan, we
became the world's shield our ideals of freedom and democracy, the world's hope.
paid any price, we bore any burden, in the defense of liberty.
dearlyfor the defense of liberty
with ofour
We paid with part of our national wealth, And many bravest and
youngest.
Americans paid with their very lives.
Andso
Yet over the past 40 years, our leaders continued to seek rovide war for
Sought peace.
peace even as they provided for war. It was during the Truman
Administration, in this very city, that men and women of great
vision and high ideals came from around the world to create an
3
assembly
parliament of nations. And so it was in San Francisco, 45 years
ago, that the United Nations was born.
Then, as now, the United States strove to balance its role
as peace-keeper with that of peace-maker. We helped create the
United Nations and NATO; we encouraged Soviet reform change even as we
thwasted
rebuffed Soviet expansion.
Those who crafted this new policy and called it
and
containment predicted that if we blocked the easy path of
expansion, then the Soviet Union would one day have to confront
the contraductions of
its inhumane, illogical system. The purpose of this
containment
The purpose was
was not to defeat or to humiliate the Soviets. n The
topreserve and liberty
was someday to see, as George Kennan put it in 1947, the gradual
hope
purpose was to lead to a "mellowing of the Soviet Union." Power
It
extend hopefully it.
took nearly A ^ half a century to vindicate this strategy, and but at long
now see the results
last we can, say it works: And that is why the Cold War today is
in retreat. III
That is good news, for no sane man or woman is nostalgic for
this
the Cold War. We are inspired by the Revolution of '89 --
for example,
delighted to see a man of letters and conscience in Prague move
from prison to the presidential palace. We are heartened to see
the Berlin Wall fall, setting off a shockwave that upended a
tyrant in Romania.
And we are grateful for something more. The likelihood of a
war with the Soviets has always been small, Now, because of our
marchoz freedom
strength and that of our Allies, Now, thanks to the courageous democracy
Eastern
reforms of a dynamic Seviet leader, the threat of war is smaller anopt
--and
than ever before III Like Harold MacMillian before him
even in
the soriet
umor itself-
now the prospects for an enduring peace are
greater than ever before.
4
President Gorbachev freely acknowledges that empire is a burden,
more problem than protection. And so now the winds of change'
we can now envision
are shaping a new destiny for the nations of the Continent --
Twley
that of a Europe ^ whole and free. III
We are taking the first steps across a bridge begun by
others long ago. It is a bridge that can lead us from seemingly
endless conflict to the promise of a lasting peace. But no
we
matter how great the promise, a bridge between nations must be
certain the bridge is secure.
reinforced with realism.
an intelligence
As President, I receive A briefing every morning from the
receive
Central Intelligence Agency. And I get from the CIA the best
information
intell igence available to any world leader today. Yet I often
news is
find that the events reported to me by the CIA in the morning are
often
overcome taken by the news in the evening. The world is simply moving
that very
with absolute certainty.
too fast for any person or organization to forecast what will
TPour pursuit of
In
is
happen next. With so much that is unpredictable, the> promising
mod Calleryl manage this from
Start with an understanding of today's
future, we seek must be weighed agains the realities. of today.
they
Take for example,
our allies and
insition
"My most recent proposal, warmly received by President
the d world of
Gorbachev, was to reduce land forces on both sides in Central and Eastern
I proposed reducing the troop levels
less threatenim future we envision
Europe to 195,000 troops. That's the prospect for change, and it
needs neien security de in
holds great promise.
But the realityA what The Soviets still have almost 600,000
right now
over 560
men under arms
Ontrecorce in of strategic Central Europe. weapons, today. we have made progress in the start regotictions
Another example: Because of the new openness in Moscow, We now
hope to slash the number of strategic weapons on both sides in half.
