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Joint Center for Policy Studies 4/4/90 [OA 4727] [1]
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16
2
4
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 4, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE JOINT CENTER FOR POLICY STUDIES
The Washington Hilton
Washington, D.C.
7:42 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all for that warm welcome.
Wendell, thank you, sir. And to Eddie Williams, my respects and
thanks for having me here. And to David Kearns and Vernon Jordan;
our old friend, and Jim Robinson, another, thank you all. And to
Reverend Newsome, thank you, sir, for that lovely invocation. It's
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie Hillman,
well-known to many here. And I would especially like to recognize
and pay my respects to Doug Wilder, the Governor of Virginia, over
here. (Applause.) I'm delighted.
You know, it's remarkable to think that in 1968, less
than two years before the Joint Center was founded, there were only
200 elected black public officials in all of America. Twenty years
later, there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record. (Applause.)
But what I find most heartening is the way in which black
leadership in America has become an ordinary, accepted feature of our
national life. This new leadership has a tremendous resource in the
Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. A philosopher once
said that no problem can stand the assault of sustained thinking. If
that is true, then no problem we face today is a match for the Joint
Center, truly one of the leading academies of independent thought in
Washington today. Eddie, we congratulate you for your steadfast
leadership. (Applause.)
We can see for ourselves tonight that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this wonderful
evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not agree on
everything, but we agree on a few great things -- liberty, equality,
opportunity and justice for all.
And not long ago, a distinguished group of 15 black
publishers from across the country came for lunch at the White House.
And we discussed everything from our meetings, stimulating meetings
with Vaclav Havel, the new playwright-President of Czechoslovakia, to
our struggle to battle domestically -- get rid of this nation -- rid
it of drugs and crime. And after lunch, we walked outside and
together we strolled across that South Lawn -- out of the Oval
Office, across the South Lawn and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room into the Residence and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. And it's an
impressive room, with its high, imposing ceiling and its tall
windows, lace curtains and old Victorian furnishings. But you know
what it is about that room that's so powerful? It's not that Lincoln
slept there. In fact, he didn't. (Laughter.) It's that he worked
there and thought there and agonized there. Because he made some of
his greatest decisions there. It was his office and the Cabinet
Room. And it was where he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
In a display case along the wall is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, sitting on a desk in the corner, written in
Lincoln's dignified hand. In fact, of the five copies he made, that
he wrote out in hand, it's the only one that he actually signed. And
above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
MORE
- 2 -
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had never known a
minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln had proclaimed January 1,
1863 as the first day of freedom, all their eyes are fixed on a watch
-- waiting for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his
quill into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation. Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was
weary. In any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand so that
no one would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room felt the greatness of
the events that had taken place in there and the profound
consequences of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these,
history comes rushing back as a revelation. And that very special
moment lead me to reflect on the special responsibilities of the
presidency -- responsibilities that haven't changed since that
midnight of freedom in 1863. Every president since has been
challenged to be part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of
freedom.
And the day will come -- and it's not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in that Oval Office.
(Applause.) And when that day comes, the most remarkable thing about
it will be how naturally it occurs. That person will be another
president, another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing
all the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids; Barbara goes to a
lot of events where kids are there. And I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave 10-year-olds swearing to uphold the fight against
drugs: Will one of them be president? Is this the kid who will
fulfill that legacy?
Now, I saw Jesse Jackson earlier and I don't want to get
anything started -- so, Jesse, I'm talking about little kids.
(Laughter.) I'm not talking about some 49-year-old guy here. I like
my job. (Laughter.) Let's not rush this thing. (Applause.) Where
did he go?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
do exist in America. And that's why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta
Scott King and so many others in the civil rights movement that I
would use this bully pulpit to condemn in the strongest terms racism,
bigotry, and hate. (Applause.)
You know, black Americans have challenged me and our
entire administration -- my distinguished friend, Lou Sullivan, who
I'm very proud of, knows this to be true -- challenged us to live up
to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement, and I accept that
challenge. And now let me ask you to work with us to build a better
America. There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also mean
the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are forms of
poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We must
draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity movements, and
from the new hope dawning in South Africa today. For after all, the
Freedom March that wound through the country roads of Selma 25 years
ago leads to the cobbled streets of Warsaw and Budapest today, and
now the winds of change have come to South Africa, where Nelson
Mandela is a free man. (Applause.)
Let me just take one minute to discuss America's Africa
policy, for change is sweeping this troubled continent. But this
time change brings opportunity. So let us work together to help the
peoples of Africa to overcome poverty, disease, starvation, and war.
We're working to overcome these problems throughout Africa. And we
MORE
- 3 -
continue to actively seek national reconciliation in Angola. And we
support the efforts of President Chissano to end the fighting in
Mozambique. And we are looking for ways we can help the
newly-independent nation of Namibia.
In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. And tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. And I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the urgent
movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members of the
United Nations to use their influence to achieve this vital
objective. (Applause.) If you ever have held in your arms, as
Barbara and I did, in the Sudan it was for us, this kid that is
starving -- lay aside the politics. Let's get those routes open.
Let's get that food to those starving people in Ethiopia.
South Africa is, of course, of special concern because we
can now take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. And
there are new signs of flexibility and commitment both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk has
already taken some significant steps, lifting the ban on political
parties, releasing Mandela and other political prisoners. And I
salute President de Klerk for taking these steps. But even more must
be done. The state of emergency must end and political prisoners
must be released. And most of all, there must be an end to the
tragic cycle of violence. A task that demands great courage and
resolve from all South African leaders, black and white.
The government's attempts to enforce apartheid through
force and repression have failed. And violent attacks by opponents
of apartheid inside South Africa have equally failed. And most
tragically, the senseless violence perpetrated by blacks against
blacks has become a major impediment to rapid progress toward a
negotiated settlement. All sides should follow the spirit of Martin
Luther King, Jr., and renounce violence. (Applause.)
And such a step will nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunites. It is
imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to negotiate
seriously a framework for a truly democratic South Africa, liberated
from the horror of apartheid. And we are encouraged by signs that
all sides share a growing commitment to the negotiating process. We
stand ready to support this still-fragile process in any way we can.
Jim Baker, our Secretary of State, has just returned from
South Africa, where he met with de Klerk, President de Klerk, and the
leading members of the black opposition. And he met with Nelson
Mandela in Namibia. And I've also invited, as I think everybody here
knows, President de Klerk and Mr. Mandela to meet with me at the
White House. And I will spare no effort to bring about positive
change in South Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a
nation, and that leads me to say, we must continue our programs to
assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work
for change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that
multiparty democracy, based on a vigorous free enterprise system,
represents the best model for any successful society.
In short, we can all work for change. American influence
is strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa; one that unites
all Americans of all races, of both parties in a noble cause.
In America, right here at home, we also seek the
fulfillment of a noble cause -- to overcome obstacles to opportunity.
And in this cause let us look to the heroes of our times. Has the
world known more improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together in
solidarity.
MORE
- 4 -
But opportunity alone is notæenough, for there's yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas City,
I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling bursts of
gunfire -- not heard there since the days of the old West. And
yesterday, I visited a 17-year-old black high school student named
Derrick Turnbow, in a Cincinnati hospital. You see, Derrick was an
innocent bystander who got caught in the cross-fire of a shoot-out.
He was shot in the head and he's now lying there paralyzed. And the
only means left to this honor student to communicate is by winking
his eye. And in Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman. And
in my own old congressional district in Houston, Texas, in an area
called Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who'd seen their community
ravaged by pushers and decided to change all that.
Everywhere I went I found hope. I found people who have
had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope. And
just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the people
of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people power to
fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime and drugs.
Freedom from fear. We must march with them in solidarity, side by
side, block by block, city by city.
And then there's yet another kind of poverty -- the
growing poverty of knowledge. Many young men and women in this
country are simply not learning. They're not learning the basics to
hold down a job or to raise a family. And that is a national
disgrace. And we need to improve the quality of education for all
Americans and raise our expectations for what we know our children
can learn and accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better
our schools.
And that's why I'm pleased that so many of you, leaders
from business -- and I run a risk here, but I'd like to single out
David Kearns, of Xerox -- along with leaders in government,
education, labor, and the media, are working together to better our
schools by serving on the President's Education Policy Advisory
Committee.
I've discussed just a few of the many ways in which we're
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a better
America, and I could go on. But my favorite story says it all --
about the kid that went to church with his grandfather and he said,
"Granddad" -- the preacher going on and on and on -- the kid says,
"What's those flags along the side of the church there?" The
grandfather said, "Well, son," he said, "that's for those who died in
service." And the kid said, "Oh, really? The 9:00 a.m. or the 11:00
a.m. service?" (Laughter.)
So I know you haven't eaten yet, and we are rudely taking
off. But, look, we've talked about the struggle against crime and
fear, and the struggle for better education and opportunity. But the
bottom line is simply this: When the morning comes, will we work
together for what we have applauded tonight?
I've seen your good works. I know that we will. And let
us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther King spoke of an
arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is our legacy, our
freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters of this American
nation like no other.
I'm just delighted to have been with you. I came over,
Eddie, to say again my thanks and respects to you, sir. And to all
of you, thank you. And God. bless the United States of America.
Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
8:10 P.M. EDT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 4, 1990
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE JOINT CENTER FOR POLICY STUDIES
The Washington Hilton
Washington, D.C.
7:42 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all for that warm welcome.
Wendell, thank you, sir. And to Eddie Williams, my respects and
thanks for having me here. And to David Kearns and Vernon Jordan;
our old friend, and Jim Robinson, another, thank you all. And to
Reverend Newsome, thank you, sir, for that lovely invocation. It's
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie Hillman,
well-known to many here. And I would especially like to recognize
and pay my respects to Doug Wilder, the Governor of Virginia, over
here. (Applause.) I'm delighted.
