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Post-Summit Televised Address 6/8/90 [OA 5374] (cancelled)
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26
16
3
4
China free mhf reforms
intign surgize sparming fa frestom
(Lange/Cawley)
June 1, 1990
" helf " Soot S encorrage/incentives
2:15 P.M.
[SUMMIT.DOC]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: POST-SUMMIT TELEVISED ADDRESS
THE OVAL OFFICE
TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 1990
[TIME]
My fellow Americans:
There are moments in the lives of nations when the pace of
change is so great, the press of the challenges before us so
compelling, that reality outruns imagination. This is such a
moment -- for America, and for the community of nations around
the world.
The world stage is still a familiar one. But we find
ourselves re-writing the script. Old assumptions are being
shattered. And tired dogma and doctrine are being scattered like
ashes on the winds of change. So it is that great nations find
themselves at a very decisive moment in history.
Last year, in the Revolution of '89 we saw young men and
freedom
women join hands above the Berlin wall. We saw $ heroes in every
hemisphere. finally free. And We saw tyrants and iron-fisted
dictators fall, as ballots replaced bullets -- and hope triumphed
over fear.
Through the peaceful work of millions, from Managua to
Warsaw, entire nations were transformed by the power of an idea
------ and the soul of the world was transfixed with the force of a
word: Freedom.
For much of humanity the long dark night is over -- and a
long day's work has begun. But while this era means opportunity
aboad
2
and new uncertainty for nations around the world, America remains
what she has always been. A nation of unlimited imagination.
Confident in her convictions -- sure of her principles. and Principled in
her policies. A nation of quiet strength, Faith, And freedom.
In this remarkable age, we bear witness as the world
confirms the wisdom of our forefathers. They fought for a new
one
social order -- andinitiative. democracy that limited government. Gave free
rein to ambition, 1 Unleashed the power of the individual. And
made room for dreams.
We prospered because our forefathers knew that liberty is a
right that evolves from the people -- not a privilege granted by
government. And just as our forefathers chose to empower the
- at the time a difficult and risky choice -
individual, so today other nations must make similar choices, too.
those choices
At times it may be hard and painful. Some choices may be
deferred. Others may be denied. But some choices are must be made
And
inevitable. How a nation answers the cry for freedom is one of
them.
The world's emerging democracies need our help. in moving To
move
forward, beyond revolution, toward the more peaceful evolution of
democratic freedoms. Our challenge is to chart a shared course
for the Americas, North and South. To work with our allies in
Europe's common home. To make peace and freedom the world's
to make
common
cause. And prosperity for all, our shared purpose.
Tonight I want to talk about the United States' role in this
new world of freedom, by focusing on four critical issues: Our
reform inthe Peoples Republic of
relations with the Soviet Union; our decisions regarding China;
3
neceimour
democracy in Eastern Europe; and finally, developments in this
ov hemisphere.
First, the Soviet Union. As you know, I've just completed a
working summit with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. I
believe we've achieved new candor. New clarity. New stability
in U.S.-Soviet relations.
our
For too long, superpower relations have been based on
confrontation, rivalry, suspicion -- and an ugly war of words.
seized the
Now, at last, we have an opportunity to shape a new and brighter
future -- and, perhaps, redefine East-West relations.
since
The time has long passed when summits between our two
nations could be applauded simply for their symbolic importance.
We expect more now. Today we are grappling with the most
fundamental causes of the cold war. The climb is getting steeper
-- the agenda, more demanding. And while no one can turn by back
there is no
the clock, neither can anyone predict what the future will bring.
But a few things are certain.
We know President Gorbachev, a man of great courage, has
made room for aspirations long suppressed in the Soviet Union.
And the Soviet people themselves have shown great strength.
more open
can
We know that a stable, prosperous Soviet Union A serves the best
interests of the world community. We welcome a Soviet Union that
has left its expansionist aims. behind. As I've said So often, we
No need or desire for
want perestroika succeed.
