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United Nations General Assembly Address 10/1/90 [OA 5377] [2]
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United Nations General Assembly Address 10/1/90 [OA 5377] [2]
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insert at bottom bottomof of p. 8
And throughout those 10 years -- and beginning now -- the
U.N. has a new and vital role in building towards that partner-
ship. Last year's General Assembly showed how we can make
greater progress towards a more pragmatic and successful U.N.
And for the first time, the U.N. Security Council is beginning to
work as it was designed to work.
We have shown that the U.N. can count on the collective
strength of the international community. We have shown that the
U.N. can rise to the challenge of aggression as its founders
hoped it would. And now in this time of testing, we must also
show that the U.N. is the place to build international support
and consensus for meeting the other challenges we face.
The world remains a dangerous place. And our security and
well-being often depends, in part, on events occurring far away.
We need serious international cooperative efforts to make headway
on threats to the environment, on terrorism, on managing the debt
burden, on fighting the scourge of international drug
trafficking, and on peace-keeping efforts around the world.
But the world also remains a hopeful place. Calls for
democracy and human rights are being reborn everywhere. These
calls are an expression of support for the values enshrined in
the U.N. Charter. They encourage our hopes for a more stable,
more peaceful, more prosperous world.
Free elections are the foundation of democratic government,
and can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia
and Nicaragua. And the time has come to structure the U.N. role
in such efforts more formally. And so today, I propose that the
United Nations establish a Special Coordinator for Electoral
Assistance, to be assisted by a U.N. Electoral Commission
comprised of distinguished experts from around the world.
As with free elections, we also believe that universal U.N.
membership for all States is central to the future of this
Organization, and to the new partnership we've discussed. In
support of this principle, and in conjunction with U.N. efforts
to reduce regional tensions, the United States fully supports
U.N. membership for the Republic of Korea. We do so without
prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification of the
Korean peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous
membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Building on these and other initiatives
CLOSE HOLD Document No. 177903
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
09/26/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4:00 p.m. 09/27
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
SUBJECT:
(09/26 draft four)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
WINSTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston by 4:00 p.m., 09/27, with a copy to my
office. Thanks.
RESPONSE: no comment
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CLOSE HOLD
Ext. 2702
McNally/Simon
90 SEP 25 PM 5:
September 26, 1990
Draft Four (B:UN)
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK CITY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1990
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General. Distinguished
delegates of the United Nations:
It is a great privilege to greet you today as we begin what
marks a new and historic Session of the General Assembly. And on
a personal note, I want to say that, having witnessed the
unprecedented unity and cooperation of the past two months, I
have never been prouder to have once served within your ranks,
and never been prouder that the U.S. is host to the U.N. III
45 years ago, while the fires of an epic war still raged
across two oceans and two continents, a small group of men and
women began a search for hope amid the ruins. They gathered in
San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and the horror to try
to shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream.
Intensely idealistic, and yet tempered by war, they sought
to build a new kind of bridge, a bridge between nations, a bridge
that might help carry humankind from its darkest hour to its
brightest day. III
The founding of the United Nations embodied our deepest
hopes for a peaceful world. And during the past year, we have
come closer than ever before to realizing those hopes. We've
seen a century sundered by barbed threats and barbed wire give
way to a new era of peace, cooperation, and freedom.
The Revolution of '89 swept the world almost with a life of
2
its own, a new breeze of freedom that transformed the political
climate from Central Europe to Central America, and touched
almost every corner of the globe.
That breeze has been sustained by a now almost universal
recognition of a simple, fundamental truth: The human spirit
can't be locked up forever. The truth is, people everywhere are
motivated in much the same ways. And people everywhere want much
the same things: The chance to live a life -- the chance to
choose a life -- in which they and their children can learn, grow
healthy, worship freely, and prosper through the work of their
hands, their hearts and their heads.
We're not talking about the power of nations, but the power
of individuals. The power to choose, the power to risk, the
power to succeed.
This is a new and different world. Not since 1945 have we
seen the real possibility of using the United Nations as it was
designed -- as a center for international collective security.
The changes in the Soviet Union's attitude toward foreign
policy and the United Nations have been critical. Working
together, the United States and the Soviet Union have moved from
the peril of mutually assured destruction, to the promise of
mutually shared understanding. III
It is fitting that it is here, at the United Nations, that
we should declare an end to the Cold War, the long twilight
struggle that for 45 years has divided Europe, our two nations,
and much of the world. For we meet, as Lincoln said of Gettys-
3
burg, on a great battlefield of that war -- the battlefield of
ideas.
It was here at the United Nations that some of the most
divisive, ideological battles of the past four decades were
fought. And, as at Gettysburg -- the battlefield that marks
America's own most costly and divisive war -- it is time to bury
the past and move on to a time of healing. Time to bury not each
other -- but the Cold War itself.
When the Soviet Union joined with us, here in the United
Nations, to condemn the aggression of a former ally, then I knew,
at long last, we can put 45 years of history behind us. III
No longer will the machinery of the United Nations be frozen
by the Cold War. At long last, we can build new bridges, and
tear down old walls. At long last: The Cold War is over. IIII
Two days from now, many of you will be there when the Cold
War is formally buried in Berlin. And in this time of testing, a
fundamental question must be asked. A question not for any one
nation -- but for the United Nations. And the question is this:
Can we work together in a new partnership of nations? Can the
collective strength of the world community, expressed by the
United Nations, unite to deter aggression?
Because the Cold War's battle of ideas is not the last epic
battle of this century.
Two months ago, in the waning weeks of one of the world's
most hopeful summers, the vast, still beauty of the peaceful
Kuwaiti desert was fouled by the stench of diesel and the roar of
4
iron tanks. Once again the sound of distant thunder echoed
across a cloudless sky. And once again the world awoke to face
the guns of August. III
But this time, the world was ready. The U.N. Security
Council's response to Iraq's unprovoked aggression has been
nothing less than historic. Since the invasion on August 2nd,
the Council has passed eight major resolutions setting the terms
for a solution of the crisis.
The Iraqi regime has yet to face the facts. But as I said
last month: The annexation of Kuwait will not be permitted to
stand. What the regime is up against is not only the law of
nations -- but also the law of mathematics. The numbers are
against them. Today it is not Iraq versus Kuwait, but Iraq
against the world. And you know what they say: When it's you
against the world -- bet on the world.
Through the U.N. Security Council, Iraq has been judged by a
jury of its peers -- the very nations of the Earth. Today, the
regime stands isolated and out of step with the times, separated
from the civilized world not by space, but by centuries.
Iraq's unprovoked aggression is a throw-back to another era,
a dark relic from a dark time. It has plundered Kuwait, terror-
ized innocent civilians, and held even diplomats hostage. In the
past 10 years, Iraq's leadership has initiated wars of aggression
against not one but two of their neighbors, in violation of
international treaties. Thousands of Iraqis have been executed
on political and religious grounds, and a genocidal, poison gas
5
war waged against Iraq's own Kurdish villagers.
Today, on the anniversary of the convictions at Nuremberg,
the lessons of another era provide names for these barbarous
acts: "War Crimes." "Crimes Against Peace.' And "Crimes
Against Humanity."
All three are punishable crimes under the principles adopted
by the Allies in 1945, and unanimously reaffirmed by the United
Nations in 1950. And the bottom line is this: Heads of state
can be held responsible for crimes against world law -- and
crimes against world law are liable to punishment. The stakes
are high, the cause is just -- and here at the U.N. -- the
authority is real.
But the U.N. can do more than just deter the use of inhuman
weapons like mustard and nerve gas. The weapons themselves must
be eliminated. That is why, one year ago, I came to the General
Assembly with new proposals to banish these terrible weapons from
the face of the Earth.
I promised the United States would destroy over 98 percent
of its stockpile in the first eight years of a chemical weapons
ban treaty, and 100 percent -- all of them -- in 10 years, if all
chemical weapons-capable nations sign the treaty.
We've stood by those promises. In June, the U.S. and the
Soviet Union signed a landmark agreement to halt production, and
to destroy the vast majority of our stockpiles. Today, U.S.
chemical weapons are being destroyed, even as we meet.