You know, it's remarkable to think that in 1968, less
than two years before the Joint Center was founded, there were only
200 elected black public officials in all of America. Twenty years
later, there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record. (Applause.)
But what I find most heartening is the way in which black
leadership in America has become an ordinary, accepted feature of our
national life. This new leadership has a tremendous resource in the
Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. A philosopher once
said that no problem can stand the assault of sustained thinking. If
that is true, then no problem we face today is a match for the Joint
Center, truly one of the leading academies of independent thought in
Washington today. Eddie, we congratulate you for your steadfast
leadership. (Applause.)
We can see for ourselves tonight that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this wonderful
evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not agree on
everything, but we agree on a few great things -- liberty, equality,
opportunity and justice for all.
And not long ago, a distinguished group of 15 black
publishers from across the country came for lunch at the White House.
And we discussed everything from our meetings, stimulating meetings
with Vaclav Havel, the new playwright-President of Czechoslovakia, to
our struggle to battle domestically -- get rid of this nation -- rid
it of drugs and crime. And after lunch, we walked outside and
together we strolled across that South Lawn -- out of the Oval
Office, across the South Lawn and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room into the Residence and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. And it's an
impressive room, with its high, imposing ceiling and its tall
windows, lace curtains and old Victorian furnishings. But you know
what it is about that room that's so powerful? It's not that Lincoln
slept there. In fact, he didn't. (Laughter.) It's that he worked
there and thought there and agonized there. Because he made some of
his greatest decisions there. It was his office and the Cabinet
Room. And it was where he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
In a display case along the wall is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, sitting on a desk in the corner, written in
Lincoln's dignified hand. In fact, of the five copies he made, that
he wrote out in hand, it's the only one that he actually signed. And
above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
MORE
- 2 -
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had never known a
minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln had proclaimed January 1,
1863 as the first day of freedom, all their eyes are fixed on a watch
-- waiting for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his
quill into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation. Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was
weary. In any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand so that
no one would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room felt the greatness of
the events that had taken place in there and the profound
consequences of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these,
history comes rushing back as a revelation. And that very special
moment lead me to reflect on the special responsibilities of the
presidency -- responsibilities that haven't changed since that
midnight of freedom in 1863. Every president since has been
challenged to be part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of
freedom.
And the day will come -- and it's not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in that Oval Office.
(Applause.) And when that day comes, the most remarkable thing about
it will be how naturally it occurs. That person will be another
president, another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing
all the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids; Barbara goes to a
lot of events where kids are there. And I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave 10-year-olds swearing to uphold the fight against
drugs: Will one of them be president? Is this the kid who will
fulfill that legacy?
Now, I saw Jesse Jackson earlier and I don't want to get
anything started -- so, Jesse, I'm talking about little kids.
(Laughter.) I'm not talking about some 49-year-old guy here. I like
my job. (Laughter.) Let's not rush this thing. (Applause.) Where
did he go?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
do exist in America. And that's why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta
Scott King and so many others in the civil rights movement that I
would use this bully pulpit to condemn in the strongest terms racism,
bigotry, and hate. (Applause.)
You know, black Americans have challenged me and our
entire administration -- my distinguished friend, Lou Sullivan, who
I'm very proud of, knows this to be true -- challenged us to live up
to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement, and I accept that
challenge. And now let me ask you to work with us to build a better
America. There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also mean
the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are forms of
poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We must
draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity movements, and
from the new hope dawning in South Africa today. For after all, the
Freedom March that wound through the country roads of Selma 25 years
ago leads to the cobbled streets of Warsaw and Budapest today, and
now the winds of change have come to South Africa, where Nelson
Mandela is a free man. (Applause.)
Let me just take one minute to discuss America's Africa
policy, for change is sweeping this troubled continent. But this
time change brings opportunity. So let us work together to help the
peoples of Africa to overcome poverty, disease, starvation, and war.
We're working to overcome these problems throughout Africa. And we
MORE
- 3 -
continue to actively seek national reconciliation in Angola. And we
support the efforts of President Chissano to end the fighting in
Mozambique. And we are looking for ways we can help the
newly-independent nation of Namibia.
In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. And tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. And I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the urgent
movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members of the
United Nations to use their influence to achieve this vital
objective. (Applause.) If you ever have held in your arms, as
Barbara and I did, in the Sudan it was for us, this kid that is
starving -- lay aside the politics. Let's get those routes open.
Let's get that food to those starving people in Ethiopia.
South Africa is, of course, of special concern because we
can now take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. And
there are new signs of flexibility and commitment both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk has
already taken some significant steps, lifting the ban on political
parties, releasing Mandela and other political prisoners. And I
salute President de Klerk for taking these steps. But even more must
be done. The state of emergency must end and political prisoners
must be released. And most of all, there must be an end to the
tragic cycle of violence. A task that demands great courage and
resolve from all South African leaders, black and white.
The government's attempts to enforce apartheid through
force and repression have failed. And violent attacks by opponents
of apartheid inside South Africa have equally failed. And most
tragically, the senseless violence perpetrated by blacks against
blacks has become a major impediment to rapid progress toward a
negotiated settlement. All sides should follow the spirit of Martin
Luther King, Jr., and renounce violence. (Applause.)
And such a step will nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunites. It is
imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to negotiate
seriously a framework for a truly democratic South Africa, liberated
from the horror of apartheid. And we are encouraged by signs that
all sides share a growing commitment to the negotiating process. We
stand ready to support this still-fragile process in any way we can.
Jim Baker, our Secretary of State, has just returned from
South Africa, where he met with de Klerk, President de Klerk, and the
leading members of the black opposition. And he met with Nelson
Mandela in Namibia. And I've also invited, as I think everybody here
knows, President de Klerk and Mr. Mandela to meet with me at the
White House. And I will spare no effort to bring about positive
change in South Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a
nation, and that leads me to say, we must continue our programs to
assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work
for change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that
multiparty democracy, based on a vigorous free enterprise system,
represents the best model for any successful society.
In short, we can all work for change. American influence
is strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa; one that unites
all Americans of all races, of both parties in a noble cause.
In America, right here at home, we also seek the
fulfillment of a noble cause -- to overcome obstacles to opportunity.
And in this cause let us look to the heroes of our times. Has the
world known more improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together in
solidarity.
MORE
- 4 -
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there's yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas city,
I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling bursts of
gunfire -- not heard there since the days of the old West. And
yesterday, I visited a 17-year-old black high school student named
Derrick Turnbow, in a Cincinnati hospital. You see, Derrick was an
innocent bystander who got caught in the cross-fire of a shoot-out.
He was shot in the head and he's now lying there paralyzed. And the
only means left to this honor student to communicate is by winking
his eye. And in Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman. And
in my own old congressional district in Houston, Texas, in an area
called Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who'd seen their community
ravaged by pushers and decided to change all that.
Everywhere I went I found hope. I found people who have
had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope. And
just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, SO the people
of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people power to
fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime and drugs.
Freedom from fear. We must march with them in solidarity, side by
side, block by block, city by city.
And then there's yet another kind of poverty -- the
growing poverty of knowledge. Many young men and women in this
country are simply not learning. They're not learning the basics to
hold down a job or to raise a family. And that is a national
disgrace. And we need to improve the quality of education for all
Americans and raise our expectations for what we know our children
can learn and accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better
our schools.
And that's why I'm pleased that so many of you, leaders
from business -- and I run a risk here, but I'd like to single out
David Kearns, of Xerox -- along with leaders in government,
education, labor, and the media, are working together to better our
schools by serving on the President's Education Policy Advisory
Committee.
I've discussed just a few of the many ways in which we're
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a better
America, and I could go on. But my favorite story says it all --
about the kid that went to church with his grandfather and he said,
"Granddad" -- the preacher going on and on and on -- the kid says,
"What's those flags along the side of the church there?" The
grandfather said, "Well, son," he said, "that's for those who died in
service." And the kid said, "Oh, really? The 9:00 a.m. or the 11:00
a.m. service?" (Laughter.)
So I know you haven't eaten yet, and we are rudely taking
off. But, look, we've talked about the struggle against crime and
fear, and the struggle for better education and opportunity. But the
bottom line is simply this: When the morning comes, will we work
together for what we have applauded tonight?
I've seen your good works. I know that we will. And let
us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther King spoke of an
arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is our legacy, our
freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters of this American
nation like no other.
I'm just delighted to have been with you. I came over,
Eddie, to say again my thanks and respects to you, sir. And to all
of you, thank you. And God bless the United States of America.
Thank you very, very much. (Applause.)
END
8:10 P.M. EDT
Davis/Martin
Title: Joint
1980 APR -4 PM 3. 01
April 4, 1990
Draft: Nine
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CENTER, WASHINGTON HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Thank you, Wendell. Thank you, Eddie Williams, David
Kearns, Vernon Jordan, Jim Robinson and Reverend Newsome. It is
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie
Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of the
elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor.) )) 111
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. A philosopher once said that no problem can
stand the assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then
no problem we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly
one of the leading academies of independent thought in Washington
today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
2
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.\\\
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together, we strolled
across the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic
Reception Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln
Bedroom. It's an impressive room with its imposing high ceiling,
its tall windows, lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But
you know what it is about that room that's so powerful? It's not
that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln
worked there. Because he made some of his greatest decisions
there. It was his office and Cabinet Room. It was where he
signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. In
fact, of the five copies he made, it's the only one he actually
signed. Above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting,
Waiting for the Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting
slaves and their friends gathered around an elderly man, a man
who had never known a minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln
had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of freedom, all
3
their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting for the stroke of
midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
The day will come -- and it is not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office.