STRAM ARM
RTMOUR
5
future we envision
6,000. That's the prospect for change, and it too holds great
promise.
right now justhat
over 10,000
Balerin
But the reality the Soviets still have (number)
strategic weapons. And they are still modernizensthem; developing, they at have a furious deployed
Two
pass, two new mobile strategic weapons systems and a strategic
ICBMS, and their strategic defense spending is congravely
to their spending on staategic offensive forces.
defense initiative.
As President ^ am your the Commander-in-Chief. I am bound by the
Constitution to defend and protect the United States of America.
will not
the
And I cannot, as Some would have me - predicate our defense on
of our people
I will not.
promising, but as & yet unfulfilled, hopes for the future. Our
national defense strategy must not be a response to the professed
intentions of other nations, but to the weapons they hold in
their hands. 11 That's the reality we face,
You certainly don't do business on the basis of a promise.
andetermined
The banks you do business with expect collateral. And I will
to seek from the Soviets the collateral to implement a new peace.
In international terms, collateral means: soldiers
decommissioned, discharged tanks dismantled, and nuclear missiles
demolished. III
Some see our measured approach as endangering the process of
essential to the security of this nation and
change. I see our approach as essential to change, as the only
way to a lasting peace. We have shown that American resolve can helpfurther
leads to Soviet reform. We have shown that American strength is
We have shown that the idea called Ameucacan msins
the catalyst for arms control. We are all excited by change in change.
the East, Now but we must not let impatience, born of euphoria, ruin jeopardy
all we have achieved far, and all we can achieve in the future.
6
No matter how urgently we want to cross that bridge between
nations, to cross to a new and more promising world, we should
not, in our haste, abandon the path that brought us to this
moment.
believed
First, as Americans have always done, our foremost goal is
to prevent another world war. To do so, we will still need what
to maintain the global valance of power. European security, stability and
the people in the Pentagon call a forward defense. Let me tell we must
freedoms so tud to our own requires an American presences remain
you what a forward defense means. America spans a continent, but
-
there as
long or we marked are needed and wanted.
in strategic terms, we are an island nation. And an island
nation must defend itself before a threat can reach its shores.
The prospect of global peace, therefore, depends upon an American
?
And that is why we will continue to have a forward presence --
fighting forces\\ and American treeps\\ with global reach.
Second, we will, of course, continue to reduce the
visorously
likelihood of a nuclear war. And that is why I will aggressively
pursue Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union. 111
Chemicals
CFE
But arms control and strategic modernization are not competing
strategies. Rather, they can work together to make the world a
safer place.
Just this morning, I visited Lawrence Livermore Labs and met
those visionary men and women who strive to make an all out
nuclear strike on our country'^ or a limited strike from a madman,
whether from a muclear superport or nation group,
when
even more unlikely than it is today.
0f course, some complain of
the cost of developing such technologies, they should first
leter confluctand
consider the cost of not doing all we can ton protect the cities
and citizens of America. That is why I will seek to persuade the
If the technology I have been today proves feasible - and A loohs
very promising no aggressor could be confident of the success of a
ballistic missile attack. That's what deterience is all about.
7
that infact, greater
descuss how strategic
Soviets, through our Defense and Space talks, to use SDI to help
Defences
can lead a releave on strategic defenses will contribute to a
US all make a transition to safer world.
something about the strategy behnd on
Let me now tell you the ways in which our 1991 defense budget :
strategy is a dramatic departure from the military strategies of
the past.
First, new threats are emerging outside beyond the traditional
These cont myencies must loow
East-West antagonism of the past 45 years. ^ Ever since the larger in
our planning. defense
Mayaguez incident, mest conflicts involving U.S. forces like
our actions in or Panama - have had nothing to do with
Remenser the threats Libra Wyan and draman terrorism Remenber our elecation
itso the misert
of Orenada ad Parama. And remember the dedication 27ths U.S. Navy on duty
Soviet expansionism. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the
By sateguarding
Persian Gulf two years ago, where only the U.S. Navy could secure
the flow of oil to the industrial democracies.
