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Address to Joint Session of Congress 9/11/90 [OA 5376] [4]
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Address to Joint Session of Congress 9/11/90 [OA 5376] [4]
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Address to Joint Session of Congress 9/11/90 [OA 5376] [4]
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26
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3
DAVE-
I
EDITS of THE EDITS-
FROM- -
CHRISS +
MARK
Davis
September 4, 1990
Title: X
Draft: One
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO A JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
Mister President, Mister Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you:
(W/miolemo mly
This Joint Session is a departure from tradition. A
sometimes
President usually addresses Congress after an election, when the
dust has settled and an era of partisan good feelings prevails.
But tonight we gather, Republicans and Democrats, left, right and
center, before an election, in a political season. And in such a
season, every aspect of our politics is metaphor for war: we
speak of sending volunteers "out into the field"; we speak of
campaigns and the fight to the finish.
Well, tonight thousands of young Americans face the prospect
of a real fight, in a real battle campaign, in a field of sand,
barren and hot as hell.
So I am sure each and every Member will agree: If there ever
was a time to put country before self, and patriotism before
party, that time is now. III
We are reminded that there are far greater risks and
sacrifices than any we are called to make in Washington. I
recently read of a Marine Master Sergeant from Oceanside,
California, a self-described "old war horse" who served in
Vietnam. But this same seasoned veteran is also a single father
2
who says that the toughest moment in a Marine's life is leaving
his kids behind. Such partings, in his words, are "like opening
up your chest and pulling out your heart. " 111
So when we stop to think that these valiant men and women in
our Armed Services volunteered to be ready at a moment's notice,
to leave their comfortable posts and careers, their spouses,
their children, to put themselves on the front-line half-way
around the world, then we know who keeps America great. They
do.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done. The response of the United States Armed Forces over the
past few weeks has been nothing short of heroic.
And these are times that demand heroes, American men and
women with the lasting courage to endure a lengthy test of wills
with an outlaw regime.
I say "outlaw," because Saddam Hussein began his
apprenticeship in terrorism twenty years ago. And his vocation
today is still terrorism. He misled his Arab brethren,
brutalized a peaceful and helpless neighbor, and then withdrew
from an indignant world to hide behind a circle of innocents.
Iraqi propagandists say we are at odds with their government
to obtain cheap oil. They are wrong. This is not about the
price of gasoline. It is about the price of peace.
3
If the twentieth century has taught us anything, it is this:
When small nations become the souvenirs of tyrants; when
innocents Assoulted are held hostage; when world commerce and diplomacy are
will not be AN
held up at gunpoint, America cannot afford to be an idle
observer.
This America will respond
Act
We have also learned something else: There is a great
opportunity in such a crisis -- a precious chance to create a new
world order, a secure and peaceful world for decades to come.
Think about it. For much of the last forty-five years, many
nations followed lines of power radiating from one of two
opposite poles -- Washington or Moscow. Now, at long last, we
can declare that the Cold War competition between the superpowers
At the United Nations
is at an end. When the Soviet Union joined with us in condemning
aggression, then I knew: The Cold War is over. 1111
But, like a receding tide, the ebbing of the Cold War has
revealed a forgotten landscape, a landscape of ancient
animosities and ambitions.
In such a world, great rivals can become great partners. III
That is why we are so grateful that the major powers that
make up the United Nations Security Council have passed five
resolutions opposing Iraq. That is why we are so heartened that
Arab soldiers from Damascus to Cairo, from Mecca to Marrakesh,
and nations as diverse as Norway and Bangladesh, have stood up to
in defiance to Iraqi aggression.
We are deeply impressed by one thing more -- the responsible
statesmanship shown by the Soviet Union. III
BOTTOM or y
all certain pinemples:
VISION of A world where
superponess free from
IDDISCUSSED this uisiow of This 4 UISION
shory pusind justice
The hopes I discussed tonight, I shared shared with President
Gorbachev two days ago in Helsinki. For almost half-a-century,
superpower competition has fanned the flames of local conflict.
But in Helsinki, we agreed to work together, to work for a new
world where all the great MAjOR powers act, not as arsonists, but as
fire-fighters.