6
But time is running out. This is not a merely bilateral
concern. The Gulf crisis proves how important it is to act
together -- and to act now -- to conclude an absolute, worldwide
ban on these weapons.
The United Nations can help bring about a new day, a day
when these kinds of terrible weapons -- and the terrible despots
who would use them -- are both a thing of the past.
Thanks to U.N. solidarity, Iraq is cut off by land, sea, and
now air -- and becoming more isolated, and more alone, all the
time. And I can see a time when this regime may be little more
than a footnote, the catalyst that helped cap a historic movement
towards a new world order and a long era of peace.
We have a vision of a new partnership of nations that
transcends the Cold War. A partnership based on consultation,
cooperation and collective action, especially through inter-
national and regional organizations. A partnership united by
principle and the Rule of Law, and supported by an equitable
sharing of both cost and commitment. A partnership whose goals
are to increase democracy, increase prosperity, increase the
peace -- and reduce arms.
And as we look to the future, the calendar offers up a
convenient milestone, a signpost by which to measure our progress
as a community of nations.
The Year 2000 marks a turning point, beginning not only the
turn of the decade, not only the turn of the century, but also
the turn of the millennium.
7
And 10 years from now, as the 55th Session of the General
Assembly begins, you will again find many of us in this Hall, our
hair a bit more gray, perhaps a bit less spring in our walk. But
you will not find us with any less hope or idealism, or any less
confidence in the ultimate triumph of humankind. III
I see a world of open borders, open trade, and -- most
importantly -- open minds. A world that celebrates the common
heritage that belongs to all the world's people, taking pride not
just in hometown or homeland but in humanity itself. III
I see a world touched by a spirit like that of the Olympics:
Based not on competition that's driven by fear, but sought out of
joy and exhilaration and a true quest for excellence. III
I see a world where democracy continues to win new friends
and convert old foes, and where the Americas can provide a model
for the future for all humankind -- the world's first completely
democratic hemisphere. III
And I see a world building on the emerging new model of
European unity. Not just Europe, but the whole world -- "whole
and free."
This is precisely why the present aggression in the Gulf is
a menace not only to one region's security, but to the entire
world's vision of our future. It threatens to turn our dream of
a new international order into a grim nightmare of anarchy, in
which the law of the jungle supplants the law of nations.
That is why the United Nations reacted with such historic
unity and resolve. And that is why this challenge is a test we
8
cannot afford to fail.
The opportunity is truly historic. At the confluence of the
Tigris and Euphrates -- where civilization began -- civilization
can begin anew.
I am confident we will prevail. Success, too, will have
lasting consequences -- reinforcing civilized standards of
international conduct, setting a new precedent in international
cooperation, brightening the prospects for our vision of the
future.
There are 10 more years until the century is out.
10 more years to put the struggles of the 20th century
permanently behind us.
10 more years to help launch a new partnership of nations.
And during those 10 years -- and beginning now -- we can and
must build towards that new partnership by turning to the many
other issues on today's common agenda. The scourge of drug abuse
must be vanquished, led by international cooperation such as the
Cartegena Summit earlier this year. The needs of refugees must
be met, providing relief for the suffering of all victims of
disasters, whether natural or man-made. State-sponsored
terrorism must be stopped. And all the world's hostages --
wherever they are -- must be freed.
We seek a world not only of shared peace, but also shared
prosperity. We will work together to eliminate the protectionism
that endangers the world trading system, building on the efforts
of the Houston Summit and the ongoing talks of the Uruguay Round
9
of GATT. We will battle also the growing debt problem, seeking
new cooperation and new ideas, like the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative we launched earlier this year.
A thousand years ago, as the first Millennium approached,
some feared destruction of the Earth by act of God or nature.
Today, as we approach the Year 2000, many fear destruction of our
planet not by act of God but by act of Man; not by act of nature
but by acts against nature. I've said it before: Environmental
destruction knows no borders. And one of our first priorities
has to be protecting the environment -- but without endangering
economic growth.
The crisis in the Gulf also serves to remind us of other
unresolved regional conflicts that require U.N. mediation. One
promising model is Cambodia. This troubled land has suffered a
generation of war and upheaval, including the nightmare of the
killing fields under the Khmer Rouge. Now for the first time we
are on the brink of a settlement we hope can bring real peace.
We salute the Cambodian parties for their acceptance of the U.N.
framework, and we salute our Perm Five colleagues for their
partnership in this unique and promising new peace initiative.
In all these endeavors, as with the partnership of nations
which we hope will evolve, the role of the U.N. must be
strengthened and perfected. And so let me today suggest two new
proposals -- two principles, really -- that we believe will help
strengthen the U.N.
First, the U.N. is being called on increasingly to support
10
new elections in the world's emerging democracies. Free
elections are the foundation of representative government, and
can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia and
Nicaragua. And there are many other situations in which the
U.N.'s services in holding elections are being requested or
considered.
The time has come to structure the United Nations response
to such requests more formally. And so today, I propose that the
United Nations establish a Special Coordinator for Electoral
Assistance, to be assisted by a U.N. Electoral Commission
comprised of distinguished experts from around the world.
Second, we have long been advocates of the principle of
universality. In support of this principle, and in conjunction
with U.N. efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States
fully supports U.N. membership for the Republic of Korea. We do
so without prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification
of the Korean peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous
membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Building on these and other initiatives, we must join
together in a new compact -- all of us -- to bring the United
Nations into the 21st Century. And I call today for a major,
long-term effort to do this. It would be built around the search
for a new Secretary-General, instituting programs of change and
revision as he or she assumes office. It should be based on a
major legacy that will be left to us all for promoting the
efficiency and effectiveness of the U.N. -- the serious studies
11
of my old friend and colleague, Javier Perez de Cuellar. III
The United States is committed to playing its part. We
offer our continuing leadership, helping to maintain global
security, promoting democracy and prosperity. My Administration
is fully committed to supporting the United Nations, and to
paying what we are obliged to pay by our commitment to the
Charter. International peace and security -- and international
freedom and prosperity -- require not a penny less. 1111
The world must know and understand: From this hour, from
this day, from this hall -- we step forth with a new sense of
purpose, a new sense of possibilities. We stand together,
prepared to swim upstream, to march uphill, to tackle the tough
challenges as they come -- not only as the United Nations --- but
as the nations of the world united. 1111
Let it be said of the final decade of the 20th Century:
This was a time when humankind came into its own. When we
emerged from the grit and the smoke of the industrial age to
bring about a revolution of the spirit and of the mind, and began
a journey into a new day, a new age, and a new partnership of
nations.
The U.N. is now fulfilling its promise as the world's
parliament of peace. I congratulate you. I support you. And I
wish you Godspeed in the challenges ahead.
Thank you.
#
#
#
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 177903
90 SEP 28 Ag: A 31
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
09/26/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4:00 p.m. 09/27
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
SUBJECT:
(09/26 draft four)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
\
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
P
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
I
BOSKIN
x
DEMAREST
WINSTON
FITZWATER
1
GRAY
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston by 4:00 p.m., 09/27, with a copy to my
office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
no comments
9/27
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CLOSE HOLD
Ext. 2702
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 1779cls
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
09/26/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4:00 p.m. 09/27
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
SUBJECT:
(Inoj THE 92/60)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
A
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
J
CARD
J
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
-
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
WINSTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston by 4:00 p.m., 09/27, with a copy to my
office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
see communis AD
James W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CLOSE HOLD
Ext. 2702
McNally/Simon
90 SEP 25 PM 5:
September 26, 1990
Draft Four (B:UN)
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK CITY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1990
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General. Distinguished
delegates of the United Nations:
It is a great privilege to greet you today as we begin what
marks a new and historic Session of the General Assembly. And on
a personal note, I want to say that, having witnessed the
unprecedented unity and cooperation of the past two months, I
have never been prouder to have once served within your ranks,
and never been prouder that the U.S. is host to the U.N. III
45 years ago, while the fires of an epic war still raged
across two oceans and two continents, a small group of men and
women began a search for hope amid the ruins. They gathered in
San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and the horror to try
to shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream.