Remember too hat
morethan
Even worse, there are 15 countries in the world that will are
have
^ additional
by the end of hedecade-
developing ballistic missiles technology, many with chemical and
biological weapons. Despite our best efforts, Auclear weapons capabilities
as well.
are proliferatingA And inevitably high-tech weapons will fall
into the hands of those leaders whose hatred of America ! is well known.
and contenst for curlyed norms
his
we will work hand to prevent this dangerous profleferation But one
is.
celtain:
We must its be ready< And we will beready.
for consequences.
Then there are the narco-gangsters -- already a threat to
our national health and spirit. Now they are taking on the pretensions
dimensions of a geopolitical force. And they must be dealt with
on the land
as such -- by our military -- in the air and on the seas.
Clearly, in the future, we will need to be able to N stopaggression, repel a
missile, arrest or a drug lord or protect a sealane We will need
forces adaptable to conditions anywhere in the world. We will need
8
will agility, readiness, sustainability. We will need speed and
stealth. and we willneed 'eadership.
continue to
In short, we must now deter both a global war and limited
in new conditions
conflicts with sophisticated new powers. And for this reason, we
I pray it will not be
doubly need to continue the modernization of our forces. It is my sad
again
my duty, and mine alono, to commit American fighting men to
But if I do, with
combat. And while the security of this nation in on my watch,
short changed.
the lives of American fighting men won't be traded for dollars.
As I mentioned, Just yesterday, I visited the National Training Center at
Fort Irwin, near Barstow, where our fighting forces - preparing
action.
for
combat. It was at this very base that we trained many of our
But Beins prepared is
troops who fought with such distinction in Panama As other
also the best way to ensure that was are prevented. And after seeing our
threats emerge on the horizon, we must be ready to fight under
men and women again, talking with them - they're indeed up to the
any conditions anywhere in the world. V challenges of the future
((You know, I read that Khrushchev once spoke to the
Commonwealth Club from lunch until 11 p.m.\\\ Perhaps he began
his speech with these words: "Let me make just a few brief
observations ))\\\
So I'll get to my final concern -- how all this change in
our defense budget affects us at home. Many speak of the peace
dividend. Few discuss the short-term cost of peace. There will
be costs as we cross the bridge to a better future -- for
dislocated industries and workers, for for communities, disappointed and mon painful and personal women adjustment
to be
in the Armed Services who will return to civilian life, for whole made.
communities.
and
Arsh
9
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment.
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
((NSC Insert))
know
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
discountry
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
the world is more secure than ever
We can now envision a time when military competition is
when freedom thires
past; ^ when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
or football
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
B
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand
Let no me politics state can't in accept his decesion every the fact long
done
get
job
taxpayer
we 've got an R
that
the
the
you
for
long time advocates Doden farmers of cuttory def.
10
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
it's not how
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don care how many
It's that's
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.\\\
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
The Honorable George Bush, President of the United States
CLUB
OF CALIFORNIA THE
FOUNDED 1903
Wednesday, February 7, 1990
Grand Ballroom, San Francisco Hilton
Excerpts from previous Commonwealth Club Addresses by
The Honorable George Bush
The world is not yet such as we would want it to be. Maybe it never will be. It certainly is not likely to
become a utopian world within our lifetime or even in the foreseeble future. And while we are striving to make
our contribution to a world of peace and security and trust, we find that we still need-quite consistent with
this striving--to have national security second to none in the world.
July 23, 1976, Director, Central Intelligence Agency
We are not going to risk American security on the word of a nation that has time and again broken its in-
ternational commitments. A true, not illusory, relaxation of tensions with the Soviets can only be based on
mutual respect between the world's two superpowers and a realistic assessment on our part of Soviet inten-
tions in light of their past record.
September 11, 1980, Republican Candidate for Vice President
The view of America from abroad in recent years has, as you know, been that of a confused, contradic-
tory, often helpless, sometimes clumsy giant. Our experience in Vietnam, our experience in Iran, the open sea-
son on American embassies, the vacillations over whether or not we were going to go ahead with one or the
other weapons system-all these events have produced in the international community a certain wariness of
America.