And we agreed on one thing more. Iraq is an outlaw in the
bRAzeN
world community. III And the naked aggression of this outlaw will
not stand. III
America's objectives are clear and unchanging: Iraq must
withdraw from Kuwait completely, unconditionally, restoring the
legitimate government of Kuwait. The security and stability of
Saudi Arabia must be assured. The risk of future terrorist
(we'Re soing to protect
aggression must be reduced. And American citizens and American
AbroAd.
interests must be respected
For the moment, no concert of nations can be effective
without the world's number one economic and military power. That
is why the world looks first to America for leadership. And lead
she will.
I know there are some who will question America's staying
power. I do not know how long it may take for international
sanctions to work. And we all know better than to predict
whether Saddam Hussein will be so unwise as to compound his
provocation. How long American troops stay in the Gulf depends,
to some extent, on Iraq. But I do know this:
America must support the rule of law. And we will.\\I
5
America -- and the international community -- must defend
innocent countries against aggression. And we will.
America has set a course, and America will follow it.
And one thing more\\
America will never give in to
blackmail.
There is, of course, a price for resolve. American lives
have already been lost. Additional lives will be lost if
military conflict breaks out. Even if it doesn't, the economic
costs will be steep.
But we must avoid the greatest cost of all -- the cost of
doing nothing. No one doubts that left unchallenged, Saddam
Hussein could dictate the world price of oil. No one doubts he
would advance his ambitions by weapons of mass destruction. But
this is not about oil or one's man's ambition: This is the first
assault on the post-Cold War world, the first test of our mettle.
If we do not respond to this first provocation; if we do not
repel it; we will send a signal to a half-dozen despots around
the world. And the result will be more wars and chaos for the
world. We will not give the green light to aggression.
So even as we try to keep the costs of Operation Desert
Shield to a reasonable minimum, we will not discount American
leadership.
The price of oil is already up. This will take its toll on
the economy. But it need not throw us into deep recession.
After all, we are working with oil-producing countries to
replace lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti production. Their help, with the
6
option of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, if necessary, can keep
oil prices from rising to levels that would hurt the economy. In
fact, oil prices may, in time, start coming down.
Our military deployment is another huge expense. We have
developed a plan to share this cost -- and the cost of other
nation's economic burdens -- among those allies who can afford to
finance our collective action. So I have dispatched top Cabinet
officials to tell our allies this: At the very most, we encourage
collective action; at the very least we expect a sharing of the
collective burden.
But financial responsibility should begin at home. The
effects of higher oil prices, slower growth, and higher defense
costs will only make our fiscal deficit problem worse. It was
already worse than it should have been -- at a projected $232
billion for the coming year. This, too, cannot stand.
The Congress should act this very month -- before the next
fiscal year begins -- to get our economic affairs in order. If
anyone needs an another reason to act, look no further than the
evening news. We are more vulnerable economically than we should
ever be. American must never again enter a crisis -- economic or
military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign oil and an
embarrassing burden of federal debt. III
Most Americans are fed up with endless turf battles between
the Congress and the Administration over economic policy. It is
time for us to pull together -- and get the job done right.
That job has five necessary goals.
7
First: Our tax code penalizes growth. The Congress should,
this month, enact tax measures that propel growth -- to help
avoid recession in the short term; and to increase savings,
investment, productivity, and competitiveness for the long term.
I ask you to extend incentives for research and experimentation;
expand the use of IRAs for new homeowners; establish tax-deferred
Family Savings Accounts; create incentives for the development of
Enterprise Zones; and yes, reduce the tax rate for capital
gains.
Second: The Congress should, this month, enact a prudent
five-year defense program -- one that reflects both improved
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, so vividly brought home to us by Iraq.
Some cuts should be made, even after including the costs of our
Persian Gulf deployment. Over five years, defense outlays can be
reduced below the baseline by ((dollar amount)) billion. But
beyond that, one crosses a line that threatens a vital margin of
safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as Commander-in-
Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still a dangerous place, where regional
instability can flair up into global conflict. I will not
trifle with our ability to protect America's vital interests.
Third: The Congress should, this month, enact measures to
increase domestic energy production and energy conservation -- so
we can cut our dependence on foreign oil. These measures should
include my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and
8
gas exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan
energy resources. ((Other measures to come.))
Fourth: The Congress should, this month, enact a five-year
program to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion
-- yes, you got that right -- by half-a-trillion dollars. If
Congress presents me with an acceptable program by the end of
this month, America will avoid the clumsy meat-ax approach called
the "sequester" -- deep across-the-board cuts that would
undermine our soldiers in Saudi Arabia, and inflict needless pain
at home.
