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Joint Center for Policy Studies 4/4/90 [OA 4727] [2]
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4
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
See comments. Thank 4-2-90
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband]] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
"
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied.
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
SO that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads X
me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight.
Every president is
?
at?
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House) )
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
lack man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
d how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
sident, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
resenting all the people of America, representing all that is
about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
m black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
f brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
! know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
is we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ity -- the Hate Crimes Bill.\\ And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation.
( (Insert on Africa to come) )
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
and that my Administration
Congress passed our youth training wage last year ^ But we need has reinvig-
orated +
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
Strengthened
education.
the
Minority
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools. Business
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
Enterprise
Program.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder --- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
II
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream. "\\
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied. III
Not long ago
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Mistavel
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
like
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
was
they
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House)
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill. And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America. 11
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation.
( (Insert on Africa to come))
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )\\\
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
April 2, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR CHRISS WINSTON
FROM:
ROGER B. PORTER
RBP
SUBJECT:
Presidential Remarks: Joint Center for Political
Studies
I have two questions about these remarks. First, what is
the White House style for referring to blacks? Is it "blacks" or
"African-Americans"? Second, should the President reference his
nominees to the Civil Rights Commission if we are not prepared to
announce the second nominee?
Additionally, I have the following comments:
1.
On page 4, in the paragraph discussing a black president,
the reference to "how easily" it will occur strikes me as one
that could be subject to criticism. I would simply strike that
phrase and leave in "how naturally".
2.
X
On page 4, in the next paragraph, the "will" in "I will
support" should be stricken because the President already
supports the bill.
3.
On page 5, in the fourth full paragraph, I would strike the
first sentence.
4. On page 7, in the paragraph that begins (m) any young men
and women ", I would strike the phrase "white, as well as
black". In order to avoid the implication that the President is
speaking only about blacks, which I think is implied
inadvertently.
5.
On page 7, strike the sentence "After all, equal opportunity
begins with equal education." and replace with "We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish.
CC: James W. Cicconi
11 : I/V 2 MAR 06
128378SS
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
3/30/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4/2/90 10:00 AM
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
SUBJECT:
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
BATES
UNTERMEYER
CARD
ROGERS
CICCONI
WINSTON
DEMAREST
PINKERTON
FITZWATER
BENNETT
GRAY
HAGIN
REMARKS:
Please forward any comments directly to Chriss Winston, Rm. 122,
x2930, no later than 10:00 AM, Monday, April 2, with a copy to
my office. Thank you.
RESPONSE:
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
Ext. 2702
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
1990 MAR 30 PM 1: 52
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband]] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied.
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
so that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House)
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a.
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill. And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission. III
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation.
( (Insert on Africa to come))
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then - fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -Lwhite, as well
as black are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Davis/Martin
Title: jcps
March 29, 1990
Draft: Five
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CTR. POLICY STUDIES, HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Eddie Williams, David Kearns and Robert Washington, thank
you. It is also good to be out on the town with our good
friends, Elsie and [[husband]] Hillman. And I would especially
like to recognize two of the elected officials among us tonight:
David Dinkins -- Your Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. And this new
leadership has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for
Policy Studies. Voltaire said that no problem can stand the
assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no problem
we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one of the
leading academies of independent thought in Washington today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. And as Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
2
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
On this day, the anniversary of Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr. 's, martyrdom, the world looks to Montgomery, Alabama -- to
the granite wall of the new civil rights memorial. And through a
veil of flowing water we read these words from the Bible:
If
let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty
stream.
Like a mighty river, justice can cut a channel through the
hardest of stone. And, like a mighty river seeking the sea,
justice can be impeded. But its quest is unstoppable -- in the
end, justice cannot be denied.