October 1, 1981, Vice President of the United States
When I see the lack of human rights, such as the Soviet treatment of Jewry, it makes me wonder whether
their brutal system is going to let up. But there is an economic side, too. Because of Soviet military spending,
there are tremendous economic pressures on a society that is not nearly as productive as we are. I would hope
that they would try to reduce tensions and live with civility. But I cannot predict whether they will.
October 17, 1984, Republican Candidate for Vice President
When we impose protectionist measures, consumers lose because they pay higher prices for a poorer
choice and a lower quality of goods. Taxpayers lose by paying higher taxes to finance subsidies. Workers lose
as job opportunities dwindle. Those who are struggling up from poverty lose because that critical first job
evaporates. All of us lose because we chip away at the competitive impulse that has made America the biggest
trading nation on earth.
September 11, 1985, Vice President of the United States
We impose high capital gains tax rates, while most of our major trading partners don't even have a capital
gains tax. Germany doesn't. Japan doesn't. Nor does Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea or Taiwan. The
capital gains tax is a tax on investment, on innovations, on new technology. I favor a capital gains cut. It will
raise revenues and create jobs. It's estimated that a reduction to 15 percent will raise as much as $4 billion in
new revenues for the government. Why? More people take risks, more businesses start, more tax money flows
into the Treasury.
September 15, 1988, Republican Candidate for President
At Today's Speakers Table
Audience's Left
James L. Coplan, Director of Member Services, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Henry C. Allnutt, III, Member, Presidential Task Force Committee & Republican Senatorial Committee; Retired
Accountant, Pacific Gas and Electric Company.
D. Drew Dowsett, Senior Vice President & Controller, Charles Schwab; Treasurer, The Commonwealth Club of
California.
Gerti B. Thomas, Vice Chairman-North, California Republican Party.
Bruce T. Mitchell, Attorney; Past President, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Alfred S. Wilsey, Sr., Executive Vice President & Chairman, Executive Committee, Wilsey Bennett Co.
The Honorable Humberto Urteaga, Consul General of Peru; Dean, San Francisco Consular Corps.
Richard C. Otter, Senior Vice President, Shearson Lehman Hutton; Chairman, Program Committee,
The Commonwealth Club of California.
George H. Pfau, Jr., Senior Vice President, Paine Webber; Chairman, Citizens for a Better San Francisco.
The Honorable David Packard, Chairman of the Board, Hewlett Packard Company; Former U.S. Secretary of Defense.
The Honorable Robert W. Merrill, Associate Justice, Court of Appeal, State of California; Chairman, Executive
Committee, The Commonwealth Club of California.
The Honorable Art Agnos, Mayor, City & County of San Francisco.
The Honorable Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.
Jean Auer, Councilwoman, Town of Hillsborough; President-Elect, The Commonwealth Club of California.
The Honorable George P. Shultz, Former U.S. Secretary of State.
CLUB PRESIDENT:
Joseph F. Perrelli, President, California Investors Group, Inc.
SPEAKER:
THE HONORABLE GEORGE BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
QUARTERLY CHAIRMAN: Joseph R. Fink, Ph.D., President, Dominican College.
The Honorable George Deukmejian, Governor, State of California.
The Honorable Pete Wilson, U.S. Senator, California.
Dennis Wu, Partner-in-Charge, Northern California and Nevada, Financial Institutions Group, Deloitte & Touche;
Immediate Past President, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Jaquelin H. Hume, Chairman, Foundation for Teaching Economics.
A.W. Clausen, Chairman, BankAmerica Corporation.
Eugene E. Trefethen, Jr., Retired President, Kaiser Industries Corporation.
Richard N. Goldman, Chairman, Richard N. Goldman & Co.