I also ask that Congress present this comprehensive, five-
year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phony deficit
reduction, tired of the promise-now, save-later-plan. Enough is
enough. It's time for a program that is not cynical, but
credible. III
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to ease interest rates -
- in a setting of economic growth, without greater inflation. I
have discussed my proposals in detail with the members of the
Budget Summit. And I have also discussed it with Fed Chairman
Alan Greenspan. And he assures me that if Congress acts
promptly, so will the Fed.
Our deficit reduction program must meet a few basics:
9
*** It must be responsible: So our plan includes the
measures I've recommended to increase economic growth and reduce
dependency on foreign oil.
*** About one-third of our savings can come from defense,
one-third from domestic spending programs, and one-third from
revenue measures. So that no group of programs or people escapes
responsibility, or bears the burden alone, it must be fair.
*** In order that it reaches beyond the visible parts of
the budget and begins to control the government's expanding
credit programs and hidden liabilities, it must be
comprehensive. III
*** It must be in the spirit of reform: So our program
reforms the budget process to provide some of the tools that have
allowed many governors to keep state budgets under control --
like "pay-as-you-go" requirements and the line-item veto.
*** It must be enforceable.
*** And, to the extent that it includes new revenues
measures -- which it does --- it must not threaten economic growth
by raising income taxes. I know there are some who are
anxious to raise income-tax rates. But experience teaches us
that a big income-tax hike is the surest road to a deep
recession. And that is one path we must not go down.
To the Congressional members of the Budget summit, you
remember my first call for negotiations many months ago. The
negotiations have already dragged on weeks and months too long.
I have already taken the personal risk demanded of me, and so
10
have others. Now America expects leadership -- not on the
editorial page, or on the Sunday morning talk shows. But here,
in these chambers, this month. III
I hope the Summit leaders will agree to my plan. But with
or without their agreement, I ask both Houses of Congress to
allow a straight-up-and-down vote on my comprehensive package --
no later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to enact my compromise package,
Americans will have to face sequester, a greater risk of
recession and greater military risks to Americans abroad. If, on
the other hand, the Congress responds favorably, we will, at
last, have put ourselves on the right course.
These are challenging times, at home and abroad. Challenges
that seem separate, but will set the course of our common
destiny. America's destiny is to be a leader, whether it is
living up to our global duties, or tackling the most intractable
problems at home.
I am hopeful. At this very moment, the sons and daughters
of America stand shoulder-to-shoulder in the sea-like, pathless
wastes of the desert with the sons of Arabia, the sons of Europe,
the sons of many lands. If they can come together under such
adversity, surely we who are so fortunate, so comfortable, can
come together to fulfill our responsibility here.
((Anecdote about troops))
At this moment, our hopes and prayers are with them, each
and every one of them, as another day dawns in the Persian Gulf.
11
Thank you, and may God bless our brave men and women in the
Middle East, every one.
#
#
#
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't.
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
MAM
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
MOST
All
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
one
persons
155
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
DRAMATISE
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Signal
TO
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
Hussein
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
SOME GIVE GORDiT
PRAISE
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
DRAMA.
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace. Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
any of American who subscribed decline to and this the notion, end of recent American events leadership. have surely But for
proven otherwise As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
unique REsponsibility
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
STATE
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
D20 11st Rorus; All 6 country Aurel (
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder.
What brings
as
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
tated to this
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
waders, all say sametions
Crepping to haud an affect.
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
the
contins
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
emirates
matteld
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
military support
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to
STALWART
front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
In 2. In 2
DAYS, I
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
willsend
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
conguns
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
I
to contine rent
will
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
high income
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
prices
conditions warrant.
-no
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
profiteemy
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect.
we said
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
wisates
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence "If
quote
SANCTIONS
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
pont work -
someting else."
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
While loops
While A name every
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
nilulion lingin our
(troopshave,
The
vital interest in the region will not have ended.
foresee soon
ASTING note
as
the United States in assisting the nations of
possidator
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
would
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
America will not
into Warlmail
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
UR quarrel is not w/ people, the unt a Dutalo
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
a mgj SADDAM Hussein
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Ared's Wehavion, with
un USSR ANAB LEAVUE
its aggression, and with its leadership.