Intensely idealistic, and yet tempered by war, they sought
to build a new kind of bridge, a bridge between nations, a bridge
that might help carry humankind from its darkest hour to its
brightest day. III
The founding of the United Nations embodied our deepest
hopes for a peaceful world. And during the past year, we have
come closer than ever before to realizing those hopes. We've
seen a century sundered by barbed threats and barbed wire give
way to a new era of peace, cooperation, and freedom.
The Revolution of '89 swept the world almost with a life of
It was carned by
2
its own, a new breeze of freedom that transformed the political
climate from Central Europe to Central America, and touched
almost every corner of the globe.
the
That breeze has been sustained by a now almost universal
recognition of a simple, fundámental truth: The human spirit
can't be locked up forever. The truth is, people everywhere are
7
motivated in much the same ways. And people everywhere want much
of advented cand perpos
the same things: The chance to live a life the chance to
initituth and opportunity, alite
choose a life in which they and their children can learn, grow
learn, grow
healthy, worship freely, and prosper through the work of their
hands, their hearts and their heads.
We're not talking about the power of nations, but the power
of individuals. The power to choose, the power to risk, the
power to succeed. 1111
This is a new and different world. Not since 1945 have we
seen the real possibility of using the United Nations as it was
designed -- as a center for international collective security.
The changes in the Soviet Union's attitude toward foreign
policy and the United Nations have been critical. Working
together, the United States and the Soviet Union have moved from
the peril of mutually assured destruction, to the promise of
mutually shared understanding. III
It is fitting that it is here, at the United Nations, that
we should declare an end to the Cold War, the long twilight
struggle that for 45 years has divided Europe, our two nations,
a tanions American president
and much of the world. For we meet, as Lincoln said of Gettys- Almoham
WIITE HOUSE FAX-2
THU 27 SEP 90 01:10
PG.01
3
burg, on a great battlefield of that war the battlefield of
ideas.
It was here at the United Nations that some of the most
divisive, ideological battles of the past four decades were
fought. waged And, as at Gettysburg -- the battlefield that marks
America's own most costly and divisive war -- it is time to bury
the past and move on to a time of healing. Time to bury not each
other but the Cold War itself.
much has changed over the last two years. The Soviet Union has taken dranatic many
When the Soviet Union joined with us, here in the United and
Nations, to condemn the aggression of a former ally, then I knew, important steps
at long last, we can put 45 years of history behind us. III
come to bad
into the
No longer will the machinery of the United Nations be frozen community of
nation
by the Cold War. At long last, we can build new bridges, and
tear down old walls. At long last: The Cold War is over. 1111
Two days from now, many of you will be there when the Cold
War is formally buried in Berlin. And in this time of testing, a
fundamental question must be asked. A question not for any one
nation -- but for the United Nations. And the question is this:
Can we work together in a new partnership of nations? Can the
collective strength of the world community, expressed by the
United Nations, unite to deter aggression?
Because the Cold War's battle of ideas is not the last epic
battle of this century.
Two months ago, in the waning weeks of one of the world's
most hopeful summers, the vast, still beauty of the peaceful
Kuwaiti desert was fouled by the stench of diesel and the roar of
4
iron tanks. Once again the sound of distant thunder echoed
across a cloudless sky. And once again the world awoke to face
the guns of August. III
But this time, the world was ready. The U.N. Security
Council's resolute. response to Iraq's unprovoked aggression has been
nothing less than historic. Since the invasion on August 2nd,
the Council has passed eight major resolutions setting the terms
for a solution of the crisis.
The Iraqi regime has yet to face the facts. But as I said
last month: The annexation of Kuwait will not be permitted to
stand. What the regime is up against is not only the law of
nations - but also the law of mathematics. The numbers are
against them. Today it is not Iraq versus Kuwait, but Iraq
against the world. And you know what they say: When it's you
against the world bet on the world.
Through the U.N. Security Council, Iraq has been judged by a
jury of its peers -- the very nations of the Earth. Today, the
regime stands isolated and out of step with the times, separated
from the civilized world not by space, but by centuries.
Iraq's unprovoked aggression is a throw-back to another era,
a dark relic from a dark time. It has plundered Kuwait, terror-
ized innocent civilians, and held even diplomats hostage. In the
past 10 years, Iraq's leadership has initiated wars of aggression
against not one but two of their neighbors, in violation of
international treaties. Thousands of Iraqis have been executed
on political and religious grounds, and a genocidal, poison gas
5
war waged against Iraq's own Kurdish villagers.
Today, on the anniversary of the convictions at Nuremberg,
the lessons of another era provide names for these barbarous
acts: "War Crimes." "Crimes Against Peace." And "Crimes
Against Humanity."
All three are punishable crimes under the principles adopted
by the Allies in 1945, and unanimously reaffirmed by the United
Nations in 1950. And the bottom line is this: Heads of state
can be held responsible for crimes against world law -- and
crimes against world law are liable to punishment. The stakes
are high, the cause is just - - and here at the U.N. - the
authority is real.
But the U.N. can do more than just deter the use of inhuman
weapons like mustard and nerve gas. The weapons themselves must
be eliminated. That is why, one year ago, I came to the General
Assembly with new proposals to banish these terrible weapons from
the face of the Earth.
I promised the United States would destroy over 98 percent
of its stockpile in the first eight years of a chemical weapons
ban treaty, and 100 percent -- all of them -- in 10 years, if all
chemical weapons-capable nations sign the treaty.
We've stood by those promises. In June, the U.S. and the
Soviet Union signed a landmark agreement to halt production, and
to destroy the vast majority of our stockpiles. Today, U.S.
chemical weapons are being destroyed, even as we meet.
But time is running out. This is not a merely bilateral
concern. The Gulf crisis proves how important it is to act
together -- and to act now -- to conclude an absolute, worldwide
ban on these weapons.
The United Nations can help bring about a new day, a day
when these kinds of terrible weapons -- and the terrible despots
who would use them -- are both a thing of the past.
Thanks to U.N. solidarity, Iraq is cut off by land, sea, and
now air -- and becoming more isolated; and more alone, all the
time. And I can see a time when this regime may be little more
than a footnote, the catalyst that helped cap a historic movement
towards a new world order and a long era of peace.
We have a vision of a new partnership of nations that
transcends the Cold War. A partnership based on consultation,
cooperation and collective action, especially through inter-
national and regional organizations. A partnership united by
principle and the Rule of Law, and supported by an equitable
sharing of both cost and commitment. A partnership whose goals
are to increase democracy, increase prosperity, increase the
peace -- and reduce arms.
And as we look to the future, the calendar offers up a
convenient milestone, a signpost by which to measure our progress
as a community of nations.
The Year 2000 marks a turning point, beginning not only the
turn of the decade, not only the turn of the century, but also
the turn of the millennium.
WIITE HOUSE FAX-2
THU 27 SEP 30 01:13
PG.02
7
And 10 years from now, as the 55th Session of the General
Assembly begins, you will again find many of us in this Hall, our
hair a bit more gray, perhaps a bit less spring in our walk. But
you will not find us with any less hope or idealism, or any less
confidence in the ultimate triumph of humankind. 111
I see a world of open borders, open trade, and -- most
importantly -- open minds. A world that celebrates the common
heritage that belongs to all the world's people, taking pride not
just in hometown or homeland but in humanity itself. III
I see a world touched by a spirit like that of the Olympics:
Based not on competition that's driven by fear, but sought out of
joy and exhilaration and a true quest for excellence. 111
I see a world where democracy continues to win new friends
and convert old foes, and where the Americas can provide a model
for the future for all humankind -- the world's first completely
democratic hemisphere. III
And I see a world building on the emerging new model of
European unity. Not just Europe, but the whole world --- "whole
and free."
This is precisely why the present aggression in the Gulf is
a menace not only to one region's security, but to the entire
world's vision of our future. It threatens to turn our dream of
a new international order into a grim nightmare of anarchy, in
which the law of the jungle supplants the law of nations.
That is why the United Nations reacted with such historic
unity and resolve. And that is why this challenge is a test we
S
cannot afford to fail.
The opportunity is truly historic. At the confluence of the
Tigris and Euphrates -- where civilization began civilization
can begin anew.