Last month, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from the importance of black history in American
education, to South Africa, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
Together, we walked outside, one of those beautiful
Washington days we all live for. And, together we strolled
around to the Residence, up to the Lincoln Bedroom, with its
imposing high ceiling, its tall windows, lace curtains and
Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is about that room
that impresses Barbara and me, and impressed Vaclav Havel when he
joined us there? It's not that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he
didn't. It is impressive because he worked there. Because he
made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his office and
3
Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. Above
it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting, Waiting for the
Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting slaves and their
friends gathered around an elderly man, a man who had lived in
America all his life, and had never known a minute of freedom.
But Lincoln had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of
freedom. And so all their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting
for the stroke of midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was just
weary. But in any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand,
SO that no one would think he wavered on his most important
decision. And then Abraham Lincoln signed the proclamation with
a firm hand. In a stroke, millions were freed.
Together, we felt the greatness of the events that had taken
place in that small room, and the profound consequences of a
simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history returns
as a revelation. I know that for Barbara and me, it was
certainly a very special moment, one that leads to me to reflect
on the special responsibilities of the Presidency that haven't
changed since that freedom midnight. Every president is
4
challenged to be a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum
of freedom.
So when Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt asked Marion Anderson
to sing ( (the Battle Hymn of the Republic at the White House) )
they were living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Ike Eisenhower acted decisively to protect a school
girl in Little Rock, he was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
When Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, he
was living up to the legacy of Lincoln.
I believe that the day will come -- and it is not far off -
- when the legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled -- when a
black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office. And when that
day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be how easily
and how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another
President, another traveler in the continuum of freedom,
representing all the people of America, representing all that is
best about America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many
of them black, inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the
faces of brave ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Is one of
them my successor? Is this the child who will fulfill the
legacy?
But I know we aren't quite there yet. I know that prejudice
and racial tensions still exist in America. So I will support,
and intend to sign into law, a measure to collect as much
information as we can on crimes motivated by religious, racial or
ethnic animosity -- the Hate Crimes Bill.\\ And that is why I
5
will only appoint energetic defenders of our civil rights to the
Civil Rights Commission.
In my many meetings, black Americans have challenged me to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. Now
let me challenge you to work with my Administration, from this
day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
First and foremost -- there is the poverty of the spirit.
Government cannot teach young men and women to have faith in
themselves if their mothers and fathers have lost all faith.
Government cannot teach that achievement is to be found in quiet
moments and subtle rewards, instead of the murderous materialism
of easy drug money. But, as leaders, as parents, as communities,
we can instill values. We can cultivate character.
Your own publications debunk the myth of black indifference
and dependency. Black Americans have inherited a strong
tradition of philanthropy and self help, from the underground
railroad to the civil rights struggle of our own times.
So what we need now is a new partnership, one that draws
inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad, from the
civil rights and Solidarity movements, and from the new hope
dawning in South Africa today. For after all, from the country
6
roads of Selma twenty years ago to the cobbled streets of Warsaw
and Budapest today, a common refrain echoes through the history
of our times: "We shall overcome." Now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
Where Mister Mandela and President DeKlerk are gradually moving
toward negotiation, and we hope, reconciliation. III
( (Insert on Africa to come) )
Has the world known more improbable heroes than these sons
of South Africa, white and black? Or Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa?
But heroes they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. When people, going about
the ordinary business of their lives -- waiting for a bus,
walking to a corner grocery store -- must fear for their lives -
-then fear has stolen our most precious possession -- freedom.
In January, in Kansas City, I saw people who had suffered
from crack and crackling bursts of gunfire not heard there since
the days of the Old West. In Alexandria, just across the
Potomac, I saw another neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict
had slain a policeman. And here in the District, I held a so-
called border baby suffering the agony of withdrawal.
But everywhere I went, I also found hope. I found people
who have had had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough
of dope. Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom,
so the people of this poor neighborhood are rallying together,
7
using people power to fight for another kind of freedom --
freedom from crime and drugs -- freedom from fear.
We must march with them in a solidarity, side by side, block
by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge and skills.
Many young men and women in this country -- white, as well
as black -- are simply not learning -- not learning -- the basic
skills they need to hold down a job or to raise a family. That
is a national disgrace.
We are used to thinking of unemployment as a case of too
many people, too few jobs -- a game of musical chairs that leaves
minorities standing when the music stops.