ALL STANDING AGAINST
A00 RESSION,
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
SBDOA
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
LET ME Give you a menage- not just from
US/ BUT U.N. MOST ARAB LEArnge -
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then
(
)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
13
raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
14
have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
# # #
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't.
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace." Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
of American decline and the end of American leadership. But for
any who subscribed to this notion, recent events have surely
proven otherwise. As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
6
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder. What brings
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to key front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
conditions warrant.
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect. What I
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
vital interest in the region will not have ended. I can foresee
a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's behavior, with
its aggression, and with its leadership.
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then (...)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
13
raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
14
have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
###
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace. " Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
of American decline and the end of American leadership. But for
any who subscribed to this notion, recent events have surely
proven otherwise. As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
6
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder. What brings
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to key front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
conditions warrant.
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect. What I
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
vital interest in the region will not have ended. I can foresee
a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's behavior, with
its aggression, and with its leadership.
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then
(
)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
13
raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
14
have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
# # #
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't.
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace.' Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
of American decline and the end of American leadership. But for
any who subscribed to this notion, recent events have surely
proven otherwise. As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
6
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder. What brings
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to key front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
conditions warrant.
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect. What I
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
vital interest in the region will not have ended. I can foresee
a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's behavior, with
its aggression, and with its leadership.
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent. five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then (
)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
13
raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
14
have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
###
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say{heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't.
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace. Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
of American decline and the end of American leadership. But for
any who subscribed to this notion, recent events have surely
proven otherwise. As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
6
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder. What brings
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to key front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
conditions warrant.
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect. What I
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
vital interest in the region will not have ended. I can foresee
a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's behavior, with
its aggression, and with its leadership.
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then (
)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
13
raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
14
have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
###
DRAFT 1
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS:
ADDRESS TO JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS
U.S. CAPITOL
SEPTEMBER 11, 1990
9:00 P.M.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress,
distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you.
We gather here this evening while brave members of the armed
forces of the United States stand in harms way -- side by side
with the armed forces of more than twenty other nations, in the
distant desert and on distant seas. They are there and we meet
here, in the aftermath of an outrage: Iraq's invasion, then
occupation, of Kuwait.
Our response has been firm and clear, as it must be in times
like these. And times like these also remind us of far greater
risks and sacrifices than any we are called to make in
Washington. It is the men and women of our armed forces, all
volunteers to service, who leave their posts and careers, their
families and loved ones, to meet this challenge halfway around
the world.
On behalf of all Americans, I want to express our deepest
thanks to those who keep America safe and who make America great.
Let us also return a salute to the military leaders with us
tonight -- the first-class professionals of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. General Powell, Chiefs, what a magnificent job you have
done.
2
The response of all the men and women of the United States
Armed Forces over the past few weeks has been nothing short of
heroic.
In the face of danger, they are brave. In trying
circumstances, their morale is excellent. Helping to keep the
world free from further aggression, they make us all proud.
I wish I could say heir work is done. But we all know it
isn't.
And, let me also thank you all -- Democrats, Republicans,
and independents alike -- and all Americans -- for your unity of
purpose, and for your support of our actions in the face of
aggression.
My purpose tonight is to talk to you about what is at stake,
what we are doing and why. I also want to point out what we must
do to prevail -- not just abroad, but here at home as well. For
foreign policy and domestic policy are not distinct. We are one
people, with a broad set of interests to be served by our foreign
and domestic policies.
Our objectives are clear, our goals defined and familiar:
Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately,
and without condition.
Kuwait's legitimate government must be restored.
The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be
assured.
And, American citizens and interests must be protected.
3
I want to say at the outset that these objectives are not
ours alone. Other countries share our concern for principle.
Other countries have a stake in Persian Gulf stability. And
other countries share the heartfelt concern for their men, women,
and children held hostage. It is not Iraq against the United
States. It is Iraq against the world.
I come before you tonight having just returned from
Helsinki, from my very productive meetings with Soviet President
Gorbachev. Our joint statement underscores our mutual commitment
to counter this threat to peace.