4
now
And we also know that the Soviets face fundamental choices
now. Their leadership is struggling with the most basic
questions about their society:
How to assure the accountability of leaders to the people.
institutionalize
Whether they will allow the freedoms we take for granted --
freedoms to emigrate, to speak out, to live, work and worship
How to make the difficult transition from an inefficient
freely. What kind of economy they'll have -- centrally-planned
economy, go a vilrant and
and controlled of market-driven system -- and how to make that
difficult transition
In my talks with President Gorbachev, I encouraged the
positive changes they have already made -- and discussed ways
that America can help.
in which our two countries can cooperate
The Soviets are struggling to structure an economy that
creates prosperity. But even as they work to promote greater
economic opportunities and productivity, their government still
considers it a capital crime to engage in "entrepreneurial
activities" or other "economic crimes."
Because prices are fixed, some Soviet Republics haven't
so
in the sovid 2lawin that
raised the price of bread in 30 years. Bread has become a cheaper
than the grain used to make it -- so so many farmers feed their
cattle pigs bread instead of grain. People have become exhausted and
P.T.
gon
are
a
Dar
demoralized by their central planned economy. They say things
like,
"We pretend to work, and the government pretends to pay
us." And, "If you don't steal from the state, you're stealing
from your family."
(?)
5
encourage
We want to help the Soviets find new stability and
prosperity, by tapping the power of free wills and free markets.
So we're encouraging foreign direct investment, joint ventures,
and technical assistance to the Soviet Union.
Wehave just sogn a major new frade agreement. Andre
And En we still hope to extend Most Favored Nation trading
status to the Soviet Union as soon as they make free emigration
the law of the land We want to help in the Soviets' economic
transformation because prosperity means political stability.
And that means a safer world.
President Gorbachev and I also discussed issues where,
frankly, we don't yet agree. The Soviet leadership has already
condemned the secret pact that deprived the Baltic nations of
their freedom 50 years ago. But Lithuania's drive for
independence, in particular, and the aspirations of the other
Baltic States, are tests of the Soviet's willingness to live with
the logic of the reforms they've ushered in.
I believe that the Soviet leadership will eventually make
the right choices. Choices that offer the possibility of a new
age of political, social, and economic well-being -- and new
security and stability in the world. That's why we're working
with them like never before. Because we want to leave the cold
war in history's dust. We want to close the door on the cold war
forever. //
an
world
Our relations with the other major Eurasian power, China,
just began to blossom late in this century
[China section]
6
Let me turn now to those nations enjoying new freedoms --
making the most rapid advances toward democracy, and struggling
for new economic growth: the nations of Eastern Europe, and
Latin America.
In Eastern Europe, the pace of political change has been
breathtaking. But economic change comes harder, as this long
day's work begins.
The war of words and walls is ending. But the wounds of
forty years of false economies -- the scars of the spirit left by
decades of deprivation -- will be more difficult to heal.
Here, as with the Soviet Union, we can't simply "export" a
free market system -- the differences are simply too great.
In Budapest, the waiting list for a telephone takes twenty
years. Poland has virtually no accountants, bankers and
attorneys to conduct basic business. Until recently, private
companies were illegal in Yugoslavia. Now enterprise is legal
Hape highas
-- but growth is crippled by taxes of 80 percent
Ideas that we take for granted -- private property, elected
representation, recourse to independent courts -- all sound fine
in principle in Eastern Europe. But putting them into practice
will be a monumental challenge -- and another crucial role
America must play on the world stage.
We've already devoted over one billion dollars in direct
U.S. aid to the nations of Eastern Europe -- and we've encouraged
more then
a worldwide collective effort of over 13 billion dollars in total
aid. But none of the democracies in Eastern Europe are asking us
7
to write a blank check. They are asking us to export our
expertise.
last
That's why, this month, we created a Citizens Democracy
Corps, to support democratic change and market-oriented economic
reform in Eastern Europe. Mobilizing the talents of our private
sector, on challenges ranging from parliamentary procedures to
broadcasting to banking to business law to environmental
protection.
We're also exporting expertise through one of the best-kept
secrets in Washington: the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, which provides loans and risk insurance to American
companies building businesses around the world. Those American
companies gain footholds in new markets -- and by the way, you
taxpayers out there will be glad to hear that OPIC is one
government agency that turns a profit.