But in the years to come, our problem will be just the
opposite: more than enough jobs -- and too few qualified people
to fill them. Think about what that means. For every child
growing up today -- black or white -- there will be a job
waiting. The question is whether that child will have the
education and the skills to seize that opportunity. The new
service and manufacturing industries will require higher skills,
more training and, at the very least, literacy. I am delighted
Congress passed our youth training wage last year. But we need
to do more. After all, equal opportunity begins with equal
education.
So we must again work in a solidarity to better our schools.
You know my proposals. First, I believe parents deserve choice.
8
They deserve the power to choose their children's child-care,
whether it comes from a grandparent or a church-affiliated
center. Parents also deserve one thing more -- the power to
choose their children's school.
And where disadvantaged pre-schoolers are concerned, I am
asking Congress to boost Head Start by half-a-billion dollars.
((I could go on. But I am reminded of the preacher who
asked his congregation what he should speak about. Someone
shouted from the back pew: "How about five minutes?") )
So let me say in conclusion, straight from the heart: This
is no time for politics. This is the time for solidarity.
Martin Luther King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of
freedom. It is our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the
sons and daughters of this American nation like no other.
I spoke earlier of the Biblical proverb that compared
righteousness to a mighty stream. This same vision can be found
in a poem by Langston Hughes, who compared the odyssey of black
men and women to the crossing of many rivers. And with each
crossing, their souls have grown deep -- deep, like the rivers.
This odyssey shaped the soul of a people, and because of
black leadership, it is also shaping the soul of our nation.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Davis/Martin
Title: Joint
April 4, 1990
Draft: Nine
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CENTER, WASHINGTON HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Thank you, Wendell. Thank you, Eddie Williams, David
Kearns, Vernon Jordan, Jim Robinson and Reverend Newsome. It is
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie
Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of the
elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ))\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. A philosopher once said that no problem can
stand the assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then
no problem we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly
one of the leading academies of independent thought in Washington
today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
2
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together, we strolled
across the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic
Reception Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln
Bedroom. It's an impressive room with its imposing high ceiling,
its tall windows, lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But
you know what it is about that room that's so powerful? It's not
that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln
worked there. Because he made some of his greatest decisions
there. It was his office and Cabinet Room. It was where he
signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. In
fact, of the five copies he made, it's the only one he actually
signed. Above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting,
Waiting for the Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting
slaves and their friends gathered around an elderly man, a man
who had never known a minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln
had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of freedom, all
3
their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting for the stroke of
midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
The day will come -- and it is not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office.
When that day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be
how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another President,
another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing all
the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many of them
inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of brave
4
ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and SO many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate.
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We
must draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity
movements, and from the new hope dawning in South Africa today.
For after all, the freedom march that wound through the country
roads of Selma twenty-five years ago leads to the cobbled streets
of Warsaw and Budapest today. And now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
5
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty,
disease, starvation and war. We are working to overcome these
problems throughout Africa. We continue to actively seek
national reconciliation in Angola, and we support the efforts of
President Chissano to end the fighting in Mozambique. We are
looking for ways we can help the newly independent nation of
Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the
urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members
of the United Nations to use their influence to achieve this
vital objective.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. III There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken some significant steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. I salute President de Klerk for taking
these steps -- but even more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
6
African leaders, black and white. The government's attempts to
enforce apartheid through force and repression have utterly
failed, as popular opposition to white-minority rule has
intensified. Violent attacks on government targets inside South
Africa have equally failed, and have had no positive impact.
Most tragically, the senseless violence perpetrated by blacks,
against blacks, has become a major impediment to rapid progress
toward a negotiated settlement. All sides must follow the spirit
of Martin Luther King Jr., and renounce violence.