This public declaration is truly an historic venture. Just
imagine how different this crisis would be if, as in decades
past, a dictator like Saddam has been able to count upon the
Soviet Union and East-West confrontation to inhibit an
international response to his aggression. Try to conceive of
what we and our allies would now face if the machinery of the
United Nations were still disrupted by the divisions of the Cold
War.
But, ladies and gentlemen, the Cold War is over. And in
this crisis -- as grave as it is -- we see the chance to craft
the framework of a new world order. One in which the cooperative
mutual interest of countries East and West -- North and South --
can be realized. President Gorbachev understands that how we -
- together with others -- manage this crisis will speak volumes
about our ability to make the international system of the future
different from those of the past. The test we face is great --
4
and so are the stakes -- for we seek a community of international
responsibility. A new world: One in which the rule of law
flourishes and in which no state can count on naked aggression
for its own selfish unilateral gain. A new world in which
nations recognize the responsibility we all share for freedom and
justice. A lasting and effective partnership of nations where,
as Woodrow Wilson said, "There must be not a balance of power,
but a community of power; not organized rivalries, but organized
peace. " Those are the stakes, and that is the vision threatened
by Saddam Hussein's brutal invasion.
What lies behind these objectives?
A vital issue of principle is at stake. We cannot allow the
rule of law to be overwhelmed and replaced by the law of the
jungle. Might cannot be allowed to make right. If we want the
precedent of this first post-Cold War crisis to have meaning --
it must drive home that message.
Vital economic interests are at risk. Iraq itself controls
some 10% of the world's proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait
controls twice that. Moreover, an Iraq permitted to hold on to
Kuwait would have the economic and military power as well as the
arrogance to intimidate and in the end coerce its neighbors who
control the lion's share of the remaining oil reserves, in the
world. We cannot permit a resource so vital to the entire world
to be dominated by so ruthless and unprincipled a power.
What is also at issue is American credibility and
reliability. It has become fashionable in some quarters to speak
5
of American decline and the end of American leadership. But for
any who subscribed to this notion, recent events have surely
proven otherwise. As we have seen, there is no substitute for
American leadership. And our willingness and capability to act
is a bulwark against the forces of anarchy that could otherwise
threaten the peace of the world.
Finally, what this is all about is nothing less than the
shape of the world to come. This is truly the first crisis of
the post-Cold War era. So it is essential that we hold true to
certain principles if we wish to see them established as
precedents in a new world order. Restraint, the rule of law,
collective security -- we should not and cannot allow the reduced
possibility of superpower conflict to be replaced by a new threat
of conflict from power-hungry regional powers such as Iraq. With
power comes obligation and responsibility. Saddam Hussein must
learn this fundamental truth.
Our response has been clear from the very outset. Following
on Iraq's August 2 invasion of Kuwait and acting hand in hand
with others, we have sought to fashion the broadest possible
international response to the Iraqi challenge. And we have
succeeded.
Immediately following the invasion of Kuwait, American
forces, and those of a host of nations, moved to the protection
of Saudi Arabia. We are there at the request of King Fahd to
deter an Iraqi attack and, if need be, to defend against one.
Today soldiers from Damascus and Cairo, Marrakech and Bangladesh,
6
Los Angeles and London stand shoulder-to-shoulder. What brings
these Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs together is
resolute opposition to Saddam's aggression and aims.
In the United Nations, we can now point to five Security
Council resolutions that condemn Iraq's aggression, call for
immediate and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, and
call for the restoration of Kuwait's legitimate government. The
United Nations has also specifically rejected Iraqi's cynical and
self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait. The United Nations has
demanded too that Iraq release all the foreign nationals held
hostage against their will and in contravention not only
international law but of human decency itself.
Just as important, the United Nations has backed up its
words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory
economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to disgorge
the fruits of its aggression. The Security Council has also
taken the decisive step of endorsing the use of all means as may
be necessary to ensure that these sanctions are complied with.
Together with our allies, ships of the United States Navy are
today patrolling to see that they are. Voluntary compliance with
sanctions is excellent. We continue to hope that Iraq's leaders
will recalculate just what their aggression has on balance cost
them. Because of the sanctions, they can sell none of their oil.
And they can import but a tiny fraction of goods.
We continue to hope that these sanctions will work as
intended.