This summer, we'll be hosting a worldwide economic summit in
Houston, Texas. [ Tonight, for the sake of the emerging
democracies struggling for prosperity in Eastern Europe, I'd like
to invite the Soviet Union, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary
and Anama, to
send observers to that summit. Because Again we believe that when
prosperity is shared, the world's stability is assured. ]
But along with Eastern Europe, our eyes have also been on
another drama of democracy -- a drama unfolding closer to home.
Think of it -- throughout Latin America, almost all the dictators
of the right and the left have yielded to the will of the
people. \\ As these winds of change sweep the Americas, we are
8
coming close, so very close, to living in a Hemisphere of
Democracy.
Look to Chile, a nation that has made the transition from
authoritarian rule to civilian government. Look to Paraguay,
where a people kicked out an aging autocrat, and held elections.
Then there is Panama, where a dictator once held sway. But
because the brave people of Panama stood by our fighting men and
women, now the people rule in Panama.
And in Nicaragua, just a few months ago, the edicts of a
directorate once had the force of law. Now Violetta Chamorro is
president of Nicaragua.\ And the people rule.
Everywhere we look, we see that the conscience of the early
Spanish friars has become the human rights movement of a
hemisphere. And a dozen lands now share the United States'
vision of democracy. The Americas are also opening to a new kind
of freedom -- freedom to choose, to prosper, to grow.
Just as the peoples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
are senselessly oppressed by state-ownership, red-tape and
corruption, the same, unfortunately, is true of even a few anti-
communist Latin American societies. In one large Latin city, a
person who can't afford to pay officials the necessary bribes
must take almost 300 days to cut the red tape just to open a
small garment shop. But now the peoples of Latin America are
demanding -- and getting -- freedom to work, and enjoy the fruits
of their labor.
Let me tell you what America will do for them.
9
For nations striving to be free of the dead hand of the
state, the United States is ready to open the door of opportunity
with free-trade agreements.
For the new-born democracies of Panama and Nicaragua, the
now
United States is n providing 720 million dollars in emergency aid.
For nations that struggle against the cruel caudillos ( (CAW-
dee-yohs)) of the drug trade, the United States is providing
material assistance and expective. advice.
And for Cuba -- the United States will continue to stand by
the people of that unfortunate island in their dark hour of need.
We will shower bombard Cuba with the sights and sounds of freedom; we
will press the cause of democracy; we will not rest until Cuba is
free. 111
You know, cynics say you can't eat democracy. But after two
centuries of American experience, the world has learned that no
nation can long prosper without it.
The world has learned that democracy \\ is another way of
saying opportunity. That government, far from fearing private
initiative, should be all for it. And that the surest sign of a
nation's kindness is the kind of social and economic mobility it
allows its people.
As Americans, we stand for freedom. For a peace that
and
endures. For prosperity with a purpose, For commerce with a
conscience.
In this era when all is possible, in this age when all may
be free, let us help other nations make the choices we've made.
10
There is a new world of freedom to be won. Just as one
candle that lights another is not extinguished, just as one voice
that joins another is not diminished, an offered hand only grows
stronger.
Let the Cald was end.
So let the Iron Curtain rise. Let every corner of the world
>
stage be lit with the brilliant drama of democratic freedoms.
And let voices still restrained, rise with the enduring harmony
and grace God intended for humanity.
All is possible 11 if we but have the will to make it so.
God bless you -- and good night.
# # #
(Lange/Cawley)
June 1, 1990
2:15 P.M.
[SUMMIT.DOC]
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: POST-SUMMIT TELEVISED ADDRESS
THE OVAL OFFICE
TUESDAY, JUNE 5, 1990
[TIME]
My fellow Americans:
There are moments in the lives of nations when the pace of
change is so great, the press of the challenges before us so
compelling, that reality outruns imagination. This is such a
moment -- for America, and for the community of nations around
the world.
The world stage is still a familiar one. But we find
ourselves re-writing the script. Old assumptions are being
shattered. And tired dogma and doctrine are being scattered like
ashes on the winds of change. So it is that great nations find
themselves at a very decisive moment in history.
Last year, in the Revolution of '89 we saw young men and
women join hands above the Berlin wall. We saw heroes in every
hemisphere finally free. And we saw tyrants and iron-fisted
dictators fall, as ballots replaced bullets -- and hope triumphed
over fear.