Such a step will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the horror of apartheid. We are
encouraged by signs that all sides share a growing commitment to
this negotiating process. We stand ready to support this still
fragile process in any way we can. Secretary Baker has just
returned from South Africa, where he met with President de Klerk
and the leading members of the black opposition. He met with
Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also invited both President de
Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with me at the White House. I
will spare no effort to bring about positive change in South
Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a nation. We
must continue our programs to assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work for
change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that multi-
7
party democracy based on a vigorous free-enterprise system
represents the best model for any successful society.
In short, we can all work for change. American influence is
strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that
unites all Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a
noble cause
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas
City, I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling
bursts of gunfire not heard there since the days of the Old West.
Yesterday, I visited a 17-year-old black high school student
named Derrick Turnbow in a Cincinnati hospital. You see, Derrick
was an innocent bystander who got caught in the crossfire of a
shoot-out. Derrick was shot in the head. He is now
paralyzed. And the only means left to this honor student to
communicate is by winking.
In Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman.
In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who had seen
8
their community ravaged by drug pushers and decided to change all
that.
Everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who have
had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear. We must march with them in
solidarity, side by side, block by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans --- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better our
schools. That is why I am pleased that so many of you -- leaders
from business like David Kearns, along with leaders in
government, education, labor and the media -- are working
together to better our schools by serving on the President's
Education Policy Advisory Committee.
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a
better America. ((And I could go on. But I am reminded of the
kid who went to church with his grandad. The kid asks: "What are
9
those flags for, Grandad?" "For those who died in the service."
And then the kid asks: "Really? In the 9 o'clock or the 11
o'clock?) )
We've talked about the struggle against crime and fear, the
struggle for better education and opportunity. But the bottom
line is this: When the morning comes, will we work together for
what we have applauded tonight?\\ I have seen your good works.
I know that we will.
Let us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther
King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is
our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters
of this American nation like no other.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Davis/Martin
Title: Joint
April 4, 1990
Draft: Nine
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CENTER, WASHINGTON HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Thank you, Wendell. Thank you, Eddie Williams, David
Kearns, Vernon Jordan, Jim Robinson and Reverend Newsome. It is
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie
Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of the
elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ) )
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies. A philosopher once said that no problem can
stand the assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then
no problem we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly
one of the leading academies of independent thought in Washington
today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
2
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things ---
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together, we strolled
across the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic
Reception Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln
Bedroom. It's an impressive room with its imposing high ceiling,
its tall windows, lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But
you know what it is about that room that's so powerful? It's not
that Lincoln slept there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln
worked there. Because he made some of his greatest decisions
there. It was his office and Cabinet Room. It was where he
signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. In
fact, of the five copies he made, it's the only one he actually
signed. Above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting,
Waiting for the Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting
slaves and their friends gathered around an elderly man, a man
who had never known a minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln
had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of freedom, all
3
their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting for the stroke of
midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
The day will come -- and it is not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office.
When that day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be
how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another President,
another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing all
the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many of them
inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of brave
4
ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and SO many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate.
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We
must draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity
movements, and from the new hope dawning in South Africa today.
For after all, the freedom march that wound through the country
roads of Selma twenty-five years ago leads to the cobbled streets
of Warsaw and Budapest today. And now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
5
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty,
disease, starvation and war. We are working to overcome these
problems throughout Africa. We continue to actively seek
national reconciliation in Angola, and we support the efforts of
President Chissano to end the fighting in Mozambique. We are
looking for ways we can help the newly independent nation of
Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the
urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members
of the United Nations to use their influence to achieve this
vital objective.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken some significant steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. I salute President de Klerk for taking
these steps -- but even more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
-- a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
all groups recognage dead to violence
that
call m to
public movey
6 are the canny road
Eg
adead-
and
and 6een
African leaders, black and white. We salute the efforts by all
sides to follow the spirit of Martin Luther King Jr., and
renounce violence. 11 Especially black on black violence Nelson
Mandela put it best when he said that blacks must "close down the
death-factories,' and take their guns, knives and spears and
"throw them into the sea." 111
These steps will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the horror of apartheid. We are
encouraged by signs that all sides share a growing commitment to
this negotiating process. We stand ready to support this still
fragile process in any way we can. Secretary Baker has just
returned from South Africa, where he met with President de Klerk
and the leading members of the black opposition. He met with
Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also invited both President de
Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with me at the White House. I
will spare no effort to bring about positive change in South
Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a nation. We
must continue our programs to assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work for
change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that multi-
party democracy based on a vigorous free-enterprise system
represents the best model for any successful society.