7
Our policy also has a major economic dimension. I have just
heard from Secretary of State Baker and from Secretary of the
Treasury Brady. Each travelled the world at my request to
underscore the necessity that the costs and burdens of this
collective military effort be shared. It is also essential that
countries complying with sanctions be compensated to prevent
severe economic hardship. We are prepared to do our fair share;
we are asking others to do the same.
I am pleased to be able to report that the response of our
friends and allies has been positive. From the leaders of Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Republic we received pledges
to provide American troops with all the food and fuel they need.
Assistance will also be provided in large amounts to key front-
line states such as Turkey and Egypt.
There is also an energy-related cost to be borne as well.
But we are hard at work with oil-producing nations to replace
lost Iraqi and Kuwaiti output. More than half of what was lost
has already been made up. It we continue steps to expand
production, we can minimize any price increases. As I have
pointed out before, reasonable conservation efforts and
responsible oil company behavior are necessary complements to
this effort. And we and several of our allies always have the
option to extract oil from our strategic petroleum reserves if
conditions warrant.
The goal of all I have outlined is to convince Saddam
Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. I cannot predict just how long
8
it will take us to prevail. Our policy is now in place, and
sanctions may take time to have their intended effect. What I
can tell you is that we will stick with the current policy so
long as the evidence suggests it is working. If the evidence
begins to suggest otherwise, then we will look at the
alternatives. Again, what is certain is that we will not let
this aggression by Iraq stand.
However we do succeed, and we will, the challenge to our
vital interest in the region will not have ended. I can foresee
a lasting role for the United States in assisting the nations of
the Persian Gulf, in deterring future aggression, in helping our
friends in their own self-defense, and in curbing the
proliferation of chemical, biological, missile and above all
nuclear technologies. What we do specifically will be a matter
to be determined, depending upon the threat and what we and our
friends agree to. But let me make clear that our stake in the
Gulf is not passing. Both our interest and our involvement pre-
dated Saddam Hussein's aggression, and both will survive it.
Let me also make clear that the United States has no quarrel
with the Iraqi people. Our quarrel is with Iraq's behavior, with
its aggression, and with its leadership.
I want to make sure that everyone in Iraq understands this,
and hope I have the opportunity to speak directly to the iraqi
people later this week over their television. My message is
simple. Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait. Iraq will not be
permitted to annex Kuwait. The use of force by Iraq to achieve
9
its ambitions is unacceptable. No one in Iraq should doubt our
determination, our resolve or our ability to translate these
words into fact. This is not a threat or a boast, just the
truth.
I also want to use this occasion to say some things to the
American people. Our ability to function effectively as a great
power abroad depends directly upon how we conduct ourselves here
at home. Our economy, our armed forces, our energy dependence,
and our cohesion will all determine whether we are in a position
to help our friends and stand up to our foes.
In order for America to lead, America must be strong and
vital. Our world leadership and domestic strength are not
separate domains -- they are mutual and reinforcing; they are a
woven piece, as firmly bound as Old Glory.
We must get our economic house in order at home if we are to
have the capacity to promote international order abroad. To
provide that capacity we must address our budget deficit now --
not after election day, or next year, but in fact now. It is
time we pull together -- and get the job done right.
We should act this very month -- before the next fiscal year
begins -- to permanently cut the budget deficit. If anyone needs
an additional reason for action, surely the Iraqi situation can
help focus the mind. We are more vulnerable economically than we
should be. Americans must never again enter any crisis --
economic or military -- with an excessive dependence on foreign
oil and an excessive burden of Federal debt.
10
Let me tell you what that job is. It has five basic parts.
First: We should, this month, enact growth-oriented tax
measures -- to help avoid recession in the short term; and to
increase savings, investment, productivity, and competitiveness
for the longer term. One such measure already has the support of
bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate: The capital
gains rate cut. And it is time we put its investment and job-
creating power to work.
Second: We should, this month, enact a prudent five-year
defense program -- one that reflects both the improvement in
East-West relations, and the continuing risks of outlaw action
and regional conflict, as represented most vividly now by Iraq.
Even with iraq, the defense budget can decline in real terms.
But beyond a certain point, one crosses a line that threatens our
nation's margin of safety. Given my Constitutional obligation as
Commander-in-Chief, that is a line I cannot cross.
The world is still dangerous. Surely that is now clear.
Stability is not secure. American interests are far-reaching.
Inter-dependence has increased. The consequences of regional
instability can be global. this is no time to reduce America's
capacity to protect her vital interests.