When that day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be
how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another President,
another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing all
the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many of them
inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of brave
4
ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and so many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate.
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We
must draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity
movements, and from the new hope dawning in South Africa today.
For after all, the freedom march that wound through the country
roads of Selma twenty-five years ago leads to the cobbled streets
of Warsaw and Budapest today. And now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
5
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty,
disease, starvation and war. We are working to overcome these
problems throughout Africa. We continue to actively seek
national reconciliation in Angola, and we support the efforts of
President Chissano to end the fighting in Mozambique. We are
looking for ways we can help the newly independent nation of
Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the
urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members
of the United Nations to use their influence to achieve this
vital objective.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. III There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken some significant steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. I salute President de Klerk for taking
these steps -- but even more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
-- a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
per Brent
6
In
African leaders, black and white. The government's attempts to
enforce apartheid through force and repression have
utterly
failed, as popular opposition to white minority rule has
intensified.
Violent attacks on government targets inside South
by opporints Apartheid
Africa have equally failed, [and have had no positive impact.
Most tragically, the senseless violence perpetrated by blacks,
against blacks, has become a major impediment should to rapid progress
toward a negotiated settlement. All sides must follow the spirit
of Martin Luther King Jr., and renounce violence.
Such a step will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the horror of apartheid. We are
encouraged by signs that all sides share a growing commitment to
this negotiating process. We stand ready to support this still
fragile process in any way we can. Secretary Baker has just
returned from South Africa, where he met with President de Klerk
and the leading members of the black opposition. He met with
Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also invited both President de
Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with me at the White House. I
will spare no effort to bring about positive change in South
Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a nation. We
must continue our programs to assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work for
change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that multi-
7
party democracy based on a vigorous free-enterprise system
represents the best model for any successful society.
In short, we can all work for change. American influence is
strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that
unites all Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a
noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity. 11
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas
city, I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling
bursts of gunfire not heard there since the days of the Old West.
Yesterday, I visited a 17-year-old black high school student
named Derrick Turnbow in a Cincinnati hospital. You see, Derrick
was an innocent bystander who got caught in the crossfire of a
shoot-out. Derrick was shot in the head. He is now
paralyzed. And the only means left to this honor student to
communicate is by winking. 11
In Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman.
In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who had seen
8
their community ravaged by drug pushers and decided to change all
that.
Everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who have
had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear. We must march with them in
solidarity, side by side, block by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better our
schools. That is why I am pleased that so many of you -- leaders
from business like David Kearns, along with leaders in
government, education, labor and the media -- are working
together to better our schools by serving on the President's
Education Policy Advisory Committee.
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a
better America. ((And I could go on. But I am reminded of the
kid who went to church with his grandad. The kid asks: "What are
9
those flags for, Grandad?" "For those who died in the service."
And then the kid asks: "Really? In the 9 o'clock or the 11
o'clock?) ) III
We've talked about the struggle against crime and fear, the
struggle for better education and opportunity. But the bottom
line is this: When the morning comes, will we work together for
what we have applauded tonight?\ I have seen your good works.
I know that we will. 11
Let us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther
King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is
our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters
of this American nation like no other.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
April 2, 1990
Draft: Seven
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CENTER, WASHINGTON HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good friend,
Elsie Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of
the elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; and Doug Wilder -- Governor.) )\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together we strolled across
the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. It's an
impressive room with its imposing high ceiling, its tall windows,
lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is
about that room that's SO powerful? It's not that Lincoln slept
there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln worked there.
Because he made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his
office and Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand
Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour. " It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
And now that Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first
day of freedom, all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
3
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
Throoh the
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Then
visione of one MAN, millions weRe freed.
Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with a firm hand. In a
stroke, thousands were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
believe the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600
Pennsylvania Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the
Oval Office. When that day comes, the most remarkable thing
about it will be how naturally it occurs. He or she will be
another President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of
brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
4
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and so many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate.
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We
must draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity
movements, and from the new hope dawning in South Africa today.
For after all, from the country roads of Selma twenty years ago
to the cobbled streets of Warsaw and Budapest today, a common
refrain echoes through the history of our times
"We shall
overcome
Now the winds of change have come to South Africa,
where Nelson Mandela is a free man.
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
5
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty,
disease, starvation and war. We are working to overcome these
problems throughout Africa. We continue to actively seek
national reconciliation in Angola, and we support the efforts of
President Chissano to end the fighting in Mozambique. We are
looking for ways we can help the newly independent nation of
Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the
urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members
of the United Nations to use their influence to achieve this
vital objective.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken some significant steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. But more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
-- a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
African leaders, black and white.
6
Those steps will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the horror of apartheid. We are
encouraged by signs that all sides share a growing commitment to
this negotiating process. We stand ready to support this still
fragile process in any way we can. Secretary Baker has just
returned from South Africa, where he met with President de Klerk
and the leading members of the black opposition. He met with
Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also invited both President de
Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with me at the White House. I
will spare no effort to bring about positive change in South
Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a nation. We
must continue our programs to assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work for
change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that multi-
party democracy based on a vigorous free-enterprise system
represents the best model for any successful society.
In short, we can all work for change. American influence is
strongest when Americans speaks with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that
unites all Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a
noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
7
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas
city, I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling
bursts of gunfire not heard there since the days of the Old West.
In Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman.
In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who had seen
to
their community ravaged by drug pushers
But everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who
have had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs --- freedom from fear. We must march with them in
solidarity, side by side, block by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
samute David Kcaras
xerox
8
accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better our
schools.
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a
better America. ( (And I could go on. But I am reminded of the
Lick in service joke)
preacher who his what he should speak about.
shouted from the back pows "How about five
We've talked about the struggle against crime and fear, the
struggle for better education and opportunity. But the bottom
line is this: When the morning comes, will we work together for
what we have applauded tonight?\\ I have seen your good works.
I know that we will.
Let us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther
King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is
our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters
of this American nation like no other.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
kid who rent to charch
with his Gand-dad what are
all those flago for, Granded.
For there du died in service
kids A: Realy?- -then 9 o'clock all o'clal
serves 1
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
4/2/90
Advance copy of Africa insert
for the President's remarks to
the Joint Center.
NOT CLEARED BY SCOWCROFT YET.
Introduction
Africa faces daunting challenges of overcoming poverty,
underdevelopment, disease and famine. In many parts of the
continent, tragic conflicts that compound the suffering of the
people.
Ethiopia
In Ethiopia, we can see the most horrifying example of human
tragedy, as potentially millions of people again face starvation.
On previous occasions, the world community has come to the aid of
the Ethiopian people, responding with an outpouring of food and
medicine. Today, we and other countries, together with the
United Nations, are ready again to move in with food to prevent
mass starvation. Unfortunately, the civil war raging in
precisely the areas of greatest need prevents the movement of
relief convoys. And the principal port through which relief must
flow is blocked as the result of military action. All the
parties to this conflict have an obligation to permit food to
reach the people, and most especially the Government in Addis
Ababa.
Southern Africa
Tonight, however, I would like to focus your attention on
another portion of the continent--southern Africa. In this
region, American diplomacy has worked hard to resolve the
conflicts and to hasten the day when apartheid will end.
Tonight, I would like to speak to you about our policy toward
southern Africa, and the role that we as Americans can play in
helping to bring peace and prosperity to this beautiful corner of
the world.
Already there has been some real progress in the region.
Thanks to a U.S. -brokered agreement, Namibia is now independent,
and Cuban troops are leaving Angola. South Africa's troops have
all returned home, and their incursions into neighboring
countries appear to have stopped.
Given these changed circumstances, what are the prospects
for peace in this still troubled region, and how can we as
Americans help?
The answers are not simple. Each of the conflicts in the
region -- in South Africa, in Angola, and in Mozambique -- has
its own specifics.
South Africa
Americans are united in their abhorrence of apartheid, and
firm in their desire to see a non-racial democracy emerge in
South Africa. Today, with the exciting potential for momentous
2
change, we should be equally united in identifying principles we
can support in a new South Africa. And, we should have a clear
idea of the role which we can play in assisting in that
transformation.
First, our aims. I do not mean to suggest that the U.S. has
a magic formula, or its own set of demands. On the contrary. We
recognize that it is up to South Africans--all South Africans--to
decide their own future. However, there are certain fundamental
principles that we believe the negotiating parties should take
into consideration.
We look for a genuine, non-racial democracy, open to equal
participation by all South Africans. The details of how that
democracy should function can be determined only by South
Africans themselves. But the ultimate constitutional provisions,
the framework for non-racial democracy, will have to be
acceptable to an overwhelming majority of all South Africans.
And the franchise, so long denied to SO many, must be open to all
South Africans on an equal basis.
We look for the rule of law, with defined and equal rights
for all citizens of South Africa. And we expect that the
fundamental liberties required for a democratic society will be
guaranteed. Experience has proved in many countries that an
independent judiciary is critical to ensure the protection of
these rights and liberties.
We look for an economic framework that provides equal
opportunities to all South Africans, while maximizing the
economic well-being of the country. In today's world, it is
increasingly apparent that excessive state control of an economy
is inefficient and wasteful, and cannot deliver the improvement
in living standards that politicians promise. South Africa
desperately needs to address the inequities of the past. The
minimal educational, housing, and health needs of the majority of
the population are not being met. As populations surge, and
these unmet needs expand, the resources needed to accomplish this
will be found only in a healthy, vibrant market-based economy,
open to private investment and individual initiative.
But can South Africa make this leap? And how?