7
In short, we can all work for change. American influence is
strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that
unites all Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a
noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity.
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas
City, I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling
bursts of gunfire not heard there since the days of the Old West.
Yesterday, I visited a 17-year-old black high school student
named Derrick Turnbow in a Cincinnati hospital. You see, Derrick
was an innocent bystander who got caught in the crossfire of a
shoot-out. Derrick was shot in the head. He is now
paralyzed. And the only means left to this honor student to
communicate is by winking.
In Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman.
In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who had seen
their community ravaged by drug pushers and decided to change all
that.
8
Everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who have
had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear. We must march with them in
solidarity, side by side, block by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better our
schools. That is why I am pleased that so many of you -- leaders
from business like David Kearns, along with leaders in
government, education, labor and the media -- are working
together to better our schools by serving on the President's
Education Policy Advisory Committee.
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a
better America. ((And I could go on. But I am reminded of the
kid who went to church with his grandad. The kid asks: "What are
those flags for, Grandad?" "For those who died in the service."
9
And then the kid asks: "Really? In the 9 o'clock or the 11
o'clock?) )
We've talked about the struggle against crime and fear, the
struggle for better education and opportunity. But the bottom
line is this: When the morning comes, will we work together for
what we have applauded tonight?\\ I have seen your good works.
I know that we will.
Let us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther
King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is
our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters
of this American nation like no other.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
Cw changes
Davis/Martin
Title: Joint
April 4, 1990
Draft: Eight
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: JOINT CENTER, WASHINGTON HILTON
7:30 p.m., Wednesday, April 4, 1990
((Thank you, Wendell. Thank you, Eddie Williams, David
Kearns, Vernon Jordan, Jim Robinson and Reverend Newsome. It is
also good to be out on the town with our good friend, Elsie
Hillman. And I would especially like to recognize two of the
elected officials among us tonight: David Dinkins -- Your
Honor; III and Doug Wilder -- Governor. ) )\\\
It's remarkable to think that in 1968, less than two years
before the Joint Center was founded, there were only 200 elected
black public officials in all of America. Twenty years later,
there are more than 6,000 -- an amazing record.
But you know what I find most heartening of all? It's the
way in which black leadership in America has become an ordinary
and accepted feature of our national life. This new leadership
has a tremendous resource in the Joint Center for Political and
once
Economic Studies. A philosopher said that no problem can stand
the assault of sustained thinking. If that is true, then no
problem we face today is a match for the Joint Center, truly one
of the leading academies of independent thought in Washington
today.
We can see for ourselves, tonight, that Washington is still
a city that thrives on ideas. As Americans from different
professions and political parties, we are together on this
2
wonderful evening to celebrate our shared ideals. We may not
agree on everything, but we agree on a few great things --
liberty, equality, opportunity and justice for all.
Not long ago, a distinguished group of fifteen black
publishers joined me for lunch in the White House. We discussed
everything from my meetings with Czechoslovakia's new playwright
President Vaclav Havel, to our struggle to rid this nation of
drugs and crime.
After lunch, we walked outside. Together we strolled across
the South Lawn driveway and through the Diplomatic Reception
Room, into the Residence, and up to the Lincoln Bedroom. It's an
impressive room with its imposing high ceiling, its tall windows,
lace curtains and Victorian furnishings. But you know what it is
about that room that's so powerful? It's not that Lincoln slept
there. In fact, he didn't. It's that Lincoln worked there.
Because he made some of his greatest decisions there. It was his
office and Cabinet Room. It was where he signed the Emancipation
Proclamation.