Third: We should, this month, enact measures to increase
domestic energy production and energy conservation -- in order to
reduce dependence on foreign oil. These measures should include
my proposals to increase incentives for domestic oil and gas
exploration, and to accelerate the development of Alaskan energy
11
resources. In addition, new measures, including tax measures (if
any), to be incorporated here.
Since the oil embargo of the early 1970's our reliance on
foreign oil has not decreased -- it has grown. We have moved in
the wrong direction. Now we must act to correct that trend -- so
that our vulnerability does not increase again.
Fourth: We should, this ;month, enact a five-year program
to reduce the projected deficits and debt by $500 billion -- that
is, by half-a-trillion dollars. If Congress presents me with a
satisfactory program by the end of the month, that would be in
time to avoid the clumsy axe of "sequester" -- deep across-the-
board cuts that would otherwise threaten our military capacity
and risk substantial domestic disruption.
I ask, further, that Congress present the comprehensive,
five-year deficit reduction program to me as a single legislative
package -- with associated measures to assure that it can be
fully enforced. The American people are tired of phoney deficit
reduction on the promise-now-save-later-plan. Enough is enough.
It's time for a program that is credible and real.
Fifth, and finally: The combination of these legislative
actions should allow the Federal Reserve to facilitate a
substantial reduction in interest rates -- in a context of
economic growth, without increased inflation. I have discussed
by proposed program in detail with the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board, Alan Greenspan. He assures me that if Congress
12
acts promptly to enact the program I am recommending here
tonight, he will then
(
)
In addition to discussing this program with the Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, I have today provided it -- in detail -- to
the members of the Budget Summit negotiating group.
My deficit reduction program has these basic characteristics
-- as any acceptable program must:
It includes the measures I've recommended to increase
economic growth and reduce dependence on foreign oil.
It is balanced. The burden of contributions is not
excessive to any one group of programs or people.
About one-third of the savings come from defense, one-
third from domestic spending programs, and one-third
from revenue measures.
It reaches beyond the visible parts of the budget and
begins to control the government's expanding credit
programs and hidden liabilities.
It reforms the budget process to provide some of the
tools that have allowed many governors to keep state
budgets under control -- like "pay-as-you-go"
requirements and line-item veto.
It is enforceable.
And, to the extent that it includes new revenue
measures -- which it does -- it avoids any measure that
might threaten economic growth or raise people's income
tax rates. I know there are some who are anxious to
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raise income tax rates. But that is one path we should
not head down again.
To the congressional members of the Budget Summit, I say: I
first called for negotiations many months ago. The negotiations
have already dragged on too long. I have compromised, and
compromised again. Some others have, as well. The plan I offer
tonight is a further compromise that should, at last, bring us
together. I hope to persuade you of its merit in this coming
week.
My plan will not fully satisfy any of us. But it will do
the job that needs to be done. And now: it is time to produce.
I hope the Summit leaders will agree on this plan. But with
or without agreement, I ask both Houses of the Congress to allow
a straight up-or-down vote on my comprehensive package -- not
later than September 28th.
If the Congress fails to act, Americans will then have to
face sequester: mandated spending reductions with all the
national discomforts those entail. We would also be running real
risks in terms of our national economy. If, on the other hand,
the Congress responds to the challenge, we will, at last, have
put ourselves on the right course here at home.
In the final analysis, our ability to meet our
responsibilities abroad depends upon political will and consensus
at home. This is never easy in democracies where we govern only
with the consent of the governed. And free people in a free
society are bound to have their differences. But when the stakes
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have been as great as the stakes we now see, and when the
principles are as clear as those we see today, Americans have
traditionally come together. The sacrifices each of us in this
chamber are called upon to make are political. These are not
inconsequential sacrifices. But they are nothing compared to the
sacrifices being made, as to speak, by our men and women in
uniform.
I am hopeful. Once again, Americans have stepped forward to
do their duty. They have shared a tearful goodbye with their
families before leaving for a strange and distant shore. At this
very moment, they stand together with Arabs, Europeans, and
others in defense of principle -- doing what is right. If they
can come together under such adversity, surely we who are so
fortunate as to be in this great chamber -- Democrats,
Republicans, liberals, conservatives, moderates -- can come
together to fulfill our responsibilities here.
Thank you, good night, and God bless America.
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