After forty years of apartheid, it should be clear that
violence is not a solution. The government's attempts to enforce
apartheid through force and repression have utterly failed, as
popular opposition to white-minority rule has intensified.
Violent attacks on government targets inside South Africa have
equally failed, and have had no positive impact. Most
tragically, the senseless violence perpetrated by blacks, against
blacks, has become a major impediment to rapid progress toward a
negotiated settlement. The violence on all sides must stop.
3
There is really no alternative to a negotiated solution. I
am convinced that both the Government, and its opponents, are now
sincere in their desire to get negotiations underway. There are
obstacles that remain. Not all political prisoners have been
released. The State of Emergency continues, with a chilling
effect on the ability of the opposition to organize and prepare
itself for negotiations. All parties must dedicate their efforts
to the negotiating process, turning away from residual efforts at
repression, intimidation and violence.
As I have already mentioned, South Africans themselves must
do the negotiating, make the compromises, and design and
implement new political structures. Outsiders should not dictate
either the results, or how to achieve them.
We cannot remain indifferent to the fate of South Africa.
It is an issue in which the United States is already involved and
about which many Americans care deeply. What tools are available
to us to bring about change, and how can we employ them?
First, we will remain engaged diplomatically with South
Africa. We want to facilitate the negotiating process, and thus
will keep our dialogue going with all parties in South Africa.
Secretary of State Baker was just in South Africa, and met with
President de Klerk, as well as leading members of the black
opposition. He also met with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have
invited both President de Klerk, and Mr. Mandela, to meet with me
at the White House, and we will continue to look for ways we can
be helpful.
Second, we will continue our existing program of assistance
to the disadvantaged majority in South Africa. We have provided
scholarships, grants to community organizations, literacy
training, assistance to black business, and other programs to
help prepare black South Africans for participation on post-
apartheid South Africa.
Third, we see a role for American businesses remaining in
South Africa, exercising leadership in working for change, in
providing equal employment opportunity, and training and
management experience for the disadvantaged and disenfranchised
majority.
Fourth, we will look for ways in which we can directly
support the negotiating process. We don't want to appear to take
sides, or endorse one party to the exclusion of another. But
there will be ways in which we can provide some assistance.
Fifth, this Administration will continue to enforce the
provisions of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act. Although I
vigorously opposed adoption of this legislation, the sanctions it
4
enacted are the law of the land, and we are committed to
enforcing the law. That legislation provides for a certain
measure of flexibility--once certain conditions are met. While
not all those conditions have yet been met, let me state clearly
what my position is. The United States is committed to the
irreversible end of apartheid. Lifting sanctions before
apartheid ends would send the wrong signal to the South African
Government, to that country's democratic opposition, and to the
world community. However, we also want to encourage and nurture
progress toward our ultimate goal. We also do not want to move
the goal posts established in our sanctions legislation.
Accordingly, once the conditions laid out in the CAAA are met, I
will carefully consider lifting or modifying some of the existing
sanctions, while retaining the core elements as encouragement for
further progress.
Finally, American influence is best exercised when we speak
with one voice on both our goals and our methods. I believe we
can forge a strong bipartisan consensus. I am prepared to do my
part, and I will work with the Congress as we proceed, including
on sanctions.
Angola
Angola is a country of great richness and promise. It has
vast mineral wealth, is a major exporter of oil, and has the
potential to feed both itself and its neighbors. And yet, it is
a country that has never known a day of peace.
Angola began its independence with broken promises. Instead
of the coalition transitional government, and free multi-party
elections that had been agreed to by all parties, Independence
Day saw a full-blown civil war raging. Earlier, an expeditionary
force of Cuban combat troops was dispatched to assist one of the
parties -- the MPLA -- to seize complete power in Luanda. The
USSR supported its client to the hilt with military assistance,
and the South Africans intervened with their own troops in
opposition to Luanda and its patrons.
Thanks to years of painstaking and persistent American
diplomacy, spearheaded by former Assistant Secretary of State
Chet Crocker, many of these external factors have been resolved.
The South Africans have left Angola and Namibia. Over half of
the 50,000 Cuban troops who were in Angola a little over a year
ago are now gone. All of the remaining troops will be out by
July of next year. Both the U.S. and the USSR agree that there
can be no military solution to the civil war, and that peace can
be achieved only through negotiations. Twenty-two African
leaders met in Zaire last June to launch a peace process under
African auspices, and the mediation of President Mobutu of Zaire.
And yet, the war rages on. Angolans are dying, not only in
5
battle but from starvation as agricultural production remains
devastated by the fighting.
We are committed to seeking a peaceful end to this conflict.
We have no desire to see it continue. However, it will end only
through the genuine reconciliation of all Angolans, on a basis
acceptable to all Angolans.
Reconciliation can be achieved only through discussion,
dialogue and compromise. While we will continue to provide
assistance to UNITA until reconciliation is achieved, we do not
seek the overthrow of the Government of the People's Republic of
Angola. Rather, we seek an early end to the fighting, direct
negotiations between the GPRA and UNITA, and establishment of a
government that respects fundamental human rights, is genuinely
democratic, and is representative of all the people of Angola.
President Mobutu has our full confidence as mediator in this
conflict. We will continue to look for ways in which we can be
helpful in moving the peace process forward.
Mozambique
Although the war in Mozambique is profoundly different from
the one in Angola, the suffering is equally tragic. The
guerrilla movement, RENAMO, is relentless in its brutality.
Millions of Mozambicans have fled their country, principally to
Malawi, whose people and government have valiantly undertaken the
burden of hosting them. Millions more are displaced inside their
own country.
Last month, I met with President Chissano, who is committed
to far-reaching political and economic reforms. Mozambique is
debating a new constitution which will guarantee fundamental
human rights, and go a long way toward establishing genuine
democracy.
President Chissano is equally committed to seeking an end to
the civil war, and has agreed to discussions with RENAMO without
preconditions. I salute this step. We support the government,
and stand ready to assist in any way we can.
Namibia
I would like to conclude by addressing a real success story.
Namibia, the world's newest country, has an importance not
reflected in the size of its population. For years, its
liberation was a cherished goal of many countries, including the
United States. I don't need to repeat here the story of how the
United States brokered the agreements that cleared the way to
independence. But we are very proud of our role.
6
This success took the cooperation and hard work of many
people and organizations. I would like to mention in particular
that the United Nations, its Secretary-General, and the
hardworking and dedicated staff of UNTAG, deserve much of the
credit for the successful transition to independence.
The principal credit, however, must go to the people of
Namibia. In their first free election, they provided a lesson to
the world of the value of democracy. Their elected
representatives produced a constitution that can serve as a
model, guaranteeing fundamental human rights, establishing a
multi-party democracy. And the new government has moved toward
reconciliation of all races and points of view, and is committed
to a vital role for private enterprise.
It is critically important that Namibia be given every
chance to demonstrate that a multi-racial, multi-party democracy
can prosper in southern Africa. We want to contribute to making
Namibia a success. Therefore, I have asked Secretary Baker to
work with Congress to ensure that at least $10,000,000 of U.S.
assistance will be made available to Namibia this fiscal year.
Conclusion
Nearly thirty years ago, speaking in Cape Town, British
Prime Minister McMillan first spoke of the winds of change
blowing in South Africa. For many years the winds blew
throughout southern Africa, but change was painfully slow. And
what change there was, was not always for the better. Now, the
winds have reached gale force, and expectations have grown
accordingly. Change now seems inevitable--in South Africa and
throughout the region. We must look for responsible and
effective ways in which we Americans can help ensure that the
changes are constructive, bringing liberty, justice and
prosperity to all the people of southern Africa.
Drafted: JMOrdway
3/25/90
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
April 3, 1990
TO:
SPEECHWRITERS
FROM: JOHN ORDWAY
Attached is the final version of the
Africa portion for the President's
speech. General Scowcroft approved
this version last night.
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
AFRICA INSERT DRAFT #2
Revised per Scowcroft's instructions
for 1-1/2 pages, double spaced.
This is not cleared with Scowcroft
yet.
Cut back
Jersion
per Scowcrefts
request !
1
a common refrain echoed through the history of our times: "We
shall overcome."
/ /AFRICA INSERT/ /
In Africa, there is still much to be overcome: poverty,
backwardness, disease, starvation and war. We are working to
overcome these problems throughout the continent. In Ethiopia,
we stand ready to pour in food to save millions facing
starvation. Tragically, the war that rages there prevents our
access to these people in need. The political leaders in
Ethiopia must heed the appeal of the world, and let the food move
to all in need.
The eyes of the world are also focused on South Africa,
where there now appears to be the first faint glimmers of hope
that apartheid may soon be overcome. There are new signs of
flexibility and commitment, both from the Government and from the
opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk and his government
have undertaken some significant steps--unbanning political
parties, releasing Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
But there must be more. The State of Emergency must end, and
political prisoners released. There must be an end to the tragic
cycles of violence--and this will take the resolve and courage of
all South African leaders, black and white.
But what is new and exciting is the obvious desire to
negotiate seriously on the framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, freed of the horror of apartheid. We stand ready to help
nurture this still fragile process in any way we can. Secretary
Baker was just in South Africa, and met with President de Klerk,
as well as leading members of the black opposition. He also met
with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have invited both President de
Klerk and Mr. Mandela to meet with me at the White House, and we
will continue to look for ways we can be helpful. We will
continue our programs of assisting the disadvantage majority. We
want to see the American business that remain in South Africa
working for change.
American influence is best exercised when we speak with one
voice. I believe we can forge a strong bipartisan consensus on
South Africa. I am prepared to do my part, and I will work with
the Congress as we proceed.
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
2476
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
April 2, 1990
TO: CHRISS WINSTON
NSC clears the Presidential address for the Joint Center for Policy
Studies on April 4, with one deletion on page 6. Insert on Africa
will be forwarded separately.