In a display case, along the wall, is a copy of the
Gettysburg Address, written in Lincoln's dignified hand. In
fact, of the five copies he made, it's the only one he actually
signed. Above it is a great painting titled "Watch Meeting,
Waiting for the Hour." It's a very poignant scene, depicting
slaves and their friends gathered around an elderly man, a man
who had never known a minute of freedom. And now that Lincoln
had proclaimed January 1, 1863, as the first day of freedom, all
3
their eyes are fixed on a watch -- waiting for the stroke of
midnight, waiting to be free.
It is said that Lincoln's hand shook as he dipped his quill
into the ink well before he signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
Perhaps he felt the weight of history. Perhaps he was weary. In
any event, he waited a moment to steady his hand, so that no one
would think he wavered on such an important decision. Through
the vision of one man, millions were freed.
Together, those of us in his room, felt the greatness of the
events that had taken place there, and the profound consequences
of a simple stroke of the pen. In moments like these, history
returns as a revelation. That very special moment led me to
reflect on the special responsibilities of the Presidency --
responsibilities that haven't changed since that midnight of
freedom in 1863. Every president since has been challenged to be
a part of the legacy of Lincoln, the continuum of freedom.
The day will come -- and it is not far off -- when the
legacy of Lincoln will finally be fulfilled at 1600 Pennsylvania
Avenue -- when a black man or woman will sit in the Oval Office.
When that day comes, the most remarkable thing about it will be
how naturally it occurs. He or she will be another President,
another traveler in the continuum of freedom, representing all
the people of America, representing all that is best about
America. You know, I meet a lot of school kids, many of them
inner-city kids; and I wonder as I look at the faces of brave
4
ten-year-olds swearing to fight drugs: Will one of them be
President? Is this the child who will fulfill the legacy?
But I also know that prejudice and racial tensions still
exist in America. That is why I told Ben Hooks and Coretta Scott
King and so many others in the Civil Rights movement that I would
use this office -- this bully pulpit -- to condemn in the
strongest terms racism, bigotry and hate. III
Black Americans have challenged me and my Administration to
live up to the highest ideals of the civil rights movement. I
accept that challenge. Now let me ask you to work with us from
this day forward, to build a better America.
There are new missions for the civil rights movement in the
1990s. From now on, the protection of civil rights must also
mean the removal of all barriers to opportunity, for there are
forms of poverty that cannot be measured or solved by dollars
alone.
In fighting against poverty and for opportunity, we must
draw inspiration from achievements both at home and abroad. We
must draw inspiration from the civil rights and Solidarity
movements, and from the new hope dawning in South Africa today.
For after all, the freedom march that wound through the country
roads of Selma twenty-five years ago leads to the cobbled streets
of Warsaw and Budapest today. And now the winds of change have
come to South Africa, where Nelson Mandela is a free man.\\
If I may, I would like to take just a moment to discuss
America's Africa policy, for change is sweeping this troubled
6
African leaders, black and white.
I
encourage the ANG to
and for all follow the spirit of Martin Luther King Jr., and
renounce violence. This commitment to non-violence is
especially needed to stop black-on-black violence. Nelson
Mandela put it best when he said that blacks must "close down the
death factories," and take their guns, knives and spears and
throw them into the sea. "
These steps will help nurture the climate for negotiations
toward a new system based on equal rights and opportunities. It
is imperative that the opposition not miss this opportunity to
negotiate seriously a framework for a truly democratic South
Africa, liberated from the horror of apartheid. We are
encouraged by signs that all sides share a growing commitment to
this negotiating process. We stand ready to support this still
fragile process in any way we can. Secretary Baker has just
returned from South Africa, where he met with President de Klerk
and the leading members of the black opposition. He met with
Nelson Mandela in Namibia. I have also invited both President de
Klerk and Mister Mandela to meet with me at the White House. I
will spare no effort to bring about positive change in South
Africa. But we must practice this diplomacy as a nation. We
must continue our programs to assist the disadvantaged majority.
American businesses that remain in South Africa must work for
change. And we will make clear our strong conviction that multi-
party democracy based on a vigorous free-enterprise system
represents the best model for any successful society.