Through the peaceful work of millions, from Managua to
Warsaw, entire nations were transformed by the power of an idea
--- and the soul of the world was transfixed with the force of a
word: Freedom.
For much of humanity the long dark night is over -- and a
long day's work has begun. But while this era means opportunity
2
and new uncertainty for nations around the world, America remains
what she has always been. A nation of unlimited imagination.
Confident in her convictions -- sure of her principles and
policies. A nation of quiet strength. Faith. And freedom.
In this remarkable age, we bear witness as the world
confirms the wisdom of our forefathers. They fought for a new
social order -- democracy -- that limited government. Gave free
rein to ambition. Unleashed the power of the individual. And
made room for dreams.
We prospered because our forefathers knew that liberty is a
right that evolves from the people -- not a privilege granted by
government. And just as our forefathers chose to empower the
individual, so today other nations must make similar choices.
At times it may be hard and painful. Some choices may be
deferred. Others may be denied. But some choices are
inevitable. How a nation answers the cry for freedom is one of
them.
The world's emerging democracies need our help in moving
forward, beyond revolution, toward the more peaceful evolution of
sharid
democratic freedoms. Our, challenge is to chart a shared course
and
for the Americas, North and South. To work with our allies in
Europe's common home To make peace and freedom the world's
common cause. And prosperity for all, our shared purpose.
Tonight I want to talk about the United States' role in this
new world of freedom, by focusing on four critical issues: Our
relations with the Soviet Union; our decisions regarding China;
3
democracy in Eastern Europe; and finally, developments in this
hemisphere.
First, the Soviet Union. As you know, I've just completed a
working summit with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. I
believe we've achieved new candor. New clarity. New stability
in U.S.-Soviet relations.
For too long, superpower relations have been based on
confrontation, rivalry, suspicion -- and an violay war of words.
Now, at last, we have an opportunity to shape a new and brighter
future -- and, perhaps, redefine East-West relations.
The time has long passed when summits between our two
nations could be applauded simply for their symbolic importance.
We expect more now. Today we are grappling with the most
fundamental causes of the cold war. The climb is getting steeper
-- the agenda, more demanding. And while no one can turn back
with certainty
the clock, neither can anyone predict what the future will bring.
But a few things are certain.
We know President Gorbachev, a man of great courage, has
made room for aspirations long suppressed in the Soviet Union.
And the Soviet people themselves have shown great strength.
We know that a stable, prosperous Soviet Union serves the best
interests of the world community. We welcome a Soviet Union that
has left its expansionist aims behind. As I've said often, we
want perestroika succeed.
4
And we also know that the Soviets face fundamental choices
now. Their leadership is struggling with the most basic
questions about their society:
How to assure the accountability of leaders to the people.
Whether they will allow the freedoms we take for granted --
freedoms to emigrate, to speak out, to live, work and worship
freely. What kind of economy they'll have -- centrally-planned
and controlled, or market-driven -- and how to make that
difficult transition.
In my talks with President Gorbachev, I encouraged the
positive changes they have already made -- and discussed ways
that America can help.
The Soviets are struggling to structure an economy that
creates prosperity. But even as they work to promote greater
economic opportunities and productivity, their government still
considers it a capital crime to engage in "entrepreneurial
activities" or other "economic crimes."
Because prices are fixed, some Soviet Republics haven't
raised the price of bread in 30 years. Bread has become cheaper
than the grain used to make it -- so many farmers feed their
cattle bread, instead of grain. People have become exhausted and
demoralized by their central planned economy. They say things
like, We pretend to work, and the government pretends to pay
us."
And, "If you don't steal from the state, you're stealing
from your family."
5
We want to help the Soviets find new stability and
prosperity, by tapping the power of free wills and free markets.
So we're encouraging foreign direct investment, joint ventures,
and technical assistance to the Soviet Union.
hase week, Pres G. & I symed 2 major trode agreement;
And we still hope to extend Most Favored Nation trading
status to the Soviet Union, as soon as they make free emigration
the law of the land We want to help in the Soviets' economic
transformation -- because prosperity means political stability.
And that means a safer world.