90 MAR 2
06
James W. Cicconi
Brent Scowcroft
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CC: James W. Cicconi
Ext. 2702
8:38 08 MARK OF
Chies
%
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM I: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
of
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
warry? how
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
=
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
¿¿¿
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the The
simile
end, justice cannot be denied.
escapes
we
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
on
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
Needed?
that impresses Barbara and me,
and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there?
It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Dowe
know
this?
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House))
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill. And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Need
better
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
inantives
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
than
3
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.
ANC is
not
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
interlocute.
"Recomiliation"
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation
isk
bit
much to
( (Insert on Africa to come))
hope for
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
?
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
( (I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
?
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
April 2, 1990
Draft: Six
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT. CTR. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STUDIES
HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
( (Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good friend,
Elsie Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of
the elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
3
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all. III
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. Through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
"
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream. "\\
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. In the end, its quest is unstoppable because
justice cannot be denied. III
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together we strolled across
the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. It's an
impressive room with its imposing high ceiling, its tall windows,
lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is
about that room that's so powerful? It's not that Lincoln slept
there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln worked there.
Because he made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his
office and Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
3
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
And now that Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first
day of freedom, all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Then
Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with a firm hand. In a
stroke, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
4
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marian Anderson
to sing at the White House, they were fulfilling the legacy of
Lincoln.
CUT
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect school kids
in Little Rock, he was fulfilling the legacy of Lincoln.
And when Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into
law, he too was fulfilling the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600
Pennsylvania Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the
Oval Office. When that day comes, the most remarkable thing
about it will be how naturally it occurs. He or she will be
another President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of
brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and so many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate. III
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
5
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in hard
work and well-earned rewards, instead of the murderous
materialism of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as
,10
communities, we can instill values. Black Americans have
inherited. a strong tradition of philanthropy and self help, from
the underground railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own
times. Working together, we can cultivate character.
We must draw inspiration from achievements both at home and
In munt Pau + for ompor.)
abroad from the civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from
the new hope dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from
the country roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled
streets of Warsaw and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes
through the history of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the
winds of change have come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela
is a free man. \\
6
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty
AAAA
disease, starvation and war. In Ethiopia, we stand
ready to deliver tons of food to save millions facing starvation.
A tragic war now prevents our access to those most in need. The
political leaders in Ethiopia must heed the appeal of the world.
They must not let their people starve.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. \\\ There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken the first bold steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. But more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
African leaders, black and white.
We are inspired by the obvious desire of all sides to
seriously negotiate a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the shame of apartheid. We stand ready to
help nurture this still fragile process in any way we can.
Secretary Baker has just returned from South Africa, where he met
with President de Klerk and the leading members of the black
7
opposition. He met with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also
invited both President de Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with
me at the White House. I will spare no effort to bring about
positive change in South Africa. But we must practice this
diplomacy as a nation. We must continue our programs to assist
the disadvantaged majority. Those American businesses that
remain in South Africa must work for reform.
STOT
short We can all work for change. We can best do so
MUST
In
when America speaks with one voice. So let us work together to
forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that unites all
Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then - fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
8
had slain a policeman. In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with
citizens who had seen their community ravaged by drug pushers.
But everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who
have had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish.
So we must again work in solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. Parents deserve choice. They deserve the
power to choose their children's child-care, whether it comes
from a grandparent or a church-affiliated center. Parents also
deserve one thing more -- the power to choose their children's
school. Where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
9
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to build a better America. ((And I could go on. But I am
reminded of the preacher who asked his congregation what he
should speak about. Someone shouted from the back pew: "How
about five minutes?") ) We've talked about the struggle
against crime and fear, the struggle for better education and
opportunity. But the bottom line is this: When the morning
comes, will we work together for what we have applauded
tonight?\ I have seen your good works. I know that we will.\\
I believe we all feel that this is no time for politics.
This is the time for solidarity. Martin Luther King spoke of an
arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is our legacy, our
freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters of this
American nation like no other.
Itspoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
-7
-
men and women' to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul'of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
GEN. SCOWCROFT'S APPROVED
INSERT
,
a common refrain echoed through the history of our times: "We
shall overcome."
/ /AFRICA INSERT//
In Africa, there is still much to be overcome: poverty,
backwardness, disease, starvation and war. We are working to
overcome these problems throughout the continent. We continue to
seek actively national reconciliation in Angola, and we support
the efforts of President Chissano to end the fighting in
Mozambique. We are looking for ways we can help the newly
independent nation of Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to
pour in food to save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the
war that rages there prevents our access to these people in need.
I call upon the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest
priority to humanitarian relief by opening all available
corridors for the urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal
to other members of the United Nations to use their influence to
achieve this vital objective.
The eyes of the world are also focused on South Africa,
where leaders on all sides now appear to be in agreement that the
odious system of apartheid must end. There are new signs of
flexibility and commitment, both from the Government and from the
opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk and his government
have undertaken some significant steps--unbanning political
parties, releasing Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
But there must be more. The State of Emergency must end, and
political prisoners released. There must be an end to the tragic
cycles of violence--and this will take the resolve and courage of
all South African leaders, black and white.
Those steps will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously on the framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, freed of the horror of apartheid. We are encouraged by
signs that all sides share a growing commitment to this
negotiating process. We stand ready to support this effort in
any way we can. Secretary Baker was just in South Africa, and
met with President de Klerk, as well as leading members of the
black opposition. He also met with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I
have invited both President de Klerk and Mr. Mandela to meet with
me at the White House, and we will continue to look for ways we
can be helpful. We will continue our programs of assisting the
disadvantaged majority. We want to see American business remain
in South Africa working for change. And we will make clear our
own strong conviction that multi-party democracy based on a
vigorous free-enterprise system represents the best model for any
successful society.
American influence is best exercised when we speak with one
voice. I believe that a basic bipartisan consensus on South
Africa now exists and can be sustained in the future. I am
prepared to do my part, and I will work with the Congress as we
proceed.
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
OK Brune Sam fan
S.R. 2 MAR 06
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible: "
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied.
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House)),
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill.\\ And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation.
( (Insert on Africa to come) )
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
4/2
NC
2 MAR 06
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
a common refrain echoed through the history of our times: "We
shall overcome. "
/ AFRICA INSERT/ /
In Africa, there is still much to be overcome: poverty,
backwardness, disease, starvation and war. We are working to
overcome these problems throughout the continent. In Ethiopia,
we stand ready to pour in food to save millions facing
starvation. Tragically, the war that rages there prevents our
access to these people in need. The political leaders in
Ethiopia must heed the appeal of the world, and let the food move
to all in need.
The eyes of the world are also focused on South Africa,
where there now appears to be the first faint glimmers of hope
that apartheid may soon be overcome. There are new signs of
flexibility and commitment, both from the Government and from the
opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk and his government
have undertaken some significant steps--unbanning political
parties, releasing Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
But there must be more. The State of Emergency must end, and
political prisoners released. There must be an end to the tragic
cycles of violence--and this will take the resolve and courage of
all South African leaders, black and white.
But what is new and exciting is the obvious desire to
negotiate seriously on the framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, freed of the horror of apartheid. We stand ready to help
nurture this still fragile process in any way we can. Secretary
Baker was just in South Africa, and met with President de Klerk,
as well as leading members of the black opposition. He also met
with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have invited both President de
Klerk and Mr. Mandela to meet with me at the White House, and we
will continue to look for ways we can be helpful. We will
continue our programs of assisting the disadvantage majority. We
want to see the American business that remain in South Africa
working for change.
American influence is best exercised when we speak with one
voice. I believe we can forge a strong bipartisan consensus on
South Africa. I am prepared to do my part, and I will work with
the Congress as we proceed.
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
April 2, 1990
Draft: Six
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT. CTR. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STUDIES
HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good friend,
Elsie Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of
the elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ) )
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. Through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
"
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream. "\\
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. In the end, its quest is unstoppable because
justice cannot be denied.
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together we strolled across
the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. It's an
impressive room with its imposing high ceiling, its tall windows,
lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is
about that room that's so powerful? It's not that Lincoln slept
there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln worked there.
Because he made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his
office and Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
3
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
And now that Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first
day of freedom, all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Then
Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with a firm hand. In a
stroke, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
4
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marian Anderson
to sing at the White House, they were fulfilling the legacy of
Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect school kids
in Little Rock, he was fulfilling the legacy of Lincoln.
And when Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into
law, he too was fulfilling the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600
Pennsylvania Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the
Oval Office. When that day comes, the most remarkable thing
about it will be how naturally it occurs. He or she will be
another President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of
brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and so many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate.
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
5
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in hard
work and well-earned rewards, instead of the murderous
materialism of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as
communities, we can instill values. Black Americans have
inherited a strong tradition of philanthropy and self help, from
the underground railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own
times. Working together, we can cultivate character.
We must draw inspiration from achievements both at home and
abroad, from the civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from
the new hope dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from
the country roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled
streets of Warsaw and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes
through the history of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the
winds of change have come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela
is a free man.
6
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for the winds of change are again
sweeping this troubled continent. But this time change brings
opportunity. So let us work together to help the peoples of
Africa to overcome poverty backwardness, disease, starvation and
war. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to save
millions facing starvation. A tragic war now prevents our access
to those most in need. The political leaders in Ethiopia must
heed the appeal of the world. They must not let their people
starve.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken the first bold steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. But more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
-- a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
African leaders, black and white.
We are inspired by the obvious desire of all sides to
seriously negotiate a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the shame of apartheid. We stand ready to
help nurture this still fragile process in any way we can.