5
continent. But this time change brings opportunity. So let us
work together to help the peoples of Africa to overcome poverty,
disease, starvation and war. We are working to overcome these
problems throughout Africa. We continue to actively seek
national reconciliation in Angola, and we support the efforts of
President Chissano to end the fighting in Mozambique. We are
looking for ways we can help the newly independent nation of
Namibia. In Ethiopia, we stand ready to deliver tons of food to
save millions facing starvation. Tragically, the war that rages
there prevents our access to these people in need. I call upon
the political leaders of Ethiopia to give the highest priority to
humanitarian relief by opening all available corridors for the
urgent movement of food supplies. And I appeal to other members
of the United Nations to use their influence to achieve this
vital objective.
But, South Africa is of special concern, because we can now
take hope that the age of apartheid is nearing a close. III There
are new signs of flexibility and commitment, both from the
government and the opponents of apartheid. President de Klerk
has already taken some significant steps -- lifting the ban on
political parties and releasing Nelson Mandela and other
political prisoners. I salute President de Klerk for taking
these steps -- but even more must be done. The State of
Emergency must end and political prisoners must be released.
Most of all, there must be an end to the tragic cycle of violence
-- a task that demands great courage and resolve from all South
7
In short, we can all work for change. American influence is
strongest when Americans speak with one voice. So let us work
together to forge a strong consensus on South Africa -- one that
unites all Americans -- of all races, of both parties -- in a
noble cause.
In America, we also seek the fulfillment of a noble cause -
- to overcome obstacles to opportunity. And in this cause, let
us look to the heroes of our times. Has the world known more
improbable heroes than Rosa Parks and Lech Walesa? But heroes
they are. Let us honor them by working together, in
solidarity. 11
But opportunity alone is not enough, for there is yet
another form of poverty caused by fear. In January, in Kansas
City, I saw people who had suffered from crack and crackling
bursts of gunfire not heard there since the days of the Old West.
That same month I went to Cincinnati's Taft High School to
speak out against drugs. In the audience was a 17 year old black
honor student named Derrick Turnbow. Yesterday, I visited
Derrick in the hospital because, you see, a few weeks after my
visit he happened to get caught in the crossfire of a shoot-
out. \\ Derrick was shot in the head. He is paralyzed. And
the only means left to him to communicate is by winking.
In Alexandria, just across the Potomac, I saw another
neighborhood where a crack-crazed addict had slain a policeman.
In Houston, at Acres Homes, I talked with citizens who had seen
8
their community ravaged by drug pushers and decided to change all
that.
But everywhere I went, I found hope. I found people who
have had enough of fear, had enough of crime, had enough of dope.
Just as the people of East Berlin stood up for freedom, so the
people of these neighborhoods are rallying together, using people
power to fight for another kind of freedom -- freedom from crime
and drugs -- freedom from fear. We must march with them in
solidarity, side by side, block by block, city by city.
Then there is yet another kind of poverty, a growing poverty
of knowledge.
Many young men and women in this country are simply not
learning -- not learning -- the basics -- to hold down a job or
to raise a family. That is a national disgrace. We need to
improve the quality of education for all Americans -- and raise
our expectations for what we know our children can learn and
accomplish. We must again work in solidarity to better our
schools. That is why I am pleased that so many of you ---- leaders
from business like David Kearns, along with leaders in
government, education, labor and the media -- are working
together to better our schools by serving on the President's
Education Policy Advisory Committee.
I have discussed just a few of the many ways in which we are
trying to fight against poverty and for opportunity to build a
better America. ((And I could go on. But I am reminded of the
kid who went to church with his grandad. The kid asks: "What are
9
the
those flags for, Grandad?" "For those who died in service." And
1
then the kid asks: "Really? Did they die in the 9 o'clock or the
III
We've talked about the struggle against crime and fear, the
struggle for better education and opportunity. But the bottom
line is this: When the morning comes, will we work together for
what we have applauded tonight?\\ I have seen your good works.
I know that we will.