I am confident we will prevail. Success, too, will have
lasting consequences -- reinforcing civilized standards of
international conduct, setting a new precedent in international
cooperation, brightening the prospects for our vision of the
future.
There are 10 more years until the century is out.
10 more years to put the struggles of the 20th century
permanently behind us.
10 more years to help launch a new partnership of nations.
And during those 10 years -- and beginning now -- we can and
must build towards that new partnership by turning to the many
other issues on today's common agenda. The scourge of drug abuse
must be vanquished, led by international cooperation such as the
Cartegena Summit earlier this year. The needs of refugees must
be met, providing relief for the suffering of all victims of
disasters, whether natural or man-made. State-sponsored
terrorism must be stopped. And all the world's hostages -
wherever they are -- must be freed. III
We seek a world not only of shared peace, but also shared
prosperity. We will work together to eliminate the protectionism
that endangers the world trading system, building on the efforts
of the Houston Summit and the ongoing talks of the Uruguay Round
WIITE HOUSE FAX-2
THU 27 SEP 90 01:15
PG.04
9
of GATT. We will battle also the growing debt problem, seeking
new cooperation and new ideas, like the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative we launched earlier this year.
A thousand years ago, as the first Millennium approached,
some feared destruction of the Earth by act of God or nature.
Today, as we approach the Year 2000, many fear destruction of our
planet not by act of God but by act of Man; not by act of nature
but by acts against nature. I've said it before: Environmental
destruction knows no borders. And one of our first priorities
has to be protecting the environment - but without endangering
economic growth.
The crisis in the Gulf also serves to remind us of other
unresolved regional conflicts that require U.N. mediation. One
promising model is Cambodia. This troubled land has suffered a
generation of war and upheaval, including the nightmare of the
killing fields under the Khmer Rouge. Now for the first time we
are on the brink of a settlement we hope can bring real peace.
We salute the Cambodian parties for their acceptance of the U.N.
framework, and we salute our Perm Five colleagues for their
partnership in this unique and promising new peace initiative.
In all these endeavors, as with the partnership of nations
which we hope will evolve, the role of the U.N. must be
strengthened and perfected. And so let me today suggest two new
proposals -- two principles, really -- that we believe will help
strengthen the U.N.
First, the U.N. is being called on increasingly to support
10
new elections in the world's emerging democracies. Free
elections are the foundation of representative government, and
can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia and
Nicaragua. And there are many other situations in which the
U.N.'s services in holding elections are being requested or
considered.
The time has come to structure the United Nations response
to such requests more formally. And so today, I propose that the
United Nations establish a Special Coordinator for Electoral
Assistance, to be assisted by a U.N. Electoral Commission
comprised of distinguished experts from around the world.
Second, we have long been advocates of the principle of
universality. In support of this principle, and in conjunction
with U.N. efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States
fully supports U.N. membership for the Republic of Korea. We do
so without prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification
of the Korean peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous
membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Building on these and other initiatives, we must join
together in a new compact -- all of us -- to bring the United
Nations into the 21st Century. And I call today for a major,
long-term effort to do this. It would be built around the search
for a new Secretary-General, instituting programs of change and
revision as he or she assumes office. It should be based on a
major legacy that will be left to us all for promoting the
efficiency and effectiveness of the U.N. -- the serious studies
11
of my old friend and colleague, Javier Perez de Cuellar. III
The United States is committed to playing its part. We
offer our continuing leadership, helping to maintain global
security, promoting democracy and prosperity. My Administration
is fully committed to supporting the United Nations, and to
paying what we are obliged to pay by our commitment to the
Charter. International peace and security -- and international
freedom and prosperity -- require not a penny less.
The world must know and understand: From this hour, from
this day, from this hall -- we step forth with a new sense of
purpose, a new sense of possibilities. We stand together,
prepared to swim upstream, to march uphill, to tackle the tough
challenges as they come -- not only as the United Nations -- but
as the nations of the world united. \\\\
Let it be said of the final decade of the 20th Century:
This was a time when humankind came into its own. When we
emerged from the grit and the smoke of the industrial age to
bring about a revolution of the spirit and of the mind, and began
a journey into a new day, a new age, and a new partnership of
nations.
The U.N. is now fulfilling its promise as the world's
parliament of peace. I congratulate you. I support you. And I
wish you Godspeed in the challenges ahead.
Thank you.
#
#
#
CLOSE HOLD
Document No. 1779/03
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
DATE:
09/26/90
ACTION/CONCURRENCE/COMMENT DUE BY: 4:00 p.m. 09/27
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
SUBJECT:
(09/26 draft four)
ACTION FYI
ACTION FYI
VICE PRESIDENT
MCCLURE
SUNUNU
NEWMAN
SCOWCROFT
PORTER
DARMAN
ROGICH
CARD
UNTERMEYER
CICCONI
BOSKIN
DEMAREST
WINSTON
FITZWATER
GRAY
HAGIN
HOLIDAY
REMARKS:
Please provide any comments/recommendations directly to
Chriss Winston by 4:00 p.m., 09/27, with a copy to my
office. Thanks.
RESPONSE:
NO COMMENTS. THANKS.
HOLLY WILLIAMSON
AW
9-27-90
PE Sd W. Cicconi
Assistant to the President
and Deputy to the Chief of Staff
CLOSE HOLD
Ext. 2702
viceonl / Gader. dit
McNally/Simon
90 P2: 26
SEP 90 PM SEP 5: 30 27
September 26, 1990
Draft Four (B:UN)
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK CITY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1990
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General. Distinguished
to
delegates of the United Nations:
It is a great privilege to greet you today as we begin what
marks a new and historic Session of the General Assembly. And on
a personal note, I want to say that, having witnessed the
unprecedented unity and cooperation of the past two months, I
have never been prouder to have once served within your ranks,
and never been prouder that the U.S. is host to the U.N. III
45 years ago, while the fires of an epic war still raged
across two oceans and two continents, a small group of men and
women began a search for hope amid the ruins. They gathered in
San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and the horror to try
to shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream.
Intensely idealistic, and yet tempered by war, they sought
to build a new kind of bridge, a bridge between nations, a bridge
that might help carry humankind from its darkest hour to its
brightest day. III
The founding of the United Nations embodied our deepest
hopes for a peaceful world. And during the past year, we have
come closer than ever before to realizing those hopes. We've
seen a century sundered by barbed threats and barbed wire give
way to a new era of peace, cooperation, and freedom.
The Revolution of '89 swept the world almost with a life of
2
its own, a new breeze of freedom that transformed the political
climate from Central Europe to Central America, and touched
almost every corner of the globe.
That breeze has been sustained by a now almost universal
recognition of a simple, fundamental truth: The human spirit
can't be locked up forever. The truth is, people everywhere are
motivated in much the same ways. And people everywhere want much
the same things: The chance to live a life -- the chance to
choose a life -- in which they and their children can learn, grow
healthy, worship freely, and prosper through the work of their
hands, their hearts and their heads.
We're not talking about the power of nations, but the power
of individuals. The power to choose, the power to risk, the
power to succeed.
This is a new and different world. Not since 1945 have we
seen the real possibility of using the United Nations as it was
designed -- as a center for international collective security.
The changes in the Soviet Union's attitude toward foreign
policy and the United Nations have been critical. Working
together, the United States and the Soviet Union have moved from
the peril of mutually assured destruction, to the promise of
mutually shared understanding. III
It is fitting that it is here, at the United Nations, that
we should declare an end to the Cold War, the long twilight
struggle that for 45 years has divided Europe, our two nations,
and much of the world. For we meet, as Lincoln said of Gettys-
3
burg, on a great battlefield of that war -- the battlefield of
ideas.
It was here at the United Nations that some of the most
divisive, ideological battles of the past four decades were
fought. And, as at Gettysburg -- the battlefield that marks
America's own most costly and divisive war -- it is time to bury
the past and move on to a time of healing. Time to bury not each
other -- but the Cold War itself. there was no room for doubt that,
This struck
When the Soviet Union joined with us, here in the United
JC as
Nations, to condemn the aggression of a former ally, then I knew, e
at long last, we can put 45 years of history behind us. III
everly dramatic
No longer will the machinery of the United Nations be frozen
by the Cold War. At long last, we can build new bridges, and
really Did
tear down old walls. At long last: The Cold War is over. 1111
Two days from now, many of you will be there when the Cold
wait this to
have
War is formally buried in Berlin. And in this time of testing, a
fundamental question must be asked. A question not for any one
long
?
know
nation -- but for the United Nations. And the question is this:
Can we work together in a new partnership of nations? Can the
collective strength of the world community, expressed by the
United Nations, unite to deter aggression?