Secretary Baker has just returned from South Africa, where he met
7
with President de Klerk and the leading members of the black
opposition. He met with Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also
invited both President de Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with
me at the White House. I will spare no effort to bring about
positive change in South Africa. But we must practice this
diplomacy as a nation. We must continue our programs to assist
the disadvantaged majority. Those American businesses that
remain in South Africa must work for reform.
In short, we can all work for change. We can best do so
when America speaks with one voice. So let us work together to
forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that unites all
Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then - fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
8
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
at
HOMES
had slain a policeman. In Houston Acres-project, I talked with
citizens who had seen their community ravaged by drug pushers.
But everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who
have had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. Parents deserve choice. They deserve the
power to choose their children's child-care, whether it comes
from a grandparent or a church-affiliated center. Parents also
deserve one thing more -- the power to choose their children's
school. Where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
9
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to build a better America. ((And I could go on. But I am
reminded of the preacher who asked his congregation what he
should speak about. Someone shouted from the back pew: "How
about five minutes?") ) We've talked about the struggle
against crime and fear, the struggle for better education and
opportunity. But the bottom line is this: When the morning
comes, will we work together for what we have applauded
tonight?\ I have seen your good works. I know that we will.
I believe we all feel that this is no time for politics.
This is the time for solidarity. Martin Luther King spoke of an
arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is our legacy, our
freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters of this
American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
(1) Husband not there
(2) Not lAst month/Feb.
128378SS
Document No.
(3) REWRITE "Brebt Ithilled
(4) P.6 - "These"
DUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
neighborlwods, not
"this"
Child/chide
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
(5) MARY Anserson MARIAW
ARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
Sany
(but song) not
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE N/C
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH NC
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY NC
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband]] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And A as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr. 's, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream. "\\
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
in the end,
justice can be impeded. But A its quest is unstoppable in the
because
end, justice cannot be denied.
Not long ago Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen
black
playoright
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
my meetings.com Czechoslovakia's new President Vaclav
everything from the importance of black history in American Havels
education to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washing ton days.we ald live form And together we strolled across the
South Lawn driversing through the Dyplomatic Rec eptern room, It's on impressive Noom
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, n with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
so powerful?
that impresses Barbara and me and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
uncoin
didn't. It imprešed because de worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom
all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary.
But In any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
such
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And hen Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
those
of
in
his room,
Together
felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as
a
revelation.
Inknow
that
for
Barbara
and
That
certainly
special moment,
one
that
led
me to reflect
responsibilities
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
of freedom in 1863. a
since
changed since that freedom midnight Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the fulfillins Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House) )
they were deiving to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living fulfillins up to the legacy of Lincoln.
And When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he too
was living fulfilling up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off
-
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled
when
at 1600
a
Pennsylvani
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And
When
that
Avenue
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of
them
belower inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
will one ofthem
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one
of
be President?
Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
also
But know we aren' quite there qet. I ^ know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America.
So I will support,
and intend singnor into law, a measure to collect as much
That is why I told
Ben HOOKS and Coretta Scott King and so many others in the
as-we an crime motive by re ous cial
Civil Rights movement that 4 would use this office - this
ethnic animosity the Hate Crimes Bill? And that
bully pulpit of every opportunity to
condemn in the strongest terms raciem begoty and heat.
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of ONLY civil rights to the
civil Rights Commission
In my many meetings, lack Americans have challenged me to
I
that
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement
Now
ask
let me challenge you to work with My Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publica debunk the mystem of black indifference
and dependency Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So
what
We
is
new
onembhat
drawn
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation. III
africa OK
( (Insert on Africa to come) )
Has the world known more improbable heroes than thesemsons
of South Africa, white and black? OT Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
In (Houston housing park) I talled with
had slain a policeman.
And here in the District held a so-
boarder
citizens who tad
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal
seen their communts
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people ravased in
duy pusher
who have had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhoods are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge, and ski skills leke
Many young men and women in this country white, as well
as black are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basics -
-
skills they meed to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace. 11
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today black or white there will be a job
waiting H The question is whether that child will have the
education-and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I-am delighted
Congress passed-our-youth training wage last year. But-we need.
we need to improve the quality of educate on for all Americans
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
I
- and raise our expectations for what we know our children
education.
can learn and accouplish.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
better
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
( ( I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
OLDSION
AFRICA INSERT
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for the winds of change are again
sweeping this troubled continent. But this time change brings
opportunity. So let us work together to help the peoples of
Africa to achieve freedom, dignity and prosperity, from Ethiopia
to Angola, from Mozambique to Mali.\\ Tonight I want to address
one area of particular concern to us all -- the future of South
Africa.
America has a special interest in South Africa because we,
too, have had to confront racial injustice and work for national
reconciliation. But the American experience is also very
different; leaving us with no magic formulas to offer. On the
contrary, it is up to South Africans -- all South Africans -- to
create their future. And as they do, we hope that all parties
will be guided by certain fundamental principles.
First, South Africa needs a constitution acceptable to all.
It needs to enfranchise the disenfranchised. And it needs to
uphold the rule of law, for experience has shown that when a
nation strengthens the independence of its judiciary, it
safeguards the rights and liberties of the people. Democracy
begins with equal rights for all.
Such reforms can only be achieved through negotiation. And
negotiations must begin with a renunciation of forty years of
2
violence. The government's attempts to enforce apartheid through
force and repression have only strengthened popular opposition to
white-minority rule. Violent attacks on government targets
inside South Africa have only hardened the hearts of the hard-
headed. And most tragic of all have been the acts of senseless
violence perpetrated by blacks against blacks. Every time a so-
called informer is given a gruesome gasoline necklace; every time
a bomb detonates in a shop; every time a policemen takes a baton
to a peaceful demonstrator, or an armored-plated carrier crushes
a child -- with every act of violence, every South African loses.
This violence -- from all sides -- impedes rapid progress toward
a negotiated settlement. This violence must stop.
It must stop because there is no alternative to a negotiated
solution. I am convinced that both the government and its
opponents sincerely want to negotiate. But obstacles remain.
Not all political prisoners have been released. The State of
Emergency continues, with a chilling effect on the ability of the
opposition to organize and prepare for negotiations. But I also
believe that negotiations will begin the moment all parties turn
away from the repression, intimidation and violence that remains.
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE: See comments, 88.1,4,6.
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
OFFICE OF THE MANAGE RESIDENT SERVIS and UNITED
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20503
o
NOTICE:
Enclosed are comments from staff members of the Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) Such comments do not necessarily
represent the official position of the Director of OMB or of the
Office of Management and Budget. If you wish to have the
Director's personal comments, please let me know -- and contact
me if you have any questions.
David J. Haun
Executive Assistant
to the Director
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband]] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
moun
It's remarkable Extraordinary to think that in 1968, less than two years
X3060
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr. 's, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
"
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But / its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied.
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event; he waited a moment to steady his hand,
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House) )
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
afuture President
num
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
x4864
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill AL And that is why I
Recommend deleting. We are looking at bill now. idill has made
some changes to the bill that may be objectmable. mary
X4864
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation.
( (Insert on Africa to come) )
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then - fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
Dale
"boarder
X3160
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
HRVL
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
x5178
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 2, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
JIM PINKERTON
SUBJECT:
Joint Center For Policy Studies Draft
A truly eloquent draft that manages also to make some
effective points, such as the importance of cultivating
character and the connection between the President's
advocacy of choice in education and choice in child care.
To these we would only suggest, if space permits, some
reference to Secretary Sullivan's efforts to improve the
shocking minority health situation; as well as some
reference to the established Bush theme of empowering the
poor --a tremendously powerful concept that links the
President's choice in schools, child care, and housing
(e.g., tenant management/ownership, housing vouchers)
policies.
Finally, we suggest a small nod toward Wisconsin State
Representative Annette (Polly) Williams, who has just
achieved a major victory for choice in schools effort
that the President supports. Williams, who is a Democrat
and black, was the chief sponsor of a successful bill to
give the poorest of Milwaukee's schoolchildren the option
of attending non-sectarian private schools through a state
voucher system. E.g.,
"It's not often that you hear Republicans
applauding Democratic politicians, but I want to
call attention to a Democratic state representative
in Wisconsin named Polly Williams. Representative
Williams was the chief sponsor of legislation that
will give low-income public-school students in
Milwaukee the option of attending non-sectarian
private schools. These types of reforms embody the
principle that choice empowers people, especially
the poorest people."
pg. 4, para. 5, line 8
"You know, I meet a lot of
school kids, many of them black, inner-city kids; and I
wonder as I look at the faces of brave ten-year-olds
swearing to fight drugs: Is one of them my successor? Is
this the child who will fulfill the legacy?"
(more)
2
A moving image, for which we make two minor suggestions:
First, we suggest substituting "minority" for "black" in
the first sentence in order to make the meaning of inner-
city kids more inclusive.
Second, the "my successor" line somehow sounds as if it
were coming from a childless monarch wistfully looking for
an heir. There is a very slight presumption that is
immodest, (or, at least, just a little too incompatible
with this President's style) about the word "successor"
applied to the Presidency. We suggest something like:
"Will one of them assume, as I have, the temporary custody
of their country's highest office? Is this the child who
will fulfill the legacy?"
6,2,1 "Has the world known more improbable heroes than
these of sons of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa
Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes they are."
Mandela and De Klerk, if they are heroes, are not
exactly improbable ones. Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa are
better examples of the improbable type, but we suggest not
using this description for the two individuals at issue
here. More importantly, by putting Mandela and De Klerk
on the same level of approval, we run the likely risk of
criticism. This audience in particular will not be
sympathetic to the notion of there being a moral
equivalency between these two men.