Let us make this the time for solidarity. Martin Luther
King spoke of an arc of justice, a continuum of freedom. It is
our legacy, our freedom legacy, that makes the sons and daughters
of this American nation like no other.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.
#
#
#
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
WASHINGTON, D.C.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 4, 1990
EVENT:
Chairman's Reception
Address Joint Center for Political Studies
20th Anniversary Dinner
DRESS:
Men
- Business Suit
Women
- Cocktail Dress
CONTACT:
Office of Presidential Advance
John G. Keller, Jr.
- 202/456-7565
Trip Coordinator
Barbara Jobe
- 202/456-7565
ADVANCE:
John Gibbons
- LEAD
Bobby Carr
- PRESS
John Enright
- USSS
John Stufflebeem
- MIL. AIDE
Dave Pistilli
- WHCA
WEATHER:
Mid 50's
SCHEDULE OF THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. BUSH
FOR
WASHINGTON, D.C.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 4, 1990
6:50 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush depart White House en
route Washington Hilton Hotel.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Lead
Spare
T. McBride
Doctor
LIMO
THE PRESIDENT
Mrs. Bush
Follow Up
Control
A. Card
S. Rogich
Mil. Aide
Support
M. Fitzwater
J. Parmer
Official Photographer
Medic
Guest I
E. Hilman
Staff I
Staff Van
All Remaining Staff
Press Van I
J. Allison
Press Van II
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
6:55 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Washington
Hilton Hotel and proceed to International
Ballroom, West End.
Met By:
NO!
Mr. Bill Edwards
General Manager, Washington Hilton Hotel
Mr. David Kearns
National Dinner Chairman
Rev. Clarerce Nausone Jordan
Mr. Eddie Williams
President, Joint Center for Political Studies
vernon
?
Mr. Jim Robinson
Chairman, American Express
Does
Mr. Wendell Freeland
introdu
Partner, Freeland and Kronz, Pittsburgh
of POTUS
EVENT:
CHAIRMAN'S RECEPTION
CLOSED PRESS
ROPELINE
6:58 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive International
Ballroom and begin participation in Ropeline
Greeting.
7:15 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush conclude participation
in Ropeline, depart International Ballroom
and proceed to Holding Room.
7:17 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Holding Room.
7:25 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush depart Holding Room
and proceed to Off-Stage Announcement Area.
Page Two
7:27 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Off-Stage
Announcement Area and hold briefly.
EVENT:
ADDRESS JOINT CENTER FOR POLITICAL STUDIES
20th ANNIVERSARY DINNER
OPEN PRESS
RUFFLES AND FLOURISHES
OFF-STAGE ANNOUNCEMENT
HAIL TO THE CHIEF
REMARKS
TELEPROMPTER
7:30 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush are announced
onto Stage and proceed to Seats.
7:31 pm Welcoming Remarks given by Mr. Vernon
Jordan, Master of Ceremonies.
7:32 pm
Invocation given by Rev. Clarence
Newsome.
7:33 pm
THE PRESIDENT is introduced for Remarks by Mr.
Wendell Freeland, Chairman, Joint Center for
Political Studies Board of Directors.
7:35 pm
THE PRESIDENT Remarks.
7:50 pm
THE PRESIDENT concludes Remarks and, with Mrs.
Bush, departs Stage and proceeds to Holding Ros-
7:51 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive Holding Room
and hold briefly.
Page Three
7:53 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush depart Holding Room
and proceed to Motorcade.
7:55 pm
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush board Motorcade and
depart Washington Hilton Hotel en route White
House.
MOTORCADE ASSIGNMENTS:
Same as on Arrival.
(Drive Time: 5 Minutes)
8:00 pm
"
THE PRESIDENT and Mrs. Bush arrive White House.
Page :-
:
- new structure
for Pol, speeche S
_meno to SL + +aw
- more color
usual questions
beyond the
Joint Center
- Press disc
-NO 1
- Tele
- back
- cards
- 2/3 wts
new spechwriter
19
Carlesp