President Gorbachev and I also discussed issues where,
frankly, we don't yet agree. The Soviet leadership has already
condemned the secret pact that deprived the Baltic nations of
their freedom 50 years ago. But Lithuania's drive for
independence, in particular, and the aspirations of the other
Baltic States, are tests of the Soviet's willingness to live with
the logic of the reforms they've ushered in.
I believe that the Soviet leadership will eventually make
the right choices. Choices that offer the possibility of a new
age of political, social, and economic well-being -- and new
security and stability in the world. That's why we're working
with them like never before. Because we want to leave the cold
war in history's dust. We want to close the door on the cold war
forever. //
Our relations with the other major Eurasian power, China,
just began to blossom late in this century. But one year ago
yesterday, Americans awoke to the sounds of distant thunder from
6
another gathering storm -- and the shocking news of gunfire in
the streets of Beijing. We were and remain both outraged and
deeply concerned about the needless violence and the tragic loss
of life. Outraged because the demonstrators did nothing more
than raise the same cry for democracy that soon was echoed around
the world. Concerned because America wants to play a responsible
role in helping to bring about better days and better conditions
in the lives of all the Chinese people.
In the year since those tragic events, we have listened to
many voices -- voices of outrage, voices of anger, voices of
compassion and hope. And after long and careful deliberation,
spell out
last week I determined that MFN trade status -- the basis of
everyday trade throughout the world -- should be extended for
another year. Not for China -- but for her people.
For 10 years Americans applauded the historic free market
reforms that were energizing the Chinese economy and transforming
0
the Hundreaf
the lives of people in farms and N factories from frozen Manchuria
Cighuan
to the tropics of Yunnan. Then the success of those reforms was
derailed by the terrible events of last June, events that will
not soon be overlooked by the people of either of our nations.
But it is in the interest of the United States -- and more
importantly -- in the interest of the Chinese people -- that the
reforms be continued, that the engine of free market reform be
put back on track.
Millions of Chinese have benefitted from renewed contact
with the West. I think of the plea of a Chinese student here in
7
the United States, asking that the Congress not impose additional
sanctions against the Chinese people. He told of how, shortly
after the "bamboo curtain" was cracked open in 1972, he started
to learn English when some friends were able to borrow a two-
volume textbook, brought to China by one of the earliest American
delegations. They stayed up all night, typing the entire book in
a language they did not understand, in order to return it the
next day. And each night they secretly tied a radio wire onto
the plumbing to tune into the Voice of America -- and hear the
strange and wonderful new words of an idea called America.
Today that young man is a graduate of Columbia Law School,
hoping to go back to help his homeland to learn and grow and
rejoin the community of nations. He writes: "Contact with the
outside world brought the spark of democracy to China. Further
isolation will keep the spark from catching fire again."
Slamming the door against troubled neighbors has always been
the easy way out. But it has never been the American way. When
America opened the door to China in 1972, the Cultural Revolution
was in full rage, a toll of torture and imprisonment now said to
have affected the lives of 100 million Chinese. But because the
people of this country had the courage to do the right thing --
to extend a hand rather than raise a fist -- 17 years later it
was the words of Patrick Henry -- and the image of the Statue of
Liberty -- that roused a brave, lone man to stand up before a
column of tanks.
8
Let me turn now to those nations enjoying new freedoms --
making the most rapid advances toward democracy, and struggling
for new economic growth: the nations of Eastern Europe, and
Latin America.
In Eastern Europe, the pace of political change has been
breathtaking. But economic change comes harder, as this long
day's work begins.
The war of words and walls is ending. But the wounds of
forty years of false economies -- the scars of the spirit left by
decades of deprivation -- will be more difficult to heal.
Here, as with the Soviet Union, we can't simply "export" a
free market system -- the differences are simply too great.
In Budapest, the waiting list for a telephone takes twenty
years. Poland has virtually no accountants, bankers and
attorneys to conduct basic business. Until recently, private
companies were illegal in Yugoslavia. Now enterprise is legal
-- but growth is crippled by taxes of 80 percent.
Ideas that we take for granted -- private property, elected
representation, recourse to independent courts all sound fine
?
in principle in Eastern Europe But putting them into practice
will be a monumental challenge -- and another crucial role for
America on the world stage.