###
WALL
ST-
JOURNAL
3/26/90
Wisconsin to Allow Some Students to Use
Japan Household Spendin
Education 'Vouchers' at Private Schools
Increased 2.5% in Januar
Special to THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
OKYO-Japan's household spendin;
that lose students.
in January rose an adjusted 2.5% from :
By GARY PUTKA
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
"The concept that the competitive mar-
year earlier. as both wage-earning and
Wisconsin lawmakers voted to allow a
ketplace will magically make the public
nonwage-earning families increased
limited number of Milwaukee students to
school system improve is simplistic." Mr.
their outlays, the statistics bureau of the
switch their per-capita state education al-
Peterkin said. "What will cause the system
prime minister's office said.
lotment to private schools, creating the
to improve is insistence on achievement
Spending by households throughout
first system of school "vouchers."
and a plan to bring it about. Otherwise,
Japan averaged 294,518 yen ($1,898) is
The plan is the most radical application
five years from now, we'll be looking for
January, the fifth consecutive month of
yet of the school-choice philosophy in edu-
something else."
growth from year-earlier levels. Spend-
cation reform. Similar plans in several
Mr. Peterkin said the school district
ing grew 2.5% in November and 1.9% in
states allow students a choice of public
"would probably take legal advice" on the
December.
schools, with extra funds for the school
ramifications of the plan. but had no im-
Wage-earning families spent 311,562
chosen. But the extension of the idea to
mediate plans for a legal challenge.
yen, up an adjusted 3.3% from a year
private schools has been opposed vehe-
Wisconsin debates over school choice
earlier. The real Income of wage-earn-
mently by school boards, teachers' unions
have been closely watched by political con-
ing families in the month rose an ad-
and public school administrators.
servatives. including those in the White
justed 1.2% to 385,947 yen.
Under the Wisconsin plan, about 1,000
House. Many conservatives in the past
Independent business owners and
low-income Milwaukee students will be
have advocated a wide-open voucher sys-
their families spent an average of 263,-
able to leave the public school system next
tem that would also allow state funding for
829 yen, up an adjusted 2.1% from Janu-
fall and attend private nonsectarian
religious schools. Although the U.S. Su-
ary 1989.
schools in the city. For each student who
preme Court has in the past looked down
The largest increase was posted in
elects the option, the state will pay full tu-
on the notion as a violation of the constitu-
the transportation and communication
ition of up to $2,500 at the private schools.
tional separation of church and state,
category, up 18% from a year earlier.
and subtract the amount spent from the
many on the right now believe that the
A statistics bureau official said a sharp
budget of the Milwaukee public schools.
conservative majority in the court would
increase in spending on autos in the
Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson, a
allow such a plan.
month helped push this category up.
Republican who has unsuccessfully advo-
"I think this is a fabulous first step for
Spending on furniture and other
cated other state-subsidy proposals for pri-
Wisconsin," said Ted Sanders, U.S. under-,
household wares rose an adjusted 9%.
vate schooling. said he was "elated" with
secretary of education. "I assume after
helped by increases from durable goods
some experience Wisconsin might even
such as air conditioners.
the state legislature's action and plans to
sign the measure into law.
look at some other possibilities."
Japanese households also spent an
"This takes choice one step further than
Part of the political impetus for the
adjusted 8.4% more on education, com-
anywhere else in the country." Mr.
voucher pilot comes from widespread in-
pared with a year earlier, according to
Thompson said. "I believe very much in
ner-city dissatisfaction with the perform-
the report.
challenges and the free enterprise model.
ance of the public schools. Over the opposi-
Any time you have a monopoly, you have a
tion of the Milwaukee school board, the
potential for stagnation, and a number of
state has allowed funding for about 450 stu-
Harvard Faculty
public schools have become stagnant."
dents to attend private kindergartens. An-
Robert Peterkin, superintendent of MII-
other 450 attend special private schools for
Unit Backs Rules
waukee's 97,000-student public system, has
"at risk" students at public taxpayers' ex-
supported some forms of school choice in
pense. Most of these students are members
the past. but called the new law "a threat
of minority groups.
On Business Ties
to education." He said the law doesn't take
State Rep. Polly Williams, a Democrat
into account racial-balance objectives of
with an inner-city Milwaukee district.
the system's desegregation plan. will drain
sponsored the new voucher plan and was
resources from inner-city schools, and con-
Mr. Thompson's main political ally in
By DAVID STIPP
tains no mechanism to improve the schools
passing it. Ms. Williams, who is black, said
staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
BOSTON - Harvard Medical School's
that under the Milwaukee metropolitan de-
segregation plan. inner-city schools were
faculty council adopted new conflict-of-in-
fixed up and given more resources to at-
terest rules that call for close scrutiny o.
tract white students and have wound up
faculty business dealings but are less re
excluding many blacks who live nearby.
strictive than earlier proposals.
"The Milwaukee schools constantly ask
The rules previously proposed wouk
for more money each year, blame the stu-
have barred faculty members from accept
dents and say they can't learn," said Ms.
ing consulting fees from companies whose
ur
Williams. "But the problem is the schools
products they are testing in human clinica
can't teach. These schools have to
trials.. The rules also would have prohib
change."
ited faculty members from owning stock 11
Ms. Williams and the governor said
companies supporting their research.
they believed demand will exceed the 1,000
Those measures came under fire from
slots next fall. leading to possible addi-
some faculty members who argued the
tional slots in future years.
would chill relationships between facult
re
members and companies that help move
Fujitsu Ltd.
medical advances from laboratory to bed
side.
Fujitsu Ltd., Tokyo, said it will increase
A number of medical schools are mull
its final dividend for the year ending Satur-
ing new conflict-of-interest policies in ligh
day tn five ven 137 cents) я share from
of growing faculty ties with biomedica
03-26-90 09:17AM D
P04/**
15.
Voucher Plan
Continued
dren in the city of Milwaukee," the
Mayor wrote.
Other States' Programs
Most of the handful of programs
in other states that allow students
MARCH 28, 1990 EDUCATION WEEK
to attend private schools at public
expense give school districts a role
in approving and monitoring the
Harvard Business School Students
participation of the private
schools.
Urge Reforms in Public Schools
Washington State's private edu-
cational clinics, which are not re-
A group of Harvard Business
to produce long-term effects.
quired to operate under contract
School students who spent last sum-
with a district, were specifically de-
mer working for corporations and
Political Pressure' Urged
signed as a abort-term alternative
organizations involved in business-
The report recommends actions in
for students who have not succeeded
education partnerships has sent a
three areas: awareness, political in-
in the public schools.
mensage to the business community:
volvement, and accountability.
The Wisconsin measure most
"Address the education crisis now."
First, the students urge that busi-
closely resembles the voucher-type
In & report on their experiences,
ness leaders develop a deeper under-
plan proposed for Kansas City stu-
the graduate students write: "We
standing of the complex problems fac-
dents in a court case filed last year.
began this project with a general
ing schools. To do that, they suggest
Supporters of that plan are prepar-
sense of civic responsibility. We
they use their professional skills to
ing to file an appeal of a federal
leave with the conviction that our
support the management of schools.
judge's recent dismissal of the case,
nation's competiti veness and future
Second, they recommend that the
said Mr. Coons, who helped fashion
standard of living are at stake."
business community advocate poli-
the Kansas City plan and who first
"Today's business leaders cannot
ey changes at the local, state, and
propounded the idea of vouchers for
wait and pass these problems on to
national levels by promoting "true
disadvantaged students in the 1970's.
the next generation of business lead-
structural reform legislation."
ars," they write in the report, which
"Change is measy, frustrating,
will be distributed to associates of
and time-consuming," writes Greg-
the National Alliance of Business.
cry S. Stroup, who worked as an in-
The project was a joint effort of the
term with the Atlanta Partnership of
N.A.B. and the Harvard Business
Business and Education Inc. "Busi-
School and was funded by the H.
neas must own the problem and act
Ross Perot Foundation. Twenty-one
accordingly. Political pressure on all
graduate students passed up intern-
levels is mandatory."
ships on Wall Street to work in busi-
Third, the report says that the
ness-education partnership pro-
business community should call for
grams in Atlanta, Boston, New
regular and sustained assessment of
York, St. Louis, and Washington.
outcomes.
In each city, students compared
For a copy of the report, "Educa-
and evaluated the effectivaness of a
tion: The Next Battleground for Cor-
wide range of educational-improve-
porate Survival," or more informa-
ment efforts, applied standard busi-
tion, contact the National Alliance
pess practices to help improve man-
of Business, Youth in Education Of
agement of existing initiatives, and
fice, 1201 New York Ave., N.W.,
helped plan new programs designed
Washington, D.C. 20005.
- LLE.W.
03-26-90 09:16AM D
P03/**
MARCH 28, 1990-EDUCATION WEEK
14.
Voucher System
have succeeded in blocking similar
For 1,000 Pupils
bills in recent years.
"The parents and the private
farm said, "that be was not going to
Adopted in Wis.
schools make the decisions about
use his veto to make it a statewide
who is going where, and we end up
program, that be was not going to
paying for it," said Douglas Hase-
open it to others who are not low-in-
Low-Income Students
low, a lobbyist for the Milwaukee
come, that he wasn't going to lift the
schools. The district would lose state
In Milwaukee Targeted
limit on the number of students, and
per-pupil aid for each student who
that be wasn't going to broaden it to
opted to enroll in a private school.
include parochial schools."