J. B. Dean, Chairman, San Francisco Republican County Central Committee.
William G. Gaede, Associate Managing Partner, Deloitte & Touche; President, World Affairs Council of Northern
California.
Nelson S. Weller, Past President, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Bernard H. Schulte, Managing Director, Northwest Region, Korn Ferry International; Secretary, The Commonwealth Club
of California.
Victoria A. Barbero, Senior Editor, Cresap-a Towers Perrin Company; Chairwoman, Study Section on International
Relations, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Steven A. Savia, Partner, Deloitte & Touche; Member, Board of Governors, The Commonwealth Club of California.
Document No. 110556SS
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
2/5/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY:
2/5/90 4:00 PM
SUBJECT:
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: COMMONWEALTH CLUB
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 4:00 PM TODAY, Monday, February 5, with a
copy to my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
theme throughout-
VEry good -ties
20
its
word combat and Assistant Deputy to to the the
change - maliminating " James W. Cicconi President
note small
Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
T. you S.R
Davis/Martin
January 29, 1990
1990 FEB -5 PM 12: 15
Title: SF
Draft: Three
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS:
COMMONWEALTH CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO
Noon, Wednesday, February 7th, 1990
((Acknowledgements to come.) )
(A few minutes ago, I asked a 49er fan what he thought was
the turning point in the Super Bowl. He said "the National
Anthem. ) 1111
( (Of course, not all recent memories in the Bay Area have
been pleasant ones. I'm sure you remember the last time I was
here, after this city suffered a tragedy and found renewal. I
remember a clutter of car wrecks, collapsed buildings, flattened
freeways\\ and a terrible black cloud rising from the Marina
District. Some damage remains. But today I've seen something
else -- the people of the Bay Area have stood up, dusted
themselves off and rebuilt. The devastation and danger are past.
Because you came together, San Francisco is as beautiful as
ever\\ -- San Francisco is back.) )
I have come back to California for another reason, to give
you -- no-nonsense, hardnosed businessmen and women that you are
-- a straightforward, but hopeful, message about our national
security. Yesterday, at Fort Irwin, I also thanked our men and
women in uniform -- not just because they keep America safe and
2
free. I came to thank them because they help to make possible
the wonderful changes that are sweeping the world.
And as the threats to American security change, so too must
our defense strategy. In 1986, defense expenditures consumed 6.5
percent of our Gross National Product. As you know, I just
submitted my 1991 budget to Congress, which cuts defense for the
fifth year in a row -- to almost 5 percent of GNP.
I am submitting this budget at a time when the postwar world
we know -- the world that began in 1945 -- is changing before our
very eyes. So to understand where we are going, let me first
review where we have been and where we are today.
The first generation of postwar leaders had the cautionary
example of their predecessors. They remembered that visionary
statesmen, after the First World War, had outlawed large navies.
They remembered that their predecessors had even outlawed war
itself. But no pact prevented World War Two.
So by 1945 our leaders had acquired a patience, a
pragmatism, 11 born of a sober appraisal of the world as it was.
And from Harry Truman, to John F. Kennedy, to Ronald Reagan, we
paid any price, we bore any burden, in the defense of liberty.
We paid with part of our national wealth. And many brave
Americans paid with their very lives.
Yet over the past 40 years, our leaders continued to seek
peace even as they provided for war. It was during the Truman
Administration, in this very city, that men and women of great
vision and high ideals came from around the world to create a
3
parliament of nations. And so it was in San Francisco, 45 years
ago, that the United Nations was born.
Then, as now, the United States strove to balance its role
as peace-keeper with that of peace-maker. We helped create the
United Nations and NATO; we encouraged Soviet reform even as we
rebuffed Soviet expansion.
Those who crafted this new policy, and called it
containment, predicted that if we blocked the easy path of
expansion, then the Soviet Union would one day have to confront
its inhumane, illogical system. The purpose of this
confrontation was not to defeat or to humiliate the Soviets. The
purpose was to lead to a "mellowing of the Soviet Union." It
took a half a century to vindicate this strategy, and at long
last we can say it works: And that is why the Cold War today is
in retreat.