We've already devoted over one billion dollars in direct
U.S. aid to the nations of Eastern Europe -- and we've encouraged
a worldwide collective effort of over 13 billion dollars in total
aid. But none of the democracies in Eastern Europe are asking us
9
to write a blank check. They are asking us to export our
expertise.
That's why, this month, we've created a Citizens Democracy
Corps, to support democratic change and market-oriented economic
reform in Eastern Europe. Mobilizing the talents of our private
to tackle
sector, on challenges ranging from parliamentary procedures to
broadcasting to banking to business law to environmental
protection.
We're also exporting expertise through one of the best-kept
secrets in Washington: the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, which provides loans and risk insurance to American
companies building businesses around the world. Those American
companies gain footholds in new markets -- and by the way, you
taxpayers out there will be glad to hear that OPIC is one
government agency that turns a profit.
This summer, we'll be hosting a worldwide economic summit in
Houston, Texas. [ Tonight, for the sake of the emerging
democracies struggling for prosperity in Eastern Europe, I'd like
to invite the Soviet Union, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary to
send observers to that summit. Because we believe that when
prosperity is shared, the world's stability is assured. ]
But along with Eastern Europe, our eyes have also been on
another drama of democracy -- a drama unfolding closer to home.
Think of it -- throughout Latin America, almost all the dictators
of the right and the left have yielded to the will of the
people As these winds of change sweep the Americas, we are
10
coming close, so very close, to living in a Hemisphere of
Democracy.
Look to Chile, a nation that has made the transition from
authoritarian rule to civilian government. Look to Paraguay,
where a people kicked out an aging autocrat and held elections.
Then there is Panama, where a dictator once held sway. But
because the brave people of Panama stood by our fighting men and
women, now the people rule in Panama.
And in Nicaragua, just a few months ago, the edicts of a
totalitorion regame
directorate once had the force of law. Now Violetta Chamorro is
president of Nicaragua.\ And the people rule.
bravepeoples
Everywhere we look, we see that the conscience of the early
become
Spanish friars has become the human rights movement of a
hemisphere. And a dozen lands now share the United States'
vision of democracy. The Americas are also opening to a new kind
of freedom -- freedom to choose, to prosper, to grow.
Just as the peoples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
have been
are senselessly oppressed by state-ownership, red-tape and
corruption, the same, unfortunately, is true of even a few anti-
communist Latin American societies. In one large Latin city, a
reverse
person who can't afford to pay officials the necessary bribes
must take almost 300 days to cut the red tape just to open a
small garment shop. But now the peoples of Latin America are
demanding -- and getting -- freedom to work, and enjoy the fruits
of their labor.
Let me tell you what America will do for them.
11
For nations striving to be free of the dead hand of the
state, the United States is ready to open the door of opportunity
with free-trade agreements.
For the new-born democracies of Panama and Nicaragua, the
United States is providing 720 million dollars in emergency aid.
For nations that struggle against the cruel caudillos ((CAW-
dee-yohs)) of the drug trade, the United States is providing
material assistance and advice.
And for Cuba -- the United States will continue to stand by
the people of that unfortunate island in their dark hour of need.
We will bombard Cuba with the sights and sounds of freedom; we
will press the cause of democracy; we will not rest until Cuba is
free.
You know, cynics say you can't eat democracy. But after two
centuries of American experience, the world has learned that no
nation can long prosper without it.
The world has learned that democracy is another way of
saying opportunity. That government, far from fearing private
initiative, should be all for it. And that the surest sign of a
nation's kindness is the kind of social and economic mobility it
allows its people.
As Americans, we stand for freedom. For a peace that
endures. For prosperity with a purpose. For commerce with a
conscience.
hytoric time,
seems
In this era when all is possible, in this age when all may
be free, let us help other nations make the choices we've made.
12
There is a new world of freedom to be won. Just as one
candle that lights another is not extinguished, just as one voice
that joins another is not diminished, an offered hand only grows
stronger. Da I.C. brusen, Cold and the
So let the Iron Curtain rise. a Let every corner of the world
stage be lit with the brilliant drama of democratic freedoms.
And let voices still restrained, rise with the enduring harmony
and grace God intended for humanity.
All is possible \\ if we but have the will to make it so.
God bless you -- and good night.
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