Because the Cold War's battle of ideas is not the last epic
battle of this century.
Two months ago, in the waning weeks of one of the world's
most hopeful summers, the vast, still beauty of the peaceful
Kuwaiti desert was fouled by the stench of diesel and the roar of
or "no one could doubt that"
or "there could be no doubt that"
suggested Nally edits
4
iron tanks. Once again the sound of distant thunder echoed
across a cloudless sky. And once again the world awoke to face
the guns of August.
But this time, the world was ready. The U.N. Security
Council's response to Iraq's unprovoked aggression has been
nothing less than historic. Since the invasion on August 2nd,
the Council has passed eight major resolutions setting the terms
for a solution of the crisis.
The Iraqi regime has yet to face the facts. But as I said
last month: The annexation of Kuwait will not be permitted to
stand. What the regime is up against is not only the law of
nations -- but also the law of mathematics. The numbers are
against them. Today it is not Iraq versus Kuwait, but Iraq
against the world. And you know what they say: When it's you
against the world -- bet on the world.
Through the U.N. Security Council, Iraq has been judged by a
jury of its peers -- the very nations of the Earth. Today, the
regime stands isolated and out of step with the times, separated
from the civilized world not by space, but by centuries.
Iraq's unprovoked aggression is a throw-back to another era,
a dark relic from a dark time. It has plundered Kuwait, terror-
ized innocent civilians, and held even diplomats hostage. In the
past 10 years, Iraq's leadership has initiated wars of aggression
against not one but two of their neighbors, in violation of
international treaties. Thousands of Iraqis have been executed
on political and religious grounds, and a genocidal, poison gas
5
war waged against Iraq's own Kurdish villagers.
Today, on the anniversary of the convictions at Nuremberg,
the lessons of another era provide names for these barbarous
acts: "War Crimes." "Crimes Against Peace." And "Crimes
Against Humanity."
All three are punishable crimes under the principles adopted
by the Allies in 1945, and unanimously reaffirmed by the United
Nations in 1950. And the bottom line is this: Heads of state
can be held responsible for crimes against world law -- and
crimes against world law are liable to punishment. The stakes
are high, the cause is just -- and here at the U.N. -- the
authority is real.
But the U.N. can do more than just deter the use of inhuman
weapons like mustard and nerve gas. The weapons themselves must
be eliminated. That is why, one year ago, I came to the General
Assembly with new proposals to banish these terrible weapons from
the face of the Earth.
I promised the United States would destroy over 98 percent
of its stockpile in the first eight years of a chemical weapons
ban treaty, and 100 percent -- all of them -- in 10 years, if all
chemical weapons-capable nations sign the treaty.
We've stood by those promises. In June, the U.S. and the
Soviet Union signed a landmark agreement to halt production, and
to destroy the vast majority of our stockpiles. Today, U.S.
chemical weapons are being destroyed, even as we meet.
6
But time is running out. This is not a merely bilateral
concern. The Gulf crisis proves how important it is to act
together -- and to act now -- to conclude an absolute, worldwide
ban on these weapons.
The United Nations can help bring about a new day, a day
when these kinds of terrible weapons -- and the terrible despots
who would use them -- are both a thing of the past.
Thanks to U.N. solidarity, Iraq is cut off by land, sea, and
now air -- and becoming more isolated, and more alone, all the
time. And I can see a time when this regime may be little more
than a footnote, the catalyst that helped cap a historic movement
towards a new world order and a long era of peace.
We have a vision of a new partnership of nations that
transcends the Cold War. A partnership based on consultation,
cooperation and collective action, especially through inter-
national and regional organizations. A partnership united by
principle and the Rule of Law, and supported by an equitable
sharing of both cost and commitment. A partnership whose goals
are to increase democracy, increase prosperity, increase the
peace -- and reduce arms.
And as we look to the future, the calendar offers up a
convenient milestone, a signpost by which to measure our progress
as a community of nations.
The Year 2000 marks a turning point, beginning not only the
turn of the decade, not only the turn of the century, but also
the turn of the millennium.
7
And 10 years from now, as the 55th Session of the General
Assembly begins, you will again find many of us in this Hall, our
hair a bit more gray, perhaps a bit less spring in our walk. But
you will not find us with any less hope or idealism, or any less
confidence in the ultimate triumph of humankind. III
I see a world of open borders, open trade, and -- most
importantly -- open minds. A world that celebrates the common
heritage that belongs to all the world's people, taking pride not
just in hometown or homeland but in humanity itself. III
I see a world touched by a spirit like that of the Olympics:
Based not on competition that's driven by fear, but sought out of
joy and exhilaration and a true quest for excellence. III
I see a world where democracy continues to win new friends
and convert old foes, and where the Americas can provide a model
for the future for all humankind -- the world's first completely
democratic hemisphere. III
And I see a world building on the emerging new model of
European unity. Not just Europe, but the whole world --- "whole
and free."
This is precisely why the present aggression in the Gulf is
a menace not only to one region's security, but to the entire
world's vision of our future. It threatens to turn our dream of
a new international order into a grim nightmare of anarchy, in
which the law of the jungle supplants the law of nations.
That is why the United Nations reacted with such historic
unity and resolve. And that is why this challenge is a test we
8
cannot afford to fail.
The opportunity is truly historic. At the confluence of the
Tigris and Euphrates -- where civilization began -- civilization
can begin anew.
I am confident we will prevail. Success, too, will have
lasting consequences -- reinforcing civilized standards of
international conduct, setting a new precedent in international
cooperation, brightening the prospects for our vision of the
future.
There are 10 more years until the century is out.
10 more years to put the struggles of the 20th century
permanently behind us.
10 more years to help launch a new partnership of nations.
And during those 10 years -- and beginning now -- we can and
must build towards that new partnership by turning to the many
other issues on today's common agenda. The scourge of drug abuse
must be vanquished, led by international cooperation such as the
Cartegena Summit earlier this year. The needs of refugees must
be met, providing relief for the suffering of all victims of
disasters, whether natural or man-made. State-sponsored
terrorism must be stopped. And all the world's hostages --
wherever they are -- must be freed. III
We seek a world not only of shared peace, but also shared
prosperity. We will work together to eliminate the protectionism
that endangers the world trading system, building on the efforts
of the Houston Summit and the ongoing talks of the Uruguay Round
9
of GATT. We will battle also the growing debt problem, seeking
new cooperation and new ideas, like the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative we launched earlier this year.
A thousand years ago, as the first Millennium approached,
some feared destruction of the Earth by act of God or nature.
Today, as we approach the Year 2000, many fear destruction of our
planet not by act of God but by act of Man; not by act of nature
but by acts against nature. I've said it before: Environmental
destruction knows no borders. And one of our first priorities
has to be protecting the environment -- but without endangering
economic growth.
The crisis in the Gulf also serves to remind us of other
unresolved regional conflicts that require U.N. mediation. One
promising model is Cambodia. This troubled land has suffered a
generation of war and upheaval, including the nightmare of the
killing fields under the Khmer Rouge. Now for the first time we
are on the brink of a settlement we hope can bring real peace.
We salute the Cambodian parties for their acceptance of the U.N.
framework, and we salute our Perm Five colleagues for their
partnership in this unique and promising new peace initiative.
In all these endeavors, as with the partnership of nations
which we hope will evolve, the role of the U.N. must be
strengthened and perfected. And so let me today suggest two new
proposals -- two principles, really -- that we believe will help
strengthen the U.N.
First, the U.N. is being called on increasingly to support
10
new elections in the world's emerging democracies. Free
elections are the foundation of representative government, and
can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia and
Nicaragua. And there are many other situations in which the
U.N.'s services in holding elections are being requested or
considered.