That is good news, for no sane man or woman is nostalgic for
the Cold War. We are inspired by the Revolution of '89 --
delighted to see a man of letters and conscience in Prague move
from prison to the presidential palace. We are heartened to see
the Berlin Wall fall, setting off a shockwave that upended a
tyrant in Romania.
And we are grateful for something more. The likelihood of a
war with the Soviets has always been small, because of our
strength and that of our Allies. Now, thanks to the courageous
reforms of a dynamic Soviet leader, the threat of war is smaller
than ever before. III Like Harold MacMillian before him,
4
President Gorbachev freely acknowledges that empire is a burden,
more problem than protection. And so now "the winds of change"
are shaping a new destiny for the nations of the Continent ---
that of a Europe whole and free.
We are taking the first steps across a bridge begun by
others long ago. It is a bridge that can lead us from seemingly
endless conflict to the promise of a lasting peace. But no
matter how great the promise, a bridge between nations must be
reinforced with realism.
As President, I receive a briefing every morning from the
Central Intelligence Agency. And I get from the CIA the best
intelligence available to any world leader today. Yet I often
find that the events reported to me by the CIA in the morning are
overcome by the news in the evening. The world is simply moving
too fast for any person or organization to forecast what will
happen next. With so much that is unpredictable, the promising
future we seek must be weighed against the realities of today.
My most recent proposal, warmly received by President
Gorbachev, was to reduce land forces on both sides in Central
Europe to 195,000 troops. That's the prospect for change, and it
holds great promise.
But the reality? -- The Soviets still have almost 600,000
men under arms in Central Europe today.
Another example: Because of the new openness in Moscow, we
hope to slash the number of strategic weapons on both sides to
5
6,000. That's the prospect for change, and it too holds great
promise.
But the reality? -- the Soviets still have ((number))
strategic weapons. And they are still developing, at a furious
pace, two new mobile strategic weapons systems and a strategic
defense initiative.
I am your Commander-in-Chief. I am bound by the
Constitution to defend and protect the United States of America.
And I cannot, as some would have me do, predicate our defense on
promising, but as of yet unfulfilled, hopes for the future. Our
national defense strategy must not be a response to the professed
intentions of other nations, but to the weapons they hold in
their hands. That's the reality we face.
You certainly don't do business on the basis of a promise.
The banks you do business with expect collateral. And I will
seek from the Soviets the collateral to implement a new peace.
In international terms, collateral means: soldiers
decommissioned, tanks dismantled, and nuclear missiles
demolished.
Some see our measured approach as endangering the process of
change. I see our approach as essential to change, as the only
way to a lasting peace. We have shown that American resolve
leads to Soviet reform. We have shown that American strength is
the catalyst for arms control. We are all excited by change in
the East, but we must not let impatience, born of euphoria, ruin
all we have achieved.
6
No matter how urgently we want to cross that bridge between
nations, to cross to a new and more promising world, we should
not, in our haste, abandon the path that brought us to this
moment.
First, as Americans have always done, our foremost goal is
to prevent another world war. To do so, we will still need what
the people in the Pentagon call a forward defense. Let me tell
you what a forward defense means. America spans a continent, but
in strategic terms, we are an island nation. And an island
nation must defend itself before a threat can reach its shores.
And that is why we will continue to have a forward presence --
fighting forces\\ and American troops\\ with global reach.
Second, we will, of course, continue to reduce the
likelihood of a nuclear war. And that is why I will aggressively
pursue Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the Soviet Union.\\\
But arms control and strategic modernization are not competing
strategies. Rather, they can work together to make the world a
safer place.