By William Suider
The district, which faces a severe
overerowding problem, had pro-
Bill's Provisions
Proponents of private-school choice plans
posed a bill last year that would
Under the new program, which
won a major victory late last week when the
have allowed it to contract with pri-
will last five years, no more than 1
Wisconsin legislature approved a bill that
vate schools to provide services for
percent of Milwaukee's 93,000 stu-
will give almost 1,000 Milwaukee public-
certain students.
dents will be permitted to enroll in
school students the option of attending non-
Senator's Support Crucial
nonsectarian schools that agree to
sectarian private schools at state expense.
accept the state's per-pupil aid allot-
The measure differs from other voucher-
A key factor in the passage of the
ment-approximately $2,500-as
type proposals in that it is specifically
private-school-option bill was the
full reimbursement for tuition costs.
aimed at low-income children who are cur-
support it received from state Sena-
The measure limits eligibility to
rently enrolled in public schools or have
tor Gary R. George, who was instru-
children from families whose annu-
dropped out
mental in defeating similar bills in
al incomes are no greater than 175
"The state is directly helping families
the last two sessions proposed by
percent of the federal poverty level.
who have drive, who have high expects-
Gov. Tommy Thompson.
Participating schools must be ac-
tions, but who don't have money, to vote
Mr. George, the co-chairman of
credited under the state's existing
with their fact," said state Representative
private-school standards, but will
the legialature's joint committee on
Annette Williams, the chief sponsor of the
not face additional state require-
finance, attached the measure as a
ments under the program, Ms. Wil-
bill.
rider to a budget bill that the legisla-
liams said.
"We're now going to show that our chil-
ture was forced to act on before it ad.
dren can be educated successfully for less
journed last week.
"We wanted to make sure these
than half the money_ that the Milwaukee
"The critical state of the Milwau-
schools will continue to be the
schools use to miseducate our students,"
kee public schools has forced the leg-
kinds of schools they were in the
added Ms. Williams, who also has spon-
islature and the Governor to take
beginning," Ms. Williams ex-
acred legislation, thus far unsuccessful, to
this emergency step," said Walter C.
plained. "They have a track record
create a new district in Milwaukee's inner
Farrell, senior policy adviser to Sen-
that you can't question with chil-
city that would be mostly black.
ator George.
dren that the public schools say
can't make it."
Gov. Tommy Thompson has indicated
"This may serve to stimulate
more results-oriented change than
At least six schools were active in
that he will sign the private-school choice
measure, according to his aides.
what we have witnessed for the Afri-
the drafting of the bill and are eager
This is a very historic day for the poor
can-American students in the Mil-
to participate, she said, and several
and for civil rights," said John E. Coons,
waukee schools, who are worfully
others expressed interest when the
professor of law at the University of Califor-
underserved," be added.
measure moved closer to passage.
Representative Williams said ahe
A survey of the schools found that
nia Berkeley and a proponent of vouchers.
"People who have been pretty much en-
pulled together a coalition of conser-
they have just enough space avail.
vative Democrats and Republicans
able for the expected influx of stu-
tombed in segregated public schools will
to support the bill. "Only the white
dents, Ms. Williams added.
have a chance to get their civil rights vindi-
liberals fought it," she said.
Mayor John O. Norquist of Mil.
eated in the private sector," be said.
Governor Thompson has said he
waukee identified 18 eligible
The measure passed despite stiff opposi-
will sign the bill, and will not use his
schools in a letter announcing his
tion from the state's teacher organizations
amendatory veto powers to make
vato of a resolution passed by the
and Milwaukee public-school officials, who
major changes to it, according to his
Milwaukee City Council opposing
education aide, Thomas J. Fonfare.
the measure.
"He gave assurances," Mr. Fon-
7 feel that such alternative pro-
grams provide healthy competition
for the Milwaukee public schools
and will add to the overall effort to
ward quality education for all chil.
More
03-26-90 US:15AM D
F02/**
5. MILWAUKEE PARENTAL CHOICE PROGRAM [1989-91 Change to Current Lawa
$2,900,000 GPR and $2,300,000 GPR-Lapse]
Create a parental choice program in which the state would pay far the
cost of pupils in grades kindergarten through twelve who reside in the City
of Milwaukee to attend, at no charge, any nonsectarian, private school
located in the City, beginning in the 1990-91 school year. Provide that the
program would sunset after the 1994-95 school year.
Limit eligibility to any pupil whose total family income does not exceed
175%, of the federal poverty level. In addition, establish three limitations
on the program's participants: (1) no more than 1% of the Milwaukee Public
Schools membership (pupil count) could attend a private school under the
program in any school year; (2) no more than 49% of a private school's
enrollment could consist of pupils attending under the parental choice
program: and (3) participants would have to be pupils who, in the school year
prior to their initial enrollment in private schools under this program, were
either enrolled in MPS schools or not enrolled in school at all.
For each pupil, the State Superintendent would pay to the private school
an amount equal to 53% of the average cost per pupil for pupils enrolled in
the MPS system, provided proof of enrollment in the private school is
received from the pupil's parent or guardian. A sum sufficient GPR
appropriation would fund the payments to the private schools. However, these
payments would be partially offset by a reduction in state equalization aid
to MPS. The reduction in aid would be determined by multiplying the
district's equalization and supplemental (TIF) aid per member by the number
of pupils attending private schools under the parental choice program.
Pupils participating in the program would be counted in the school district's
membership for equalization aid purposes even .though they attend private
schools. The aid reduction would lapse to the general fund.
It is estimated that if the maximum number of pupils participate in the
program (approximately 930). state payments from the sum sufficient
appropriation would be approximately $2.9 million GPR in 1990-91. However,
the pupils would generate an equalization aid offset of approximately $2.3
million resulting in a net cost of $0.6 million GPR in 1990-91. The fiscal
effect could be lower if participation is less than the maximum number of
pupils allowed under the proposal.
Amended in final passage.
Now revenue neutral
Wall Street Journa.
Polly Williams represents an inner-
own, she went back to college and was
city Milwaukee district in the Wiscon-
elected to the state Assembly in 1980.
March 29, 1990
sin Legislature. For years, her con-
A lifelong Democrat and state chair of
stituents have begged her to find a
Jesse Jackson's 1984 and 1988 cam-
way to let their children go some
paigns, she says many of her fellow
place other than the local public
liberals put the interests of the educa-
schools they consider beyond reform.
tion lobby above the welfare of inner-
This month, Mrs. Williams persuaded
city children. Her first attempt to
her fellow legislators to pass the na-
pass an educational-choice bill failed
tion's first experiment in school
54 to 44 last year when white, liberal
vouchers for low-income children. Her
Democrats refused to join black Dem-
efforts may kick-start a new wave of
ocrats and Republicans in support of
education reform that adds parental
her bill. "They say they're liberal, but
choice and competition to the recent
whenever it comes to empowering
flood of tax dollars that have been
black people, they stab us in the
poured into education.
back," she says. "We want self-deter-
Polls show a solid majority of
mination, not handouts and depen-
Americans favor allowing parents a
dency." She came back to win this
choice of where to send their children
year after 200 black parents filled a
to school. But support varies greatly
legislative hearing in Milwaukee to
among income groups. Educational
clamor for a voucher plan.
choice has only tepid support among
While Mrs. Williams says that
upper-income voters: Their local
competition between public and pri-
schools still more or less work. Choice
vate schools is an essential element of
is most popular among minority and
educational choice, she also supports
lower-income parents, whose children
a program pioneered in Minnesota in
suffer the most from failing public
1987 that allows parents to send their
schools.
high-schoolers to schools in other dis-
Under the Williams proposal,
tricts and earn credits in college or
which Republican Governor Tommy
vocational programs. Teachers were
Thompson will soon sign into law,
initially suspicious of the idea, but
some 1,000 low-income Milwaukee stu-
now 61% of them favor the concept.
dents will be allowed to attend private
Elements of the program have been
nonsectarian schools next year ito
adopted in Utah, Iowa, Arkansas, Ne-
qualify a family of four can earn no
braska and Ohio. Choice proposals are
more than $12.000 a year The state
now being debated in 20 states.
will pay up to $2,500 in tuition for each
student. and subtract the money from
The response of the entrenched ed-
the public-school system's budget.
ucation lobby to this groundswell of
Mrs. Williams says parents and their
support for choice is illuminating. Far
children will finally have the leverage
from questioning the public-school
of competition to force change in the
monopoly, school boards, administra-
ossified Milwaukee public schools.
tors and teacher unions are digging in
"They waste $5,000 a year per stu-
for trench warfare to protect their
dent. and all they do is treat low-in-
rice bowls. The Wisconsin ACLU is al-
come people like pawns in some
ready making threatening noises. Mi-
game." she told us. "Parents deserve
chael Brennan of the Wisconsin Edu-
a better choice on where they can
cation Association Council says advo-
spend their tax money."
cates of choice want to "shove kids
She points to Urban Day, a private
out of the system and hope the prob-
school in her district, as an example
lem goes away."
of why local parents want choice. Ur-
The Educrats also have their own
ban Day successfully prepares stu-
answer to the collapse of public edu-
dents for college or vocational school
cation in the inner cities. They pro-
and, at about $3,000 a year, at much
pose that courts mandate that wealthy
less cost per pupil then the public
school districts ship truckloads of
schools. Donations allow tuition to be
money to poorer districts under the
set at S650 a year, and parents also
guise of "social justice." But at this
agree to perform 20 hours of volunteer
juncture, one might ask who today are
work or pay an extra $300 a year. Ac-
the real forces of reaction?
tive parental commitment to a school
Parents in Mrs. Williams's district
is now widely recognized as a signifi-
aren't buying any of this. They have
cant reason for the success of a
painfully learned that more money
school-public or private.
spent on a failed system does not nec-
Mrs. Williams says her support for
essarily produce a better education.
school vouchers stems from her own
They want nothing less than a chance
experience. A former welfare recipi-
to make their own decisions about the
ent who raised four children on her
future of their children.