The time has come to structure the United Nations response
to such requests more formally. And so today, I propose that the
United Nations establish a Special Coordinator for Electoral
Assistance, to be assisted by a U.N. Electoral Commission
comprised of distinguished experts from around the world.
Second, we have long been advocates of the principle of
universality. In support of this principle, and in conjunction
with U.N. efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States
fully supports U.N. membership for the Republic of Korea. We do
so without prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification
of the Korean peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous
membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Building on these and other initiatives, we must join
together in a new compact -- all of us -- to bring the United
Nations into the 21st Century. And I call today for a major,
long-term effort to do this. It would be built around the search
for a new Secretary-General, instituting programs of change and
revision as he or she assumes office. It should be based on a
major legacy that will be left to us all for promoting the
efficiency and effectiveness of the U.N. -- the serious studies
11
of my old friend and colleague, Javier Perez de Cuellar. III
The United States is committed to playing its part. We
offer our continuing leadership, helping to maintain global
security, promoting democracy and prosperity. My Administration
is fully committed to supporting the United Nations, and to
paying what we are obliged to pay by our commitment to the
Charter. International peace and security -- and international
freedom and prosperity -- require not a penny less. 1111
The world must know and understand: From this hour, from
this day, from this hall -- we step forth with a new sense of
purpose, a new sense of possibilities. We stand together,
prepared to swim upstream, to march uphill, to tackle the tough
challenges as they come -- not only as the United Nations -- but
as the nations of the world united. \\\\
Let it be said of the final decade of the 20th Century:
This was a time when humankind came into its own. When we
emerged from the grit and the smoke of the industrial age to
bring about a revolution of the spirit and of the mind, and began
a journey into a new day, a new age, and a new partnership of
nations.
The U.N. is now fulfilling its promise as the world's
parliament of peace. I congratulate you. I support you. And I
wish you Godspeed in the challenges ahead.
Thank you.
#
#
#
Simon
McNally/Simon
September 26, 1990
Draft Four (B:UN)
PRESIDENTIAL REMARKS: UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK CITY
MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1990
11:40 a. m.
Mr. President. Mr. Secretary-General. Distinguished
delegates of the United Nations:
It is a great privilege to greet you today as we begin what
marks a new and historic Session of the General Assembly. And on
a personal note, I want to say that, having witnessed the
unprecedented unity and cooperation of the past two months, I
have never been prouder to have once served within your ranks,
and never been prouder that the U.S. is host to the U.N. III
45 years ago, while the fires of an epic war still raged
across two oceans and two continents, a small group of men and
women began a search for hope amid the ruins. They gathered in
San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and the horror to try
to shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream.
Intensely idealistic, and yet tempered by war, they sought
to build a new kind of bridge, a bridge between nations, a bridge
that might help carry humankind from its darkest hour to its
brightest day. III
The founding of the United Nations embodied our deepest
hopes for a peaceful world. And during the past year, we have
come closer than ever before to realizing those hopes. We've
seen a century sundered by barbed threats and barbed wire give
way to a new era of peace, cooperation, and freedom.
The Revolution of '89 swept the world almost with a life of
2
its own, a new breeze of freedom that transformed the political
climate from Central Europe to Central America, and touched
almost every corner of the globe.
That breeze has been sustained by a now almost universal
recognition of a simple, fundamental truth: The human spirit
can't be locked up forever. The truth is, people everywhere are
motivated in much the same ways. And people everywhere want much
the same things: The chance to live a life -- the chance to
choose a life -- in which they and their children can learn, grow
healthy, worship freely, and prosper through the work of their
hands, their hearts and their heads.
We're not talking about the power of nations, but the power
of individuals. The power to choose, the power to risk, the
power to succeed. \\\\
This is a new and different world. Not since 1945 have we
seen the real possibility of using the United Nations as it was
designed -- as a center for international collective security.
The changes in the Soviet Union's attitude toward foreign
policy and the United Nations have been critical. Working
together, the United States and the Soviet Union have moved from
the peril of mutually assured destruction, to the promise of
mutually shared understanding. III
It is fitting that it is here, at the United Nations, that
we should declare an end to the Cold War, the long twilight
struggle that for 45 years has divided Europe, our two nations,
and much of the world. For we meet, as Lincoln said of Gettys-
3
burg, on a great battlefield of that war -- the battlefield of
ideas.
It was here at the United Nations that some of the most
divisive, ideological battles of the past four decades were
fought. And, as at Gettysburg -- the battlefield that marks
America's own most costly and divisive war -- it is time to bury
the past and move on to a time of healing. Time to bury not each
other -- but the Cold War itself.
When the Soviet Union joined with us, here in the United
Nations, to condemn the aggression of a former ally, then I knew,
at long last, we can put 45 years of history behind us. III
No longer will the machinery of the United Nations be frozen
by the Cold War. At long last, we can build new bridges, and
tear down old walls. At long last: The Cold War is over. 1111
the world will be watching
Two days from now, many of you will be there when the Cold
War is formally buried in Berlin. And in this time of testing, a
fundamental question must be asked. A question not for any one
nation -- but for the United Nations. And the question is this:
Can we work together in a new partnership of nations? Can the
collective strength of the world community, expressed by the
United Nations, unite to deter aggression?
Because the Cold War's battle of ideas is not the last epic
battle of this century.
Two months ago, in the waning weeks of one of the world's
most hopeful summers, the vast, still beauty of the peaceful
Kuwaiti desert was fouled by the stench of diesel and the roar of
4
iron tanks. Once again the sound of distant thunder echoed
across a cloudless sky. And once again the world awoke to face
the guns of August. III
But this time, the world was ready. The U.N. Security
Council's response to Iraq's unprovoked aggression has been
nothing less than historic. Since the invasion on August 2nd,
the Council has passed eight major resolutions setting the terms
for a solution of the crisis.
The Iraqi regime has yet to face the facts. But as I said
last month: The annexation of Kuwait will not be permitted to
stand. What the regime is up against is not only the law of
nations -- but also the law of mathematics. The numbers' are
against them. Today it is not Iraq versus Kuwait, but Iraq
against the world. And you know what they say: When it's you
against the world -- bet on the world.
Through the U.N. Security Council, Iraq has been judged by a
jury of its peers -- the very nations of the Earth. Today, the
regime stands isolated and out of step with the times, separated
from the civilized world not by space, but by centuries.
Iraq's unprovoked aggression is a throw-back to another era,
a dark relic from a dark time. It has plundered Kuwait, terror-
ized innocent civilians, and held even diplomats hostage. In the
past 10 years, Iraq's leadership has initiated wars of aggression
against not one but two of their neighbors, in violation of
international treaties. Thousands of Iraqis have been executed
on political and religious grounds, and a genocidal, poison gas
5
war waged against Iraq's own Kurdish villagers.
Today, on the anniversary of the convictions at Nuremberg,
the lessons of another era provide names for these barbarous
acts: "War Crimes.' "Crimes Against Peace." And "Crimes
Against Humanity."
All three are punishable crimes under the principles adopted
by the Allies in 1945, and unanimously reaffirmed by the United
1946 and codified by International Law commission in 1950.
Nations in 1950. And the bottom line is this: Heads of state
can be held responsible for crimes against world law --- and
crimes against world law are liable to punishment. The stakes
are high, the cause is just -- and here at the U.N. -- the
authority is real.
But the U.N. can do more than just deter the use of inhuman
weapons like mustard and nerve gas. The weapons themselves must
be eliminated. That is why, one year ago, I came to the General
Assembly with new proposals to banish these terrible weapons from
the face of the Earth.
I promised the United States would destroy over 98 percent
of its stockpile in the first eight years of a chemical weapons
ban treaty, and 100 percent -- all of them -- in 10 years, if all
chemical weapons-capable nations sign the treaty.
We've stood by those promises. In June, the U.S. and the
Soviet Union signed a landmark agreement to halt production, and
to destroy the vast majority of our stockpiles. Today, U.S.
chemical weapons are being destroyed, even as we meet.
6
But time is running out. This is not a merely bilateral
concern. The Gulf crisis proves how important it is to act
together -- and to act now -- to conclude an absolute, worldwide
ban on these weapons.