Just this morning, I visited Lawrence Livermore Labs and met
those visionary men and women who strive to make an all-out
nuclear strike on our country, or a limited strike from a madman,
even more unlikely than it is today. Of course, some complain of
the cost of developing such technologies. They should first
consider the cost of not doing all we can to protect the cities
and citizens of America. That is why I will seek to persuade the
7
Soviets, through our Defense and Space talks, to use SDI to help
us all make a transition to safer world.
Let me now tell you the ways in which our 1991 defense
strategy is a dramatic departure from the military strategies of
the past.
First, new threats are emerging outside the traditional
East-West antagonism of the past 45 years. Ever since the
Mayaguez incident, most conflicts involving U.S. forces -- like
our actions in Libya or Panama -- have had nothing to do with
Soviet expansionism. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the
Persian Gulf two years ago, where only the U.S. Navy could secure
the flow of oil to the industrial democracies.
Even worse, there are 15 countries in the world that are
developing ballistic missile technology, many with chemical and
biological weapons. Despite our best efforts, nuclear weapons
are proliferating. And inevitably high-tech weapons will fall
into the hands of leaders whose hatred of America is well known.
We must be ready.
Then there are the narco-gangsters -- already a threat to
our national health and spirit. Now they are taking on the
dimensions of a geopolitical force. And they must be dealt with
as such -- by our military -- in the air and on the seas.
Clearly, in the future, we will need to be able to repel a
missile, arrest a drug lord or protect a sealane. We will need
forces adaptable to conditions anywhere in the world. We need
8
will agility, readiness, sustainability. We will need speed and
stealth.
In short, we must now deter both a global war and limited
conflicts with sophisticated new powers. And for this reason, we
doubly need to continue the modernization of our forces. It is
my duty, and mine alone, to commit American fighting men to
combat. And while the security of this nation is on my watch,
the lives of American fighting men won't be traded for dollars.
Just yesterday, I visited at the National Training Center at
Fort Irwin, near Barstow, where our fighting forces are preparing
this nations defense
for combat. It was at this very base that we trained many of our
troops who fought with such distinction in Panama. As other
threats emerge on the horizon, we must be ready to fight under
any conditions anywhere in the world.
((You know, I read that Khrushchev once spoke to the
Commonwealth Club from lunch until 11 p.m.\\\ Perhaps he began
his speech with these words: "Let me make just a few brief
observations ) )
So I'll get to my final concern -- how all this change in
our defense budget affects us at home. Many speak of the peace
dividend. Few discuss the short-term cost of peace. There will
be costs as we cross the bridge to a better future -- for
dislocated industries and workers, for disappointed men and women
in the Armed Services who will return to civilian life, for whole
communities.
9
But America has always been willing to pay the price of
peace. I know that some of the bases that have been proposed for
closure are in this area. So I have come to San Francisco today
to assure you that if a base closes, it doesn't close federal
concern and commitment.
Civilians who are laid off will receive top priority for
placement in other DOD positions. The Homeowner's Assistance
Program will protect military and civilian personnel from falling
real estate prices. And the Office of Economic Adjustment will
work with communities to develop powerful new economic assets,
new ways to use old bases. The Bible speaks of beating swords
into plowshares. We are transforming military runways into
municipal airports; military bases into industrial parks and
community colleges; and missile hangers into factories.
( (NSC Insert))
I have no doubt the American people will support these
measures for a continued strong defense. My travels around
America tell me that. But to have the means to negotiate
reductions and ensure the peace, I will need the support,
cooperation and consultation of Congress.
We can now envision a time when military competition is
past; when all the competitive instincts of modern man will be
diverted to commerce; when the warriors of the future will be
businessmen and women like you, briefcase in hand.
10
You know, I started by joking about the 49ers winning the
Super Bowl during the National Anthem. But I don't care how many
passes Joe Montana completed. He knew better than to rest on his
laurels at the beginning of the fourth quarter. So should we.
If Congress will work with me, then peace itself will be the
greatest dividend of all.
Before us is a bridge to a new and better world. The way is
clear. It's time to cross. Thank you for inviting me to San
Francisco. God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#