The United Nations can help bring about a new day, a day
when these kinds of terrible weapons -- and the terrible despots
who would use them -- are both a thing of the past.
Thanks to U.N. solidarity, Iraq is cut off by land, sea, and
now air -- and becoming more isolated, and more alone, all the
time. And I can see a time when this regime may be little more
than a footnote, the catalyst that helped cap a historic movement
towards a new world order and a long era of peace.
We have a vision of a new partnership of nations that
transcends the Cold War. A partnership based on consultation,
cooperation and collective action, especially through inter-
national and regional organizations. A partnership united by
principle and the Rule of Law, and supported by an equitable
sharing of both cost and commitment. A partnership whose goals
are to increase democracy, increase prosperity, increase the
peace -- and reduce arms.
And as we look to the future, the calendar offers up a
convenient milestone, a signpost by which to measure our progress
as a community of nations.
The Year 2000 marks a turning point, beginning not only the
turn of the decade, not only the turn of the century, but also
the turn of the millennium.
7
And 10 years from now, as the 55th Session of the General
Assembly begins, you will again find many of us in this Hall, our
hair a bit more gray, perhaps a bit less spring in our walk. But
you will not find us with any less hope or idealism, or any less
confidence in the ultimate triumph of humankind. III
I see a world of open borders, open trade, and -- most
importantly -- open minds. A world that celebrates the common
heritage that belongs to all the world's people, taking pride not
just in hometown or homeland but in humanity itself. III
I see a world touched by a spirit like that of the Olympics:
Based not on competition that's driven by fear, but sought out of
joy and exhilaration and a true quest for excellence. III
I see a world where democracy continues to win new friends
and convert old foes, and where the Americas can provide a model
for the future for all humankind -- the world's first completely
democratic hemisphere. III
And I see a world building on the emerging new model of
European unity. Not just Europe, but the whole world --- "whole
and free."
This is precisely why the present aggression in the Gulf is
a menace not only to one region's security, but to the entire
world's vision of our future. It threatens to turn our dream of
a new international order into a grim nightmare of anarchy, in
which the law of the jungle supplants the law of nations.
That is why the United Nations reacted with such historic
unity and resolve. And that is why this challenge is a test we
8
cannot afford to fail.
The opportunity is truly historic. At the confluence of the
Tigris and Euphrates -- where civilization began -- civilization
can begin anew.
I am confident we will prevail. Success, too, will have
lasting consequences -- reinforcing civilized standards of
international conduct, setting a new precedent in international
cooperation, brightening the prospects for our vision of the
future.
There are 10 more years until the century is out.
10 more years to put the struggles of the 20th century
permanently behind us.
10 more years to help launch a new partnership of nations.
And during those 10 years -- and beginning now -- we can and
must build towards that new partnership by turning to the many
other issues on today's common agenda. The scourge of drug abuse
must be vanquished, led by international cooperation such as the
Cartegena Summit earlier this year. The needs of refugees must
be met, providing relief for the suffering of all victims of
disasters, whether natural or man-made. State-sponsored
terrorism must be stopped. And all the world's hostages --
wherever they are -- must be freed. III
We seek a world not only of shared peace, but also shared
prosperity. We will work together to eliminate the protectionism
that endangers the world trading system, building on the efforts
of the Houston Summit and the ongoing talks of the Uruguay Round
9
of GATT. We will battle also the growing debt problem, seeking
new cooperation and new ideas, like the Enterprise for the
Americas Initiative we launched earlier this year.
A thousand years ago, as the first Millennium approached,
some feared destruction of the Earth by act of God or nature.
Today, as we approach the Year 2000, many fear destruction of our
planet not by act of God but by act of Man; not by act of nature
but by acts against nature. I've said it before: Environmental
destruction knows no borders. And one of our first priorities
has to be protecting the environment -- but without endangering
economic growth.
The crisis in the Gulf also serves to remind us of other
unresolved regional conflicts that require U.N. mediation. One
promising model is Cambodia. This troubled land has suffered a
generation of war and upheaval, including the nightmare of the
killing fields under the Khmer Rouge. Now for the first time we
are on the brink of a settlement we hope can bring real peace.
We salute the Cambodian parties for their acceptance of the U.N.
framework, and we salute our Perm Five colleagues for their
partnership in this unique and promising new peace initiative.
In all these endeavors, as with the partnership of nations
which we hope will evolve, the role of the U.N. must be
strengthened and perfected. And so let me today suggest two new
proposals -- two principles, really -- that we believe will help
strengthen the U.N.
First, the U.N. is being called on increasingly to support
10
new elections in the world's emerging democracies. Free
elections are the foundation of representative government, and
can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia and
Nicaragua. And there are many other situations in which the
U.N.'s services in holding elections are being requested or
considered.
The time has come to structure the United Nations response
to such requests more formally. And so today, I propose that the
United Nations establish a Special Coordinator for Electoral
Assistance, to be assisted by a U.N. Electoral Commission
comprised of distinguished experts from around the world.
Second, we have long been advocates of the principle of
universality. In support of this principle, and in conjunction
with U.N. efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States
fully supports U.N. membership for the Republic of Korea. We do
so without prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification
of the Korean peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous
membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Building on these and other initiatives, we must join
together in a new compact -- all of us -- to bring the United
Nations into the 21st Century. And I call today for a major,
long-term effort to do this. It would be built around the search
for a new Secretary-General, instituting programs of change and
revision as he or she assumes office. It should be based on a
major legacy that will be left to us all for promoting the
efficiency and effectiveness of the U.N. -- the serious studies
11
of my old friend and colleague, Javier Perez de Cuellar. III
The United States is committed to playing its part. We
offer our continuing leadership, helping to maintain global
security, promoting democracy and prosperity. My Administration
is fully committed to supporting the United Nations, and to
paying what we are obliged to pay by our commitment to the
Charter. International peace and security -- and international
freedom and prosperity -- require not a penny less. 1111
The world must know and understand: From this hour, from
this day, from this hall -- we step forth with a new sense of
purpose, a new sense of possibilities. We stand together,
prepared to swim upstream, to march uphill, to tackle the tough
challenges as they come -- not only as the United Nations -- but
as the nations of the world united. \\\\
Let it be said of the final decade of the 20th Century:
This was a time when humankind came into its own. When we
emerged from the grit and the smoke of the industrial age to
bring about a revolution of the spirit and of the mind, and began
a. journey into a new day, a new age, and a new partnership of
nations.
The U.N. is now fulfilling its promise as the world's
parliament of peace. I congratulate you. I support you. And I
wish you Godspeed in the challenges ahead.
Thank you.
#
#
#
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20506
7554
September 24, 19990 SEP 24 PM 2: 24
MEMORANDUM FOR JAMES W. CICCONI
FROM:
WILLIAM F. SITTMANN
SUBJECT:
State Department Input for UNGA Speech
Attached are State Department themes for the President's speech
to the UN General Assembly.
Attachment
Tab A
State Department Themes for the President's
Speech to the UNGA
JG- P/s send to
Chriss anap.
gr
9.24
7554
United States Department 9019766 of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
September 21, 1990
MEMORANDUM FOR BRENT SCOWCROFT
THE WHITE HOUSE
Subject: Themes for the President's Speech to the UN General
Assembly
The President's speech to the General Assembly this year
affords a well-timed opportunity to reflect on the efficacy of
UN action on Iraq, the importance of firm support for the UN
Charter and the Security Council, and the emergence on the
world stage of the United Nations as effective instrument for
peace. In particular, this speech to the UN also offers a good
opportunity to stress the importance of pushing harder to
prevent nuclear, chemical, biological and missile
proliferation. The Gulf crisis brings into sharper focus the
danger of such proliferation.
We also recommend the President review the "wave of
democracy" sweeping the globe and recommend the establishment
of a UN Special Coordinator for Electoral Assistance and a UN
Electoral Commission to assist emerging democracies with the
conduct of their elections.
The last twelve months have seen a number of UN successes
in peacekeeping and conflict resolution; Namibia's birth as an
independent nation and UN member this year is only one of
these. We recommend a brief review of peacekeeping successes
and challenges ahead.
We also recommend the President note the need for
international cooperation in addressing transnational problems
such as the environment, terrorism, and narcotics. We believe
the President should also include a strong reiteration of our
commitment to the UN, and a call for member states to approach
the problems of the future through reasoned, workable
approaches that eschew the ideological posturing that marred
the UN of the past.
J. Stapleton Roy
Executive Secretary
Attachment:
Themes for the President's UNGA Speech
Themes for President Bush's Address to the UNGA
United UN Action Against Aggression
-- The United Nations was born in the ashes of a major world war. Its
founding embodied our deepest hopes for a peaceful world. The
founders were realists; they knew that it would take the collective
strength of the world community, organized and expressed by the
United Nations, to deter aggression. This collective strength of the
world community was intended to stand between small states and
more powerful neighbors.
-- There have been periods when the UN was not united enough to
make the Charter an effective instrument for peace. The UN is now
correcting its course. In the last month and a half we have seen
impressive, unprecedented unanimity in support of the Charter
against aggression. The Security Council, in particular, has proved
that it can now execute the responsibility entrusted to it under the
Charter, and that it can act against aggression quickly and effectively.
--The UN Security Council's response to the crisis in the Gulf has been
nothing less than historic. Since the invasion occurred August 1, the
Council swiftly passed seven major resolutions which have set the
terms of reference for a solution to the crisis.
-- Small states in the developing world have been affected by Iraq's
aggression even more than industrialized ones. While the dramatic
increase in oil prices has been a burden on the whole world, small
states have been very severely hit by this unforeseen but heavy
burden. Industrialized states often have energy alternatives or at least
a better ability to absorb the financial blow, but for many in the
developing world this has been a bitter shock. We are attempting to
assemble as much assistance as possible for those countries in severe
economic difficulty as a result of the Iraqi invasion.
-- The effect of Iraqi aggression on developing nations is particularly
evident in the plight of scores of thousands of innocent civilian
foreigners trapped in the desert trying to flee Iraq. Their situation is
desperate. The Jordanians and Turks are are doing the best they can to
care for them, but the numbers involved are overwhelming. We and
the rest of the world community are helping through the UN.
-- The most serious impact of Iraq's invasion on small states may be
the heightened sense of vulnerability they feel knowing that even in
1990, after the world has learned countless lessons about the need to
resolve differences peacefully, there are powerful states who attack the
weak to take their money and steal their land, that even in 1990 there
are some for whom the law of the jungle is the highest law.
-- Well, we here in the UN have taught the opposite lesson to small
states. We have shown that they can count on the collective strength
of the international community. We have shown that the United
Nations can rise to the challenge of aggression as its founders hoped it
would. and we are showing that the economically powerful can help
to lessen the impact on the economically vulnerable of the measures
we need to take.
Peacekeeping:
-- The world in the last few years has seen the increasing value of
United Nations peacekeeping operations. Thanks to the UN, the
Namibian delegation is here with us today. The role of the UN has
been indispensable in resolving conflicts in many other parts of the
world. We have great hopes that it will bring peace to the Western
Sahara, and encourage the parties to cooperate fully with the Secretary
General's efforts.
-- There are both limitations and opportunities for the UN in
peacekeeping. As we saw in Namibia, there are certain factors in a
situation which are essential to success--not every conflict situation is
amenable to UN intervention. Certainly the UN cannot become
involved without the full agreement of the parties, and their
unreserved commitment to a peaceful situation.
-- Unfortunately, we still see conflicts in which these basic conditions
for a UN role are not met.
Democracy/Elections:
-- We have entered a period of rebirth for democratic hopes and
aspirations. Peoples around the world are demanding the right to
democratic government and respect for human rights.
-- These calls for democracy are an expression of support for the
values enshrined in the UN Charter. They encourage our hopes for
more stable, more peaceful world. Authoritarian governments, history
shows us, are more likely to aggress than democratic ones.
-- This wave of democracy is a positive development of fundamental
importance, and we call upon the UN to encourage and support it.
The key element in transition to democratic rule is a free and fair
election. Electorates are demanding free elections, and increasingly
governments want the legitimacy of international monitoring to prove
that the elections they conduct have been free and fair.
-- The UN is being called upon increasingly to support electoral
processes around the world. There have been some dramatic
successes, as we have seen in Namibia and Nicaragua. There are many
other situations in which the UN's services in holding elections are
being requested or considered (Cambodia, Afghanistan, Western
Sahara).
-- This suggests that UN support for electoral processes is becoming
increasingly an essential part of conflict resolution, as useful as the
more traditional measures we have seen used so well before. While
election monitoring in non-conflict situations can be conducted by
non-UN organizations or groups, bringing about free and fair elections
in areas of dispute with international implications is a task uniquely
suited to the UN.
We believe the time has come to structure the United Nations
response to requests for such assistance more formally. We propose
the establishment of a UN Special Coordinator for Electoral Assistance
and the establishment of a UN Electoral Commission of eminent
experts.
-- In addition we will suggest that the Security Council request the
Secretary General to prepare a report setting out guidelines for future
UN electoral missions.
-- Lastly, we suggest the establishment of the UN electoral assistance
program, perhaps based in the UN Human Rights Centre in Geneva.
Cambodia
-- One bright spot on world's horizon is Cambodia. We salute the
Cambodian parties for their acceptance of the Perm Five framework
for a settlement to the conflict in taking the first step of creating a
Supreme National Council.
-- Transnational Problems
-- Transnational problems are going to occupy more of our attention in
the future. With human activities on our globe becoming more
interdependent, our fates are becoming more interwoven. Our
security and well-being depends in part on events occurring far away.
We need serious international cooperative efforts to make headway on
threats to the environment, on terrorism, on managing the burden of
debt felt by many countries, and on fighting the scourge of
international drug trafficking.
USG Commitment to the UN
-- We value the UN, and believe that its role in the modern world is
vital and indispensible. We will support the UN to the full extent of
our ability. We will become current in our assessments, and we will
work for consensus within the UN on the key issues before us.
-- We call upon our fellow member states to do so as well. It is
important that the UN continue to move away from the
over-polarization and the obsession with ideological issues that has
paralyzed the UN in the past. We call for pragmatism to replace
polemic, and for reasoned, workable approaches to real problems to
replace habitual ideological posturing. Many of the problems we face
are difficult and demanding--they must be addressed on their merits,
not as ideological pawns. Last year's General Assembly demonstrated
that we have made greater progress towards a more pragmatic and
successful UN. Let us work together in the coming months to be even
more effective.
-- We must continue to find ways to make the UN's operations more
efficient. The UN has made considerable progress in achieving
financial reform, but we need to continue our efforts in this important
area.
Korean UN Membership
-- In accordance with the principle of universality and with the UN's
efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States fully supports the
membership of the Republic of Korea in the United Nations, without
prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification of the Korean
peninsula. We would not oppose simultaneous membership for the
Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Non-Proliferation
-- Last September, I stressed the importance of moving forward to
limit -- and eliminate -- weapons of mass destruction. I proposed
dramatic steps the U.S. would be willing to take to facilitate the
achievement of a total ban on chemical weapons.
-- The USSR has accepted this proposal and, in addition, the two
countries have also agreed not only to stop production of chemical
weapons, but on a number of other significant measures with the
intent of expediting the multilateral negotiations on a chemical
weapons ban and of encouraging universal adherence.
-- The events in the Gulf only serve to heighten our serious concern
about the destabilizing and dangerous effect of proliferation --
whether chemical, biological, nuclear, or that of missile technology.
These events only underscore the urgency of concluding a multilateral
ban on chemical weapons and of stemming dangerous weapons
proliferation in all regions of the globe.
-- In the nuclear area, I am pleased with the strong reaffirmation of the
importance of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons at
the Review Conference just concluded in Geneva. But if a country like
Iraq, a signatory to the NPT, may be able to develop a nuclear weapon
we will have to do more to stop nuclear proliferation. An agressor like
Iraq cannot be allowed to acquire the means to engage in nuclear
blackmail.
drafted:
IO/UNP:FHDay 71891 w eur 103
cleared:
7
IO/UNP:MWilliamson
IO/UNP:WImbrie
S/P:JStremlau
P:Norland